guaman poma: land, law and legacy

Unlocking the Doors to the Worlds of Guaman Poma and His Nueva corónica

Guaman Poma_INDH_nye_bill.indd 1 20/10/2015 13.05

Danish humanist texts anD stuDiesvolume 50

eDiteD by erlanD kolDing nielsen

the royal library • copenhagen


the royal libr arymuseum tusculanum press

2015


Edited by Rolena Adorno and Ivan Boserup



Rolena Adorno and Ivan Boserup (eds.)

© 2015 Museum Tusculanum Press, The Royal Library, and the authors

Layout, composition and cover design: Erling Lynder

Set in Quadraat and printed in Denmark by Tarm Bogtryk

ISBN 978 87 635 4270 8

Cover illustration: Guaman Poma’s drawing of a sapçi facility in a colonial

village. GKS 2232 4o, p. [822], The Royal Library, Copenhagen. See Frank

Salomon, “Guaman Poma’s Sapçi in Ethnographic Vision,” this volume,

pp. 355–96.

Title-page decoration: Author Aiala’s initials “F. G. P. D.” from the title page

of the Nueva corónica, p. [0].

Published with financial support from The Global Research Funds of the

Danish Ministry of Research 2012 and The Royal Library.

Museum Tusculanum Press

Birketinget 6

DK-2300 Copenhagen S

Denmark

www.mtp.dk


5

Foreword

Among the manuscript treasures of the Royal Library, the National Library of Denmark, the autograph illustrated codex of the Nueva corónica y buen gobierno by the Andean Indian Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peru, 1615), often referred to by its shelf mark in the Old Royal Collection, “GKS 2232 4o,” has since the early nineteenth century been securely preserved and curated on a par with the most precious remains of Danish national heri-tage—from medieval national chronicles and richly illuminated devotion-al books to the philosophical and personal papers of Søren Kierkegaard (1813–55) and the original manuscripts of the Fairy Tales of Hans Christian Andersen (1805–75).

Since the 1920s, the Royal Library has warmly encouraged initiatives to promote through diverse media the awareness and use of Guaman Po-ma’s work by scholars, students, and the wider public. The Nueva corónica is today available in a “cleaned-up” facsimile published in 1936 (reprinted 1968 and 1989), in microphotography, and not least in the critical edition in three volumes based on the scrupulous autoptical examination, during the summer of 1977, by Professor Rolena Adorno, Yale University, of the 1,200 pages of the original manuscript, published in 1980 (and later) by herself, together with George L. Urioste and the renowned anthropologist John V. Murra (1916–2006).

Most recently, in 2001, the Royal Library completed and published on the Internet a digital facsimile with global free access of the Nueva corónica manuscript, expanded in 2004 with the full Murra-Adorno transcription with commentary of Guaman Poma’s text. The Guaman Poma Website has been a distinctive success, to judge by the average number of daily “hits,” and by unequivocally appreciative responses of the international scholarly world. The opening of the website was accompanied by the simultaneous publication in English and in Spanish of a detailed historiographical essay by Professor Adorno, Guaman Poma and His Illustrated Chronicle from Colonial Peru: From a Century of Scholarship to a New Era of Reading (2001). I should like


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Foreword

to add that in 1980 and from 2002 to 2015, the scholarly yearbook of the Roy-al Library, Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger (Findings and Research in the Collections of the Royal Library) has welcomed a number of important studies on various aspects of Guaman Poma and his Nueva coróni-ca; these resources are available in open access mode at http://tidsskrift.dk.

The present publication can be viewed as yet another token of the li-brary’s dedication to the stewardship of Guaman Poma’s unique manu-script, which in 2007 was included in UNESCO’s Memory of the World Reg-ister—as mentioned by Professor Adorno in the “Introduction” that she has authored for the purpose of providing a factual and historiographical context regarding GKS 2232 4o for the following fourteen specialized es-says. It is my pleasure to thank her, as well as Ivan Boserup, Head of West-ern Manuscripts of the Royal Library from 1999 through 2014, for having organized, together with Jean-Philippe Husson, Professeur émérite of the Université de Poitiers, on Danish soil and within its national library, the celebration of the 400th anniversary of the Nueva corónica. This was brought to fruition through an international colloquium, held in October 2013, in which invited essays on Guaman Poma and his work by distinguished scholars from Peru, the United States of America, France, Israel, and Den-mark were read and discussed during three days of intense work and intel-lectual exchanges.

I wish to express my sincere gratitude on behalf of The Royal Library to the contributors to the colloquium, who all immediately accepted the invitation to convene in the modern “home base” of Guaman Poma’s manu script, and to contribute significant results of their scholarship to the library’s celebration of the fourth centenary of the Nueva corónica. Last but not least my thanks go to the efficient Adorno-Boserup editorial team and the professional staff of Museum Tusculanum Press. An unexpected grant from the Global Research Funds of the Danish Ministry of Research in 2012 made it possible to organize the international colloquium and sub-sequently to publish its results in a manner that matches their scholarly excellence.

Erland Kolding NielsenDirector General

The Royal Library


Contents

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Erland Kolding Nielsen

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9Rolena Adorno

The Illustrated Contract between Guaman Poma and the Friends of Blas Valera: A Key Miccinelli Manuscript Discovered in 1998 . . . . . . . 19Ivan Boserup and Mette Kia Krabbe Meyer

Manuscript Circulation, Christian Eschatology, and Political Reform: Las Casas’s Tratado de las doce dudas and Guaman Poma’s Nueva corónica . . . . 65José Cárdenas Bunsen

The Environmental Contexts of Guaman Poma: Interethnic Conflict over Forest Resources and Place in Huamanga, 1540–1600 . . . . . . . . 87Gregory T. Cushman

Guaman Poma: Law, Land, and Legacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141Regina Harrison

A Little Known but Essential Element of the Cultural Context of the Nueva corónica: Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala’s Native Sources . . . . . 163Jean-Philippe Husson

In Search of the Background for the Bilingualism of El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189Gregory Khaimovich


What Kind of Text is Guaman Poma’s Warikza arawi? . . . . . . . . . . . . 211Bruce Mannheim

Dedications and Devils: Comparing Visual Representations in Early Colonial Mesoamerican Sources and Guaman Poma’s Nueva corónica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233Jesper Nielsen and Mettelise Fritz Hansen

The “Military Miracles” in the 1536 Siege of Cuzco . . . . . . . . . . . . 269Amnon Nir

Inca Kings, Queens, Captains, and Tocapus in the Manuscripts of Martín de Murúa and Guaman Poma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291Juan M. Ossio A.

A Central Aspect of the Intellectual, Religious, and Artistic Context of the Nueva corónica: Lives of Saints . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331Audrey Prévôtel

Guaman Poma’s Sapçi in Ethnographic Vision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355Frank Salomon

Guaman Poma’s Descriptions of Inca Government Agencies . . . . . . 397Jan Szeminski

Guaman Poma on Inca Hierarchy, Before and in Colonial Times . . . 441R. Tom Zuidema

Notes on Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 471

Index of Historical Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 477

References to the Nueva corónica


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Guaman Poma: Law, Land, and Legacy

Regina Harrison

Felipe Guaman Poma’s crying out for justice is repeated throughout the 1,200 pages of the Nueva corónica, although many times he concludes with a resounding “no hay rremedio” (there is no remedy). As a translator, a wit-ness, and a litigant, Guaman Poma well serves to describe events particular to the implementation of Spanish administrative and juridical institutions in colonial Peru. I will examine here his knowledge of legal processes, legal formats, and his program for ensuring legal justice in the Andes. In closely studying two exemplary texts—a writ of amparo (protection of rights) and a sample will—embedded in the pages of the Nueva corónica, we witness Gua-man Poma enacting Spanish law for his Andean purposes.

In the sixteenth century, adjudication was based on four precepts of a just society available for each person as described by Divine Law (divine principles of right and wrong stemming from the mind of God), Natural Law (the body of self-evident principles implanted by God at creation and arrived at by reason) (Pagden and Lawrance 1992, xvi–xv), and Human Law (ius positum, man-made laws derived from Natural Law, seen as existent in human conscience and enacted in the external world in political and social institutions with variation from community to community) (xv). Further-more, there was general acceptance of a law of nations (ius gentium) which fell between natural and human law and relied upon the idea of universal consensus: “The law of people and of the States” (Scott 1934, 140). In gen-eral, legal thought was oriented to the achievement of “political happiness” which depended on social obligations on the part of the king toward his subjects. Man-made legal determinations were subject to divine law, often seen in the numerous references to “discharge the King’s conscience before God” in the letters and reports of the sixteenth century (Owensby 2008, 33–34).

