new insights into the tiwanaku style off snuff trays from san pedro de atacama, northern chile

The South-Central Andes encompass whatis today northern Chile part of northwest-ern Argentina and the Bolivian altiplano

including the inter-Andean valleys (Figure 1)During prehistory this area was characterized bylower population densities compared to the Cen-tral Andes with relatively small populations liv-ing off the most productive ecosystems separatedby wide stretches of hyperarid deserts high

mountains and salt lakes (Nielsen 2013) As inother regions of the Andes ecological comple-mentarity was essential for social and biologicalreproduction in this area as has been attestedfrom the very first colonization of this part of thecontinent (Latorre et al 2013) From the Forma-tive period onwards (ca 1000 BCndashAD 1500)there is ample archaeological evidence of in-creased social interaction and complementarity

NEW INSIGHTS INTO THE TIWANAKU STYLE OF SNUFF TRAYSFROM SAN PEDRO DE ATACAMA NORTHERN CHILE

Hermann M Niemeyer Diego Salazar Helena Horta Tricallotis and Francisco T Pentildea-Goacutemez

Snuff trays are conspicuous objects that are found in archaeological contexts throughout Andean South America At SanPedro de Atacama in northern Chile snuff trays that exhibit iconographic motifs similar to those found on Tiwanaku mega-lithic monuments have been assigned to the Tiwanaku style In the present work we propose a new definition for this stylebased on the occurrence of three morphological features an overall trapezoidal shape incurving sides and sharp topcorners This group includes trays with iconography from the previously defined Tiwanaku style as well as other trayswithout iconography Principal component analysis shows that Tiwanaku-style trays with and without iconography makeup a single group that is significantly different from plain largely rectangular San Pedro-style trays The relative proportionof Tiwanaku-style trays with and without iconography does not differ between cultural periods and archaeological sitesThe results point to shape as an important trait for assigning trays to styles Furthermore the results show that during theMiddle period four main types of snuff trays were in use Tiwanaku trays with and without iconography and local San Pedrotrays also with and without iconography We explore the possible social implications of this co-occurrence of styles

Las tabletas de inhalacioacuten son objetos arqueoloacutegicos conspicuos de San Pedro de Atacama (norte de Chile) aquellas queexhiben motivos iconograacuteficos inspirados en los monumentos megaliacuteticos de Tiwanaku han sido adscritas al estilo TiwanakuEn este trabajo se propone una nueva definicioacuten de este estilo que incluye la presencia simultaacutenea en las tabletas de trescaracteres morfoloacutegicos forma trapezoidal lados aproximadamente hiperboacutelicos y esquinas superiores agudas Este nuevogrupo de tabletas incluye todas aquellas definidas previamente como de estilo Tiwanaku (con iconografiacutea) y agrega un conjuntode tabletas sin iconografiacutea Tiwanaku Un anaacutelisis de componentes principales mostroacute que las tabletas de estilo Tiwanaku cony sin iconografiacutea constituyen un grupo uacutenico significativamente distinto del grupo de tabletas esencialmente rectangularesde estilo San Pedro La proporcioacuten de tabletas Tiwanaku con y sin iconografiacutea no difirioacute entre distintos periacuteodos culturales ydistintos sitios arqueoloacutegicos Los resultados sentildealan que la forma es un criterio importante para la asignacioacuten de las tabletasde inhalacioacuten a estilos Adicionalmente los resultados indican que durante el Periacuteodo Medio cuatro tipos de tabletas fueronpreferentemente empleados por la poblacioacuten local tabletas de estilo Tiwanaku con y sin iconografiacutea y tabletas del estilo localSan Pedro tambieacuten con y sin iconografiacutea Exploramos posibles implicancias sociales que pueden inferirse a partir de estacoexistencia estiliacutestica

Hermann M Niemeyer and Francisco T Pentildea-Goacutemez Facultad de Ciencias Universidad de Chile Casilla 653Santiago Chile (niemeyerabulafiacienciasuchilecl lofhusgmailcom)Diego Salazar Departamento de Antropologiacutea Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Universidad de Chile Av Capitaacuten IgnacioCarrera Pinto 1045 Santiago Chile (dsalazaruchilecl)Helena Horta Tricallotis Instituto de Investigaciones Arqueoloacutegicas y Museo RP Gustavo Le Paige SJ (IIAM)Universidad Catoacutelica del Norte 1410000 San Pedro de Atacama Chile (hhortaucncl)

Latin American Antiquity 26(1) 2015 pp 120ndash136Copyright copy 2015 by the Society for American Archaeology

DOI 1071831045-6635261120

120

Niemeyer et al] NEW INSIGHTS INTO THE TIWANAKU STYLE OF SNUFF TRAYS 121

Figure 1 Map of the South-Central Andes

between a diverse array of agro-pastoral com-munities Different models have been proposedto explain the mechanism behind these interac-tions including the ldquovertical archipelagordquo model(Murra 1972) the ldquoaltiplano modelrdquo (Browman1980) and the ldquocircuit mobilityrdquo model (Nuacutentildeezand Dillehay 1979) These models emphasize en-vironmental determinants and the economic needto access resources from different ecozonesNonetheless in the Andes economic exchangewas based on social relations and thus trade waspart of a wider net of connections that includedkin relations and political alliances among fami-lies groups and polities that were linked acrossthe landscape The movement of non-local objectsand styles was the result of the operation of thissocial network but at the same time it was ameans through which the different interactinggroups materialized and reproduced their collec-tive identities In this context prehistoric stylesand their geographical distribution indicate notonly interaction but also changes through timein the social organization of the South-CentralAndes The Middle period is especially relevantbecause of the influence exerted by the Tiwanaku politymdash possibly the first state society of theSouth-Central Andesmdash on a wide array of localcommunities from Moquegua in the north to SanPedro de Atacama (SPA) in the south (see Figure1 Stanish 2002) In fact during this period re-gionally shared icons occur throughout the areasuggesting some sort of religious integration Is-bell (2008) refers to these shared icons as theSouthern Andean Iconographic Series (SAIS)Tiwanaku influence on SPA has been the subjectof much debate in the past (see for exampleSalazar et al [2014] and references therein) To-day most scholars agree that this influence wasmostly ideological in character as part of ldquoclien-tistrdquo or ldquohegemonicrdquo strategies by the highlandstate and that it was materialized by the distrib-ution of highly iconic objects such as ritual para-phernalia decorated with a corporate style in-cluding the SAIS (eg Berenguer 1998 Uribeand Aguumlero 2004) Among these objects woodensnuff trays played a prominent role (Berenguer1998 Llagostera 2006 Torres 2001a) In this pa-per we focus on wooden snuff trays from SPAand discuss their stylistic variability We seek tounderstand the style to which undecorated trays

can be attributed and the social significance ofthe coexistence of local and Tiwanaku styleswithin burials and cemeteries in SPA

