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Progressive Cosmopolitan Canopies: AStreet Ethnography of Key West, FloridaRachel Douglas

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FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PUBLIC POLICY

PROGRESSIVE COSMOPOLITAN CANOPIES:

A STREET ETHNOGRAPHY OF KEY WEST, FLORIDA

By

RACHEL DOUGLAS

A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Sociology

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

2020

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Rachel Douglas defended this dissertation on November 2, 2020.

The members of the supervisory committee were:

Anne Barrett

Professor Directing Dissertation

Christopher Coutts

University Representative

Deana Rohlinger

Committee Member

Patricia Homan

Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members and

certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

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To my family, who taught me to embrace new adventures and keep an open mind.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research became a reality thanks to all the friendly strangers in Key West and St.

Augustine, who took time out of their day – and sometimes their vacations – to talk to a

sociology graduate student, who had a lot of questions to ask them. I appreciate my participants’

kindness and thank them for sharing their thoughts with me. I’d also like to recognize the

communities of Key West and St. Augustine for providing a creative backdrop for this work.

This project would not have happened without the guidance of my mentor, Anne Barrett.

Thank you for challenging me to do better over the years and giving me flexibility as I pursued

this research. Your advice and camaraderie have been invaluable. I also am extremely grateful to

all my committee members – Deana Rohlinger, Patricia Homan, and Christopher Coutts – who

agreed to be part of this process, offered their support, and facilitated the further development of

my ideas. You are greatly appreciated.

At FSU, I was lucky to learn from a wonderful group of professors, whose teaching

influenced my research. Thank you to Deana Rohlinger, Irene Padavic, Doug Schrock, Paromita

Sanyal, Kathryn Tillman, Miranda Waggoner, Koji Ueno, and Michael McFarland for all your

intellectual insight. You made my time at graduate school rewarding and memorable. I also want

to acknowledge the colleagues I had the pleasure to meet in the Sociology Department. Thank

you for the friendship, laughter, and fun.

Finally, thank you to my entire family for offering your unconditional love and

encouragement. I am especially grateful to my grandmother for championing my academic

success and (for my grandmom and grandpop) making me into a city kid.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. vi List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... vii Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ viii 1. INTRODUCTION: A STREET ETHNOGRAPHY OF TWO COSMOPOLITAN CANOPIES .................................................................................................................................1 2. KEY WEST – THE CONCH REPUBLIC ...............................................................................33 3. ST. AUGUSTINE – AMERICA’S OLDEST CITY.................................................................79 4. POWER STRUCTURES AT PLAY ......................................................................................110 5. CONCLUSION: BECOMING “COSMOPOLITAN” ............................................................134 APPENDICES .............................................................................................................................151 A. INTERVIEW GUIDE .............................................................................................................151 B. INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD STUDY APPROVALS ............................................155 C. INFORMED CONSENT FORMS ..........................................................................................159 References ....................................................................................................................................169 Biographical Sketch .....................................................................................................................179

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Summary of Participant Characteristics by Gender in Key West, Florida, Frequency and Percentage .........................................................................................................................28 Table 2: Summary of Participant Characteristics by Gender in St. Augustine, Florida, Frequency and Percentage .......................................................................................................30 Table 3: Social Processes through which Gender Inequalities were Reduced in Leisure Spaces in Key West .................................................................................................................34 Table 4: Social Processes through which Gender Inequalities were Reduced in Leisure Spaces in St. Augustine............................................................................................................80 Table 5: Social Processes through which Inequalities Materialized in Leisure Spaces in Key West and St. Augustine ..........................................................................................................111

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Conch Republic flag flying in the “Running of the Bulls” parade during Key West’s “Hemingway Days” event – held in honor of Ernest Hemingway – a former resident ...........17 Figure 2. Roosters roaming free in Key West ..........................................................................36 Figure 3. People bike-riding together along the beach at the annual “Zombie Bike Ride” event .........................................................................................................................................42 Figure 4. Bumper sticker found throughout the city of Key West – promoting the official philosophy on the island ..........................................................................................................45 Figure 5. Plaque commemorating the implementation of the “One Human Family” motto ...46 Figure 6: Pride Banner outside prominent church on Duval Street .........................................48 Figure 7. Rainbow Crosswalks outside of The 801 Bourbon Bar on Duval Street .................49 Figure 8. Social deviance reflected in a Santa Claus staged as “passed out” on a resident’s front porch in Key West – with a martini glass in hand and sign reading “Christmas may be a little late this year” ...................................................................................................................53 Figure 9. T-shirts and bar signage reinforcing Key West’s drinking culture ..........................58 Figure 10. Older white man dressed in an elaborate costume .................................................67 Figure 11. Black woman in body paint at Key West’s iconic bar – The Green Parrot ............69 Figure 12. Advertisement for the Ultimate Adventure boat trip with women pictured jet skiing, snorkeling, and sliding into the ocean. .........................................................................74 Figure 13. Women participating in the Highland games at the Celtic Music Festival ............82 Figure 14. Signage spotlighting women musicians in St. Augustine ......................................91 Figure 15. Confederate War Memorial in St. Augustine’s town square ..................................98 Figure 16: Book highlighting Henry Flagler’s accomplishments in St. Augustine – found at the local bookstore .................................................................................................................101 Figure 17. Four older white men costumed as “Sex Appeal Judges” – using signage (e.g., sexy!, wow!, hot!) to rate women as they walked by on Duval Street ..................................114

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ABSTRACT

Although leisure spaces provide a degree of liberation through their relaxation of norms, women

are more likely to experience behavioral and emotional burdens that limit their freedoms in these

spaces. Little is known, however, about how women and men experience leisure within more

socially tolerant environments. Described by Anderson (2011) as “cosmopolitan canopies,” these

pluralistic spaces reinforce tolerance, civility, and camaraderie among diverse peoples, which

may diminish gender inequalities, including those in leisure. Moreover, while cosmopolitan

canopies are pluralistic in nature (i.e., socially, racially, and ethnically diverse), some also can be

characterized by their tendency toward political progressiveness. In their quest to purposefully

enact social change, highly progressive cosmopolitan canopies may, in fact, be even more

effective in reducing gender and other inequalities in leisure. Building on Anderson’s work, this

dissertation analyzes how leisure-based cosmopolitan canopies interact with gender inequalities

to affect leisure experiences. Through ethnographic fieldwork and interviews (n=126), I

investigate how Key West, Florida – both a progressive cosmopolitan canopy and leisure

environment – shapes gender inequalities in leisure. While the focus is on Key West, I also

collect and analyze interview data (n=60) from another leisure space in Florida – St. Augustine.

The two environments share a focus on leisure (and economic reliance on tourism) but differ in

their prevailing ideologies, with St. Augustine more conservatively oriented than Key West.

Their comparison allows an assessment of the influence of cultural ideologies on leisure-based

cosmopolitan canopies and deepens our understanding of leisure as a gendered realm.

My findings demonstrate how Key West and St. Augustine both challenged and

reinforced social inequalities in leisure through distinctive pathways. In Key West, gender

inequalities were challenged through two processes – creating progressive narratives and “doing

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deviance.” The data indicate that the sense of collective energy, acceptance, and inclusivity

found in Key West promoted progressive discourses among residents and tourists, which made

individuals feel more comfortable in leisure spaces and encouraged them to become open to

different groups of people. Adding to this “live-and-let-live” atmosphere, the diminished social

control mechanisms on the island increased social freedoms for women and other minorities by

allowing them to step outside normative boundaries and “do deviance.” Women, in particular,

felt liberated in Key West by engaging in deviant acts often associated with masculine leisure

traditions. To a lesser extent than Key West, St. Augustine’s cultural landscape also enhanced

opportunities in leisure for women. Although its conservative climate was more restrictive,

gender disparities were reduced in two ways – deflating conservative ideologies and connecting

with others. St. Augustine’s leisure spaces fostered social tolerance and interaction, enhanced its

culture and diversity, and increased women’s participation. However, while the canopies of St.

Augustine and Key West aided in de-gendering leisure spaces, inequalities still materialized

through two processes: masculinizing social space and communicating contradictory ideals. I

outline the acts of incivility, along with the segregation of space occurring in both communities.

Nevertheless, the liberating components of these cosmopolitan canopies overshadowed their

restrictions. The canopy of Key West, in particular, offers a model for other communities aiming

to reduce inequalities through progressive cultural and social practices and policies centering on

leisure.

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION: A STREET ETHNOGRAPHY OF TWO COSMOPOLITAN CANOPIES

I live next to a strip club. My neighbors are dancers. Okay. Yeah. Now, listen, they got to do what they gotta do. I don't care. As long as they're nice to my dogs, I'm cool with it. That's their choice. Who am I to judge?...No judgement. Oh, there are no labels here. We don't pigeonhole and don't try to, um, what do you call it? When you stereotype? No, no…Nobody cares. You know, everyone's got the crazy uncle, you know, up in the attic. Heck, we put him on the front porch and give him a cocktail, and he's part of the community. That's the difference here (laughs). – Lisa, 53, white, heterosexual, Key West resident

I first visited the tropical island of Key West, Florida for my 21st birthday and was taken

aback when I arrived in the southernmost point of the United States after cruising all the way

down the overseas highway to get there. As a young woman, I hadn’t yet had the opportunity to

engage in leisure pursuits in the way that I did in Key West. Something special was in the air – a

heightened sense of freedom, adventure, and exploration. I felt the mystique, and so did others –

including the two other women with whom I was traveling. Between the bar-hopping, dancing,

singing, boating, snorkeling, scooter-riding, and attending a drag show and a nightly sunset

celebration, we had more fun than we could have imagined in our newly discovered destination.

After becoming a bit enamored by Key West, I had the good fortune of being able to visit

the island nearly every year for the next 15 years – ultimately deciding to become a resident

myself for a brief period. Over time, I more clearly came to recognize the significance of Key

West’s promotion of a different “brand” of leisure, especially for women. The city was unusually

welcoming, tolerant, and inclusive – a reflection of its attempt to live by the island’s official

motto of “One Human Family.” It also presented opportunities for a variety of diverse leisure

experiences and had a way of encouraging anyone who wished to try them out to do so,

regardless of their social background. I wondered how these distinctive elements of the city

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aided in its vibrant community life and impacted individuals’ leisure time. Both my personal

experiences and research interests in gender, leisure, and urban sociology, led me to conduct an

ethnographic study in Key West. I describe the island as a “progressive cosmopolitan canopy”

because of its outward promotion of progressive cultural ideologies and social tolerance. This

dissertation seeks to capture, through the eyes of tourists and residents, the influences of these

ideologies on their leisure experiences. It is my hope to illuminate their implications for social

change related to gender and other inequalities within shared leisure environments.

Though my study focuses on Key West, I offer a comparative analysis drawn from data

collected in the more conservative leisure environment of St. Augustine, Florida. This

comparison permitted me to more clearly draw conclusions related to the impacts of social and

cultural ideological landscapes and their association to gendered leisure experiences. Both

communities provide new understandings of leisure and demonstrate how social spaces can

become more constraining or liberating for women and other minorities.

In this chapter, I first describe how women’s and men’s experiences in the realm of

leisure both differ and converge. In doing so, I review the literature on gendered constraints in

leisure and examine the cultural ideologies that underpin them, especially those related to

women’s bodies, emotions, and power. Next, I turn to the topic of pluralistic environments and

the creation of cosmopolitan canopies. I also include a discussion on the social deviance in Key

West and its implications for reducing gender inequality within leisure spaces. Furthermore, I

acknowledge that cosmopolitan canopies may occur not only within progressive spaces but also

in conservative ones. I describe the conservative cosmopolitan canopy of St. Augustine,

revealing how its social and political ideologies can shape leisure experiences. Finally, I list my

broad research questions and review my study’s methodology.

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Women as Bounded Explorers

Leisure pursuits and exploration are valued, in part, because they offer social and

emotional benefits. Leisure can generate feelings of confidence and competence (Bagnoli 2009;

Channon and Jennings 2013), while exposure to new environments can bring about positive,

restorative feelings (Scopelliti and Giuliani 2004). Leisure also may be especially liberating for

women. For instance, leisure experiences permit women to feel more independent as they learn

about different places and enjoy new cultures (Litoff 2006). Research also finds that women’s

participation in adventurous leisure activities can promote feelings of self-efficacy (Bagnoli

2009; Yang, Khoo-Lattimore, and Arcodia 2018a; Yang, Khoo-Lattimore, and Arcodia 2018b).

Moreover, engaging in recreation allows women to expand the scope of their experiences and

find adventure in both novel and challenging leisure pursuits (Bagnoli 2009; Little and Wilson

2005; Pung, Yung, Khoo-Lattimore, and Del Chiappa 2020; Yang, Khoo-Lattimore, and Arcodia

2018a). These opportunities provide an array of possibilities to escape the routines of daily life

and establish a means to achieve self-enriching life experiences – ranging from deeply relaxing

leisure activities to risk-taking adventures.

As advantageous as leisure can be, however, cultural ideologies and social norms place

gendered constraints on leisure experiences, often shrinking opportunities for women (Douglas

and Barrett 2020; Heimtun and Abelsen 2013; Khoo-Lattimore and Wilson 2017; Seow and

Brown 2018; Valentine 1989). Women are socialized to prioritize others’ interests over their

own, making it more difficult for them to feel deserving of leisure (Le Feuvre 1994; Rosenfield

et al. 2005). Research finds that women have less leisure time – approximately five fewer hours

per week (Drake 2013) and experience more stress in their leisure activities, in part, because of

their heightened time constraints and family responsibilities (Haller, Hadler, and Kaup 2013).