This abstract and overarching philosophy for good government and the administration of justice is carried out by detailed legislation of private law,


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an apparatus that permitted Spain to govern by rule of law. The Spanish monarchy drew upon a vast literature of codified law (ley): Roman law; the oral, then written, Visigoth code of law; the fueros arising from the Recon-quista; the Siete partidas as statutory laws drawn up by Alfonso X in the thir-teenth century that later were included within the laws of the Ordenamiento de Alcalá of the fourteenth century; the Leyes de Toro of 1505 that further cen-tralized laws regarding bequests; the Law of Burgos (1512), a set of laws legalizing the encomienda; and the Laws of the Indies compiled in the Nueva Recopilación in the time of Philip II (1567), in addition to canon law (Mirow 2010, 15–17). Some historians have postulated that Spain dispatched some 400,000 royal decrees (cédulas) by the turn of the seventeenth century, de-rived from these codified systems of civil law (Ross 2008, 112). While much codification incorporated aspects from one set of laws to another, there was often discussion of the applicable law to pronounce in certain cases. Occasionally, an order of precedence was assigned to influence civil ju-ridical decision making; specifically, the lawyers were encouraged to first consult the Ordenamiento of 1348, then the fueros, and then the Siete partidas (Mirow 2010, 17).

Woodrow Borah, in Justice by Insurance (1983), helps clarify the nature of the cases that were brought by indigenous plaintiffs and defendants. Church law involved questions of civil and criminal cases under ecclesias-tical law at the parish level; cases involving marriage, tithes, and matters of faith could proceed through church tribunals up to the diocese levels. Royal jurisdiction included matters of civil, criminal, and administrative disputes, where the state arbitrated to resolve disagreement among per-sons and entities. In civil cases, indigenous communities were often pitted against one another to settle boundary disputes, water rights, and political designation of the head town (cabecera). Natives also brought suits regarding inheritance, as the indigenous population began to assimilate to Spanish laws of primogeniture and designation of heirs according to Spanish law. Of course, native peoples also brought suits against Spaniards, especial-ly regarding Spanish acquisition of lands, for definition of grazing rights, and to dispute demands for labor. Criminal cases involved offenses against native customs as well as those of rape, assault, drunkenness, and other transgressions. A large number of cases for royal jurisdiction involved in-digenous suits and petitions regarding administrative decisions on tribute,


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forced purchase of goods, underpayment for labor and services, and ad hoc assessments levied by indigenous leaders. Governors and viceroys were pe-titioned, not the courts, in cases of amparo, where the petitioner requested protection in matters of land ownership or to redress actions by a Spanish official (Borah 1983, 44–45).

The Hispanic system of law and legislation has been described aptly by historians as a “complex bureaucratic pyramid with multiple, partly inde-pendent and partly interdependent hierarchies” (John Phelan, cited in Ross 2008, 113) and as a “labyrinthian system” difficult to navigate in (Stern 1982, 115). Richard J. Ross, in analyzing the intricacies of this system, claims that the Spanish “deliberately established overlapping bureaucracies and pro-voked jurisdictional conflict as a way of obtaining information” regarding the colonies (Ross 2008, 117). And the king’s Council of the Indies followed everyday affairs closely as part of the plan for information gathering and allowed colonial officials below the level of viceroy and governor to go over the head of their superiors with their grievances in procedures of appeal. Non-officials and interested parties also could express their dissatisfaction directly by letters and petitions, with some restrictions, to the monarch himself (114–15). In general, the king and the Council were interested in obtaining justice for all individuals and upholding Castilian values rather than seeking precedent: “Royal institutions conceived of their mission less as following promulgated law (ley) than upholding justice (derecho) or giv-ing subjects their due” (120).

Spanish settlers and native peoples eagerly entered this colonial legal labyrinth: “The total amount of business represented by Indian cases un-der civil and criminal law and petitions for administrative relief or remedy was enormous and left untouched few of the more important aspects of Indian life” (Borah 1983, 54). In the Andes, indigenous plaintiffs, usually kuraka leaders, protested tribute payments, demands for personal service, and sought protection of native territories by means of the local adminis-trative hierarchy and even carried their suits forward in ascending to the highest courts, the Royal Court of the Audiencia, or to the viceregal palace. So wholeheartedly did the natives embrace the legal system that the viceroy Francisco de Toledo sought to thin out the avalanche of papers presented for redress (Burns 2011, 673). Often it was through presentation of these cases that native Andeans learned of judicial procedure, as lawyers and


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learned clerics instructed and represented native communities or specific individuals. While it might be comforting to envision individual indige-nous litigants battling against the Spanish invader for their rights, in fact most cases were brought by ayllus (clans) to settle disputes between ethnic groups and native communities. Seeking a favorable outcome, native An-deans gave power of attorney to Spanish officials (many of them lawyers) to assume representation for their community and also often aligned the ayllu with powerful encomenderos to plead their cause (Stern 1982, 119).

Felipe Guaman Poma, a learned indigenous assistant to Spanish officials on tours of inspections and land adjudication, mastered both the abstract and concrete conceptions of Spanish law. The pages of the Nueva corónica are inscribed with his appeals to divine law, Spanish codified law, and cus-tomary law, frequently equally weighted in importance, “la ley de Dios y de su Magestad de cristiandad y la ley antigua de yndios” (the law of God and the Christian law of your Majesty and the ancient law of the Indians) (NC [809]).1 This last item, customary law, allowed natives to be judged by their own laws as long as there was no conflict with Christian law and custom. A definition found in Covarrubias’s seventeenth-century dictionary is pre-cise: “la costumbre haze ley, entiendose cuando no ay ley en contrario, ni repugna a la razon y justicia” (customs are law, if there is no opposing law, nor offense to reason and justice) (Covarrubias 1943 [1611], 366). On cus-tomary law, Guaman Poma presents readers with a long list of Inca ordenan-zas (laws) (NC [184–95]), as evidence of the ordered nature of Inca society, so important to declassify the indigenous as “savages” in the New World. Guaman Poma, along with other writers, was eager to prove that order and integrity existed in the pre-conquest world of the Incas. He cleverly lists the laws and decrees of the tenth Inca Topa Yupanqui, a ruler he claims as an ancestor. The specific decrees range from the creation of an adminis-trative structure (a royal council of fourteen persons) and rules for ritual (burial, fasting) to issues of good health and cleanliness (domestic inspec-tions of household floors, clean clothing). His lists are supplemented with extensive explications of the administrative structure, including Quechua nomenclature to pinpoint the duties of Inca officials to enforce these laws. This administrative system for governing Inca territories attested to a well ordered, strictly supervised rule of law that corresponded well with His-panic values and Christian theology.


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Guaman Poma acknowledged the presence of the Christian laws im-posed in the Andes by the conquerors, “la ley de Castilia” (the law of Spain) (NC [929]), and he often portrays these laws as foreign, pertaining to the Spanish (NC [1116]). He is knowledgeable about the workings of these laws; he has worked alongside Cristóbal de Albornoz in a visitation (visita) and as an interpreter for Gabriel Solano de Figueroa (see Puente Luna and Solier Ochoa 2006; Puente Luna 2008). He writes and sketches a virtual organi-zational chart, starting with the pope and the king on top and descending through the ranks of viceroys, bishops, corregidores (royal administrators), local judges, and notaries in prose and in line drawings. And likewise he describes, progressing vertically downward, the whole gamut of indige-nous officials from kurakas to lower level indigenous cabildo members, to native scribes who participated in civil and ecclesiastical courts, all assim-ilated within Hispanic society.

Indigenous officials and Spanish judges at the regional level and in the courts of the Audiencia were often involved in litigation over land. Inca and Andean ideas about land were at odds with those of the Spanish. Indige-nous peoples conceived of land as “a means of production, held by the com-munity or clan and allocated to support certain offices or functions” (Borah 1983, 38). Much has been written about the tripartite structure of native Andean landholdings (the usual comments regarding the lands held by the Inca rulers, the lands apportioned to religious entities, and those lands be-longing to the communities). The Spanish, on the other hand, conceived of land in terms of Roman or civil law, in which “a man could be the master of land which was his to allow to remain idle, destroy, or till as he chose, subject only to the right of the sovereign to tax or take for public use on due compensation” (38). Landholding among the indigenous was restructured by the Spanish with legislation that moved populations from their tradi-tional lands and gathered communities into new lands called reducciones. This decree, as well as a serious decline in population, allowed the Spanish to purchase, seize, and encroach upon lands formerly designated to Inca leaders or communities (Assadourian 2006). The products of the land also came to the attention of the judges, as indigenous individuals and commu-nities petitioned to be relieved of tribute obligations and labor demands.