San Pedro de Atacama and the Hallucinogenic Complex

In South-Central Andean prehispanic societiesthe consumption of hallucinogenic preparationsin religious contexts was a common practice(Schultes et al 1998) Hallucinogens principallyof plant origin were mainly consumed by smok-ing drinking and taking snuff The main para-phernalia associated with these respective activ-ities were smoking pipes a type of drinking vesselcalled a kero and snuff trays Although all thesedifferent types of ritual paraphernalia have beenfound in SPA they were not coeval Ceramicpipes were common during the Late Formativeperiod (ca AD 100ndash400) but during the Middleperiod (AD 400ndash1000) they were gradually re-placed by wooden snuff trays which were useduntil Inka times Keros made of wood ceramicsor metal are also associated with the Middle pe-riod even though they appear during later periodsas well The circulation and use of these ritualobjects was part of wider social relations that in-tegrated the local society of SPA with the rest ofthe South-Central Andes where they have alsobeen reported in the same time periods As socialfields changed through time in the region (egStovel 2008) so did this ritual paraphernalia Theappearance disappearance and relative abun-dance of pipes snuff trays and keros in localgraves indicate significant transformations in rit-ual practices as well as changes in the economicand social networks in which the local communitywas integrated Interesting differences occur inthe shape and decoration of these artifactsmdash especially snuff traysmdash within each period Thecoexistence of different styles suggests that ritualpractices using snuff trays had different implica-tions or meanings and furthermore that the styleof the trays conveyed information about socialdifferences within the local community There-fore an analysis of changing patterns of stylisticdistribution in snuff trays provides us with an op-portunity to better understand the social organi-zation of local communities in SPA and its rela-tion to the South-Central Andes as a whole This

122 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol 26 No 1 2015

is especially the case when considering the re-gional presence of shared iconographic motifsbefore Tiwanaku influence (eg Isbell andKnobloch 2006) as well as the spread during theMiddle period of a variable yet recognizable cor-porate style in distant provinces SPA is a privi-leged place to accomplish such an analysis sinceits small cluster of oases located in the hyperaridcore of the Atacama Desert (Figures 1 and 2)more than 800 km from the Tiwanaku heartlandplayed a key role in regional interaction sincethe Formative period (eg Nuacutentildeez and Dillehay1979 Tarragoacute 1984 1989) and developed stronglinks to the Tiwanaku state during the Middle pe-riod (Berenguer and Dauelsberg 1989 Thomaset al 1984) Besides being situated in one of thedriest deserts of the world allows for exceptionalpreservation of archaeological materials includ-ing wooden objects such as the snuff trays(Berenguer 2004 Blanchette et al 1990)

Snuff trays are among the most conspicuousobjects found in funerary contexts in SPA espe-cially during the Middle and Late Intermediateperiods (AD 1000ndash1450) Although a few stoneand bone snuff trays have been found the vastmajority of them are made of wood An exami-nation of snuff trays available from SPA showsenormous variability in size shape structuralcomplexity type of decoration and iconographicmotifs (Torres 1987a) Numerous studies haveaddressed this variability particularly in trayswhich contain stylistic elements of the SAISmdash which most scholars still refer to as ldquoTiwanakustylerdquo because of the presence of icons found onthe megalithic monuments of the great highlandcapital (Baroacuten 1984 Berenguer 1985 1987 19982001 Latcham 1938 Llagostera 1995 20012006 Llagostera et al 1988 Looser 1926 Loza2007 Mostny 1968ndash1969 Nuacutentildeez 1963 Oyarzuacuten1931 Serracino 1980 Thomas and Benavente1984 Thomas et al 1984 1985 Torres 19841986 1987a 1987b 1998 2001a 2001b 2004Torres and Conklin 1995 Uhle 1913 1915Wasseacuten 1965 1972) Other trays lacking elementsof the SAIS have traditionally been referred toas non-Tiwanakundashstyle trays and have receivedmuch less attention even though they make upnearly 90 percent of the collection (Llagostera1995 Torres 1984 1986 Uhle 1913) Scholarsstudying these latter trays have mainly proposed

features characterizing a style different from Ti-wanaku and have described its geographical dis-tribution and chronology (Hermosilla 2001Krapovickas 1958ndash1959 Llagostera 1995 2001Llagostera et al 1988 Nuacutentildeez 1963 Thomas andBenavente 1984 Torres 1986) Recently one ofus has undertaken a thorough study of trays avail-able at the local SPA museum and several muse-ums worldwide She has defined the Circum-punentildeo (Horta 2012) and the San Pedro (Horta2014) styles for many trays lacking Tiwanakuiconography The Circumpunentildeo style includesvolumetrically carved anthropomorphic andzoomorphic figures performing ceremonial ac-tivities and has been dated to the Late Intermedi-ate period In contrast the San Pedro style maydepict volumetrically carved human figures orappear as undecorated largely rectangular traysdated to the Late Formative Middle and LateIntermediate periods Nearly half of the presentlyknown snuff trays lack iconography and volu-metric carvings (ie they are plain snuff trays)and have therefore been difficult to assign to par-ticular styles The present work builds on pre-liminary observations that some of these plainsnuff trays show a close morphological resem-blance to those with Tiwanaku iconography (Fig-ure 3 Berenguer 198750ndash51 note 5 199361note 11 199831 200180 note 4) and couldtherefore be considered part of that style If thisturned out to be the case then the number of Ti-wanaku trays currently known from SPA wouldincrease significantly suggesting that the highlandstate played an important role in the introductionof snuff-taking practices and possibly in the dis-appearance of local smoking rituals

In this paper we follow these insights to pro-pose a new and broader definition of the Ti-wanaku style to include undecorated snuff trayswith an overall trapezoidal shape incurving sidesand sharp top corners A number of statisticaltests show that such trays with and without Ti-wanaku iconography indeed correspond to a sin-gle distinct set and further that Tiwanaku-styletrays without iconography are different from thesimilar largely rectangular trays previously as-signed to the San Pedro style

Based on the assumption that styles are waysof doing that should show regular spatial andtemporal structures (Davis 1990) we studied the


spatial and temporal distribution of the Tiwanaku-style trays in SPA In addition we tested the con-textual co-occurrence of Tiwanaku-style trayswith and without iconography as well as their

co-occurrence with other types of objects withTiwanaku iconography This is based on the ideathat if the proposed broader definition of Tiwanaku style is correct then all types of Ti-


Figure 2 Map of San Pedro de Atacama showing archaeological sites mentioned in the text

wanaku-style objects should co-occur within agiven cultural period (particularly the Middle pe-riod) At the same time assuming that Tiwanakutrays with and without iconography may havehad different social connotations in the past wereconstructed contextual associations in burialsin order to determine whether social differencesmeasured as the contextual diversity and relativepresence of prestige items in individual tombscould explain stylistic differences Finally wesought to determine possible differences in theorigin of raw materials employed in the manu-facture of trays and to assess whether eventualdifferences correlated to style

Materials and Methods

Objects StudiedThe basis for this study was the set of woodensnuff trays found in cemeteries in the Salar deAtacama area (Catarpe Coyo Quitor SequitorSolcor Solor Tchecar Tchilimoya Toconao andYaye see Figure 2) In all cases the artifactscome from cemeteries with similar burial patternsthat were in use throughout the Late Formative

Middle and Late Intermediate periods (Le Paige1964 Torres-Rouff 2008) The chronology ofthese cemeteries is difficult to assess becausemost of them were occupied during two or eventhree consecutive cultural periods Contextual as-sociations were used to assign single tombs tospecific cultural phases The final set studied con-sisted of 568 snuff trays While most trays couldbe directly examined at the Instituto de Investi-gaciones Arqueoloacutegicas y Museo RP GustavoLe Paige SJ (IIAM) 28 trays were analyzedthrough photographs or drawings from the liter-ature

The morphological features shared by trayswith Tiwanaku (TIW) iconography were first de-termined Such features were (1) trapezoidalshape (ie trays wider at the top than at the bot-tom) (2) incurving sides and (3) sharp top cor-ners (Figure 4) Trays without iconography rang-ing from largely rectangular to trapezoidal inshape were then examined for the occurrence ofthe features listed above Trays exhibiting thosethree features were assigned to the Tiwanakustyle and those that did not were assigned to theSan Pedro style Figure 5 illustrates some SanPedro-style trays and indicates those features thatdistinguish them from Tiwanaku-style trays with-out iconography