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Women also often have less income to invest in leisure (Roberts 2013). Furthermore, leisure is

molded to fit masculine ideals and interests, leaving women a smaller selection of leisure

activities to choose from (De Visser and Smith 2007; Roberts 2012). These constraints are most

pronounced at the adventurous end of the leisure spectrum. Women’s pleasurable pursuits,

consequently, have not been as expansive as men’s within the spheres of risk-taking and

sexuality (Armstrong, England, and Fogarty 2012; Little and Wilson 2005; Schalet 2010). In

terms of romantic leisure interests, women are socialized to curtail their bodily pleasure

(Armstrong 2012; Schalet 2010) and can become sexually subjugated within leisure

environments (Mears 2020). For example, when traveling alone, women often feel fear and

anxiety in leisure spaces because they anticipate sexualized social interactions with men

(Douglas and Barrett 2020; Jordan and Aitchison 2008). Such experiences reflect women’s

heightened socio-spatial and cultural constraints in their independent pursuits.

These gendered disparities begin in childhood. Within the home, for example, mothers of

elementary school children grant less autonomy to their daughters than sons (McLean and

Anderson 2009). Similarly, within schools, girls absorb cultural messages that diminish their

exploration and self-expression. For instance, in an observational study of preschools, Martin

(1998) found that teachers not only allowed boys more relaxed behaviors than girls but also

attempted to control the volume of boys’ voices less often. Contributing to these bodily

constraints, girls are less likely than boys to have access to sports and other leisure activities that

could enable them to develop specific skills and a sense of mastery (De Visser and Smith 2007).

These variations in development in early life can have long-term consequences that

influence bodily self-expression among women and men within leisure and other realms.

Compared to men, for instance, women are less likely to participate in outdoor or physical fitness

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activities (Dorwart, Cornelous, and Patterson 2019; Janke, Davey, and Kleiber 2006). Research

also finds that women’s engagement in autonomous behaviors within social settings is associated

with increased anxiety (Moscovitch, Hofmann, and Litz 2005). Moreover, women fear negative

consequences, such as backlash and negative appraisals, for speaking up too frequently (Brescoll

2011). Providing evidence of women’s less frequent exploration, research on driving consistently

finds that, compared with men, women spend less time behind the wheel, travel shorter

distances, and are more likely to avoid situations like driving at night or alone (Barrett, Gumber,

and Douglas 2017; Triplett, Santos, and Rosenblum 2015). Furthermore, advice surrounding

women’s independent travel often discourages women from being alone, especially at night, and

deters them from drinking too much alcohol (Barrett and Douglas 2020; Douglas and Barrett

2020). Together, these gender patterns mirror the systematic constraints found in a multitude of

women’s leisure activities.

Adding to women’s limitations in leisure are cultural ideologies of subjugation that serve

to maintain control over women – projecting the idea that women are better off at home and safer

with others (Wilson and Little 2008). Ideas like these often lead women to overestimate their

risks and construct more fearful perceptions of their vulnerabilities (Hollander 2001; Kahan,

Braman, and Gastil 2007). For instance, a study involving 40 in-depth interviews with women

reported that participants felt fear before they traveled and worried about their family members’

and friends’ perceptions of their safety. Women also were concerned with violence and

ruminated about the negative stories they had heard about other women travelers. During their

own actual travel experiences, women felt they did not comfortably fit into leisure spaces when

alone (Wilson and Little 2008). Moreover, in tourist spaces, women often desire a sense of

togetherness and find the need to spend more time with others – especially at night – partly due

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to their fears (Heimtun and Abelson 2013). Further evidence of women’s subjugation is found in

a study of 32 midlife single Norwegian women traveling alone on holiday. They experienced the

unwanted “gaze” of men and felt excluded from the crowd, which led to feelings of anxiety and

shame (Heimtun 2012).

While perceptions of the dangers that women might experience are often overstated

relative to their actual risk, women’s constructions of vulnerability do have some basis in reality.

In leisure environments, for instance, men can become sexually dominant over women – a

possibility prompting women to monitor their bodies. These acts create gendered spaces in which

women feel as if their bodies are being objectified. For instance, interviews with 39 women

revealed that participants often felt that men held power over their travel experiences, making

them feel like sexualized objects under scrutiny (Jordan and Aitchison 2008). This regulation of

women’s sexuality is evidenced by women’s tendency to think about their bodies during their

expeditions. They report selecting clothing to prevent unwanted attention and often blame

themselves for sexual harassment – believing they had been in the wrong place at the wrong time

(Wilson and Little 2008).

Not only do gendered ideas regarding sexuality restrict women’s day-to-day leisure

experiences, but they also can inhibit women’s sexual and bodily pleasure. Women’s right to

sexual pleasure remains an arena of ongoing ideological and moral debate (Armstrong et al.

2012; Schalet 2010; Gish 2016). As the system of sexuality is policed, individuals become

socialized with common cultural scripts that offer directions for appropriate sexual behavior.

“Cautionary tales” about how gender and sexuality interact, for example, tell women that they

will face consequences if they do not follow the “good girl” script (Gagnon 1990). Cultural

messages like these are often aimed at women and reinforce the idea that they should restrict

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their bodily pleasure. In contrast, boys are socialized to view women as bodies that are available

for their own recreational amusement. For example, engaging in leisure activities, such as

playing video games that sexualize women or watching pornography, can support ideologies that

oppress women by strengthening the belief that men have power over them (Ezzell 2009). These

sexist beliefs and values often become problematic, as girls, and later women, are placed in the

confusing position of having their bodies both sexualized and desexualized at the same time,

which can impede their pleasurable experiences and limit their sexual subjectivities (Collins

2004; Lamb and Peterson 2012; Schalet 2010).

Reflections of sexism also become discernable through the language used in everyday

interactions – particularly within leisure spaces. Because leisure activities typically occur within

more relaxed social settings, interactions within these spaces may not only reveal overt

demonstrations of power and privilege but also encourage more casual language and joking.

Leisure settings set the stage for joking, and joking can reinforce gender inequality. Humor is a

distinctive mode of communication in that it suggests that the exchange should not be taken

seriously or analyzed. This ambiguity leaves room for sexist feelings to become more socially

acceptable when presented in a humorous manner (Ford 2000). Moreover, men are more inclined

to use sexualized hostile humor that disparages women during social interactions (Ryan and

Kanjorski 1998). These power dynamics reveal how men’s privilege is maintained, at times,

through subordinating and dehumanizing women (Ezzell 2009; Schwalbe, Godwin, Holden,

Schrock, Thompson, and Wolkomir 2000).

Men’s power over women is especially likely to be present within bars, which are

significant leisure spaces that permit a looser set of social rules, lower inhibitions, and encourage

alcohol consumption – all of which can intensify men’s “playful” banter and behavior toward

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women (West 2001). Having traditionally been built with men’s enjoyment in mind, drinking

establishments, and the gender inequalities emerging within them, partly stem from the historical

stigmatization of women who frequented bars, as they were often viewed as being sexually

available. Today, women are still inhibited in their access to and participation in bar spaces and

become placed into the category of “other” (Bird and Sokolofski 2005). For example, in Mears

(2015) study of the VIP nightclub scene – a dedicated leisure space for alcohol consumption –

she found that women understood that their bodies were being scrutinized and valuated based on

their sex appeal and beauty within these spaces, which aided in reproducing unequal social

relations between women and men.

The feeling of being othered within leisure contexts can become intensified as gender

intersects with other social statuses to reproduce layered inequalities. Race-ethnicity, sexual

minority status, age, social class, and other social categories all create divergent access to leisure

time and space. For example, in some leisure environments, age intersects with gender to

reinforce increased constraints, as older bodies – especially women’s – are ascribed more

negative meanings than are younger ones (Mears 2020). Relatedly, demonstrating the historical

persistence of acts of exclusion in leisure, the de facto segregation of persons of color and other

minority groups continues to create unequal leisure spaces (Dorwart, Cornelous, and Patterson

2019; Stodolska 2018). For instance, sexual and race-ethnic minorities, at times, find it difficult

to feel comfortable or safe in leisure environments (Ahmed 2007; Held 2015). Black individuals,

in particular, often describe feeling more comfortable outside of “white spaces” because they do

not feel pressure to alter their identities – believing that Blacks are easier to relate to than whites

(Anderson 2015; Dorwart, Cornelous, and Patterson 2019; Patillo 2005).

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Though typically not felt as intensely as racial exclusion, a sense of gender exclusion can

exist within leisure environments. While it is true that women’s access to leisure space has

grown (Fendt and Wilson 2012; Khoo-Lattimore and Wilson 2017), gender inequalities remain

in place and are reinforced by behaviors and cultural ideologies aimed at making women feel

“out of place” within these spaces (Bird and Sokolofski 2005; Douglas and Barrett 2020;

Dorwart, Cornelous, and Patterson 2019). Expanding leisure access and participatory

opportunities for women can be integral to overcoming these barriers and promoting both

individual and societal change.

Expanding Liberties in Leisure

Leisure’s transformative potential has been well documented. Research demonstrates, for

example, that engaging in more daring leisure activities makes women feel more capable and

leads to the resistance of gender stereotypes (Bagnoli 2009; Little and Wilson 2005). For

instance, engaging in physical activities, which are often a focus of leisure, offers benefits to

women, as it gives them the opportunity to feel more powerful and transcend labels of women as

passive (Channon and Jennings 2013; Gregory and Dimmock 2019). These activities also

contribute to their assertiveness (Pavlidis and Fullagar, 2013) and shift the focus to what their

bodies are capable of doing rather than how their bodies appear to others (Liimakka 2011;

Nussbaum 1999). Furthermore, research has examined the benefits of leisure-based groups,

particularly for older women. These studies (e.g., Barrett and Naiman-Sessions 2016; Brown and

Rohlinger 2016), which focused on the Red Hat Society, highlighted how middle-aged and older

women’s endorsement of bodily self-expression – through flamboyant dress and play –

encouraged the assertion of women’s right to leisure and resisted ageism.

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Though not as common, some leisure spaces offer opportunities for women to experience

bodily liberation through reductions in clothing and nudity (Swami 2016; De Vries 2019; West

2017). At the beach, for instance, reductions in clothing can produce feelings of excitement,

pleasure, and joy (Field, Pavlidi, and Pini 2019). Moreover, West’s (2017) cross-sectional study

of 849 participants, aged 16 to 90, found that those who engaged in more “clothes-free”

activities, involving full or partial nudity outdoors and/or in the company of strangers, reported

greater life satisfaction through their enhanced body image and improved self-esteem. Notably,

within the company of strangers, seeing others naked – rather than being naked – appeared to be

the primary influencer on positive body images. Revealing a similar observation regarding

exposure to nudity, Swami’s (2016) longitudinal study of the effect of participating in life

drawing classes on body image found that it promoted a more positive body image, especially

among women. Providing further evidence of nudity’s liberating effects, Mayer’s (2007)

research on Mardi Gras found that while women were still often subjected to the male gaze, the

allowance of nudity did, to some degree, shift gendered expectations of respectability and social

power in women’s favor. In essence, women did not experience backlash for participating in

deviant body displays, like the exposure of their breasts, when they were normalized.

Shifting how individuals think about gendered bodies in leisure spaces can have

implications for women’s psychological and bodily well-being. When women become motivated

to participate in leisure pursuits typically off-limits to them, they perceive fewer obstacles in

their way (Fendt and Wilson 2012). More broadly, engaging in leisure activities that society tells

women they cannot do – or do well – may have far-reaching benefits for their sense of self by

empowering them and expanding views of their potential (Nussbaum 1999; Yang, Khoo-

Lattimore, and Arcodia 2018b).

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In sum, leisure is a realm that reflects gender inequalities, but it also is a site with much

potential for social change. Progressive leisure environments, in particular, may be especially

well-suited to assist in alleviating some of women’s roadblocks in leisure. Recognized for their

tolerant and inclusive nature, progressive contexts could offer more favorable conditions for

women by promoting positive and diverse social interactions in leisure spaces. These spaces may

be more likely to contest gender inequalities, in part, by supporting women in a wider range of

activities and endorsing the inclusion of marginalized groups.

Progressive Cosmopolitan Canopies

Leisure patterns can shift within unconventional social spaces recognized for their

diversity and collectivity. For example, pluralistic environments, known for their civility and

social integration, can ignite collective feelings of unity and togetherness (Anderson 2011).

Experiencing group collectivity is believed to enhance the energy within social interactions and

develop into something larger – a force that triggers action and creates a group identity that can

be characterized as sacred (Durkheim [1912] 1965). As individuals become excited by

intensified social interactions in densely filled spaces, it can lead to a sense of what Durkheim

called “collective effervescence.”

Similar to the idea of collective effervescence is the “cosmopolitan canopy,” a concept

developed by Elijah Anderson (2011) in his book, The Cosmopolitan Canopy: Race and Civility

in Everyday Life. Anderson studied sites in Philadelphia that he described as cosmopolitan

canopies, defined as socially, racially, and ethnically diverse spaces that provide opportunities

for people of various backgrounds to interact outside of the more segregated arenas of social life.