Guaman Poma was well aware of, and attentive to, the means of inscrib-ing one’s self and one’s community in the Spanish juridical formats. In his


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handwritten pages, he depicts the flurry of petitions and paperwork com-mon to the native scribes of the Andes.2 He is insistent that these docu-ments be presented and preserved in a written format, as seen in his com-mentary to the king:

que todas las justicias seglares, ygl[e]ciásticos destos rreynos rreciuan las peticiones y memoriales, enterrogatorios, abisado o carta que los yndios lo dieren y presentaren, aunque sea en lengua de yndio. Aunque sea un rreglón, al pie de ella lo rresponda y con la rrespuesta se las buelba para su derecho, justicia, aunque sea yndio alcalde. Jamás haga justicia de palabra, cino que sea de letra, para que le conste al dicho corregidor. Si uiniere de palabra, no le oyga y pida escrito.

(Let all the civil judges and ecclesiastic judges in this Viceroyalty re-ceive the petitions, reports, questions, the notices, and letters that the Indians give and present even though it be in an Indian language. Even if it is a mere line of query, write an answer at the bottom, so that the answer is returned so that there is justice [meted out] even with an indigenous alcalde official. Never agree to justice by word [oral], only written [letra] so that the royal official recognizes it. If it comes as an oral decision, do not listen and ask for it in writing.) (NC [831])

This obsession with pieces of paper and writing perhaps stems from a legal decision of 1530, introducing the cognitio summaria, which simplified civ-il suits among indigenous peoples through limiting the cases to an oral determination by a Spanish judge, with no documents and no judicial pro-cedure termed. The intent was to do away with expensive judicial proce-dures, and substitute an informal hearing. However, in the case of Spanish and indigenous suits, or those of towns, the process often demanded the full set of witnesses (thirty witnesses as standard) and documents of proof (which itself was the occasion for thirty questions) (Borah 1983, 14, 35, 56). Of course, the Spanish insistence on the right to appeal meant that “[the Indians] could haul any official into court and challenge his decisions” (40) and many availed themselves of this opportunity for redress.

Guaman Poma’s interest in the written word and reference to Hispan-ic rule of law is seen in various illustrations. An ayllu captain holds in his


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hand the cedula de alquiler (permit) to prove he has arranged for a replace-ment for the mita obligatory labor in the mines (NC [535]). In another, the use of a carta (letter) written by a native official ends a woman’s persecution by a priest (NC [668]). A priest pens a petition on behalf of the native leader who complains that the Spanish corregidor official unlawfully asked for a native bearer to carry his goods (NC [602]). And documentation is drawn on a page where the priest cancels an order to open up charges, seeing that the natives will write up their complaints as well, in retaliation (NC [636]). We read of a successful conclusion of a petitioner’s plea; the vicar general hands over a writ of amparo that will serve as protection for the na-tive Andean (NC [641]). In the pages that follow this paper-centric section, Guaman Poma advocates for indigenous justice and summarizes the steps for petitioning the vicar general, starting with the indigenous cabildo and going up through the ranks, always obtaining signatures of notaries (NC [669]).

The amparo permitted administrative intervention in indigenous affairs, as the writ “was an order to the appropriate officials that the petitioner be protected in the possession of land or the exercise of some function which he feared might be unjustly disputed or forbidden” (Owensby 2008, 53). These writs have often been studied closely, as Brian Owensby has done for New Spain, to summarize the particular circumstances of individuals and communities who sought the protection of—and from—Spanish officials (52). The components of an amparo are provided by Guaman Poma, who gives his readers the correct legal wording to bring about a successful plea in a sample writ, which is abbreviated but includes standard language:

Es y como se sigue, abreuiado. A de decir ací: “Don Pedro de Torres, corregidor y justicia mayor desta prouincia y su juridición, por su Magestad le defiendo y anparo a Domingo Alcas, yndio rreseruado, o yndia biuda María Timtama deste dicho pueblo. Y que no pague tributo ni acuda a las demás seruicios personales. Y acimismo le anparo de toda su hazienda y chacaras [sementera], atun chacara [grande], un topo o medio o cutmo o quatro andenes del citio de Chilca Pata y su luccri chaca-ra [?], medio topo en el citio de Tapraca. Acimismo le defiendo de sus casas y solares y demás haziendas, estancias y corrales, ura pampa, que no se la tomen.”


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(It is like this that follows, abbreviated. It must state thus: “Don Pe-dro de Torres, corregidor and judge of this province and jurisdiction, by right of His Majesty, I defend and give amparo to Domingo Alcas, Indi-an who is designated ‘non-tribute,’ and to the widow María Timcama from the foresaid town. That he/she not pay tribute nor be presented for personal service. And thus I also protect by amparo all of his/her goods and agricultural lands, the large cultivated lands, the topo [land measure] or half topo measure or the 1/8 of a topo in the site of Chilca Pata and also his luccri cultivated lands, as well as a half of topo in the site of Tar[a]paca. Thus, I also defend his/her houses and city plots and the rest of his/her goods, fields, and animal corrals, in the high plains, so that no one take them from him/her.”) (NC [516])

Here, a native male already designated exempt from service (rreservado) and a widow have petitioned for relief from tribute and personal service and for the protection of their rights to their lands. The named corregidor gives them protection not only from claims on their labor, but protection to safeguard their estate and land. Native conceptions of land are specified (topo, medio topo, cutmo) and native nomenclature for cultivated fields is given (chacara, atun chacara, luccri chacara) as well as for lands at higher elevation (ura pam-pa). Alongside the Quechua lexemes, Hispanic nomenclature for material goods are also stipulated: haciendas, houses, ranches, and corrals.

There is a proviso written in this amparo, and although it is written in as part of the actual document, one wonders how much of it reflects Guaman Poma’s ideas of good government. The clauses incorporate both Spanish and Andean codes of good behavior: namely, to attend mass, to confess, and to attend to the maintenance of the church and the cult of the Virgin as well as the established native duties of working the sapçi communal lands, cleaning the irrigation ditches, gathering dung, planting a variety of foods, raising plenty of guinea pigs and chickens in the house, and gathering fire-wood and straw as gifts to the poor. This portion of the amparo, the peti-tioner’s responsibilities, is linked closely to and embedded in the initial clauses offering protection. Guaman Poma adds that all that is granted and protected should be left as items of inheritance.

There is a short break in the legal text where Guaman Poma pauses to characterize his fellow Andeans: they are “lost” to society, they are lazy,


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they do not obey their caciques, they do not participate in the activities of church or community, and the women become whores. Then it is back to the legal text again, at the bottom of the page, where Guaman Poma names the cabildo notary, the indigenous Felipe Llanque, and writes again the name of the corregidor who headed up the amparo, don Pedro de Torres. The addition of place (Huancayo) and date (October 20, 16[ ]) constitute the legality of the format, along with the suggested place for the corregidor and the notary (NC [516]).

The amparo became a formidable instrument in the hands of the native Andeans who petitioned for administrative justice. Guaman Poma also enhanced access to Andean justice by reminding the reader of the power of a will, a Spanish legal means to convey the rights to land and property. Graphically, he emphasized the power of inheritance, and depicted an el-derly male defiantly hugging his llama, proclaiming that he inherited this animal, his house, and his lands from his deceased father (NC [891], see Fig. 1). Of course, as an elder, he was not subject to tribute. But more im-portant is his assertion that he was left specific items in a will and that the legality of the claim be respected: “machuypa yayaypa saquiscanmi. Testa-mentopi saquiuan” (my aged father left it in a will. In his will he left it to me) (NC [891]).

In another illustration, part of the section of “Justice for Indians,” Gua-man Poma depicts an indigenous notary (escribano de cabildo) appointed by the king at work writing a will (NC [828], see Fig. 2). Seated at a table with a fringed table cloth, he is surrounded by the instruments of his trade: an ink stand, the quill, the blotter, a book, and the quill case. Behind him, a shelf is brimming over with books for consultation. This native Andean scribe actively records in Spanish the will of a certain Don Pedro. Guaman Poma completes the sketch by meticulously writing the words of a legal formulary on the sheet of paper lying on the table: “In the name of the Holy Trinity, I draw up the last will and testament of Don Pedro” (NC [828]).