The morphological features described abovewere then quantitatively assessed as follows us-ing the measurements labeled in Figure 4 (1)trapezoidal shape as [(a ndash b) d] (2) incurvingof sides as (c d) (3) and sharpness of top cornersas (e d) Morphological data were then analyzedby principal component analysis (PCA) to assesswhether Tiwanaku-style trays with and withouticonography could be considered a homogeneousset and whether the set of Tiwanaku-style trayswithout iconography was distinguishable fromthe set of plain San Pedro-style trays Maha-lanobis distances including principal componentswith eigenvalues larger than one were used todiscriminate between the three sets of trays (Huaand Wiens 2009) Comparisons were performedbetween the centroids of Tiwanaku-style snufftrays with and without iconography and those oftrays assigned to the San Pedro style In eachcase a non-parametric analysis of variance(ANOVA) tested for significance of differencesbetween styles


Figure 3 Tiwanaku-style snuff trays (left) with iconogra-phy (right) without iconography Photographs reprintedwith the permission of IIAM

Finally a second PCA involving additionalmorphological tray features was performed in or-der to judge the importance of the three morpho-logical features described above in distinguishingbetween styles The following parameters werecalculated (see Figure 4) (4) curvature of topside defined as [1 ndash (f d)] (5) length of panelrelative to length of receptacle defined as (g h)(6) thickness of lower border of receptacle relativeto length of tray defined as [(d ndash g ndash h) d] (7)width of receptacle relative to length of tray de-fined as (i d) and (8) thickness of sides of re-ceptacle relative to length of tray defined as (j d) The values of parameter hwere determined asthe mean of three measurements taken on the leftside center and right side of the receptacle valuesof the parameter j were similarly determined asthe mean of four measurements taken at the topand bottom of both sides of the receptacle

Our analysis allowed for a total of 120 trays(57 with iconography and 63 without) to be as-signed to the Tiwanaku style (Table 1) Measure-ment of all quantitative features was possible in

only 102 of these trays (43 with iconography and59 without) the remaining trays were eitherpoorly preserved or being physically absent fromthe collection could not be properly measuredfrom field notes or graphical representations Thegroup of San Pedro-style trays consisted of 100artifacts The morphological features definedabove could be measured for 94 of themAssociation of Trays with Cultural Periods and Funerary Context In the absence of direct dates for snuff trays exca-vated from SPA oases chronology was inferredfrom contextual associations in tombs mostly basedon the styles of pottery accompanying the trays(Berenguer et al 1986 Stovel 2013 Tarragoacute 19681989) and a few radiocarbon dates (Llagostera etal 1988) It was possible to assign 67 Tiwanaku-style trays (29 trays with iconography and 38 with-out) to a cultural period (Table 1)

The descriptions of funerary offerings associ-ated with the trays were obtained from the originalexcavation notes of Father Gustavo Le Paige Suchdescriptions were found for only 100 Tiwanaku-style trays (Table 1) the tombs corresponded toindividual burials in 59 cases and to multiple buri-als (2 to 15 individuals) in 41 cases The objectsaccompanying the snuff trays in the tombs werevery diverse including the following ceramic ob-jects bowls vases textiles headdresses spindlesthreaders needles hole punchers pigments bas-kets boxes bows arrow points arrow shafts axesmallets chisels tweezers spoons vegetableresidues squashes urns snails animal bonesflutes necklaces bracelets rings metal or gem-stone ornaments gemstone beads and comple-mentary snuff-taking paraphernalia (snuff tubesspatulas small mortars and pestles and snuff-pow-der containers) Two quantitative approaches wereused to infer the relative status of the burials con-taining wooden snuff trays a diversity index thatconsidered the number of types of objects foundwithin the burials and the occurrence in the tombof metal objects such as axes mallets tweezersbracelets and rings taken as a proxy for social sta-tus of the individual interred (Llagostera et al1988 Salazar et al 2014 Tamblay 2004) Otherprestige itemsmdashsuch as decorated pottery vesselskeros and imported textilesmdashwere too scarce tobe incorporated into quantitative analyses


Figure 4 Drawing of a Tiwanaku-style snuff tray indicat-ing morphological parameters measured

Origin of Snuff Tray Wood

Recent studies have addressed the origin of woodspecies used in the manufacture of snuff traysfrom SPA (Niemeyer 2013 Niemeyer et al 2013Riquelme 2012 Riquelme and Niemeyer 2014)Two groups of wood species were defined on thebasis of density measurements wood with den-sities between 46 and 73 gcm3 (the range ofnative species) and wood with densities beyondthis range (corresponding to species found outsideSPA) (Niemeyer et al 2013)Further Statistical Analyses A multiple proportions test was used to comparethe distribution of trays with and without Tiwanakuiconography in terms of sites cultural periodstype of wood and presence of metal objects A t-test was used to compare the number of objecttypes in tombs with single individuals containingTiwanaku trays with and without iconography

Results

In the PCA using three morphological featuresone principal component with an eigenvalue largerthan one (1803) captured 6009 percent of totalvariance In the PCA using eight morphologicalfeatures three principal components with eigen-values larger than one (2738 1417 and 1155)captured 6638 percent of total variance The firstprincipal component captured 3423 percent oftotal variance the second 1771 percent and thethird 1444 percent In the PCA using the completeset of morphological features the three featuresused to define the Tiwanaku style contributed themost to the first principal componentmdash that isthat which explains the highest percentage of thevariance (see key to Figure 6) This strongly sug-gests that these three variables are necessary andsufficient to define the Tiwanaku style TheKruskal-Wallis test on Mahalanobis distances(Figure 6) supports the proposal that Tiwanaku-


Table 1 Provenience and General Features of Snuff Trays Included in the Present Study

Tiwanaku style without iconography Tiwanaku style with iconography With With With With With With Plain all cultural wood With all cultural wood With San PedroArchaeological site All measures period density context All measures period density context styleCatarpe 2 1 1 1 3Catarpe 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4Coyo Oriente 7 7 3 5 7 16 12 2 6 15 12Quitor 1 1 1 1 1 1 3Quitor 2 4 4 3 1 3 3 2 2 1 3 2Quitor 3 1Quitor 4 1Quitor 5 11 10 10 8 11 8 5 6 3 8 12Quitor 6 17 16 13 11 17 9 6 5 3 9 16Quitor 7 1 1 1 Quitor 8 2 2 1 1 1 Quitor 9 1 1 Sequitor Alambrado 2 2 1 1 2 3 2 2 1 2 5Oriente

Solcor 3 6 5 4 3 9 8 8 3 8 3Solcor Plaza 1 1 1 1 6Solor 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1Tchecar Tuacutemulo Sur 2 2 2 2 2 13Tchilimoya 1 1 1 1Toconao Oriente 2 1 2 1 2 3Yaye 1 3Yaye 2 2Yaye 3 2Unknown 6 5 3 3 7TOTALS 63 59 38 33 50 57 43 29 20 50 100

style trays with and without iconography conformto a single group that differs from the largely rec-tangular San Pedro-style trays Thus p-values forthe 3- and 8-variable PCAs using the three cen-troids were all less than 001 Tiwanaku-style trayswith and without iconography did not differ sig-nificantly and San Pedro-style trays differed sig-nificantly from Tiwanaku-style trays in all butone case This exception occurred when distancesto the centroid for the San Pedro style were con-sidered in which case the three types of trays dif-fered significantly from each other (Figure 6)Nonetheless p-values for pairwise comparisonswere 020 less than 0000 and less than 0000for Tiwanaku-with iconography vs Tiwanaku-without iconography San Pedro vs Tiwanaku-with iconography and San Pedro vs Tiwanaku-without iconography respectively This suggeststhat even in this case there is a trend albeit non-significant for Tiwanaku-with iconography traysto resemble the Tiwanaku-without iconographyones and for both Tiwanaku trays to differ fromthe San Pedro-style trays