He noted that “cosmopolitans,” or open-minded people, come to inhabit these spaces. The

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regularity of interaction between strangers in the canopy promotes an unbiased setting in which

everyone can engage civilly in their daily activities. Anderson explains that the visualization and

acknowledgement of diverse groups of people getting along within a shared space, brings about a

self-fulfilling dynamic that can help create tolerance and build a better understanding of others.

The egalitarian behavioral scripts that are visualized in cosmopolitan canopies allow for

more diverse experiences. They dismantle old ways of thinking and create a community culture

that can benefit marginalized groups within these social spaces. Providing an illustration is a

beach at Martha’s Vineyard where a social group, calling themselves the Polar Bears, finds value

in having no formal rules as they engage in leisure and social activities together (Peters 2014).

Though the group primarily includes middle-class African American women and men, they offer

a welcoming, all-inclusive environment for all groups of people, regardless of gender, race-

ethnicity, class, or age, and discourage open discussions of class status indicators (Peters 2014).

While cosmopolitan canopies’ core criteria – diversity, civility, and shared spaces

reinforcing individuals’ commonalities – set them apart from other environments, certain

conditions also may either diminish or enhance a canopy’s development. For instance, more

restrictive conditions – reflecting a conservatively-oriented or less enriching environment –

could be a countervailing force in the establishment of canopies. On the contrary, under more

liberating and relaxed conditions, canopies may be further encouraged – particularly within the

midst of a progressive, leisure-focused atmosphere. When Anderson (2011) examined the

character of canopies in Philadelphia, his focus was on civil racial interactions in everyday life;

nevertheless, his concept of “cosmopolitan canopies” has applicability to other interactions in

other settings – namely, gendered interactions within progressive, leisure-based environments.

Not only are some progressive environments described as pluralistic (i.e., socially, racially, and

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ethnically diverse) but also are recognized for their unconventional cultural ideologies and socio-

political leanings. Progressive environments take matters a step further in that they publicly

endorse their ideologies and take a stand against inequalities in the public arena. In their pursuit

of social justice, they may mitigate inequalities within a variety of realms – including leisure.

Progressive cosmopolitan canopies can offer a haven for women and other minorities, in

part, through their ability to combat the social inequalities that surface in leisure. Canopies offer

a protective buffer by enhancing the visualization of civility among diverse people, which

encourages tolerance and acts of kindness (Anderson 2011). Providing further evidence for this

observational cycle of tolerance, is research on the contact hypothesis, which demonstrates how

increased contact with out-group populations (i.e., a group in which one is not a member) is

related to greater empathy, trust, and declining anxiety. These changes in individuals’ thought

patterns and feelings occur when contextual cues generate new norms in behavioral scripts

(Lienemann 2013). Thus, individuals’ social interactions with diverse others within progressive

canopies may foster inclusive norms that could theoretically lead to increased social freedoms

and more positive interactions for women.

Though progressive cosmopolitan canopies may be rare, they offer insight into how

social interactions unfold within these spaces. Progressive environments can become a catalyst

for tolerance and social change – particularly within those that are focused on leisure. For

example, in a study of social spaces, Oldenburg (1999) found that publicly shared leisure spaces

form a type of democratic playing field within these gathering spots. They promote social equity,

equalize the social status of participants, provide psychological support within communities, and

offer a space for grassroots politics. Emotional bonds can be derived within local community

venues, like bars and restaurants, as they are intimate sites of social interaction that bring

14

unacquainted people together – aiding in the development of friendships among individuals who

may have different social interests and affiliations (Oldenburg 1999). However, Oldenburg

acknowledged that many of these informal meeting places, and the sense of community that they

provide, are diminishing in the American social landscape and becoming less conducive to

meaningful social interaction.

While many leisure environments do not foster the ideals of forming emotional bonds

among people from different backgrounds or creating community support systems – progressive

cosmopolitan canopies do. They promote group identities and collectivities that alter group

power dynamics. They offer a set of social practices and cultural norms that aim to generate

social interaction and emotional connections among diverse individuals. As leisure is one way to

push boundaries, the progressive canopies that form in leisure environments can reinforce social

change by breaking traditional gender norms and granting women and other subordinated groups

(e.g., sexual and race-ethnic minorities) more power in their leisure experiences.

One such social space, in which these egalitarian values and progressive cultural

ideologies are found, is the island community of Key West, Florida. Key West has the

fundamental elements of a cosmopolitan canopy – places for interaction that encourage the

visualization of tolerance, out-group acceptance, collectivity, cultural diversity, and camaraderie.

Leisure spaces permeate the tropical island, providing a healthy network of socially engaging

sites that allow for interactions among diverse groups of people within the community. However,

research on cosmopolitan canopies is limited. The handful of studies that do focus on canopies –

like those found in Philadelphia – have not centered their examinations on gender inequality,

particularly within progressive leisure environments (e.g., Anderson 2011; Aptekar 2019;

Hollingworth and Mansaray 2012). Moreover, the literature on leisure has not considered the

15

influential context of pluralistic spaces within canopies. My research illuminates this

underexplored realm by studying gendered leisure experiences within the progressive

cosmopolitan canopy of Key West.

Key West as a Progressive Cosmopolitan Canopy

While the island’s natural beauty, bars, and leisure activities make Key West one of the

most popular tropical tourist destinations in the continental United States, the historical character

of Key West’s past, rebellious residents, and its progressive nature has enriched the mix of

people who are lured into town. The island has drawn writers, philosophers, and artists

throughout the years to either live in or visit this tiny “paradise” isle at the southernmost point in

the Florida Keys. Some of Key West’s famous residents have included Tennessee Williams,

Harry Truman, and Ernest Hemingway in the more distant past, and Jimmy Buffett, Shel

Silverstein, and Judy Blume in more recent history. Today, varied communities – sexual

minorities, Cubans, Bahamians, and free spirits – call Key West home (Taylor and Rupp 2004).

As an indicator of its social tolerance, Key West has one of the highest concentrations of

sexual minorities, along with San Francisco and Manhattan (Guimarães, Munn, and Woodward

2015), and in the early 1980s, Key West elected the first openly gay mayor in the United States

(Kerstein 2012). The city emanates an overarching sense of progressive socio-political and

cultural ideologies that are reflected throughout the community. Politically, the majority of

residents have liberal democratic political leanings – constituting twice the number of individuals

who identify as Republican (Monroe County Supervisor of Elections 2014). Culturally, the call

for tolerance and diversity is strong – as encapsulated in Key West’s idealistic motto – “One

Human Family” – a motto implemented as the city’s official philosophy in October 2000 by the

16

Key West City Commission (Keirstein 2012). Though at times Key West falls short of its all-

inclusive motto, in principle, it is a progressive cosmopolitan canopy – one that aims to create an

inclusive sanctuary that celebrates differences.

Vibes of collective effervescence and interaction can be found throughout the city amid

the high density of tourists and residents. The island is a little over five and a half square miles,

with a population density of 4,500 people per square mile (U.S. Census Bureau 2019). When

adding into the mix about three million tourists venturing to Key West each year, by plane, car,

or cruise ship, the streets are often bustling with people seeking out the social “hotspots”

(Chamber of Commerce 2018). The island also is filled with high energy community spaces. Key

West has approximately 300 restaurants and bars and has been cited as having the most

bartenders per-capita – approximately six times higher than any other American city (Cave

2015). The concentration of bars and restaurants, along with the saturation of people in this

densely populated tourist town, contributes to its social interactions and sociability.

Even with all these activities, social control is at a minimum in Key West, as residents

and tourists are free to engage in deviant behavior and socialize as they please. While other

cosmopolitan canopies, like those in Philadelphia, may have less tolerance for deviance – in part,

due to their greater crime and increased police presence (Anderson 2011; Goffman 2009) –

deviant acts are viewed as acceptable in Key West. One can engage in bar-hopping with a “to

go” cup of alcohol, watch a street performer direct cats to jump through hoops of fire, or shed

their attire in a clothing-optional bar. Moreover, many social spaces for sexual minorities and

drag queens exist. While no other research has examined Key West as a progressive

cosmopolitan canopy, its tolerance of deviance has been described in Rupp and Taylor’s (2003)

research focused on Key West’s drag queens at the 801 Cabaret bar. They highlighted how,

17

unlike most cities, drag queens are simply part of daily life in Key West and are integrated into

the community.

Atypical everyday sights, a “live-and-let-live” attitude, and rowdy, rule-breaking

behavior, are elements of Key West’s identity and culture. Illustrating Key West’s rebellious

social identity is a humorous stunt in the 1980s by city officials in Key West. When tourism

became affected by a U.S. Border Patrol road blockade, the city rebelled. Feeling as though Key

West was being treated unfairly and as if it were a foreign country, the mayor made an

announcement that Key West was seceding from the nation and designated a new name for the

island – the “Conch Republic.” Minutes after publicly claiming its independence from the United

States, the Conch Republic surrendered and asked for a billion dollars in foreign aid. The

island’s nickname has stuck, and Key West has its own Conch Republic flag (see Figure 1) and

an annual Conch Republic Independence Celebration to commemorate the event as a reminder of

its deviant identity (Steinberg and Chapman 2009; Kerstein 2012).

Figure 1. Conch Republic flag flying in the “Running of the Bulls” parade during Key West’s “Hemingway Days” event – held in honor of Ernest Hemingway – a former resident

18

Not only can Key West’s social identity and acceptance of social deviance expand leisure

options, but these features also cultivate an atmosphere that relaxes social norms – especially

within the realm of gender and sexuality. Furthermore, while deviance is typically associated

with social sanctions for breaking rules, it also has been viewed as an adaptive and necessary

element for social change (Durkheim [1912] 1965). For example, Rupp and Taylor’s (2003,

2004) research on drag queens in Key West highlighted the community’s ability to challenge

binary thinking about gender. The study demonstrated that drag queens at the 801 Cabaret were,

in effect, gender revolutionaries who destabilized gender and sexual categories – diminishing the

hierarchies associated with these labels. Acts associated with traditional femininity and

masculinity were blurred as they used their performances and transgenderism to create an

identity that allowed for greater fluidity in the meanings surrounding gender and sexuality.

Though Key West intentionally promotes an environment that is open to deviance and

shifts in cultural norms, the outcomes for breaching cultural norms can vary depending on who

engages in them and where (Lindblom and Jacobsson 2014). In highly policed communities, acts

of deviance can become detrimental to one’s well-being or freedoms, particularly for young

Black men (Goffman 2009; Alexander 2012). In contrast, within progressive leisure

environments, social deviance, at times, becomes a defining characteristic of these communities,

resulting in behaviors being less scrutinized. In Key West, for instance, social control is not at

the forefront of the community, making deviant behaviors associated with alcohol, nudity, and

risk-taking more acceptable. A high tolerance for deviance and individual difference within

communities can make “deviant” outsiders feel like insiders.

Similar to Anderson’s (2011) observation that the visualization of tolerance is infectious

under the canopy, individuals may not only perpetuate Key West’s heightened levels of tolerance

19

for deviance but also reinforce its overarching progressive cultural ideologies. Individuals’

observations and acknowledgement of the city’s progressive norms may help break down

gendered (and other) barriers within leisure experiences. Reflections of Key West’s cultural

ideologies can be visualized within the city’s diversity, displays of difference, and reflections of

equality. Moreover, its cultural and socio-political norms are echoed in the community’s stories

and collective narratives touting its deviant past and “One Human Family” motto. For example,

in Chittenden’s (2011) study of Key West’s trolley tour narratives, she demonstrated how the

discourses revolving around Key West’s local culture and historical identity were present in the

storytelling throughout the island.

Through its identity and reflections of tolerance, Key West, as a progressive

cosmopolitan canopy, may be comparable to a social movement in that it can generate social

change. Just as social movements use various strategies to produce social outcomes throughout

communities (Maney, Kutz-Flamenbaum, Rohlinger, and Goodwin 2012), progressive

cosmopolitan canopies can employ similar strategies. For example, while humor is incorporated

as an emotional strategy by social movement activists and organizations (Kutz-Flamenbaum

2014), the city of Key West also has used humor as a political tactic to create social change

(Steinberg and Chapman 2009). Furthermore, Key Westers use their stories, along with their

cultural identities, to shape policy outcomes (Kerstein 2012).

As tourism contributes approximately 2.4 billion in revenues to the overall economy in

the Florida Keys (Monroe County Tourist Development Council 2018), this monetary base gives

Key West an edge in terms of having the political and economic power to create cultural and

social policies that benefit women and other minorities. Research finds, for example, that larger

socio-political and cultural forces play a role in how women participate in physical leisure

20

activities (Bosdriesz, Witvliet, Visscher, and Kunst 2012; Van Tuyckom and Schreerder 2010).

At the local level, a city’s cultural identity and values, including its ideas about gender, can be

reflected within a community’s social policies. At the macro-level (by country), greater

expenditure on culture and recreation as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product, reduces the

gender gap in leisure activities for older adults (Avital 2017). These findings have implications

for other segments of the population and within smaller communities. Thus, creating socially

beneficial social and cultural policies related to leisure can be an integral part of reducing

inequalities in leisure experiences (Katz-Gerro 2004). Moreover, cultural norms – and their

implementation – can influence how women participate in leisure activities (Bosdriesz et al.