Guaman Poma, with this heading, properly writes a formulaic opening for documents of legal inheritance and cancellation of debts required by the church. As Sarah Cline has shown, churchmen advocated the writ-ing of wills as a religious act, as “part of the Spaniards’ evangelization of the Indians by the mendicant orders, especially the Franciscans, the Dominicans, and Augustinians” (Cline 1998, 14).3 In fact, a model testa-


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ment in both Nahuatl and Spanish was included in the confession manual written by Friar Alonso de Molina (1569). The wording is standardized in both languages, providing a template for writing wills in Meso-America (Cline 1998, 28). In the Andes, Francisco de Toledo encouraged the drawing up of indigenous wills, as seen in a decree in 1575. He also wrote a template for the contents, specifying the details of burial and masses, the reconcil-ing of debt, and the listing of assets (Nowack 2006, 53; Burns 2011, 675). So important was the making of a will for Guaman Poma that he noted twice, in a caption for a drawing and in a prose text, that Toledo himself died in-testate (NC [460, 461]).4

Guaman Poma supplements his drawing of the notary by providing ex-plicit instructions for how to write a will. He gives a template, a detailed sample text, of a will made out on behalf of Cristóbal de León, an indige-

Fig. 1. An elderly male

proclaiming that he inherited

this animal, his house, and

his lands from his deceased

father. GKS 2232 4o, p. [891],

The Royal Library,

Copenhagen.


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nous leader, who, Guaman Poma tells us, was exiled in 1612 for the numer-ous petitions and protests he wrote against the priest and local government officials (NC [694]).5 He cautions the reader that although it is an abbrevi-ated format, the standard language and considerations commonly used in the early colonial period are contained within it.

The heading differs slightly from the model suggested by Fray Medina and is expanded from the heading written in the drawing: “La Sanctícima Trinidad, a un solo Dios entriego mi ánima y a la Uirgen María y a todos los sanctos y sanctas ángeles, amé(n), encomiendo mi ánima, amén” (To The Holy Trinity, to One God only I hand over my soul and to the Virgin Maria and to all the male saints and the female saints, the angels, Amen, I com-mend my soul, Amen) (NC [518]). Guaman Poma’s legal expertise, now seen in a longer heading, could well be derived from the Pratica civil y criminal e

Fig. 2. An indigenous notary

(escribano de cabildo) at

work writing a will. GKS

2232 4o, p. [828], The Royal

Library, Copenhagen.


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instrucción de escrivanos (1566) by Gabriel de Monterroso y Alvarado, where the sample wording given for a heading is similar; indeed, the Nueva coróni-ca specifically mentions this manual (Monterroso y Alvarado 1591 [1566], 167r).6 As a lawyer, Monterroso is acutely aware of the importance of pre-cisely following the legal formulas of inheritance. He warns that a scribe/notary has to be very knowledgeable; if not, even a single clause could in-validate the entire will (162r/v). Matters of inheritance were regulated and the Casa de Contratación oversaw the adjudication of wills of decedents in the Indies, with appeals permitted in the Council of the Indies (Mirow 2010, 21).

Monterroso includes a detailed description of what must be written in the will, although he does not provide the precise language: specification of the church where the deceased will be buried, the lay brotherhoods that will participate at burial, the priests who will be called to perform the masses, an accounting of the debts owed and the names and circumstances of those who are indebted to the deceased, the sums of a wife’s assets, and the amounts already dispensed to married children (Monterroso y Alvarado 1591 [1566], 162v).

Inheritance through testament was well developed in Castilian sources that followed Roman law and specified that legitimate descendants were entitled to four-fifths of the testator’s property. Basically, a wife would be entitled to her assets and the remainder of the estate was divided between sons and daughters equally (the forced heirs) (Mirow 2010, 67). However, as Monterroso writes correctly, one child could be awarded a larger inher-itance by means of the mejora where one fifth to one third of the estate was designated to a certain family member and also by means of the mayora-zgo, in which a larger portion of the estate was designated to one heir, the first born son, in order to keep the estate whole and not broken up piece-meal (Monterroso y Alvarado 1591 [1566], 162v–63r). Inheritance was well delineated regarding legitimate and illegitimate children; if the testator had both legitimate and illegitimate children, then the illegitimate child was to receive no more than a fifth of the goods. If the legitimate children were deceased the testator could give the illegitimate children the entire inheritance, except if these children were the product of adultery or incest and therefore could only inherit one-fifth of the estate (Charney 2012, 347).7

Guaman Poma’s sample will, seen in light of Monterroso’s guidelines,


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might lead to a challenge in court. Here he deviates slightly from the codi-fied Spanish legal format; he does not privilege the legitimate son, but pro-vides legal status as executor for a son born out of sacred wedlock, recog-nized (hijo natural) or unrecognized (bastardo). As noted previously, Spanish law limited inheritance, allowing a bastard child to inherit only one-fifth of property, protecting the spouse and children as primary beneficiaries, as stated in the Laws of Soria (Twinam 1999, 220). More commonly, in wills studied by Kerstin Nowack, choice of executors was an important indicator of social standing, as these individuals were trusted to carry out the wishes of the deceased (Nowack 2006, 66.) The sample will includes a high rank-ing Inca, a notary, and two witnesses.

Aware of the legal prescriptions and church-sanctioned prescriptions, Guaman Poma inserts a running commentary on rules for inheritance, right in the middle of the listed “items” of the sample will. In this aside, he suggests inheritance patterns for those with no children and designates the structure of bequests: the gift of property to grandchildren, or siblings of the testator, nephews and nieces, near relatives, the servants, or even an orphan girl or boy who has aided the family. Spanish legal practice, on the other hand, grants legitimate children and grandchildren precedence, then ascendant relatives (fathers/mothers) (Twinam 1999, 221; Monterro-so y Alvarado 1591 [1566], 163r). If all else fails in designating bequests to kinsmen and acquaintances, Guaman Poma advises indigenous testators to leave the estate to native communities, who are now land poor. “Y que no teniendo nengún eredero, … que dexe a la comunidad para el multiplico que adonde an de cieuir los pobres de los yndios” (And not having any heir, … instead leave [inheritance] to the community to increase, where the Indian poor can benefit) ([NC 519]). He warns against giving greedy priests access to the will; they often were called upon for dictation if no notary was avail-able (see Nowack’s comment: 2006, 69): “Y que no le dé lugar al dicho padre porque lo querrá tomallo todo y consumillo … Y se lo quitan [las] eredades [de los pobres] porque en este rreyno los padres lo quitan y se las uende” (And do not give any powers to the aforesaid priest because he will take it all and use it … And they take the inheritance of the poor because in this Viceroyalty the priests take inheritances and sell them) (NC [519]). If there are no heirs, he argues for leaving lands to indigenous communities: This will should be carried out, he states, by named officials: the administrator,


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the executor, the native cacique, and the royal official in order to implement the wishes of the deceased (NC [519]).

Inheritance is a vexing question for Guaman Poma, for two hundred pages later in his Nueva corónica he takes up the topic of testaments again. In these texts, far from the sample will, he concentrates on the act of legal disinheritance. Spanish rules for inheritance allow for this act and in this passage Guaman Poma stipulates that the legitimate child may be disin-herited, favoring a child (boy or girl) born out of wedlock (a recognized illegitimate child or a bastard):

Ci dexare al uastardo o natural o lexítimo sus haziendas o su gouierno, lo dexe porque en toda su uida el lexítimo no le da un xarro de agua. Antes le aporrea y el uastardo le cirue como negro esclabo y cumple lo que manda Dios en los dies mandamientos: le quiere y ama, obedese a su padre y madre, le dexe todo. Al que no lo guardó, le castigue Dios y su padre. Y ací no le sea estoruado. Y el testamento hecha haga firmar al cacique prencipal, protetor de la prouincia.

(If he leaves his estate or his right to govern to the bastard or to the recognized out-of-wedlock child or to the legitimate child, he leaves it [like that] because all his life long the legitimate child has not given him even a mug full of water. Instead he beats up on him [treats him badly] and the bastard child serves him like a black slave and carries out what God says in the ten commandments; he loves him and cares for him, he obeys his father and mother, lets [the father] leave him ev-erything. The child who does not act correctly [as a Christian], let God and his father punish him. And thus let him not be hindered. And the principal indigenous leader, the protector of the province, should be made to sign the prepared will.) (NC [831])

Clearly outlined by Monterroso, Spain recognized the right to disinherit a forced heir for reasons of violent assault, or verbal disrespect, or for con-viction of witchcraft, for conversion to Judaism or to Muslim religions, to choose to become a street singer or to become a bullfighter, or to marry against the family’s wishes (Monterroso y Alvarado 1591 [1566], 166v–67r).