Sixty-seven Tiwanaku-style trays with andwithout iconography could be assigned to the fol-lowing cultural periods Late Formative or Middle

periods (25 trays) Middle period (39 trays) andLate Intermediate period (3 trays) Consideringthat some pottery styles occur during both theLate Formative and the Middle periods it wasnot always possible to separate them Further-more even though Tarragoacute (1989) has identifiedassociations between Tiwanaku materials andRojo Pulido ceramics (considered a Formativeware) recent research by Stovel (2013) using ra-diocarbon dating from tombs containing RojoPulido ceramics demonstrates that this type wasstill in use during the Middle period Thereforeit cannot be argued that Tiwanaku-style iconog-raphy is earlier in SPA that in the heartland asIsbell and Knobloch (2006) contend On the con-trary available radiocarbon dates and cultural as-sociations indicate that most Tiwanaku-style trayswere found in tombs from the Middle periodwhen Tiwanaku influence in SPA was at its peak(Berenguer and Dauelsberg 1989 Llagostera2004 Thomas et al 1985) A multiple proportionstest showed that the proportion of Tiwanaku-styletrays with and without iconography did not differsignificantly between cultural periods (2 = 0067df = 2 p = 997) so the two variants seem to becoeval


Figure 5 Plain San Pedrondashstyle trays with IIAM catalog numbers indicated Their morphological characteristics distin-guish them from Tiwanaku-style trays without iconography described as T (trapezoidal) H (incurving or hyperbolic)TC (sharp top corners) (289) T H non-TC (227) non-T H TC (11) T non-H TC (83) non-T non-H TC (303) non-T non-H TC (91) non-T non-H non-TC Photographs reprinted with the permission of IIAM

Of the 120 snuff trays identified as Tiwanakuin style only 111 can be assigned to an archaeo-logical site (54 of the trays with iconography and57 without see Table 1) Information on the other9 trays has disappeared A multiple proportionstest showed that the proportion of trays with andwithout iconography did not differ significantly

between sites (2 = 1839 df = 17 p = 365) Theco-occurrence of Tiwanaku-style trays with andwithout iconography could also be shown withintombs belonging to the same period at certainsites (Table 2) Nonetheless since cultural periodscorrespond to broad time ranges a further com-parison was performed within multiple and indi-


Figure 6 Principal component analysis (andashd) using only the three main features used to define the Tiwanaku style and(endashh) using all eight morphological parameters defined in Materials and Methods In sections (a) and (e) the followingsymbols were used E = Tiwanaku trays with iconography C = Tiwanaku trays without iconography J = San Pedrotrays Coordinates for principal component 1 were -843 -813 and 657 for section a and -730 -742 656 541 -629406 -250 and 554 for section b for the morphological features taken in the same order given in Materials and Methodsrespectively Coordinates for principal component 2 were -221 -376 and -750 for section a and 048 309 558 -674430 205 499 and -279 for section b for the morphological features taken in the same order given in Materials andMethods respectively Box plots (b-d) and (e-h) Mahalanobis distances from centroids of Tiwanaku-style trays with (sec-tions b and f) and without iconography (sections c and g) and plain San Pedrondashstyle trays (sections d and h) Results ofKruskall-Wallis ANOVA are shown with letters above the bars different letters indicate significant differences (p lt 05)The boundary of the box closest to zero indicates the twenty-fifth percentile the solid line within the box shows themedian the dashed line within the box shows the mean the boundary of the box farthest from zero indicates the sev-enty-fifth percentile the whiskers (error bars) above and below the box indicate the ninetieth and tenth percentiles andthe black circles are outliers

vidual tombs In one such case a Tiwanaku-styletray with iconography co-occurred with one with-out iconography trays IIAM 372 and IIAM 214which were found in Coyo Oriente tombs 4049-4050 containing two individuals (Figure 7)

Wood density of 53 Tiwanaku-style trays (20with iconography and 33 without see Table 1)was extracted from the literature (Niemeyer 2013Niemeyer et al 2013) A multiple proportionstest showed that the proportion of trays with andwithout iconography did not differ significantly

between trays with wood in the categories ex-ogenous to SPA and native or exogenous to SPA(2 = 362 df = 1 p = 548)

Trays are often accompanied by other snuff-taking paraphernalia such as snuff tubes A studywas performed on the style of trays accompanyingtubes decorated with Tiwanaku iconography (15cases) In nine cases the accompanying trays ex-hibited Tiwanaku style with iconography in fourcases the style of the tray was not clearly defin-able and in two cases a Tiwanaku-style tray with-out iconography accompanied a tube with Ti-wanaku iconography In one of these latter casesa second tray in plain San Pedro style also ac-companied the tube (Figure 8)

The context of 100 Tiwanaku-style trays (50with iconography and 50 without) could be tracedand the diversity index and proxy for wealth statusof each funerary offering could be evaluated Thediversity index for tombs in which a single indi-vidual was interred was not affected significantlyby presence or absence of iconography in the Ti-wanaku-style trays found in the tomb (t test t = -203 df = 57 P = 840) Metal objects were sim-ilarly associated with trays with and withouticonography (2 = 1329 df = 1 p = 249)

Discussion

The comparison of data for Tiwanaku-style snufftrays with and without iconography by PCA fol-lowed by ANOVA of Mahalanobis distancesshows that the two sets of trays are not distinct interms of the measured morphological featuresMoreover the analyses showed statistically sig-nificant differences between plain largely rec-


Table 2 Co-occurrence of Tiwanaku-Style Trays with and without Iconography within Different Archaeological Sites in Tombs Belonging to the Same Cultural Period

Tiwanaku-style traysCultural period Site With iconography Without iconographyLate Formative (ca AD 100ndash400) or Middle (ca AD 400ndash1000) Quitor 2 1 3 Quitor 6 1 6 Solcor 3 4 3Middle (ca AD 400ndash1000) Coyo Oriente 2 2 Quitor 5 5 10 Quitor 6 4 6 Solcor 3 4 1Late Intermediate (ca AD 1000ndash1450) Catarpe 5 1 1

Figure 7 Tiwanaku-style trays with and without iconogra-phy co-occurring in a tomb with two interred individuals(a) tray IIAM 372 and (b) tray IIAM 214 both from CoyoOriente tombs 4049-4050 Photographs reprinted with thepermission of IIAM

tangular San Pedro-style trays and Tiwanaku-style trays Multiple proportions tests and traycounts show that the proportions of both Ti-wanaku subsets did not differ between culturalperiods and in several instances they co-occurunder comparable spatiotemporal circumstancesTaken together these results strongly support theoriginal proposal that the trapezoidal-incurvingshape (Berenguer 198750-51 note 5 199361note 11) and sharp top corners are key featuresof the Tiwanaku style and suggest that shape inaddition to iconography and its vast array of sym-bols (Llagostera 2006 Torres 1984 1986 1987b2001a 2004) may be an important way of con-veying information on the origin and meaning ofthe object and its carrier especially in visual sys-tems not relying on written communication suchas was the case in the Andes For example it iswell known that during Inka times the trapezoidalshape was emblematic for the Tawantinsuyu andwas systematically used by the state in architec-

ture and metal objects Horta (2008) suggests thattrapezoidal and circular metal emblems worn onthe forehead of Inka nobles served as symbols ofthe lower and higher moieties of the Capac Aylluof Cuzco Therefore our results are supportedby other archaeological cases in the Andes andindicate that shape was indeed an important vari-able of the style of snuff trays Through such for-mal variation social information was conveyed(eg Hegmon 1992 Wobst 1977) This informa-tion was probably of an ldquoiconologicalrdquo (Sackett1990) or even an ldquoemblemicrdquo (Wiessner 1983)character inasmuch as the shape of the snuff trayswould have informed social agents in the past ifthe object was affiliated with Tiwanaku or with alocal tradition