2012; Van Tuyckom and Schreerder 2010).

Cosmopolitan Canopies in Conservative Spaces

The concept of the cosmopolitan canopy (Anderson 2011) raises the issue of its

applicability to other pluralistic social spaces that are clearly defined by their cultural and socio-

political climate. My project further explores this gap in our understanding of this phenomenon

by comparing Key West, an environment exemplifying a progressive cosmopolitan canopy, with

another pluralistic leisure environment with a conservative political orientation – St. Augustine –

the oldest city in America. Comparing the progressive canopy of Key West with a similar, albeit

less progressive environment, aids in assessing how different social spaces with opposing

cultural ideologies may shift leisure dynamics and inequalities. St. Augustine resembles Key

West in that it is another small community in Florida dedicated to leisure and known for its

historic appeal. Moreover, each community’s socio-cultural and political landscape plays a role

in its collective identity. For example, while Key West pushes its “One Human Family” and

21

anything goes mentality, St. Augustine relies on its traditional cultural roots through its history.

Furthermore, because Florida banks on tourism and leisure as its top industry for producing

economic growth (Office of Governor Rick Scott 2018), the examination of two major tourist

cities found within it may illuminate their more fundamental cultural distinctions as it relates to

gender inequalities in leisure.

Just like Key West, St. Augustine’s leading industry is tourism. However, while the

island community of Key West celebrates its progressive ideals, the city of St. Augustine is

embedded within a conservative ideological climate. A reflection of this cultural contrast is

found in the political orientations of St. Augustine’s versus Key West’s residents. While Key

Westers are twice as likely to identify as Democrats rather than Republicans (Monroe County

Supervisor of Elections 2014), only a tiny fraction of the population located within the small

historic district and historically black neighborhood of St. Augustine votes Democratic. The rest

of St. Augustine and surrounding areas within its county of St. Johns, are strongly Republican.

St. Johns County has more than twice the number of individuals affiliated with the Republican

Party as it does the Democratic Party (Florida Department of State 2018). The 2016 general

election provides a reflection of these conservative leanings, with the data showing that only 3 of

the 25 precincts located within the city of St. Augustine held a majority vote for Hillary Clinton,

the Democratic presidential candidate. Similar patterns are found in St. Johns County’s voting

results, with Donald Trump receiving more than double the votes than did Hillary Clinton (Vicky

Oakes St. Johns Supervisor of Elections 2016).

Despite its high level of conservatism, the community of St. Augustine is reminiscent of

Key West in terms of leisure. As the oldest city, St. Augustine presents an array of cultural and

historical sites, guided tours, accessibility to beach and water activities, regularly scheduled

22

special events, a music and art scene, a quaint historic district, and a plethora of social spaces for

interaction, including bars and restaurants. St. Johns County welcomes over 6 million visitors

each year and generates over one billion in revenue from its tourists (St. Johns Visitor Data

2017). Its primary tourism website (https://www.visitstaugustine.com) notes that the city offers

over 300 restaurants and dozens of featured events throughout the year. These tourist spaces and

sites of interaction can become inviting to those of diverse backgrounds. Even though the

community does not openly celebrate difference or reflect inclusive stances on political and

lifestyle issues, St. Augustine’s diversity contributes to the creation of a conservative

cosmopolitan canopy.

This examination of leisure experiences and cultural ideologies in Key West and St.

Augustine can highlight how differences in the social and political leanings of communities may

challenge or reinforce social inequalities in leisure. By comparing two contrasting sites, I tap into

the defining features of the cosmopolitan canopy and illuminate the nuanced interactions that

take place within each setting. This comparative analysis will delve more deeply into how

canopies are sustained and influence social relations within different ideological climates.

Methods

Research Questions

Much of the literature on leisure has examined gender inequalities and constraints on

women’s leisure experiences without considering how they are shaped by broader cultural

contexts – particularly within pluralistic spaces with various socio-political orientations.

Similarly, research on pluralistic environments has not focused on gender inequality in leisure.

Prior studies also do not concentrate on gender and leisure together within social settings that

23

identify as both tourist towns and spaces that promote progressive social norms, deviance, and

diversity – as does Key West. These gaps limit our understanding of leisure within progressive

(and conservative) contexts. An investigation of these spaces may reveal effective models of

social progress within environments that attempt to reduce inequalities in leisure. Therefore,

studying gendered leisure experiences within the progressive cosmopolitan canopy of Key West

and the more conservative canopy of St. Augustine will provide insight into how the openness to

social tolerance, deviance, and progressive change can impact gender and other inequalities.

This project is guided by three research questions centering on gender inequality within

leisure spaces: How does the progressive cultural and socio-political landscape of Key West

interact with women’s and men’s leisure experiences? How does it both resist and reproduce

gender and other intersecting social inequalities? And, how do the gendered leisure experiences

in Key West compare with those in St. Augustine, a similar leisure environment that reflects a

more conservative socio-political and cultural orientation?

Setting

With the aim of investigating the cultural and socio-political landscapes of cosmopolitan

canopies, I became part of the leisure scene in Key West and St. Augustine. Through an

ethnographic study of tourists’ and residents’ leisure experiences, I engaged in fieldwork and

conducted my interviews (n=186) between October 2017 and June 2019. Given my project’s

focus on Key West, I spent more time in this community interviewing tourists and residents

(n=126) compared to St. Augustine (n=60). I visited Key West and St. Augustine approximately

five to ten days out of every month to examine both everyday life and special events (e.g.,

Fantasy Fest, Celtic Fest, Pride events).

24

The bulk of my interviews were conducted in 2018 and 2019; however, my data also

incorporated material from interviews conducted at Fantasy Fest in Key West in 2017. Fantasy

Fest is an annual weeklong event held each October around Halloween. The event is marketed as

a “10-day party in paradise for grown-ups.” The festival, drawing as many as 100,000 people,

cultivates a relaxed atmosphere permissive of body displays involving nudity, body paint, and

costume. My other interviews in Key West took place beginning July 2018 and continued for one

year. Interviews in St. Augustine began in December 2018 and continued until June 2019.

Appendix B contains the FSU Office for Human Subjects Protection approvals for both sets of

interviews.

Applying street ethnography and the “go along” method as my primary research

approach, both tourists and residents were recruited in social settings (e.g., bars, neighborhood

spaces) or relevant organizations (e.g., government, tourism, business) as they engaged in their

natural routines (Kusenbach 2003; Helmreich 2015). This naturalistic phenomenological

methodology allows researchers to accompany participants in their outings and gain insight from

individuals’ real-time social interactions and assessments of their physical environment. It also

permits ethnographers to systematically follow a larger number of informants, accompany

participants within multiple settings (as needed), and establish an intimate point of view by

“hanging out” with them. Situating the research in various social spaces can illuminate personal

biographies that connect places with life histories – generating a richer flow of ideas, meanings,

perceptions, and emotions. The “go-along” method also provides insight into the social

architecture and social realms of neighborhoods, highlighting connections between individuals,

patterns of interaction, and the complex hierarchies found within the cultural landscape

(Kusenbach 2003).

25

As I navigated social spaces and conversed with informants, I incorporated systematic

qualitative interviews into our conversations once they agreed to be part of the study. Using an

interview guide, I asked participants questions that would elicit narratives revolving around their

leisure time and perceptions of and experiences within the environment. I followed new leads

emerging in interviews and remained active in shaping questions during interactions with

informants. By keeping conversations open-ended, interviews flowed more naturally, and I was

able to ask for greater details or clarification if unclear or unfamiliar ideas, terms, or phrases

came up (Charmaz 2014). I also considered the tone and flow of interviewees’ reports, gathering

nuanced information when appropriate from those who offered specialized knowledge in specific

arenas (Weiss 1995). After interviews were completed, I re-evaluated my interpretations of

conversations with participants by listening to recordings during the transcription process and

reading transcripts numerous times.

My interviews in Key West and St. Augustine averaged 29 minutes, though additional

time often was spent with interviewees both before and after interviews took place, in order to

build rapport and permit additional observations. Informants were asked to discuss their leisure

experiences in either Key West or St. Augustine and provide sociodemographic information

(e.g., age, race, sexual minority status). The interview guide (see Appendix A) covered the

following topics: participation in leisure activities in Key West or St. Augustine (e.g., water

sports, cultural activities, sightseeing), experiences with alcohol consumption, participation at

events, engagement in romantic and social interactions, feelings regarding safety and policing,

and perceptions of the community’s cultural ideologies and progressiveness in which they were

visiting or residing. When speaking to individuals within various organizations, I asked similar

questions; however, I also tapped into their expertise and local knowledge surrounding topics

26

related to tourism, leisure opportunities, and cultural and social policies within each community.

I asked follow-up questions as needed.

Sampling

Convenience and snowball sampling techniques were the primary method used to recruit

interviewees; however, with the goal of obtaining a more racially and sexually diverse sample,

purposive sampling also was used. To allow for even more variation in the sample, interviews

took place at different times of the day or night and during various times of the year. Further

widening the range of data collected, some interviews were conducted with multiple

interviewees in a group setting, though most interviews were individual. Interviews took place at

49 different locations in Key West and 25 different locations in St. Augustine, namely in popular

tourist sites or businesses that individuals worked in or frequented. Furthermore, other focused

sampling techniques were implemented at times to enhance the representativeness of participants

and reduce sample bias. Particularly, spatial analysis was considered when selecting

interviewees, as often physical space and social interactions regularly, and unescapably,

influence each other (Baur, Hering, Raschke, and Thierbach 2014; Rucks-Ahidiana and

Bierbaum 2015).

When possible, I used random selection and zone-sector strategies in large crowds

(Seidler, Meyer, and Mac Gillivray 1976) to account for the location, distance, and socio-spatial

features within an environment, which can alter the visual and interactive dynamics within a

social space (Baur, Hering, Raschke, and Thierbach 2014; Rucks-Ahidiana and Bierbaum 2015).

As different types of interviewees can be expected to be situated in different positions within a

crowd, I attempted to make a conscious effort to interview people within different segments of a

27

location (e.g., those closest to the action or those less actively participating at an event). Space

and population density considerations also played a role in participant selection within a locale

(Seidler, Meyer, and Mac Gillivray 1976). At times, I divided crowds into sections depending on

the location I was in and the estimated number of people within segmented areas. As I sampled

individuals, selection techniques also were incorporated to add an element of randomness into

the process (Fisher, Stanley, Bergmann, and Neff 2005; Seidler, Meyer, and Mac Gillivray

1976). For example, as I interviewed those seated within a bar space, and available seating

allowed for a more random selection, I selected the fifth open seat in sight, alternating between

opposite ends of a bar counter (moving from right to left or left to right). If five seats were not

open, I sat in the last available seat that I came to as I counted.

The interview data were supplemented with ethnographic field and participant

observation data, offering a richer description of the environment and providing supplemental

empirical evidence. I attempted to have discussions with people and observe them without

greatly affecting their behavior as I blended into the crowd. When applicable, I again used zone-

sector strategies while making field observations (Seidler, Meyer, and Mac Gillivray 1976). I

divided spaces of interaction into segments and made observations within these spaces. In

addition to conducting interviews, I jotted notes while out in the field.

Data

The data in Key West consist of interviews with 53 women and 73 men (see Table 1).

They ranged in age from 21 to 83, with an average age of 46. Approximately 9 percent of the

sample identified as a sexual minority, while 21 percent identified as a racial or ethnic minority.

The majority of interviewees, 60 percent, were Key West tourists rather than residents. Forty-

28

Table 1: Summary of Participant Characteristics by Gender in Key West, Florida Frequency and Percentage Variable

Description

Women (n=53)

Men

(n=73)

Total

(n=126) Tourist

Visiting Key West as a tourist

n=30

56.6%

n=46

63.0%

n=76

60.3%

Resident Resides in Key West or nearby surrounding area (full/ part-time) or identifies as a former resident

n=23 43.3

n=27 37.0

n=50 39.7

Race-Ethnic Minority

Identifies as a race-ethnic minority

n=13 24.5

n=14 19.2

n=27 21.4

Sexual minority

Identifies as a sexual minority

n=3 5.7

n=8 11.0

n=11 8.7

Agea

In years (21-83)

43.4(16)

47.4(11.2)

45.7(13.5)

Political Affiliation –Liberalb

Leans towards the liberal end of the spectrum

. n=31 58.5

n=28 38.3

n=59 46.8

Political Affiliation – Conservativeb

Leans towards the conservative end of the spectrum

n=9 17.0

n=24 32.9

N=33 26.2

Political Affiliation – Moderate b

Leans towards the middle of the road (e.g., independent, neutral, no party affiliation)

n=13 24.5

n=21 28.8

n=34 27.0

Married

Reported being currently married

n=22 41.5

n=34 46.6

n=56 44.4

Note: a Mean(SD); b Data on political affiliation was missing for 39 of the 126 participants in Key West. Based on inferences, data was imputed to identify participants as liberal or conservative.

29

four percent were married. Approximately 47 percent identified as liberal in their political

orientation, 26 percent as conservative, and 27 percent as moderate. Data on political affiliation

was missing for 39 of the 126 participants in Key West. Based on inferences made from answers

to relevant topics, data was imputed to identify participants as either liberal-leaning or

conservative.