Unfortunately, in Guaman Poma’s sample will we are not given the ma-


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terial objects—native cloth, ritual precious metal objects—so spectacularly listed in the Andean wills studied by Frank Salomon, Ana María Presta, Karen Graubart, and Paul Charney. Yet, with an eye on specifics, there are key bicultural references in the Andean template provided by Guaman Poma. Christian belief is expressed and follows a formulary script that the notary was required to ask: designation for burial in a specific church and the specification of masses for the deliverance of the soul, followed by the disposition of the estate, with mention of fields and city plots—most-ly standard stuff—then, the designation of heirs and parceling out of the estate, a return to donations to the Virgin, and a listing of debts owed and debts to be collected (NC [519]). Thus, the church and Guaman Poma agree that in writing a notarized testament the testator is facing a moment of truthful assessment of his actions in this world: “… que descargue su con-sencia y declare todo a su boluntad el testador cin que nadie le estorue” (… he should unburden his conscience and declare everything of his own free will) (NC [831]). This sample text stresses the voluntary nature of the act, prescribes the disposition of worldly goods, and emphasizes restitu-tion within the confines of confession. This written text gives the testator a voice to clearly proclaim his conversion to the Christian faith and evidence his knowledge of the doctrinal teachings. At the same time, through this last “quasi-confession,” now written and not merely spoken, the testator can declare his sins for the last time, and also, perhaps more importantly, dispose of worldly goods in a manner that protects indigenous property from the acquisitive Spanish invaders.

Significantly, this testament speaks to us about Andean native patterns that persisted despite Spanish coercion in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Reading closely, we see that the children, wife, debtor, silver-smith, witnesses, and notary all bear Christian-given names and thus re-veal their baptized state. However, we also note that reference to Andean lineages and origins are also preserved in the use of Quechua ayllu family names, such as Camasca, Taquire, Puri. Moreover, Quechua priorities are similarly embedded within the Spanish text, as seen in the disposition of money and land. The testament pointedly gives only coins (patacones) to the church for mass, for payment for restitution, or for debt collection in deference to the newly imposed monetary and theological systems of the conquest. Yet, perhaps a harking back to the Inca practice of animal sacri-


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fice, there is mention of the costly gift of a llama to the Virgin, or to such and such a saint, or to the church, in addition to the monetary donation for funeral masses. In referencing the estate, houses, and city plots, Gua-man Poma uses the Spanish nomenclature of hacienda, casas, and solar. How-ever, in designating the disposition of agricultural land, Quechua lexemes for chacara types are preserved (de taza and de lucre); and likewise there is reference to topos as the traditional native concept of measurement: “que rreparta toda mi hazienda, casas y solar, chacaras de taza y de lucre en tales citios tantos topos” (that my estate be distributed, my houses and my city plot, my cultivated tribute fields and my other worked fields of so many topos) (NC [519]). While topo is generally defined in most glossaries as the equivalent of a Spanish measurement of a league and a half squared, there were often other concepts embedded in topo, as John Murra, drawing on chronicle sources, stated in his article on land measurement. In chronicle sources, the word often referred to crop yield in specified indigenous eco-logical niches, particularly in regard to the amount of cropland necessary to sustain a family for a year (Murra 2002 [1995], 301).

In the papers from the law cases in which Guaman Poma himself is bat-tling to hold on to ancestral lands, we hear his transcribed voice disparage Spanish land nomenclature. In his legal case of 1598, Guaman Poma sought an audience with the viceroy to preserve a land claim, after a presentation to the assistant governor Diego Gavilán and the mayor Soto Mayor (Prado Tello and Prado Prado 1991, 332). This document notes that don Felipe and doña Ynes knew their family lands by their stone markers placed by the In-cas8 and their site names, having long possessed fields in the area. This tes-timony pointedly names all the indigenous as “Indians” and details their lands in topos, while the only listing for Spanish lands is by site name (335–38). Furthermore, Guaman Poma’s indigenous enemies, the Chachapoy-as, are disparaged as newcomers who do not have topos but who possess “3 fanegadas and a half in Chiari Urco” (335).9 In other petition pages, Guaman Poma, in testimony, again boasts about the Inca stones that mark land given to his family, and belittles those who only have recourse to new-ly imposed Spanish measurements, “los dichos Ingas nos dio y nos entregó, y así entendemos por nuestras mojoneras que no por fanegadas como se han entrado los dichos españoles” (the aforesaid Incas gave us [our lands], and thus we record it in stone markers, not in fanegadas as the aforesaid


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Spanish [do who] have entered [this land]) (347). In this manner, Guaman Poma, in writing this model testament that specifies land in topos, empha-sizes indigenous land measurements to ensure indigenous claim to lands in the immense territory of the viceroyalty.

In this last testamentary document, the results of an intense evangeli-cal campaign to convert the indigenous peoples of the Andes are evident. Belief in one true God, the Holy Trinity, and the Virgin are proclaimed in the heading. Likewise, the Quechua concept of a “deindividualized” spirit, one that is “not the seat of essential individuality and will,” has been al-tered to conform to the Spanish concept of ánima or soul (Allen 1982, 186). The new modes of communication and the new modes of an individualized self reveal the success of the Catholic crusade in the Andes. The testator commends his soul and commands the burial of his body in the regional church, following the prescribed doctrinal instructions. And through the implementation of a European monetized economy, this legal instrument is enabled to perform additional Christian acts, to restitute and collect on debts through the use of coins in circulation.

The confirmation of cultural transformation on the part of this cacique leader is made manifest by means of a written document. The vocabulary of vigilias (religious vigils), patacones (minted coins), and dueda (debt) represent the post-conquest introduction of Catholic religious practices, a market economy, and a mercantile system based on wage labor and credit.10 Yet, also scrawled on this page are Quechua lexemes that reveal Andean tradi-tional landholding practices regarding native conceptions of fields (chacar-as) and measurements (topos).

Thus these final words of this last “confession,” coupled with the phras-es of protest in the amparo petitions, attest to the integration of native pop-ulations into the religious and political economy of the colony. The cod-ified phrases of these two sample documents also emphasize, however, the terms with which the Andean natives could petition for redress, could maintain their hold on their property, or arrange for its transference within the indigenous family or community. Guaman Poma recognized the power of the written word: “… escribo esta historia para que sea memoria y que se ponga en el archibo para ver la justicia” (… I write this history so that there is a record and that it be placed in an archive to see justice [carried out]) (NC [991]). In reading these documents of testament and amparo, we, along with


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the notaries and gathered witnesses, validate the transcultural nature of the lived experience of the post-conquest native Andeans as they struggled to defend—and define—themselves.

Notes

1 Further page references to Guaman Poma 1980 [1615] will be entered in the

text with corrected page numbers in brackets, as in the online digital facsimile

Guaman Poma 2004 [1615/1980].

2 See the extensive research on colonial indigenous scribes in Adorno 1991,

2012; Rappaport and Cummins 2012; Burns 2011.

3 James Lockhart (1992, 468–74) also does an excellent close reading of this

model testament.

4 He censured Toledo unnecessarily, as Toledo, indeed, drew up a long and de-

tailed sealed will in 1578 and a codicil in 1580. See Levillier 1935, 90–196 (edition

of the entire will and the codicil).

5 Guaman Poma includes numerous references regarding this leader from the

high Andes and the most important are pp. [498–502], two illustrations on pp.

[498] and [500], and prose descriptions on pp. [944, 990]. However, he does not

hold Cristóbal de León in high regard at the end of his manuscript, see pp. [1107]

and [1119].

6 Charles 2010 cites this manual in Guaman Poma’s text (172). Burns 2011 also

gives extensive references to Monterroso’s manual in her writing.

7 I thank Karen Graubart for calling my attention to Charney, and Kathryn

Burns for her generous commentary.

8 Puente Luna 2008 analyzes Guaman Poma’s statements regarding Inca “giv-

ing” of land and placing permanent markers (mojones); he argues that the Incas

did not allocate land permanently and adjusted it periodically to ensure maxi-

mum agricultural yield. Beyersdorff 2007 discusses these markers as drawn on

colonial maps and in relation to the practice of muyuriy (walking the boundaries).

9 A fanega is a land measure equivalent to 1.59 acres.

10 See Harrison 2014 for more extensive commentary on these themes.


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Works Cited

Adorno, Rolena. 1991. “Images of Indios Ladinos in Early Colonial Peru.” In Kenneth J. Andrien and Rolena Adorno, eds., Transatlantic Encounters: Eu-ropeans and Andeans in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 232–70. Berkeley: Universi-ty of California Press.

———. 2012. “Court and Chronicle: A Native Andean’s Engagement with Spanish Colonial Law.” In Salilha Belmessous, ed., Indigenist Law against Empire, 1500–1920, pp. 63–85. London: Oxford University Press.