Tiwanaku-style snuff trays in SPA are morecommon than previously thought particularly dur-ing the Middle period when they make up nearly50 percent of the total Therefore even thoughsnuff-taking practices in SPA may have begun


Figure 8 Two examples of the co-occurrence of a Tiwanaku-style snuff tablet without iconography with a snuffing tubewith Tiwanaku iconography (a) Solcor 3 tomb 76 (b) Solcor 3 tomb 112 Photograph by H Horta Drawings of tubesand tray reprinted from Llagostera et al (1988)

during the Late Formative period (Llagostera2004) the ubiquity of Tiwanaku trays suggeststhat the highland state played an important role inthe increase of snuff-taking (Berenguer 1998) andthe abandonment of the traditional use of pipesduring the Middle period (eg Llagostera 2004Thomas et al 1984) A similar situation has beenobserved in the Middle period with the state-sup-ported increased use of keros both in the Tiwanakuheartland (eg Bandy 2001) and in distantprovinces such as Arica in northern Chile (egBerenguer and Dauelsberg 1989) These changesreflect deeper transformations in ritual practicesstimulated by Tiwanaku which affiliated someindividuals to the state through the use of ritualobjects with a corporate style The latter includedthe trapezoidal-incurving shape introduced by Ti-wanaku in the snuff trays of SPA This shape mayhave occurred sporadically before the Middle pe-riod but it is under the Tiwanaku influence thatthe use of this shape in objects with religious con-notations became particularly frequent not onlyin SPA but in many regions under the direct in-fluence of the highland state (Alcalde 1995 Cha-cama 2001 de la Vega et al 2002 Garciacutea andBustamante 1990 Llagostera 2001 Loza 2007Rendoacuten 2000 Wasseacuten 1972) It is likely that SPAimported trays with this shape from Tiwanakubut when it came to producing their own trayseither with exogenous or local materials localcraftsmen produced trays with distinct morpho-logical features These trays were in the plain SanPedro style some resemble the Tiwanaku-styletrays without iconography but exhibit distinctiveshape patterns while others clearly departed fromsuch canon by incorporating human zoomorphicand anthropomorphic figures on the panel Nearly15 percent of the trays corresponding to the Mid-dle period in SPA do not correspond either to theTiwanaku or the SPA styles Nonetheless mostof these trays could be the product of individualagency errors in reproduction and technologicalor temporal variability of the Tiwanaku or theSPA styles At most five of the total universe oftrays currently assigned to the Middle periodclearly belong to other not yet defined stylesbut their precise chronological position within theMiddle period remains uncertain Therefore wemay conclude that during the Middle period al-most all snuff trays deposited in mortuary contexts

were associated with one of the four differentgroups mentioned above Tiwanaku with and with-out iconography and SPA with and withouticonography

The corporate styles in the SPA trays expresseddifferences between their bearers in terms of re-lationships and affiliations with Tiwanaku stateideology The fact that Tiwanaku-style trays co-existed with decorated and undecorated trays inthe local style suggests that a complex scenarioof social differences operated during the Middleperiod in SPA

A consideration of the historical context inSPA at the time of Tiwanaku influence may clarifythe social implications of this pattern of stylisticcoexistence Beginning during the Late Formativeperiod but especially during the Middle Periodthe standardized production of local pottery styles(Stovel 2002 2005 Tarragoacute 1976 1989) the ho-mogeneity of mortuary ritual and cranial defor-mation (Torres-Rouff 2007 2008) as well as acharacteristic textile decoration and technology(Aguumlero 2000 2003) indicate a strong local so-cial identity and group cohesion in SPA(Berenguer and Dauelsberg 1989 Salazar et al2014 Tarragoacute 1989 Torres-Rouff 2007)Nonetheless during the Middle period SPA so-ciety also showed significant internal social dif-ferences both within and between the differentcemeteries as seen in the differential distributionof prestige objects in individual tombs and dif-ferences in health conditions (Berenguer andDauelsberg 1989 Llagostera 1995 2006Llagostera et al 1988 Thomas et al 1984 Tor-res-Rouff 2008 2011) Previous research has alsoshown an increase in osteological markers of vi-olence during the Middle period as compared toprevious moments (Torres-Rouff and Costa2006) as well as significant differences in injurypatterns and frequency between cemeteries withmore or with less Tiwanaku influence and overallwealth (Torres-Rouff 2011)

Even thoughthe use of snuff increased duringthe Middle period the different styles in whichthe snuff trays were manufactured could haveemphasized the internal divisions and differentsocial affiliations that coexisted within the localcommunity Accordingly it could be hypothesizedthat Tiwanaku-style trays with iconography aremore frequent in the funerary offerings of higher-


status individuals in view of the additional artisanskills necessary for their production which wouldhave enhanced their material value and also thepotentially richer symbolic message they con-veyed through state iconography (Isbell 2008)Nonetheless the data reported here do not supportthis hypothesis The diversity of objects in burialsas well as the frequency of status-related metalobjects within them did not differ between tombscontaining Tiwanaku-style trays with iconographyand those lacking iconography

The question of the relative value of trays withand without iconography may also be examinedfrom the point of view of the provenance of thewood used in their manufacture under the hy-pothesis that trays with iconography were im-ported from Tiwanaku whereas trays withouticonography could have been produced locallyThe data reported herein do not support thisMoreover a recent study identifying the woodof a small set of snuff trays included two Ti-wanaku-style trays with iconography and twowithout (Riquelme and Niemeyer 2013) In bothgroups one tray was made with foreign woodmost likely from rain and montane forests closeto Tiwanaku and another with wood that may beof local origin (the two species involved do growin SPA but show a wide distribution within thesouthern half of South America)

Our data thus show that the different styles ofsnuff trays found in SPA during the Middle periodwere not associated with political or status differ-ences On the one hand the increased frequency ofsnuff-taking paraphernalia indicates that ritual prac-tices associated with them were accessible to moremembers of the community during the Middle pe-riod as compared for example with the previoususe of smoking pipes (Thomas et al 1984) Theincrease in snuff use probably created bonds be-tween individuals of the local community who par-ticipated in them as well as between these indi-viduals and other polities including the Tiwanakustate where similar rituals occurred On the otherhand Tiwanaku-style trays are not always associ-ated with prestige objects or with graves with abun-dant offerings Some Tiwanaku trays were evenfound in graves with no other or with very fewother associated objects while some tombs withmetal objects and prestige items lack snuff traysaltogether Nevertheless we cannot rule out the

possibility that if other proxies for status are con-sidered in the future a different scenario mayemerge In any case it is relevant to consider alter-native social implications for the stylistic variabilityin snuff trays observed during the Middle period