The data in St. Augustine consist of interviews with 28 women and 32 men (see Table 2).

They ranged in age from 18 to 83, with an average age of 46. Approximately 8 percent of the

sample identified as a sexual minority, while 18 percent identified as a racial or ethnic minority.

Thirty-five percent were married. Approximately 23 percent identified as liberal in their political

affiliation, 45 percent as conservative, and 32 percent as moderate. The majority of interviewees,

60 percent, were St. Augustine tourists.

Analytic Strategy

Data analysis used a grounded theory approach, which is well-suited to ethnographic

research (Charmaz 2014). Grounded theory ethnography involves making conceptual renderings

of the processes and actions taking place within the field being studied – while going beyond

descriptions alone. This approach is a way to freshly view a phenomenon by illustrating and

interpreting descriptive data in an abstract theoretical manner. Grounded theory aids in

condensing the large amounts of data collected during ethnographic fieldwork and making it

more manageable and easier to understand by narrowing down the data into social processes.

Concentrating on basic social processes allows the researcher to better capture the entirety of the

research setting. Furthermore, by making connections and comparisons between overlapping

30

Table 2: Summary of Participant Characteristics by Gender in St. Augustine, Florida Frequency and Percentage

Note: a Mean(SD)

Variable

Description

Women (n=28)

Men

(n=32)

Total

(n=60) Tourist

Visiting St. Augustine as a tourist

n=17

60.7%

n=19

59.4%

n=36

60.0%

Resident Resides in St. Augustine or nearby surrounding area (full/part-time) or identifies as a former resident

n=11 39.3

n=13 40.6

n=24 40.0

Race-Ethnic Minority

Identifies as a race-ethnic minority

n=6 21.4

n=5 15.6

n=11 18.3

Sexual minority

Identifies as a sexual minority

n=4 14.3

n=1 3.1

n=5 8.3

Agea

In years (18-83)

45.4(15.5)

47.3(15.9)

46.4(15.6)

Political Affiliation –Liberal

Leans towards the liberal end of the spectrum

. n=9 32.1

n=5 15.6

n=14 23.3

Political Affiliation – Conservative

Leans towards the conservative end of the spectrum

n=10 35.7

n=17 53.1

N=27 45.0

Political Affiliation – Moderate

Leans towards the middle of the road (e.g., independent, neutral, no party affiliation)

n=9 32.1

n=10 31.3

n=19 31.7

Married

Reported being currently married

n=12 42.9

n=9 28.1

n=21 35.0

31

events throughout the research process, it permits a more focused analytic direction and aids in

the development of theoretical categories (Charmaz 2014).

Interviewing also corresponds well with grounded theory objectives in that it permits

greater command over the data and theoretical analysis, fostering a constructivist interaction

between the researcher and interviewee and allowing new ideas to surface. This interaction

allows researchers to gain insight into the issue and examine the nuances of what is being

verbalized by interviewees. Moreover, it is a way to determine whether some individuals are

missing from the conversation. As patterns emerge and categories become strengthened with

supporting data, the interview guide progresses over time to achieve analytic goals. Combined

with interviewing and ethnographic observations, considering both the agency of actors and the

interpretive processes that underlie all social interactions and meaning-making (Blumer 1969;

Goffman 1959), supports a grounded theory methods approach. This method also embraces an

iterative approach (Charmaz 2014), which highlights the interrelated aims of data collection and

analysis. Therefore, I periodically transcribed my interviews to analyze discourse and followed

new leads within the data, going back and forth between collecting data and conducting analyses.

As I conducted my analysis, coding was part of this process. Coding defines what is

occurring in the data and categorizes segments of data by naming and labeling them. The coding

process links the descriptions found in interviews and observations to the development of broad

processes and emergent theory. By comparing data and codes, researchers can determine which

codes may become larger categories. Furthermore, grounded theory coding involves reviewing

interactions with participants numerous times. It is a process of reliving the moment, triggering

memories of the social interaction and social spaces in which the interview occurred. By

repeatedly re-examining the data and re-evaluating codes for their correct interpretations and

32

understandings of tacit meanings, codes can capture subjective understandings and transform the

analysis (Charmaz 2014).

Employing inductive logic, the coding process was initiated by reading transcribed

interviews and applying a large initial set of codes to a sample of approximately 20 interviews.

By coding full transcriptions, I paid close attention to the details and developed a deeper view of

the meanings behind my interviews. Initial codes were grounded in the data by focusing on the

actions and concrete events taking place within them. Sensitizing concepts, or constructs derived

from research participants’ language and ideas, also aided in coding the data. Initial codes were

reworded and revised to best fit the data and were then applied to all interview and ethnographic

data, using a codebook created with Nvivo software. Adhering to patterns detected in the data,

codes were continuously modified and developed as needed to generate a more focused and

theoretical coding structure. The most pronounced codes were chosen to formulate theoretical

categories and sub-categories as they emerged from the analysis. For this study, some of the

most dominant categories included progressive narratives, gendered bodies in leisure, social

deviance, cultural ideologies, social connections, diversity, social inequalities, and collective

freedoms; therefore, I illuminated interviewees’ narratives surrounding these categories. I

selected key quotations to reflect the voices of a diverse set of participants and changed all

names and identifying information to protect confidentiality.

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CHAPTER 2

KEY WEST – THE CONCH REPUBLIC

I’m not leaving Key West…it’s always an adventure wherever you go. You just never know what you’re gonna get down here. – Keira, 27, Cuban “Conch” (Key West native)

In this chapter, I discuss the Key West “vibe” and perceptions of the progressive

narratives and social deviance that transformed cultural ideologies within the progressive canopy

of Key West. I explain the mechanisms behind the cultivation of the canopy and the progressive

discourses of acceptance found throughout the community. I then turn to the actual embodiment

of deviance in women’s leisure experiences in Key West and elaborate upon its implications for

reducing inequalities in leisure

Based on the data derived from my ethnographic research, two processes emerged that

aided in reducing gender inequalities within leisure spaces in Key West – creating progressive

narratives and “doing deviance” (see Table 3). My findings indicate that the sense of collective

energy and inclusivity found in Key West promoted progressive discourses among tourists and

residents, which aided in diminishing inequalities in leisure. Most respondents discussed how

they enjoyed the laid-back, liberating, and diverse environment of the island and described how

it was different than anywhere they had ever been. This shift in the cultural landscape

perpetuated a cycle that encouraged both tourists and residents to become open to different

groups of people and new ideas. Moreover, the diminished social control mechanisms in the city

added to the social tolerance and freedoms felt by participants and allowed them to step outside

normative boundaries. Women, in particular, felt liberated in Key West. They engaged in deviant

acts more often associated with masculine leisure traditions and participated in risk-taking

adventures.

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Table 3. Social Processes through which Gender Inequalities were Reduced in Leisure Spaces in Key West

Social Process

Themes

Description

Creating Progressive Narratives

Feeling Collective Energy

Feeling the Key West vibe, Sense of community, Excitement, Collective consciousness

Cultivating the Canopy Engaging in Social interaction, Civility, Diversity, Acts of kindness

Nurturing Acceptance Communicating progressive discourse, the “One Human Family” motto, Inclusive ideals

Doing Deviance Diminishing Social

Control Endorsing difference, Making it safe for “Others,” Limiting surveillance

Promoting Bar-hopping Permitting To-go cups, Normalizing alcohol, Reducing anxiety

Allowing Nudity Breaking gender and sexuality norms, Enhancing sexual/socio-spatial capital

Accessing Adventure Equalizing access, Becoming an adventurer, Reinforcing risk-taking, Promoting “Girl Power”

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The Key West Vibe – Creating Progressive Narratives

I don't think I would be anything like I am today if I hadn't lived here. It just changes you – it just changes you. It turns you into somebody… I would have to say [I’ve become more open]. – Clark, 50, white, heterosexual

The Key West “vibe” was in the air, and many of the residents and tourists I came across

were talking about it. Part of the momentum and essence of that vibe was connected to creating

progressive narratives, which rested on three components – feeling collective energy, cultivating

the canopy, and nurturing acceptance. By progressive narratives, I am referring to the continual

talk of the energy felt on the island, the discussions of diversity and social interactions, and the

discourse surrounding an overall acceptance of others. Together, the collective energy, the

canopy, and the reflections of inclusivity throughout the community of Key West, produced

narratives that promoted an atmosphere of tolerance in leisure spaces.

Feeling Collective Energy

Key West inhabitants and vacationers continually communicated feelings of collective

energy and unity. In their view, the island appeared to exhibit an air of mystique and “collective

effervescence” (Durkheim [1912] 1965). A certain kind of sacredness was attributed to the

island. Individuals like Leonard, a 64-year-old, Black, heterosexual tourist, told me, “A friend of

mine was in the Navy, was stationed here, and she told me – you haven’t been anywhere unless

you’ve been to Key West, right, so, she introduced me to the Key West lifestyle, and so I’ve

been coming here every year.” Many agreed with Leonard’s assessment. While having a beer

and listening to an acoustic guitar player at one of Ernest Hemingway’s old haunts – Captain

Tony’s bar – Carla, a 44-year-old, white, heterosexual resident and world traveler, pointed out

Key West’s uniqueness (e.g., its roosters, history, and care-free way of life) (see Figure 2). She

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asserted, “I like how authentic [Key West] is. It’s the best place in U.S…I like small places…I

can bike and walk everywhere, sit outside, listen to live music. I have no worries.”

Figure 2. Roosters and chickens roaming free in Key West

The relaxing lifestyle and cohesive community environment stood out to most people and

contributed to the feelings of collective energy. Bonnie, a 74-year-old, white, heterosexual

tourist, explained, “We’ve had quite a few wonderful vacations…it’s more laid back here…it’s

the most laid back out of anywhere.” Reinforcing Bonnie’s sentiments, Caleb, a 36-year-old,

white, heterosexual tourist, told me, “Well I’ve been here before…and I just love the vibes down

here. I mean it’s so laid back. Everybody, no matter age, nationality, everybody’s here just to

enjoy life and relax, and I think both of us were just in that stage where we just needed you

know, to take a deep breath.” In addition to becoming rejuvenated in Key West, part of the

carefree vibe revolved around feeling comfortable. Roger, a 76-year-old, white, heterosexual

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resident, explained, “I like the laid-back atmosphere…I can go to church and nice restaurants

dressed like this [in flip-flops and shorts]…I have 15 to 20 pairs of flip flops.”

While residents and long-time tourists may have had greater insight into the daily tempo

of the community, even those visiting for the first time picked up on the energy and pointed out

the excitement and friendliness of the island. For example, Juliette, a 60-year-old, white,

heterosexual tourist from France, told me, “You know, I'm sixty, and it's like…the past hippies

with long hair – it's really a post-hippie era [here]. And with the bikes, the scooters, it's all the

atmosphere of the sixties. I like it…the people are very friendly.” Similarly, Sammy, a 33-year-

old, Black, sexual-minority tourist, who had only visited twice, felt he had found something

special in Key West. He excitedly told me, “We met people here last year who we’re actually

visiting here this year…we keep in touch all year – so, good, good people – some of the best

energy I've ever felt in my life. Like, it's good energy down here…It just brings it out of people.”

As individuals described the collective energy in Key West – as relaxing, friendly, and

exciting – they also emphasized their love for the community and the people within it, prompting

some to define Key West as paradise. Standing underneath a huge Banyan Tree on Whitehead

Street, Tyler, a 35-year-old, white, sexual minority tourist, pointed out his attachment to the

island, telling me, “It’s a whole different world down here…As my parents have always said, it’s

the nearest you can be to living a Caribbean lifestyle but still in the United States…we’re here to

show our support [after Hurricane Irma]. That whole week I was wearing every Key West shirt

and jacket, and I was crying like a baby. I found my paradise, it’s taken me so many years to find

it, and I found it…” Key West residents also agreed that they lived in paradise. Curtis, a 60-year-

old, Black, heterosexual resident, affirmed, “I think Key West is paradise…I'm a native…I'm a

third-generation Conch (a term used for those born on the island). I've been a lot of places…in

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Key West, people are very friendly. Right now, I'm just enjoying life.” Similarly, other residents

emphasized the amicable collective ambience. Danny, a 69-year-old, white, heterosexual

resident, told me, “I ain’t going back [up north]…The last thing I want to do is get stuck in

traffic, shovel snow, and argue with my first wife. No, no thanks. I’ll stay in paradise…It’s

definitely a good community feel…aw god...all the locals are friendly.”

The feel of the Key West community not only enhanced individuals’ collective leisure

experiences but also made efforts to improve its shared spaces. Residents highlighted the city’s

progressive focus on outreach and environmental sustainability. During my fieldwork in Key

West, many charitable events took place, a new animal shelter was being built, and plans were

implemented for the expansion of a homeless shelter and affordable housing units. In terms of

environmental efforts, the city placed recycling bins throughout the main drag of Duval Street

and nearby side streets, and tourism and local agencies employed marketing campaigns focused

on sustainability to encourage tourists to recognize the delicate ecosystem found in Key West.