Allen, Catherine J. 1982. “Body and Soul in Quechua Thought.” Journal of Latin American Lore 8 (2): 179–96.

Assadourian, Carlos S. 2006. “Agriculture and Land Tenure.” In Victor Bul-mer-Thomas, John H. Coatsworth, and Roberto Cortés Conde, eds., The Colonial Era and the Short Nineteenth Century, vol. 1 of The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America, pp. 275–314. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Beyersdorff, Margot. 2007. “Covering the Earth: Mapping the Walkabout in Andean Pueblos de Indios.” Latin American Research Review 42 (3): 129–60.

Borah, Woodrow. 1983. Justice by Insurance: The General Indian Court of Colonial Mexico and the Legal Aides of the Half-Real. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Burns, Kathryn. 2011. “Making Indigenous Archives: The Quilcaycamayoc of Colonial Cuzco.” Hispanic American Historical Review 91 (4): 665–89.

Charles, John. 2010. Allies at Odds: The Andean Church and Its Indigenous Agents, 1583–1671. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

Charney, Paul. 2012. “ ‘For My Necessities’: The Wills of Andean Common-ers and Nobles in the Valley of Lima, 1596–1607.” Ethnohistory 59 (2): 323–51.

Cline, Sarah. 1998. “Fray Alonso de Molina’s Model Testament and An-tecedents to Indigenous Wills in Spanish America.” In Susan Kellogg and Matthew Restall, eds., Dead Giveaways: Indigenous Testaments of Colo-nial Mesoamerica and the Andes, pp. 13–33. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.

Covarrubias, Sebastián de. 1943 [1611]. Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española. Edited by Martín de Riquer. Barcelona: S.A. Horta.


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Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. 1980 [1615]. El primer nueva corónica y buen go-bierno. Edited by John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno, Quechua translations by Jorge L. Urioste. 3 vols. Mexico City: Siglo XXI Editores. (Corrected critical edition with new introductory essays 1987, Madrid: Historia 16.)

———. 2004 [1615/1980]. El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. Edited by John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno, Quechua translations by Jorge L. Uri-oste, online facsimile edition [2001], http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htm

Harrison, Regina. 2014. Sin and Confession in Colonial Peru: Spanish-Quechua Penitential Texts, 1560–1650. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Levillier, Roberto. 1935. Don Francisco de Toledo, supremo organizador del Perú: Anexos. Madrid: Imprinta Juan Pueyo.

Lockhart, James. 1992. The Nahuas after the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Mirow, M. C. 2010. Latin American Law: A History of Private Law and Institutions in Spanish America. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Monterroso y Alvarado, Gabriel. 1591 [1566]. Pratica [sic] ciuil y criminal y in-strucion de escriuanos …. Madrid: Pedro Madrigal.

Murra, John V. 2002 [1995]. “Derechos a tierras en el Tawantinsuyu.” In El mundo andino: población, medio ambiente y economía, pp. 294–307. Lima: In-stituto de Estudios Peruanos. Pontifícia Universidad Católica del Perú.

Nowack, Kerstin. 2006. “ ‘Como cristiano que soy’: Testamentos de la elite indígena en el Perú del siglo XVI.” Indiana 21: 51–77.

Ossio, Juan. 2008. En busca del orden perdido: La idea de la historia en Felipe Gua-man Poma de Ayala. Lima: Pontifícia Universidad Católica del Perú. Fondo Editorial.

Owensby, Brian P. 2008. Empire of Law and Indian Justice in Colonial Mexico. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Pagden, Anthony, and Jeremy Lawrance. 1992. “Introduction.” In Anthony Pagden and Jeremy Lawrance, eds., Vitoria: Political Writings, pp. xiii–xxix. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Prado Tello, Elías, and Alfredo Prado Prado, eds. 1991 [1560–1646]. Y no ay remedio. Lima: Centro de Investigaciones y Promoción Amazónica.

Puente Luna, José Carlos de la. 2008. “Cuando el ‘punto de vista nativo’ no es el punto de vista de los nativos: Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala y


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la apropriación de tierras en el Perú colonial.” Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 37 (1): 123–49.

Puente Luna, José Carlos de la, and Víctor Solier Ochoa. 2006. “La huella del intérprete: Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala y la primera composición de tierras en el valle de Jauja.” Histórica (Lima) 30 (2): 7–39.

Rappaport, Joanne, and Tom Cummins. 2012. Beyond the Lettered City: Indige-nous Literacies in the Andes. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Ross, Richard J. 2008. “Legal Communications and Imperial Governance: British North America and Spanish America Compared.” In Michael Grossberg and Christopher Tomlins, eds., The Cambridge History of Law in America, vol. 1, pp. 104–43. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sanhueza Tohá, Cecilia. 2004. “Medir, amojonar, repartir: Territorialidad y práticas demarcatorias en el Camino Incaico de Atacama.” Chungara: Revista Antropológica Chilena 36: 483–94.

Scott, James Brown. 1934. Francisco de Vitoria and the Law of Nations. London and Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Stern, Steve J. 1982. Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of the Spanish Con-quest: Huamanga to 1640. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Twinam, Ann. 1999. Public Lives, Private Secrets: Gender, Honor, Sexuality, and Illegitimacy in Colonial Spanish America. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Urton, Gary. 2010. “Recording Measurements in the Inka Khipu.” In Ian Morley and Colin Renfrew, eds., The Archeology of Measurement: Compre-hending Heaven, Earth and Time in Ancient Societies, pp. 54–68. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.


477

Index of Historical Sources

Bold-faced page numbers refer to illustrations.

Alarcón, Hernando Ruíz de (16th c.): 246, 253

Alcalá, Jerónimo de (c. 1540): see Relación ... de Michoacán

Alcalá, Ordenamiento de (14th c.): 142Anello Oliva, Giovanni / Juan (1574–

1642) / “Jao” or “JAO”: 20, 22, 48, 50, 53, 54n5, 57n25, 57n27, 181

Apocalypsis Goliae episcopi (12th or 13th c.): 51, 52, 55, 57n31

Arriaga, Pablo José de (1564–1622): 247, 255

Ávila, Francisco de (1573–1647): 253, 358

Bandera, Damián de la (1520–90): 453, 465

Bertonio, Ludovico (1552–1625): 83n15, 102, 311

Betanzos, Juan de (1510–76): 269, 270–73, 277, 278, 280, 284, 442–46, 450, 466, 467n2

Biblia sacra (Sp 11, 16–17; Mt 7, 2): 82n12

Cabello de Balboa, Miguel (1535–1608): 296

Casas, Bartolomé de las (1484–1566): 65–70, 74–76, 79–81, 82n4, 82n12, 83n15, 103, 163, 442–44, 446, 449, 464, 465

Chaves, Francisco de: anonymous drawing representing him, Archivio di Stato di Napoli: 25, 58n32

Cieza de León, Pedro (1520–54): 90, 109, 110, 114, 120, 121

Cobo, Bernabé (1580–1657): 119, 121, 122

Compulsa Ayacucho (copy of document

from 1600): 106, 123, 128, 129n5,

156

Confession of a Curaca (ca. 1612–20),

The Barbosa-Stern Collection,

Lima: 249Covarrubias, Sebastián de, see

DictionariesDávila Padilla, Agustín (1562–1604):

70

Di Sangro, Raimondo (1710–71): 26,

53n2, 54n3, 55n12, 55n13, 55n33

Dictionaries: by Domingo de Santo

Tomás (1560): 82n11, 91, 124,

129n8, 193, 237, 355, 401, 402, 408,

437n12, 442, 443, 446. – by Diego

González Holguín (1608): 124, 125,

169, 170, 208n9, 219, 221, 228n3,

229n6, 274, 355, 365, 370, 390n1,

401, 402, 408, 410, 412, 417–22,

437n8, 459, 460. – by Sebastián de


478

Index of HIstorIcal sources

Covarrubias (1611): 114, 332, 333,

351, 406, 434, 437n20

Doctrina christiana y catecismo para

instrucción de los indios (1593): 193

Dramatic plays: 171, 174, 185n4,

185n10 (see also Songs)

Durán, Diego (1538–88): 250, 252

Expediente Prado Tello (copy of docu-

ments from 1560–1640): 57n25,

96, 98–99, 106, 109–13, 115, 116,

119, 123–26, 128, 129n5, 132n33,

132n39, 156, 462

Flos sanctorum: 184, 334, 343, 349,

349n1. – Edition of 1516 (Ocaña):

334, 335. – Edition of 1520 (Varaz-

ze): 336, 337. – Edition of 1558

(Vega): 334, 335. – Edition of 1580

(Vega): 336, 337, 338, 339, 340,

341, 342, 342, 343, 344, 346, 347

González Holguín, Diego, see Dictionaries

Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe

(1550?–1615?): (1) Letter to King Filip

III, February 14, 1615, Archivo

General de Indias, Seville: 208n16.