Results presented in this paper show that atleast two styles each with two subvarieties co-existed during the Middle period These styleswere organized according to two sets of binaryoppositions local vs non-local and with iconog-raphy vs without it This of course does not meanthat the users of Tiwanaku-style trays were them-selves foreigners In fact these trays appear asso-ciated with local offerings in burials in the localfashion and usually with individuals with cranialdeformation in the ldquolocal stylerdquo (Salazar et al2014) Nonetheless regardless of the symbolicmeaning of these styles their use must have cre-ated different personal affiliations with some localindividuals being recognized as affiliated with theTiwanaku state and some others with the localSPA tradition Additional differences may havebeen signaled by the presence or absence oficonography It is interesting to consider the pos-sibility that individual owners of snuff trays couldhave been recognized as affiliated with one ofthese four stylistic subgroups since different stylesof trays do not coexist within individual tombsexcept for the case of collective burials

Even though it is certainly not the only expla-nation one possible line of interpretation is thatthese four stylistic sub-varieties were emblemicsymbols of four different social groups formingpart of the local community If this interpretationis correct then we should conclude that socialdifferences signaled by the style of snuff trayswere not materialized through the spatial dispo-sition of the burials or oases (Thomas and Mas-sone 1988) because individuals affiliated witheach group appear in all cemeteries On the con-trary this hypothetical social organization wouldhave linked individual families and lineages ofthe different oases into a more encompassing so-cial structure that ultimately constituted the ldquolocalcommunityrdquo Certainly further research is re-quired to test these suppositions But this line ofinquiry seems to have potential The fact that atleast two of the social segments of the local com-munity were affiliated with Tiwanaku would in-dicate that Tiwanaku influence in SPA was not


only ideological and religious as the clientist orhegemonic model would have it (eg Berenguer1998 Uribe and Aguumlero 2004) nor strictly eco-nomic as the circuit mobility or the altiplanomodel would suggest (eg Berenguer andDauelsberg 1989 Browman 1980 Nuacutentildeez andDillehay 1979) but that it also significantly trans-formed the local social organization as a resultof the integration of San Pedro de Atacama com-munities into the political structure of Tiwanaku Acknowledgments This work was funded by the programProyectos de Investigacioacuten Asociativa de CONICYT Anillo en Ciencia y Tecnologiacutea ACT Nordm 096 (httpwww ciencia ymemoriacl) HMN gratefully acknowledges earlydiscussions with Joseacute Berenguer which stimulated the un-dertaking of this research

References CitedAguumlero Carolina 2000 Fragmentos para Armar un Territorio La Textileriacutea

de Atacama Durante los Periacuteodos Intermedio Tardiacuteo yTardiacuteo Estudios Atacamentildeos 207ndash28

Aguumlero Carolina 2003 Componente Tiwanaku vs Componente Local en

los Oasis de San Pedro de Atacama In Tejiendo Suentildeosen el Cono Sur Textites Andinos Pasado Presente yFuturo edited by Victoria Solanilla pp 180ndash198 GrupdrsquoEstudis Precolombins Universitat Autogravenoma deBarcelona Barcelona

Alcalde Gonzaacuteles Javier 1995 Ocupacioacuten Humana en el Periacuteodo Temprano en el

Valle de Ilo Chilatilla Bajo Ilo Peruacute Actas del XIIICongreso de Arqueologiacutea Chilena Hombre y Desierto 92165ndash170 Antofagasta Sociedad Chilena de Arque-ologiacuteaUniversidad de Antofagasta

Bandy Matthew S 2001 iquestPor queacute surgioacute Tiwanaku y no otro Centro Poliacutetico

del Formativo Tardiacuteo Boletiacuten de Arqueologia PUCP5585ndash604

Baroacuten Ana Mariacutea 1984 Craacuteneos Atacamentildeos y su Asociacioacuten con Tabletas

para Alucinoacutegenos Simposio Culturas Atacamentildeas XLIVCongreso Internacional de Americanistas pp 147ndash155Universidad del Norte Instituto de InvestigacionesAntropoloacutegicas San Pedro de Atacama Chile

Berenguer Joseacute 1985 Evidencias de Inhalacioacuten de Alucinoacutegenos en Es-

culturas Tiwanaku Chungaraacute 1461ndash69 1987 Consumo Nasal de Alucinoacutegenos en Tiwanaku Una

Aproximacioacuten Iconograacutefica Boletiacuten del Museo Chilenode Arte Precolombino 233ndash53

1993 Gorros Identidad e Interaccioacuten en el Desierto ChilenoAntes y Despueacutes del Colapso de Tiwanaku In Identidady Prestigio en los Andes edited by Joseacute Berenguer pp41ndash64 Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino SantiagoChile

1998 La Iconografiacutea del Poder en Tiwanaku y su Rol en laIntegracioacuten de Zonas de Frontera Boletiacuten del MuseoChileno de Arte Precolombino 719ndash37

2001 Evidence for Snuffing and Shamanism in PrehispanicTiwanaku Stone Sculpture Eleusis 561ndash83

2004 Traacutefico de Caravanas Interaccioacuten Interregional yCambio en el Desierto de Atacama Ediciones SirawiSantiago Chile

Berenguer Joseacute and Percy Dauelsberg 1989 El Norte Grande en la Oacuterbita de Tiwanaku (400 a

1200 d C) In Prehistoria Desde sus Oriacutegenes Hastalos Albores de la Conquista edited by Jorge HidalgoVirgilio Schiappacasse Hans Niemeyer Carlos Aldunateand Ivaacuten Solimano pp 129ndash180 Editorial Andreacutes BelloSantiago Chile

Berenguer Joseacute Angel Deza Alvaro Romaacuten and AgustiacutenLlagostera

1986 La Secuencia de Myriam Tarragoacute para San Pedro deAtacama un Test por Termoluminiscencia Revista Chilenade Antropologiacutea 517ndash54

Blanchette Robert A Thomas Nilsson Geoffrey Daniel andAndreacute Abad

1990 Biological Degradation of Wood In ArchaeologicalWood Properties Chemistry and Preservation editedby Roger M Rowell and R James Barbour pp 141ndash174 Advances in Chemistry Series 225 AmericanChemical Society Washington DC

Browman David L 1980 Tiwanaku Expansion and Altiplano Economic Patterns

Estudios Arqueoloacutegicos 5107ndash120Chacama Juan R 2001 Tabletas Tubos y Espaacutetulas Aproximacioacuten a un

Complejo Alucinoacutegeno en el Aacuterea de Arica ExtremoNorte de Chile Eleusis 585ndash100

Davis Whitney 1990 Style and History in Art History In The Uses of Style

in Archaeology edited by Margaret W Conkey andChristine A Hastorf pp 18-31 Cambridge UniversityPress

de la Vega Edmundo Kirk L Frye and Cecilia Chaacutevez 2002 La Cueva Funeraria de Molino-Chilacachi (Acora)

Puno Gaceta Arqueoloacutegica Andina 26121ndash137Garciacutea Maacuterquez Manuel and Rosa Bustamante 1980 Arqueologiacutea del Valle de Majes Gaceta Arqueoloacutegica

Andina 525ndash40Hegmon Michelle 1992 Archaeological Research on Style Annual Review

of Anthropology 21517-536Hermosilla Nuriluz 2001 The People of the Tumi the Condor and the Jaguar

Psychoactive Plant Use in the Loa River Basin AtacamaDesert Eleusis 5123ndash136

Horta Tricallotis Helena 2008 Insignias para la Frente de los Nobles Incas una

Aproximacioacuten Etnohistoacuterica- Arqueoloacutegica al Principiode la Dualidad In Lenguajes Visuales de los Incas editedby Paula Gonzaacutelez and Tamar L Bray pp 71-89 BritishArchaeological Reports Archaeopress England