Environmental education programs also had already been implemented in the community

schools, and many of the bars, restaurants, and hotels also joined in to participate in local

environmental organizational efforts to keep the water and environment cleaner and safer for

people and wildlife. Leslie, a 24-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, explained some of these

efforts, including the “Skip the Straw Campaign” started by Reef Relief – an Environmental

Organization in Key West:

Reef Relief started reaching out to restaurants…and just asking them to sign a pledge that says you won't use straws in your restaurant anymore unless someone requests a straw…And then now about 150 businesses all the way up to Key Largo have signed the pledge. So, it's really, really taken off, and it's been cool. And you can kind of see now some restaurants are actually taking the next step. A lot of them are buying like biodegradable straws or paper straws. Some people have also gone to now trying to find like not plastic, [more environmentally-friendly] take-out containers and silverware and all that kind of stuff.

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Collective action efforts, like these, contributed to the effervescence in Key West. While simply

skipping a plastic straw may appear to be an insignificant act on the surface, it had far-reaching

effects. This cultural practice reinforced a progressive community consciousness through its

collective narratives and actions that endorsed environmentalism. This progressive consciousness

circulated throughout other realms in Key West and promoted higher ideals.

Cultivating the Canopy

The community consciousness and energy in Key West not only encouraged progressive

narratives but also made individuals more likely to engage with others – which, in turn, aided in

cultivating the canopy. Anderson’s (2011) study of cosmopolitan canopies in Philadelphia found

that spaces that encourage social interaction among socially diverse groups of people leads to a

self-fulfilling dynamic, which promotes civility, acts of kindness, and a better understanding of

others. Similarly, Key West’s shared spaces, cultural diversity, and walkability, created a canopy

that fostered kindness and civil social interactions among strangers.

Highlighting the culture and quality of life in Key West, was Charles, a 41-year-old,

white, heterosexual resident, hanging out to get some food at Dante’s – a bar located on the

water near the marina. Anyone at this bar is welcome to swim in the large pool positioned in the

center of the surrounding tiki hut bars and tables. Charles talked about the ongoing social

interaction in Key West. He explained, “There’s more to walk to in Key West…you

communicate with more people, and it’s easier down here…you sit next to and talk to a

stranger…you don’t worry about anything.” He then elaborated on the diversity of interaction,

stating, “Key West’s [One Human Family] motto is appropriate…It holds true most of the

time…no one judges others’ lifestyles or the gay community, no one judges financial diversity. I

could be a millionaire or poor as dirt…I like that, that happens a lot – there’s diversity about

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everything…not just black, white, and gay.” Most informants agreed that the mix of people

sharing leisure spaces together was diverse. Kate, a 60-year-old, Asian, heterosexual resident

was outside feeding a stray cat when I met her. We chatted about the cat for a bit, and then she

was nice enough to take the time for an interview. She discussed the variety of people she

interacted with: “On the island, we have, for example, people from Singapore, from Vietnam,

from the Philippines, we have Chinese, we have European, we have Haitian, Jamaican,

everything. You name it, we have it.”

Providing further evidence of the ease of mobility and diversity of interactions in Key

West, came from a married couple I met at La-te-da’s Hotel Bar, which showcases Cabaret and

drag performances. Madeleine, a 54-year-old, white, sexual minority tourist, and Melody, a 51-

year-old, white, sexual minority tourist, explained that one of the reasons they liked Key West

was because they could walk everywhere on the island and didn’t need to worry about

transportation. They also described how they formed long-term bonds with others they had met

in Key West. Melody reminisced, “The natives are mostly friendly, and some people we've

known maybe ten years now…Here, [vacationers] are coming the same time of year, so we meet

up again with the same people each year. Last year, the two girls we met from Scottsdale – they

went [on their trip to Key West] one week before us – so they left a bottle of wine for us [at the

hotel]. I think it's just here [in Key West] you talk to people you don't know, and people have the

same interests as us – same minority groups…It's a community – we have the same type of

trouble.” Besides being able to converse with other sexual minorities, Madeline and Melody also

appreciated their interactions with other groups of people during shared tourist activities –

including a guided fishing excursion tour they had taken. Madeleine explained the accessibility

of leisure in Key West and diversity represented on the group tour:

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On the fishing boat – this type of fishing boat – there's a lot of people, and there's really every type of person represented in the boat. You have people with not so much money, people with a lot of money, locals, tourists, male, female, from everywhere…There was a group of Chinese people. I think this was the first time they were trying [fishing]. Small children. You don't have to be a sportsman or skilled – they do everything for you. They tell you what to do. You can have fun, and it's affordable…Everyone's nice. You're on the boat, everybody's yelling "Fish!"

This easy accessibility to activities and increased social interaction contributed to

individuals’ health and well-being in some ways. For example, research finds that the walkability

and bikeability of cities fosters a better quality of life, better health, more recreation, greater social

interaction with others on the street, and reduced stress (Speck 2012). During my fieldwork, I was

able to walk and bike everywhere, which did indeed increase my interactions with others. One day,

I even had the pleasure to meet Judy Blume, the New York Times bestselling author, who lives in

Key West and owns a book shop on Eaton Street. She signed a couple of her children’s books for

me to give to my niece. In another instance, I was chatting with Fred, a 58-year-old, white,

heterosexual tourist, who was describing the walkability on the island. He explained, “Being able

to take a to-go drink [out onto the streets] – I mean it's Key West – again, that's part of the fun of

Key West. It's part of the enjoyment of being down here. The beautiful thing about Key West is

everything's within walking distance or a bike ride…so there's really no reason to drink and drive

where you can just have a drink with you and walk everywhere you want to go.” Not only did the

walkability and bikeablity of the community promote exercise and safer drinking practices, it also

enhanced ongoing social connections (see Figure 3). For instance, Gabrielle, a 29-year-old, white,

heterosexual resident, highlighted this point: “I think that it's easier to see your friends because [the

island’s] so small. It's really easy to say, hey, do you want to meet for dinner in 30 minutes and

have no plans. Whereas, like other cities I've lived in, that's impossible because you live 30

minutes away from each other.”

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Figure 3. People bike-riding together along the beach at the annual “Zombie Bike Ride” event

While individuals in Key West highlighted the strength of social connectedness on the

island – some inequalities still existed. The financial diversity and status divides, for example,

were evident between the haves-and have-nots. Nevertheless, although these divisions are typical

within any other desirable community, what makes Key West stand apart from other cities is its

social and residential integration of those from different backgrounds within the island

community. This integration aided in equalizing access to social spaces and leisure. Reflecting

this integration, a large portion of the public housing in Key West is located in the heart of the

island and sits next to multi-million-dollar properties – rather than being excluded from

mainstream activity. Moreover, a vast array of entertainment and leisure events are often free and

welcoming for those with or without economic means. For instance, during Key West’s

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songwriter festival – the largest of its kind in the world – headliners, like Brad Paisley, and other

famous artists, perform for free on stages on Duval Street or in local bars. Individuals can even

bring their own drink with them into most venues if they want to save money.

Regardless of one’s social status, friendly interactions and acts of kindness appeared to be

the order of the day in Key West. People with diverse backgrounds enjoyed the pleasures and

beauty of the island together – drinking, dancing, walking, and biking. Even if some were

sipping on a fancier cocktail than others, or residing in more pleasant quarters, shared leisure

space – rather than gated enclaves – is the norm in Key West. Reflecting on this joint living

space, Danielle, a 48-year-old, Hispanic, heterosexual resident, discussed her interactions with

those less fortunate than her while sitting by herself at the bar in Jimmy Buffett’s original

Margaritaville. She told me, “Things are slowed down…I talk to people and run in circles I

wouldn't have otherwise…I [regularly] give [a homeless] guy on the street either water or a

Gatorade…I stop and see he may need help and see him with more empathy.” Danielle went on

to explain that she would not have done that in the city of Chicago, where she was originally

from, pointing out that she trusts others more and talks to more people in Key West than she

would elsewhere. Providing further evidence of the friendly interactions in Key West, were two

New Yorkers – Olivia, an 83-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist and Joseph, a 54-year-old,

Lebanese, heterosexual tourist:

Olivia: I think that Key West is probably a smaller version of New York, but a better version, because in the big city, you have hate crimes, and you don't find that here because it's so accepting here. But you do find that there's a lot of ethnic hate in New York. Joseph: Definitely, I agree with Olivia. Also, you feel safe here…I compare Key West to a small village. In New York City, where it's heavily populated, and where the subways are jammed to go to work, and it's the rush hour. There are no rush hours here. It's like people living comfortably.

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Olivia: I find New York intolerant, pushing in the terminal at Penn Station. They'll knock you down. Everyone's rushing. Their own self is prime interest. They don't talk to you. Joseph: If they see you, they keep walking in New York. They just look in one direction and worry about themselves getting to the train, go to work. Living in New York, you just go to work in the morning, come back home, and then relax until the next day to do the same thing. Here, it's more I guess dealing with a social life. It's meaningful. Olivia: It's kind. Everyone here is kind and generous, and they'll stop in the road if they see you're waiting to cross the street. In the city, they'll run you down.

Like Anderson (2011) observed, the visualization and interaction among diverse groups

within a cosmopolitan canopy did enable a better understanding of others. Both residents and

tourists in Key West stated that they became open to different groups of people. Jimmy, a 46-

year-old, white, heterosexual, law enforcement officer and resident, had this to say:

It's welcoming for everybody. I'm white, I'm middle-aged, but I'm totally comfortable walking into a home in the Village (i.e., Bahama Village – an Historically Black neighborhood integrated within the heart of tourist spaces). All the people I see there are African American, Black residents, but they make me feel welcome. This is their town, and we're actually visitors here. We're the new residents. The oldest population in Key West is in Bahama Village and is predominately Black, so me being a middle-aged, white male walking there, I feel totally comfortable and welcome…Key West has been the most welcoming, open environment I've ever lived in, without a doubt…I absolutely have [become open to different groups of people].

The cultivation of the canopy led to progressive narratives in that it opened others up to new

ways of thinking. People became more trusting, open, and embraced diverse interactions with

others. These elements enhanced a sense of tolerance within Key West, which was evident not

only at the individual level but at the structural level as well. Key West, as a community, took a

pro-active approach in making their progressive norms top of mind, adding to the good feelings

within the city.

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Nurturing Acceptance

The island community played a role in nurturing the acceptance of all people under its

canopy. This explicit embrace of accepting others impacted the way in which residents and

tourists experienced leisure in Key West. Through its progressive discourse, which incorporated

the “One Human Family” motto and other progressive ideals, Key West aided in transforming

cultural ideologies in leisure space (see Figure 4 and Figure 5). Interviewees continuously

praised the freedoms and lack of judgement from others that they felt in the city. For example,

sitting with her husband at a hotel bar, Lindsay, a 39-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, told

me, “Everybody’s their own, you do your own thing, but that’s what I like about this town. As

long as you’re open, you’re comfortable, you can do whatever the hell you want.” These Key

West narratives of acceptance were commonplace. Just arriving in Key West for the first time,

Travis, a 40-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, explained, “We met a gentleman…and he’s

like look, you gotta have an open-mind to go down there…when there’s a lot of different types

of sexuality down here and free-spirited.” Highlighting her experience as an older adult, Lucy, a

76-year-old, Black, heterosexual tourist, told me: “I enjoy the people…how they interact with

each other, you see people together, different cultures, they all seem happy…Also people with

disabilities or anything, you see people that are helpful, you know, are kind and want to

accommodate you. It's welcoming. They see you as a person, whoever you are.”

Figure 4. Bumper sticker found throughout the city of Key West – promoting the official philosophy on the island

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Figure 5. Plaque commemorating the implementation of the “One Human Family” Motto

When asked specifically about the “One Human Family” motto, interviewees pointed out

how important the motto was, especially within the current conservative political climate. Millie,

a 23-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, responded excitedly, “I Love it. I love it. It's like the

only important thing right now politically.” Similarly, Heather, a 23-year-old, white,

heterosexual resident, agreed that the motto was significant:

I think in our world today, it's just a whole different, I mean like, we've never had a situation like this before, which is like, everyone is just hating on each other…We need to go back to remembering that truly, really, there is no difference. We are all put here equally. We're all walking the same earth. Like, we need to chill out, and that's the one thing I like about the Keys most is you really do get that feeling that everyone's connected in a sense of like we're all just going to have a good time…we need to slow down. We need to just take time to connect with each other, connect with our land, and just chill out. You know what I'm saying? So, I'm all for it.

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Reflecting a similar view of the cultural narratives in Key West, Tyler, a 35-year-old, white,

sexual minority tourist, and Ernest, a 45-year-old, white, sexual minority tourist, told me they

appreciated Key West’s motto, particularly as a married same-sex couple who had faced

adversity in other places that were not as progressive as Key West. Ernest explained, “Compared

to the rest of Florida [and its conservatism], it’s very nice to hear.”