– (2) Nueva corónica y buen gobierno,

1615. – Arranged by the correct-ed page numbers (in [ ]) of the Murra-Adorno edition:

[0 (title page)]: 53n1. – [1]: 80. – [1–13]: 195. – [4]: 79. – [6]: 356. – [14]: 458. – [15–16]: 185. – [16]: 456. – [17]: 458. – [20]: 125. – [22]: 92. – [42]: 93. – [42–43]: 92. – [47]: 185. – [48]: 92. – [50]:

77. – [57]: 132. – [58]: 77. – [64]: 77. – [65]: 367. – [69]: 229. – [75]: 367, 391. – [77]: 92. – [86]: 294, 321, 459. – [88]: 294, 321. – [89]: 460. – [92]: 339, 339. – [96]: 294. – [98]: 294, 459, 460

[100]: 254, 294. – [102]: 294. – [104]: 295. – [106]: 295. – [108]: 295. – [109]: 303. – [110]: 295, 323. – [111]: 321. – [112]: 295, 296. – [114]: 106. – [114–15]: 88. – [115]: 295. – [118]: 405, 406, 418. – [120]: 294, 299, 317, 317, 322. – [122]: 294, 299, 322. – [123]: 202. – [124]: 294. – [126]: 294. – [128]: 294, 298. – [130]: 294. – [132]: 295, 299. – [134]: 295. – [136]: 295. – [138]: 295. – [140]: 295. – [142]: 97, 295. – [144]: 205. – [145]: 300, 308, 308. – [146]: 309, 311. – [147]: 300, 302. – [148]: 303, 305. – [149]: 300, 302. – [150]: 305. – [151]: 300, 305, 306. – [153]: 300, 306. – [155]: 92, 300. – [157]: 279, 301, 305, 306. – [158]: 303. – [159]: 301. – [160]: 305. – [161]: 301, 302, 303. – [162]: 307. – [163]: 301. – [164]: 77. – [165]: 301. – [167]: 301. – [168]: 126. – [184–95]: 144, 195, 441. – [185]: 359, 435. – [186]: 405, 406, 418, 424, 426, 428, 432. – [187]: 404. – [191]: 443. – [193]: 357, 391. – [194]: 207. – [198]: 117, 118. – [199]: 419


479


[203]: 357. – [206]: 97, 357. – [208]: 97. – [210]: 97. – [225]: 357. – [227]: 117, 118. – [230]: 229. – [237–62]: 195. – [240]: 90. – [242]: 90, 376. – [243]: 435. – [245]: 376. – [246]: 379, 380. – [247]: 378, 379. – [248]: 254, 255. – [249]: 229, 417. – [250]: 90, 91. – [251]: 357. – [252]: 90, 372, 461. – [253]: 91, 228. – [256]: 90. – [260]: 91, 325. – [262]: 372. – [264–65]: 435. – [268]: 102, 359. – [273]: 417. – [279]: 256. – [279–80]: 435. – [280]: 257. – [282]: 256, 435. – [282–85]: 97. – [283]: 258. – [284]: 258. – [289–90]: 450

[300–2]: 453. – [302]: 357. – [303]: 202. – [304]: 333, 335. – [304–5]: 97. – [305]: 334. – [306]: 168. – [308]: 40, 41, 407. – [309]: 409. – [310]: 421. – [311]: 228. – [313]: 410, 422. – [314]: 410, 432. – [316]: 172. – [319]: 168, 170, 179, 228. – [320]: 212, 228. – [320–21]: 212. – [321]: 217, 218, 218, 228, 383. – [323]: 177. – [331]: 132. – [334]: 275. – [335]: 276. – [337]: 132, 359, 362. – [338]: 132, 374, 415. – [340]: 229, 432, 434. – [342–69]: 441. – [344]: 414. – [345]: 414, 432. – [346]: 412. – [347]: 412, 432, 445. – [348–49]: 426. – [349]: 417. – [350]: 365. – [353]: 229, 424. – [354–55]: 425. – [355]: 357. – [356]: 425.

– [358–59]: 423. – [360]: 364, 432. – [361]: 432. – [362]: 364, 432, 435. – [363]: 433. – [364]: 401. – [365]: 357, 400, 403, 422. – [366]: 295, 323, 328. – [368]: 458. – [368–69]: 87, 458. – [369]: 80. – [370–82]: 56. – [375]: 31–35, 31, 34, 35, 37–39, 37, 38, 41–47, 42, 44, 50, 52, 56. – [377]: 78, 181. – [378]: 77, 180. – [386]: 336, 337. – [389–91]: 166, 167. – [390]: 166. – [392]: 165, 338. – [393]: 164, 339, 345, 346

[400]: 336, 337. – [402]: 203. [403]: 282. – [405]: 282. – [406]: 284. – [407]: 285. – [426]: 50. – [451]: 325. – [452]: 346. – [453]: 204, 338, 339. – [454]: 345. – [457]: 77. – [459]: 357. – [460]: 150. – [461]: 150. – [498–502]: 158

[503]: 131, 341. – [516]: 148, 149, 357. – [518]: 151. – [519]: 153–56. – [520]: 97. – [523]: 342, 342. – [524]: 348. – [535]: 147. – [536]: 357. – [546]: 419. – [555]: 357. – [560]: 79. – [563–64]: 77. – [564]: 185. – [570]: 357. – [571]: 131. – [573]: 175, 184, 357. – [576]: 79. – [590]: 357

[602]: 147. [636]: 147. – [641]: 147. – [653]: 339, 339. – [668]: 147. – [669]: 147. – [674]: 357. – [679]: 357. – [683]: 357. – [687]: 358. – [689–90]: 97. – [694]: 151.

[708]: 97, 334, 335. – [709]:


480


357. – [716]: 80. – [726–40]: 195. – [750]: 185. – [752–74]: 441, 447. – [752–54]: 441. – [753–74]: 444. – [753]: 454, 458. – [754]: 441, 444. – [755]: 459. – [755–56]: 456. – [755–61]: 458. – [755–74]: 441. – [756–58]: 447. – [757]: 457. – [757–58]: 456. – [758]: 465. – [759]: 458. – [759–60]: 447. – [760]: 466. – [761–70]: 448, 458. – [763]: 463. – [765]: 463. – [767]: 462, 463. – [768]: 462. – [769]: 392, 458, 462, 463. – [770]: 392, 462 – [771]: 455. – [771–74]: 448. – [773]: 455. – [774]: 80. – [775–805]: 441, 448. – [777]: 357. – [788]: 357. – [789]: 228. – [790]: 32.

[800]: 458. – [802]: 451. – [803]: 357. – [804]: 458. – [806–33]: 448. – [806–34]: 441. – [808]: 458. – [809]: 144, 229, 374. – [810]: 131. – [813]: 357. – [814]: 458. – [815]: 357. – [816]: 416. – [817]: 357, 417. – [818]: 458, 462. – [819]: 357. – [820]: 357, 458. – [822]: 359, 361. – [828]: 149, 151. – [830]: 229, 357. – [831]: 146, 154, 155, 357. – [836]: 79. – [858]: 130. – [864–65]: 97. – [866]: 131. – [873–74]: 97. – [876]: 254. – [879–80]: 111. – [879–98]: 91. – [880]: 112. – [883]: 357. – [884]: 357. – [887]: 131. – [891]: 149, 150. – [896]: 357. – [898]: 372

[904]: 229, 357, 385. – [906]:

357. – [910]: 357. – [911]: 229. –

[912]: 357. – [919]: 357. – [922–73]:

65, 205. – [925]: 79, 170. – [929]:

184. – [942]: 252. – [944]: 158. –

[952]: 131. – [955]: 100, 252. – [971]:

183. – [974–99]: 195. – [975]: 242,

243. – [977]: 356, 357. – [985]: 356.

– [990]: 158. – [993]: 356

[1000]: 91, 92. – [1000–2]:

92. – [1001–2]: 94–95. – [1009]:

131. – [1011]: 131. – [1015]: 131. –

[1029]: 101. – [1035]: 131. – [1037]:

131. – [1039]: 131. – [1043]: 101.

– [1045]: 101. – [1047]: 101, 101. –

[1051]: 131. – [1057]: 102, 103, 104,

125. – [1058]: 103, 109. – [1059]:

131. – [1061]: 103. – [1061–64]: 102.