2012 El Estilo Circumpunentildeo en el Arte de la ParafernaliaAlucinoacutegena Prehispaacutenica (Atacama y Noroeste Argentina)Estudios Atacamentildeos 435ndash34

2014 Lo Propio y lo Ajeno Definicioacuten del Estilo SanPedro en la Parafernalia Alucinoacutegena de los Oasis delSalar de Atacama Chungaraacute 6(4)559ndash583

Hua Xia and John J Wiens 2009 Latitudinal Variation in Speciation Mechanisms in

Frogs Evolution 64429ndash443Isbell William H 2008 Wari and Tiwanaku International Identities in the

Central Andean Middle Horizon In Handbook of South


American Archaeology edited by Helaine Silverman andWilliam H Isbell pp 731ndash759 Springer New York

Isbell William H and Patricia J Knobloch 2006 Missing Links Imaginary Links Staff God Imagery

in the South Andean Past In Andean Archaeology VolIII North and South edited by William H Isbell andHelaine Silverman pp 307-351 Kluwer Academic andPlenum Press New York and London

Janusek John W 2002 Out of Many One Style and Social Boundaries in

Tiwanaku Latin American Antiquity 1335ndash61 2004 Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes Tiwanaku

Cities through Time Routledge New YorkLondonKrapovickas Pedro 1958ndash1959 Arqueologiacutea de la Puna Argentina Anales de

Arqueologiacutea y Etnologiacutea Vol 14ndash15 Universidad Nacionalde Cuyo Facultad de Filosofiacutea y Letras Mendoza Ar-gentina

Latcham Ricardo 1938 Arqueologiacutea de la Regioacuten Atacamentildea Prensas de la

Universidad de Chile SantiagoLatorre Claudio Caloacutegero M Santoro Paula C Ugalde

Eugenia M Gayo Daniela Osorio Carolina Salas-EgantildeaRicardo De Pol-Holz Delphine Joly and Jason A Rech

2013 Late Pleistocene Human Occupation of the HyperaridCore in the Atacama Desert Northern Chile QuarterlyScience Reviews 7719ndash30

Le Paige Gustavo 1964 El Preceraacutemico en la Cordillera Atacamentildea y los Ce-

menterios del Periacuteodo Agro-Alfarero de San Pedro de Ata-cama Anales de la Universidad del Norte 3 Antofagasta

Llagostera Agustiacuten 1995 Art in Snuff Trays of the San Pedro de Atacama

(Northern Chile) In Andean Art Visual Expression andIts Relations to Andean Beliefs and Values edited byPenny Dransart pp 51ndash77 Avebury Aldershot UnitedKingdom

2001 Archaeology of Hallucinogens in San Pedro deAtacama (North Chile) Eleusis 5101ndash121

2004 Los Antiguos Habitantes del Salar de Atacama Pre-historia Atacamentildea Universidad Catoacutelica del Norte Ed-itorial Pehueacuten Antofagasta Chile

2006 Contextualizacioacuten e Iconografiacutea de las Tabletas Psi-cotroacutepicas Tiwanaku de San Pedro de Atacama Chungaraacute3883ndash111

Llagostera Agustiacuten Constantino M Torres and Mariacutea AntoniettaCosta

1988 El Complejo Psicotroacutepico en Solcor 3 (San Pedro deAtacama) Estudios Atacamentildeos 967ndash106

Looser Gualterio 1926 Las Tabletas Para Tomar Rapeacute del Museo Nacional

Revista Chilena de Historia 3019ndash22Loza Carmen Beatriz 2007 El Atado de Remedios de un ReligiosoMeacutedico del

Periacuteodo Tiwanaku Miradas Cruzadas y Conexiones Ac-tuales Bulletin de lrsquoInstitut Franccedilais drsquoEacutetudes Andines36317ndash342

Mostny Grete 1968ndash1969 Ideas Maacutegico-Religiosas de los ldquoAtacamasrdquo

Boletiacuten del Museo Nacional de Historia Natural 30129ndash143

Murra John V 1972 El ldquoControl Verticalrdquo de un Maacuteximo de Pisos Ecoloacutegi-

cos en la Economiacutea de las Sociedades Andinas In Visitaa la Provincia de Leoacuten de Huaacutenuco en 1562 Intildeigo Ortizde Zuacutentildeiga edited by John V Murra pp 429ndash472 Uni-versidad Emilio Valdizaacuten Huaacutenuco

Nielsen Axel 2013 Circulating Objects and the Constitution of South

Andean Society (500 BCndashAD 1550) In MerchantsMarkets and Exchange in the Pre-columbian Worldedited by Kenneth G Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury pp389ndash418 Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Columbian Symposiaand Colloquia Washington DC

Niemeyer Hermann M 2013 On the Provenience of Wood Used in the Manufacture

of Snuff Trays from San Pedro de Atacama (NorthernChile) Journal of Archaeological Science 40398ndash404

Niemeyer Hermann M Viacutector Zapata Paulina CantillanaAlejandra Missene Joseacute Aguilera and Arturo Torres

2013 Computed Tomography Study of Snuff Trays fromSan Pedro de Atacama (Northern Chile) Journal of Ar-chaeological Science 402036ndash2044

Nuacutentildeez Lautaro 1963 Problemas en Torno a la Tableta de Rapeacute Anales de

la Universidad del Norte 2149ndash168Nuacutentildeez Lautaro and Tom D Dillehay 1979 Movilidad Giratoria Armoniacutea Social y Desarrollo

en los Andes Meridionales Patrones de Traacutefico e Inter-accioacuten Econoacutemica Universidad del Norte AntofagastaChile

Oyarzuacuten Aureliano 1931 Las Tabletas y los Tubos Para Preparar la Paricaacute en

Atacama Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografiacutea 6868ndash76

Rendoacuten Pablo 2000 La Tableta de Rapeacute de Amaguaya In Anales de la

XII Reunioacuten Anual de Etnologiacutea 189-96 Museo Nacionalde Etnografiacutea y Folklore La Paz

Riquelme Isabella 2012 Tabletas del complejo psicotroacutepico de San Pedro de

Atacama nuevas perspectivas de interaccioacuten humanadesde el anaacutelisis de anatomiacutea de la madera UnpublishedBA thesis Universidad Internacional SEK Santiago Chile

Riquelme Isabella and Hermann M Niemeyer 2014 Tabletas del Complejo Psicotroacutepico de San Pedro de

Atacama Nuevas Perspectivas Desde el Anaacutelisis Anatoacutemicode la Madera In El Horizonte Medio en los Andes CentroSur Nuevos Aportes Sobre la Arqueologiacutea del Sur dePeruacute Norte de Chile y Altiplano de Bolivia edited byAnti Korpisaari and Juan Chacama pp 291ndash305 InstitutoFranceacutes de Estudios Andinos and Universidad de Tarapacaacutein press

Sackett James R 1990 Style and Ethnicity in Archaeology The Case of

Isochrestism In The Uses of Style in Archaeology editedby Margaret W Conkey and Christine A Hastorf pp32ndash43 Cambridge University Press Cambridge

Salazar Diego Hermann M Niemeyer Helena Horta ValentinFigueroa and Germaacuten Manriacutequez

2014 Interaction Social Identity Agency and Change duringMiddle Horizon San Pedro de Atacama (Northern Chile)A Multidimensional and Interdisciplinary PerspectiveJournal of Anthropological Archaeology 35135ndash152