It became evident that ideologies of intolerance were challenged by the creation of

progressive narratives in Key West. Feelings of open-mindedness as the norm in the community

were readily acknowledged by most participants. While these collective progressive cultural

ideologies were not always fully upheld in practice by all individuals in the community, it was

understood that those who did not embrace this acceptance were the exception rather than the

rule. Further emphasizing Key West’s progressive outlook, Julia, a 33-year-old, white,

heterosexual resident, explained to me, “I think we’ve been infiltrated by a lot of everything

that's going on in the world right now [in politics with Trump]. There's a lot of hate going on,

and we're seeing more of it here. Certainly not as much as everywhere else in the world, but we

call this the bubble…”

In the bubble of Key West, part of the overarching acceptance in the community had to

do with being whoever one wanted to be. Evidence of this acceptance was reflected in Key

West’s support of the gay community. During Pride Fest, for example, a prominent church on

Duval Street hung up a large rainbow pride banner on the church’s cast iron fence. It read, “God

Loves All, No Exceptions” (see Figure 6). For its Pride Week in 2003, Key West had the world's

longest rainbow flag created, which extended all the way down Duval Street from the Atlantic

Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico to demonstrate the city’s openness to pride. Further evidence of

Key West’s recognition of the LGBTQ community is reflected in Duval Street’s rainbow

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crosswalks by The 801 Bourbon Bar, which the city had painted as permanent fixtures (see

Figure 7). Moreover, one of the city’s tourist organizations, the Key West Business Guild,

focuses solely on welcoming sexual minority tourists into town and creating special events for

them. Their logo states: “Welcoming everyone to our unique island paradise since 1978.”

Reiterating this acceptance of the LGBTQ community, was Cindy, a 58-year-old, Black,

heterosexual resident, who had lived on the island all her life:

We’ve got it good. Everybody lives together. You know, it's all together now…Shit, in the 80s. I loved [the drag queens]. That was my era. I hung out with gay guys all the time…Loved them. Loved them…I don't care, to each his own. That's what's wrong with people now. That's what I was saying. Let people be who they are. I don't care. I'm gonna be who I am. I don't knock you for being, if you wanna be a drag queen or whatever.

Figure 6: Pride Banner outside prominent church on Duval Street

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Figure 7. Rainbow Crosswalks outside of The 801 Bourbon Bar on Duval Street

While the LGBTQ community was readily embedded into Key West life, others

expressed similar sentiments about the acceptance of racial minorities on the island. As he was

enjoying a drink on the front porch of the Speakeasy Inn and Rum Bar, Richard, a 42-year old,

Black, heterosexual resident, commented on the sense of comfort he felt on the island by

comparing the social realities for Black men:

Well, like I said, (jokes) I haven't been shot…Here's the deal with Key West. You gotta be doing something astronomically fucking bonehead to have to talk to the fucking cops here because it's, it's like one of the one and only safe zones in America where you could be a complete jackass and get away with it… I kind of wish more places in the world would at least provide room to accommodate that thought process [Key West’s “One Human Family” motto]. I mean look at this place. It's a shit show. This many people cannot get along if it wasn't, you know, important…I think it's a place where one can actually feel pretty damn comfortable in your own skin.

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Women also expressed the idea of feeling more comfortable in their own skin in Key

West and perceived that they, and others, could be accepted just as they were. After chatting

about the island’s roosters and six-toed Hemingway House cats, Jana, a 22-year-old, Black,

heterosexual resident, told me, “I do like it [in Key West]…It actually has more of a relaxing,

chill vibe…I'm a very tranquil, peaceful person…it's just weird, sometimes I feel like I get vibes

– more vibes from people here – I can feel those here more than like in Miami or something…a

lot of people are kind of like their true selves here.” In a similar fashion, Ellen, a 48-year-old,

white, heterosexual resident, explained the sense of ease she felt in Key West:

I'd been traveling around the world. I'd been living in London, then I came here, then I lived in Australia. I've been fortunate enough to travel and live in quite a number of places. Key West always won my heart back. There's something special about Key West. You don't need to be normal to live here. What I mean by that, basically, is you can be anybody you want to be. It doesn't matter. This place takes you just as you are, and that's what I'm after. It's a beautiful island. It's beautiful people...I found my little peaceful oasis.

Key West had the reputation for being an island that openly stood for equality and the

acceptance of people from a multitude of backgrounds. These cultural norms created space for

freeing social interactions and formed a progressive cosmopolitan canopy that enabled women

and other minorities to feel increased comfort in their surroundings. Though not all participants

embraced these norms, most often, they did. Time and time again, conversations of the island’s

openness to everyone from all different social backgrounds became a regular discussion point

from tourists and residents alike. These conversations were integral to the progressive canopy, as

individuals continually aided in creating progressive narratives that became rooted in the

everyday language on the island. In essence, people were challenging conservative cultural

ideologies by expressing the “live-and-let-live” attitude embraced by the open-minded

“cosmopolitans” in the community.

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Interviewees – particularly marginalized groups – praised Key West as a place that

everyone could feel free – a place to escape judgement and relax. These progressive narratives

were partly derived from the feeling that the island represented a utopia of sorts. Conservative

ideals became overshadowed through the embrace of Key West’s cultural vibe, motto, and

collectivity – by both tourists and residents. As typical of other canopies, Key West enhanced the

displays of tolerance and acts of kindness found between those of different backgrounds

(Anderson 2011) but also went a step further by promoting and perpetuating a progressive

discourse throughout the community.

Doing Deviance

You can see the weirdest shit here, and nobody bats an eye at it. Like you can see people riding a unicycle in a leotard. and nobody cares…I've seen a lot here.” – Easton, 45, white, heterosexual tourist

While language can be a powerful tool to combat social inequalities, more can be done.

Adding a progressively-oriented behavioral component into the mix also aids in altering

traditional cultural ideologies – particularly those related to gender. Key West accomplished this

feat by diminishing its social control mechanisms on the island, which permitted individuals,

especially women, to break boundaries and embody acts of “deviance.”

Considering their unequal status in leisure and other realms, women and other minorities

potentially stand to gain more benefits from acts of deviance that aid in changing the status quo.

As deviance can be viewed as an adaptive and necessary element for social change (Durkheim

[1897] 1966), it also can theoretically help create more freedoms in leisure experiences. As noted

earlier, research already reflects the transformative potential of social deviance in Key West. The

study of drag queens at the 801 Cabaret (Bourbon Bar) in Key West carried out by Leila Rupp

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and Verta Taylor (2003), highlighted drag queens’ ability to challenge binary thinking about

gender and destabilize gender and sexual categories – in essence, diminishing the hierarchies

associated with these labels. Acts associated with traditional femininity and masculinity were

blurred through drag queen performances and transgenderism – producing more expansive

meanings of gender and sexuality (Rupp and Taylor 2010; Taylor and Rupp 2005).

These acts of deviance and the challenging of gender and sexuality norms are even more

pervasive and far-reaching in Key West than other studies have thus far suggested; not only do

they apply to drag queens but also to cisgender and heterosexual women. Women and other

minorities benefitted from the allowance of behavioral deviance, which diminished social control

on the island and relaxed social norms associated with alcohol consumption, bodily and sexual

expression, and adventurous risk-taking. A general lack of enforcement of both formal and

informal social control mechanisms on the island made people feel excited and free. These

extended freedoms were reflected in interviewees’ ability to engage in deviant activities with

little consequence or constraint. Barriers to leisure became diminished, and an acceptance of

behavior labeled as “deviant” by more traditional circles became the reality in Key West – a

reality that many tourists were not used to seeing. Numerous women described how they felt the

island offered them an experience unlike anywhere else.

Diminishing Social Control

Social control is revealed in how society regulates behaviors that violate cultural norms.

Whether or not a behavior is considered deviant depends on the cultural context in which it

occurs. Key West’s cultural climate diminished the normative social control mechanisms found

in everyday life, which fostered a different kind of lifestyle for its residents and tourists and

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became reflected throughout the community (see Figure 8). One day, sitting by a woman

musician, who was singing alternative rock and playing her guitar to entertain the bar crowd, I

met Paul, a 38-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, who explained the Key West difference:

Once you get used to this as being reality – because it's far, far from reality – like all of us that live here know that. But you get to live in this ignorant bliss of like, what, you don't get to just walk down the street with drinks in your hand at two in the afternoon and it's totally normal? That's not how life is? Like, once you get used to that, like you can't go back to reality. Not fun. It's like spending a year in wonderland and then being like, oh, you have to go back to reality. You're like, no. I'll stay here.

Figure 8. Social deviance reflected in a Santa Claus staged as “passed out” on a resident’s front porch in Key West – with a martini glass in hand and sign reading “Christmas may be a little late this year.”

This “wonderland-like” reality in Key West became established, in part, because of its

favorable conditions related to the allowance of “doing deviance.” This normalization of

deviance in Key West gives individuals more leeway in their performances of gender and other

social categories. Rather than engaging in the more traditional ongoing interactional

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accomplishment of “doing difference” in a way that generates gendered, raced, and classed

hierarchies among individuals (West and Fenstermaker 1995), the uncharacteristic displays of

deviance and difference in Key West have become the norm; those who are considered

“different” in “the real world” have become part of the island community and culture rather than

frowned upon. Reflecting this idea, was Philip, a 52-year-old, white, sexual minority resident,

who worked with the LGBTQ community in Key West. He pointed out the reduction in social

control related to the lack of heteronormative expectations found on the island: “Key West's

always been like back in the pirate days, and it's kind of like the people who were out on the

edges are always accepted here. It's the history of the island…people feel safe here. I mean, for

an LGBT couple, they can still walk hand and hand down the street where they probably could

not in their own town…We experience that a lot, that people around the country, especially with

the feel of the current [Trump] administration, that's not helping, you know, people, LGBT

people, not feeling safe when they travel...But, here, they feel safe, and we have very strong anti-

hate crime laws in the city of Key West.”

Further reflecting the minimization of social control, were those in interracial

relationships, as they were not looked down upon for falling outside more traditional cultural

boundaries. Evidence of Key West’s “anti-hate” approach to life in the community was

communicated by Jen, a 30-year-old, white, heterosexual resident. She explained, “I mean, my

husband is Black, and you know, I have kids, and I feel really comfortable down here, and I don't

think there's any discrimination with them at all [with the kids in school]…So, that's a reason

why I really wouldn't wanna move…” Similarly, I spoke to Liz, a 49-year-old, Black,

heterosexual resident, who told me that she was comfortable in her interracial romantic

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relationship on the island because it was accepted in Key West more so than any other place she

had lived – including Miami. She described the differences between places:

There is a nice mixture of interracial couples [in Key West], interracial children within the school system here. You'll see it. I see it more here than I've ever seen it at any school system in Miami, which is where I grew up. You know, I didn't see it that often there. So, it's nice here, you know, because at some point, we're all gonna have to – I'm not saying we're all gonna be one – but as a people, we all have to be one at some point…So, it's nice that Key West kind of has that measure of acceptance that I really appreciate.

This more limited surveillance and scrutiny of individuals within the community also led

people, especially women, to worry less about their appearances and behaviors. Women broke

gender and beauty norms by stating that they cared less about how they looked in Key West.

Women appeared to be less focused on their outward appearances and instead became more

tuned into what they were doing and enjoying. Hanging out and dancing to live music with her

friends at the Green Parrot bar, Gina, a 21-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, explained,

“When I was hired, I was told, don’t bring heels, and if you can’t wear it with flip flops, you are

dressed too fancy. I was surprised, it’s so chill, I love it…and I feel like there’s less pressure to

be feminine…or wear a bunch of makeup.” Similarly, sitting at a dimly lit tequila bar, Amber, a

26-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, described her wardrobe: “I don't wear heels really – I

don't do all that shit…I wear the same outfit everywhere I pretty much go, and I don't even care.

When I used to work at [a daytime bar], I just literally like brushed my hair, put sunglasses on,

and went to work.” Men also recognized women’s shift in their beauty work routines. Miguel, a

25-year-old, Hispanic, heterosexual resident, commented that some tourists dressed up primarily

because they are new to town. He explained, “[Women] dress up because they think they need to,

and they don't know any better, and it's their first time here. So, they think everybody else is

going to be dressed up.” He confirmed that after women become familiar with Key West, “They

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don't care. Don't care at all [about dressing up].” Both women and men benefitted from Key

West’s “Come as You Are” dress code, which enabled individuals to have more time for other

activities. For instance, I met Kathy, a 49-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist from Philadelphia,

during an Eagles football game at Charlie Mac’s – the local Philly Bar. She reinforced this point

by explaining how she and her husband could just enjoy themselves without worrying about

appearances:

Kathy: I've worn like a quarter of the fancy clothes that I brought. I'm like, t-shirts and shorts, very casual. I: So, you're more concerned about having fun? Kathy: Yes…We were out on a boat yesterday, and we were snorkeling. We came back on the boat, and then we went out after that. We didn't even go back to the hotel [for a shower]…I looked like I was run over, but… (laughs) More formally, social control by the police was perceived to be at a minimum as alcohol-

related open-container laws and behavioral anomalies were not met with strict enforcement.

Sitting at the bar at the Elks Lodge in Bahama Village, I talked to Don, a 39-year-old, Black,

heterosexual resident, about his take on the community policing in Key West. Proudly, he

explained why Key West – the island he grew up on – was different than other places: “I'll say

this – I think through all the controversy going on throughout the world with the police, I think

we have some of the coolest police officers in the state of Florida because a lot of the police

officers here either went to school here, or their parents are police, or their ancestors are police. It

kind of moves down the line as far as you know, my grandfather's generation…through all the

controversy going throughout the world, I think we have some of the finer police officers…they

take their job how we live – they're laid back. They serve before they protect.” Providing further

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evidence of this relaxation in formal social control, Max, a 56-year-old, white, heterosexual

resident, described the policing efforts in the community:

I think there are so many different people here. It's a big melting pot. Everybody knows the game. You do your thing, and everybody's really genuinely pretty nice to each other. Even when the police come, there's a fight in the bar, and they break it up, everybody goes their own separate ways. They don't take you to jail. Everybody's pretty mellow, and they let things go. There are things that can happen. We've got a saying here, "See the Keys on your knees" or "Do the Duval Crawl," stuff like that. It's a big party town. Even when the college kids come here on Spring break, when they do something stupid, a lot of times, they don't get arrested. They get taken to jail, put in a jumpsuit, and taken to the beach the next day to clean it up. They don't generally get arrested like they would in Daytona or Fort Lauderdale. The cops are pretty cool.