– [1065]: 131, 323, 328. – [1069]:

131. – [1073]: 131. – [1084]: 404. – [1088–89]: 87. – [1089]: 193. – [1089–90]: 65. – [1092–1103]: 88. – [1096]: 106. – [1097]: 367

[1100]: 131. – [1107]: 158. – [1119]: 158. – [1121]: 358. – [1131]: 358. – [1132–34]: 358. – [1141]: 90, 131. – [1141–75]: 109, 111. – [1147]: 229. – [1148]: 97. – [1150]: 131. – [1156]: 376. – [1157]: 118. – [1159–61]: 372, 374. – [1160]: 91, 373, 373. – [1162]: 91, 110. – [1163]: 461. – [1165]: 90, 110. – [1169]: 118. – [1174]: 108, 110. – [1175]: 90, 91


481


Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Pedro

(1544–1603): 70

Huamanga, Libro de cabildo: 102, 108,

109, 113, 115, 122, 123

Huarochirí ms., Biblioteca Nacional,

Madrid: 194, 200, 287n3, 359

Landa, Diego de (1524–79): 239

Las Casas, Bartolomé de, see Casas, Bartolomé de las

Laws: Leyes de Burgos: 142. – Leyes de

Castilia: 142. – Leyes de Indias: 142. – Leyes de Toro: 142. – Nueva recopila-

ción de las Leyes de Indias: 142. – Siete

partidas: 142

Legenda aurea (13th c.): 333

Libro de cabildo: see Huamanga

Liuti da Ferrara, Tommaso (15th c.):

see Trattato del modo di ben governare

Luis de Granada (1504–88): 163

Maps: Mapa Mundi by Guaman Poma:

94–95. – Map of Huamanga area (as

drawn by Guaman Poma): 98–99. – Plano no. 2 (of Huamanga, 1802),

Archivo General de Indias, Seville:

105, 109

Miccinelli mss. (spurious or corrupted):

Contract: 21, 23, 24, 27–39, 30, 41–

53, 49, 52, 56n18, 56n19, 56n22,

57n24. – Contract drawing: 31, 34,

35, 37, 38, 42, 44, 46, 50. – Copy

of a document pertaining to a ms.

acquired by Di Sangro, suppos-

edly removed from the Archivio

Distrettuale Notarile di Napoli:

55n12. – Exsul immeritus Blas Valera

populo suo, with Additamenta: 20,

27–29, 47, 50, 52, 54n9, 55n13,

55n16, 56n23. – Fragment of Co-

lumbus autograph: 29. – Historia

et rudimenta linguae Piruanorum: 20,

23–26, 30, 53, 54n9, 55n12, 55n13,

57n27. – Manuscripts of Raimon-

do di Sangro, principe di Sanseve-

ro: 52n33

Molina, Alonso de (1513–85): 150,

248, 249Molina, Cristóbal de (“from Cuzco”)

(1529–95): 179, 185n8, 194, 228n3,

238, 248, 296, 429, 430, 446, 465

Monterroso y Alvarado, Gabriel de (16th c.): 152–54, 158n6

Muñoz Camargo, Diego (c. 1529–99):

250

Murúa, Martín de (1550?–1618?): 65,

81, 290–93, 297, 298, 300, 301,

303–5, 307, 313–16, 318–20, 327n3,

327n8, 327n11, 328n17. – Arranged

by ms. and folios:

(1) Galvin ms, 1596: fol. 9v: 294,

321. – fol. 10r: 294, 321. – fol. 14v:

294. – fol. 15v: 295. – fol. 16v: 295.

– fol. 17v: 295. – fol. 18v: 295. –

fol. 19v: 295. – fol. 20v: 290, 295,

297. – fol. 21v: 295, 324. – fol. 22v:

294, 299, 322. – fol. 23v: 294, 299,

322. – fol. 24v: 294. – fol. 25v: 294.

– fol. 26v: 294, 298, 298. – fol. 27v:

294. – fol. 28v: 295, 299. – fol. 29v:

295. – fol. 31v: 295. – fol. (32v) =

Getty 79: 295. – fol. 34v: 300, 308,


482


310. – fol. 36r: 308–11. – fol. 36v:

300, 302. – fol. 37r: 305. – fol. 37v:

300, 302. – fol. 38r: 307. – fol. 38v:

300. – fol. 39r: 305, 306. – fol. 39v:

300. – fol. 40v: 300, 306. – fol. 41r:

306. – fol. 41v: 301, 302. – fol. 42r:

307. – fol. 44r: 306. – fol. 44v: 301.

– fol. 50v: 325. – fol. 51v: 338, 339,

343–47. – fol. 123v: 325 (2) Getty ms., 1613: 225, 291, 292,

294, 296–98, 300, 301, 304, 305,

307, 310, 318, 319, 327n3, 327n8. –

Arranged by folios: fol. 21v: 294,

321. – fol. 23r: 294, 322. – fol. 24v:

294, 321. – fol. 25v: 294, 322. – fol.

26v: 294. – fol. 27v: 294. – fol. 28v:

294. – fol. 29v: 294. – fol. 30v: 294.

– fol. 31v: 97, 294. – fol. 32v: 294. –

fol. 33v: 294. – fol. 34v: 295. – fol.

35v: 295. – fol. 36v: 295. – fol. 37v:

295. – fol. 38v: 295. – fol. 46v: 295.

– fol. 47v: 295. – fol. 54v: 295, 324.

– fol. 56r: 324, 328n15. – fol. 60r:

295. – fol. 62r: 324. – fol. 253r: 215.

– fol. 270v: 117. – fol. 271r: 117. –

fol. 272r: 110. – fol. 302v: 119. – fol.

379v: 122

Ólafur Brynjúlfsson (Iceland, 18th

c.): 233, 234Ordenamiento de Alcalá: see Alcalá

Oré, Luis Jerónimo de (1554–1630):

237, 240, 260n2

Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua,

Juan de Santa Cruz (17th c.): 100,

125–27, 194, 200, 420

Pizarro, Pedro (1515–1602): 460

Polo de Ondegardo, Juan (d. 1575):

240, 246, 398, 451, 453, 454

Prophecies, ancient: 67, 70, 72, 72,

73, 75. – Single texts: Pseudo-Isidore

(13th c.): 73, 74, 80. – Pseudo-Joa-

chim de Fiore (13th c.): 71, 80. –

Pseudo-Methodius (13th c.): 80. –

Pseudo-Saint Cyril the hermit (13th

c.): 71, 80. – Pseudo-Theophilus of

Antioch (13th c.): 73. – Telesphorus

de Cusentia (14th c.): 71

Relación de las cosas de Yucatán (1566):

239

Relación de las ceremonias y ritos y po-blación y gobernación de los indios de la provincia de Michuacán (c. 1540):

240–42, 241, 244

Relaciones geográficas (Huamanga

area): 87, 90, 106, 107, 109–12, 114,

118–22, 128

Ruíz / *Ruíz, Gonzalo (1545?–1620?):

22, 23, 29, 47, 48, 50, 53, 54n5,

56n23, 58n32

Sahagún, Bernardino de (1499–1590):

235, 237, 245–48, 248, 250, 251,

252, 259, 260n10

Sangro, Raimondo di, principe di

Sansevero: see Miccinelli mss.

Santo Tomás, Domingo de, see Dictionaries

Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro (1530–

92): 11, 238, 442, 443, 446, 450

Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés de (1490–

1573): 67


483


Serna, Jacinto de la (1595–1681): 246

Snorra Edda (The Royal Library, NKS

1867 40): see Ólafur Brynjúlfsson

Songs: 164, 172–74, 176–79, 182, 184,

213, 219–21, 223–27, 228n3, 228n5,

314, 375, 379–84

Ternaux ms. (John Carter Brown

Library, Providence, RI): 65–67,

70–73, 72, 73, 75, 76–81, 81n3,

82n4, 83n15

Thomas Aquinas (1225–74): 80, 83n12

Trattato del modo di ben governare

(1452–62): 242, 244

Valera / *Valera, Blas (1545–97

[–1619?]): 20–23, 27, 29, 33, 46, 50–

53, 54n5, 54n6, 57n29–31. – Letter

apparently signed by Blas Valera,

June 25, 1618, Archivum Romanum

Societatis Iesu, Rome: 25

Vega, Garcilaso de la, El Inca (1540–

1615): 21, 26, 269, 281, 287n2, 455,

466

Wick, Johann Jacob (1522–88): 255,

257Xiu Family Papers (17th c.): 239

Zárate, Agustín de (1514–85): 163


guaman poma: land, law and legacy

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