Schultes Richard E Albert Hofmann and Christian Raumltsch 1998 Plants of the Gods Their Sacred Healing and Hal-

lucinogenic Properties Healing Arts Press RochesterVermont

Serracino George 1980 Tiwanaku desde San Pedro de Atacama Estudios

Arqueoloacutegicos 581ndash93Stanish Charles 2002 Tiwanaku Political Economy In Andean Archaeology

I Variations in Socio-Political Organization edited by


William H Isbell and Helaine Silverman pp 169ndash198Kluwer Academic New York

Stovel Emily 2002 The Importance of Being Atacamentildeo Mortuary Ce-

ramics and Political Identity in Northern Chile PhDdissertation Department of Anthropology BinghamtonUniversity

2005 The Archaeology of Identity Construction CeramicEvidence from Northern Chile In Global ArchaeologicalTheory Contextual Voices and Contemporary Thoughtsedited by Pedro Pablo Funari Andreacutes Zarankin andEmily Stovel pp 145ndash166 Kluwer AcademicPlenumPublishers New York

2008 Interaction and Social Fields in San Pedro de AtacamaNorthern Chile In The Handbook of South American Ar-chaeology edited by Helaine Silverman and William HIsbell pp 979ndash1002 Springer Berlin

2013 Prehistoric Atacamentildeo Ceramic Styles and ChronologyReassessed Chungaraacute 45371ndash385

Tamblay Javier 2004 El Cementerio Larache los Metales y la Estratificacioacuten

Social Durante el Horizonte Tiwanaku en San Pedro deAtacama In Tiwanaku Aproximaciones a sus contextoshistoacutericos y sociales edited by Mario A Rivera and AlanL Kolata pp 31ndash66 Coleccioacuten de Estudios RegionalesUniversidad Bolivariana Santiago

Tarragoacute Myriam 1968 Secuencias Culturales de la Etapa Agroalfarera de

San Pedro de Atacama (Chile) In Actas y Memorias delXXXVII Congreso Internacional de Americanistas Mardel Plata 1966 Buenos Aires 2119ndash145

1976 Alfareriacutea tiacutepica de San Pedro de Atacama (Norte deChile) Estudios Atacamentildeos 437ndash73

1984 La Historia de los Pueblos Circumpunentildeos en Relacioacutencon el Altiplano y los Andes Meridionales Estudios Ata-camentildeos 793ndash104

1989 Contribucioacuten al Conocimiento Arqueoloacutegico de lasPoblaciones de los Oasis de San Pedro de Atacama enRelacioacuten con los otros Pueblos Punentildeos en Especial elSector Septentrional del Valle Calchaquiacute PhD dissertationUniversidad de Rosario Argentina

Thomas Carlos and Claudio Massone 1988 La Organizacioacuten Dual en la Cultura San Pedro Un

Enfoque Etnoarqueoloacutegico Paleoetnoloacutegica 587ndash120Thomas Carlos and Mariacutea Antonia Benavente 1984 Reflexiones Metodoloacutegicas Acerca de las Creencias

en la Cultura San Pedro a Traveacutes del Anaacutelisis de Corre-spondencia de las Tabletas de Rapeacute Simposio CulturasAtacamentildeas 44th International Congress of AmericanistsManchester England

Thomas Carlos Claudio Massone and Mariacutea Antonia Be-navente

1984 Sistematizacioacuten de la Alfareriacutea del Aacuterea de SanPedro de Atacama Revista Chilena de Antropologiacutea449ndash119

Thomas Carlos Mariacutea Antonia Benavente and Claudio Mas-sone

1985 Algunos Efectos de Tiwanaku en la Cultura de SanPedro de Atacama Diaacutelogo Andino 4259ndash278

Torres Constantino M 1984 Iconografiacutea de las Tabletas Para Inhalar Sustancias

Psicoactivas de la Zona de San Pedro de Atacama nortede Chile Estudios Atacamentildeos 7178ndash196

1986 Tabletas Para Alucinoacutegenos en Sudameacuterica TipologiacuteaDistribucioacuten y Rutas de Difusioacuten Boletiacuten del MuseoChileno de Arte Precolombino 137ndash53

1987a The Iconography of South American Snuff Trays

and Related Paraphernalia Gothemburg EthnographicMuseum Gothemburg

1987b The Iconography of the Prehispanic Snuff Traysfrom San Pedro de Atacama Northern Chile AndeanPast 1191ndash254

1998 Psychoactive Substances in the Archaeology of North-ern Chile and NW Argentina Chungaraacute 3049ndash63

2001a Iconografiacutea Tiwanaku en la Parafernalia InhalatoriaIn Huari y Tiwanaku modelos versus evidencias editedby Peter Kaulicke and William H Isbell Boletiacuten PontificiaUniversidad Catoacutelica del Peruacute 5247ndash454

2001b Shamanic Inebriants in South America ArchaeologyRecent Investigations Eleusis 53ndash12

2004 Imaacutegenes Legibles la Iconografiacutea Tiwanaku ComoSignificante Boletiacuten del Museo Chileno de Arte Pre-colombino 955ndash73

Torres Constantino M and William Conklin 1995 Exploring the San Pedro de AtacamaTiwanaku Re-

lationship In Andean Art Visual Expression and Its Re-lations to Andean Beliefs and Values edited by PennyDransart pp 78ndash108 Avebury Aldershot United King-dom

Torres-Rouff Christina 2007 La Deformacioacuten Craneana en San Pedro de Atacama

Estudios Atacamentildeos 3325ndash38 2008 The Influence of Tiwanaku on Life in the Chilean

Atacama Mortuary and Bodily Perspectives AmericanAnthropology 110325ndash337

2011 Hiding Inequality beneath Prosperity Patterns ofCranial Injury in Middle Period San Pedro de AtacamaNorthern Chile American Journal of Physical Anthropology14628ndash37

Torres-Rouff Christina and Mariacutea Antonieta Costa 2006 Examining the Life History of an Individual from

Solcor 3 San Pedro de Atacama Combining Bioarchae-ology and Archaeological Chemistry Chungaraacute 39235ndash257

Uhle Max 1913 Tabletas de Chiu Chiu Revista Chilena de Historia

y Geografiacutea 8454ndash457 1915 Los Tubos y Tabletas para Rapeacute de Chile Revista

Chilena de Historia y Geografiacutea XVI114ndash136Uribe Mauricio and Carolina Aguumlero 2004 Iconografiacutea Alfareriacutea y Textileriacutea Tiwanaku Elementos

para una Revisioacuten del Periacuteodo Medio en el Norte Grandede Chile Chungaraacute 361055ndash1068

Wasseacuten Henry 1965 The Use of Some Specific Kinds of South American

Indian Snuff and Related Paraphernalia EtnologiskaStudier 28 Etnografiska Museet Goteborg

1972 A Medicine Manacutes Implements and Plants in aTiahuanaco Tomb in Highland Bolivia Etnologiska Studier32 Etnografiska Museet Goteborg

Wiessner Polly 1983 Style and Social Information in Kalahari San

Projectile Points American Antiquity 48253ndash276Wobst H Martin 1977 Stylistic Behavior and Information Exchange In For

the Director Research Essays in Honor of James BGriffin edited by Charles E Cleland pp 317ndash342 An-thropological Papers No 61 Museum of AnthropologyUniversity of Michigan

Submitted May 4 2013 Revised August 28 2014 AcceptedNovember 23 2014



Figure 1 Map of the South-Central Andes
































Results




















Discussion









































































































































































































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Discussion
























































































































































































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new insights into the tiwanaku style off snuff trays from san pedro de atacama, northern chile

Documents