The minimization of formal and informal social control in Key West made individuals on

the island feel more comfortable. Conditions like these not only let people be their “true selves”

but also allowed individuals to act in new ways if they wanted – offering them an outlet for

deviance in leisure, if they were so inclined. Key West’s light-hearted approach to social control

encouraged people to let loose and become a little freer – and sometimes a little wilder.

Promoting Bar-Hopping

The wilder side of doing deviance can be observed, at times, through Key West’s

normalization of alcohol and its promotion of bar-hopping. The ubiquity of bar-hopping on the

island is reflected throughout the community in its plethora of bars, signage, and shop apparel

that emphasize alcohol-consumption (see Figure 9). For example, a common T-shirt on display

at clothing shops reads, “I got Duval-Faced on Shit Street Key West.” Even the banter by local

musicians, often singing at open-air bars, reinforced Key West’s drinking culture to anyone

within earshot. For instance, standing on the sidewalk on Duval Street, I heard a musician at

Willie T’s outdoor bar comment, “It’s Thirsty Thursday! Good morning – good to see some day

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drinkers out here. You can’t drink all day if you don’t start in the morning…drinking rum at 10

o’clock in the morning does not make you an alcoholic – it just makes you a pirate.” To

reemphasize what he had just told the bar crowd, he played a drinking song by the Zac Brown

Band – “Pour me another one, Make it a strong one, We're gonna have some fun tonight, Just

like the other one, Make it a double rum, We're gonna castaway tonight… Easy living down in

paradise.”

Figure 9. T-Shirts and bar signage reinforcing Key West’s Drinking Culture

Some of the deviance experienced in Key West stemmed from being able to drink on the

streets. Key West bars and restaurants allowed customers to take their canned drinks with them

or gave their customers “to-go” cups of alcohol if they wanted to finish their beverages

elsewhere. Furthermore, beer, wine, and liquor were all sold “on-the-go” in stands throughout

the sidewalks – beginning in the morning until the wee hours of the night. This practice offered

open air spaces for people to drink freely and go about their day-to-day activities, such as

observing the nightly sunset celebration festivities on the waterfront. While, recognizably,

excessive alcohol consumption can become an unhealthy behavior if there are no limits,

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individuals appeared to acknowledge the novelty of their drinking behavior in Key West and did

not always drink to excess. The consensus was that most everyone simply enjoyed the freedom

of being able to drink out on the streets with a travel drink, and many agreed it should be legal

everywhere – even though, in reality, it is not truly legal in Key West. It is simply a deviant

practice that is overlooked by everyone.

Highlighting other benefits of drinking on the go, April, a 29-year-old, white, sexual

minority tourist, told me, “Oh, I think that's fabulous for people who want to walk around town

and drink…yeah, I think it's cool. I think that, you know, it maybe even prevents people from

drinking to excess...I feel like it almost stops them from drinking excessively because people

want to chug their drinks before they leave…So, they're like oh, I can leisurely drink this

beverage and stroll around.” The novelty and excitement of doing deviance by drinking wherever

one wanted in Key West was encapsulated in a bartender’s story during happy hour at the Grand

Café – a restaurant and bar situated in a large historic Conch house on Duval Street. The

bartender told the tourists about a trip he had recently taken to Delray Beach, Florida, explaining

that while he was there, he had instinctively taken his drink outside with him out of habit and

quickly was reprimanded for the breach in customary norms. He continued, “When I tell tourists

about the to-go cups in Key West, it’s like they’ve heard the best news of their life.”

Bartenders not only gave good news to tourists but also added their own charm to the mix

of daily island life – often encouraging the fun of drinking and socializing. The bartenders in

Key West are friendly and will charge your phone for you, chat about life, and even buy you a

drink – all of which happened to me during my fieldwork. One day, when I had just driven 9

hours to get to Key West, I went for a bite to eat for dinner at the outdoor bar at Mangoes.

Apparently, I was acting a bit tense after the long drive because others could sense what I was

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feeling. The bartender I ordered from recognized my stress right away and politely suggested

that I let my hair down and relax, asking me when I had come into town. He recognized that I

hadn’t quite settled into island life yet, especially when I asked him if I could have only one

glass of wine instead of two for the bar’s happy hour special. He joked that he keeps an eye on

people who say they only want one drink because they usually end up having three. I laughed,

feeling myself begin to loosen up as I slowed down my pace. It was then that I took notice of

how many people I saw smiling as they were walking along Duval Street. People were happy in

Key West, and I was happy, too. I smiled at the fact that the bartender reminded me to chill out

and get with the Key West program. I wasn’t the only one who benefitted from the camaraderie

and a good laugh with the bartenders in Key West. Kevin, a 53-year-old white, heterosexual

resident, who had just moved into town, told me he had begun befriending some of the

bartenders. He explained, “So that's who I get 80 percent, 90 percent of my information – from

bartenders…where to go, what to do, what tours to go on. You know, the bars to go to, and what

times to go there, because they have the most and best information.”

The plethora of bars and bartenders welcoming drinking among their customers – along

with the outdoor leisure spaces dedicated to alcohol consumption – established the greater

accessibility of participation in leisure spaces, especially for women. Though alcohol

consumption in bars has been historically and contemporarily gendered (Bird and Sokolofski

2005; Douglas and Barrett 2020), women engaged in the bar scene as readily as the men in Key

West – getting intoxicated and rowdy – and breaking double-standards associated with alcohol

use (De Visser and McDonnell 2012) by claiming bar and other drinking spaces for themselves.

For example, some women glorified the bar space that Key West afforded them. Maggie, a 23-

year-old, white, heterosexual tourist explained, “We had an insane time yesterday. We were one

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of the first people here [at the bar]…and we met so many cool people that would buy us drinks

and hang out with us, it was such a blast…so we’re really gonna tear it up today…Everyone’s

been so super nice…everyone’s looking out for each other and really caring, I love it.” Vivienne,

a 25-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist told me, “I love to get drunk [at the bars in Key

West].” Women spoke about their feelings of care-free freedoms with delight as they joked

playfully about their experiences drinking in Key West.

Some bars actively endorsed deviant drinking behavior through crowd participation,

which aided in women’s involvement. For instance, Irish Kevin’s bar continuously encouraged

people to get rowdy and drink more. Nearly every day, all day, a musician performed up on Irish

Kevin’s bar’s stage – talking to the crowds, singing, and at times, telling everyone at the bar to

either drink, yell, or sing. Both women and men were often invited up onto the stage several

times nightly to chug a Guinness while being timed by a large digital clock hanging on the wall.

Other times, Irish Kevin’s musicians would allow individuals to take a shot of whiskey on stage

if they were celebrating a birthday, bachelorette party, or marriage. Another bar, Cowboy Bill’s,

added a crowd participation element through its bull-riding activities and large dance floor.

Reminiscing about Cowboy Bill’s, while having a hair of the dog, Chad, a 43-year old, white,

heterosexual tourist, and Andrew, a 34-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, laughed about their

deviant acts from the night before:

Chad: This motherfucker – he rode a bull last night.

Andrew: He got kicked out of two pizza places.

I: You rode a bull?

Andrew: Yeah, I did, but he got kicked out of two pizza places last night.

I: You did? For what?

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Chad: I don't remember it, so it didn't happen.

I: Okay, so two pizza places – kicked out, and you rode a bull. Was it fun?

Andrew: Oh yeah. What was the bar called?

I: Was it Cowboy Bill's?

Andrew: Yeah, we had a blast! That bar is awesome.

I: Did you meet people there?

Andrew: Yeah, we started the dance party.

Other leisure activities also encouraged doing deviance as a way to bond with others. For

example, Key West’s pub crawl, “The “Duval Crawl” is a pub tour that highlights its promotion

of drinking to excess in a group activity for two and a half hours straight with other tourists. Its

marketing materials say things like, “Can you survive the Duval Crawl? A Key West Tradition.”

and “Is your liver up to the challenge?” Similarly, boating excursions, such as going on a floating

tiki bar, or one of the many “booze cruises,” allowed for unlimited amounts of alcohol and

opportunities for social interaction. While heavy drinking may have been enjoyable for bar-

hoppers at the time, there were consequences – namely, hangovers. Key West, however, being

the drinking town that it is, provided solutions to heal its dehydrated partiers. Businesses, such

as, IVs in the Keys, were set up as wellness centers to give hungover people B12 shots and IVs

so that they could get back to the party. I spoke to an ER nurse who worked at one of these

centers. He explained that an equal number of women and men came in for the IVs but joked that

men passed out from the needle more often than the women. As we were talking, a woman

walked in to inquire about services.

While rowdy drinking and drunk deviance was expected within this tourist town, women

did not perceive this raucous behavior as being a deterrent from engaging in the bar scene. They

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had little fear of harassment and did not typically see high levels of alcohol intake as a detriment

to their safety. This was noticeably true for women who were on their own. Women who venture

off alone are perceived to be more vulnerable than others – especially at night or when drinking

alcohol (Douglas and Barrett 2020); yet, this was not the case in Key West. For instance, Rina, a

34-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, told me, “I was here alone, I'm not married, I don't

have kids…It was Christmas, I decided I was going to go out with a couple friends, and I stayed

out until four in the morning, and I walked home [alone]. That was about a four-mile walk, and I

had absolutely no issue. I have no fear here at all…You don't hear about violent crimes – people

don't behave like that – it is unacceptable. You hear the cliché phrase ‘It takes a village to raise a

child,’ and it's like that here still to this day…Like it's the whole village aspect.” Similarly, Carla

a 44-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, pointed out her feelings of safety. She explained, “I

like the atmosphere and live music at the bars…as a girl traveling alone, Key West is a nice place

to be.” Partly due to the level of comfort and safety felt by women who visited or lived in Key

West, many said they consumed alcohol with nothing to worry about and claimed they enjoyed

themselves within the bar-hopping realm. Moreover, the high density of people and feelings of

community (Jacobs 1961; Klinenberg 2018) supported the sense of comfort experienced by

women.

Together, the normalization of alcohol, the accessibility of bar space, and the feelings of

safety, all contributed to women participating in alcohol consumption and the behavioral

deviance allowed for within Key West. The engagement in deviant forms of drinking assisted in

reducing gendered bar spaces as well as other leisure spaces throughout the island. Key West

created a conducive environment for letting loose as people felt unrestricted in their bar-hopping.

Most everyone enjoyed the social interactions in bar spaces and the freedom of being able to

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walk on the streets with alcohol. Furthermore, most individuals did not encounter the burden of

having to drink and drive, with the majority of the drinking establishments being within walking

distance of hotels and housing. The city also regularly offered free shuttle buses for those who

preferred a lift – providing greater leisure accessibility for all.

Allowing Nudity

The feelings of freedom felt by tourists and residents carried over and intermingled with the

community’s allowance for nudity all year long. Key West granted dedicated space for “clothes-

free” deviance, which was reflected in the island’s clothing-optional bars and resorts and in some

of its drag shows and gay bars on the island that permitted nudity. One of Key West’s signature

events – Fantasy Fest – even celebrates nudity on the streets, all within the main tourist hub. This

acceptance of nudity on the island has the potential to enhance women’s and other minorities’

sexual and socio-spatial capital, partly through its desensitization of bodies. The normalization of

bodies can provide more leisure space and opportunities for individuals, particularly women, to

dismantle idealized bodily assumptions and beauty norms (De Vries 2019; Mayer 2007; Swami

2016; West 2017). It also creates an atmosphere that challenges moralistic assumptions

surrounding gender and sexuality.

Though some sexualized interactions took place during times of partial or complete nudity in

Key West, none of my participants reported being overly fearful or anxious about sexual

harassment. Women often felt unrestricted in their bodily exposure and could freely wear

revealing outfits or walk around in body paint. This acceptance of women’s bodies and attire is

uncharacteristic of women’s experiences, as they would typically face moralistic judgments in

other settings for dressing in such a risqué fashion (Valenti 2009; Mayer 2007). In Key West,

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however, women often embraced body displays outside the norm as the cultural standards of

beauty were perceived to be less stringent compared with other contexts. Nude bodies – both

young and old – joined in to participate in clothing-optional events. Participants perceived that

they would be judged less by others. Moreover, women who took part in the festivities, or

observed others from a distance, enjoyed the deviance and pleasure of it all.

While clothing-optional parties and bars exist all year long, Key West ups the ante around

Halloween during its most prominent celebration of the year – Fantasy Fest. The Fantasy Fest

celebration is a 40-year tradition in Key West, bringing about 100,000 people to the island of

24,000 residents each year. Fantasy Fest is an elaboration of daily life in Key West. Described as

a “10-day party in paradise for grown-ups,” the event promotes costumes, reductions in clothing,

full nudity, and body paint – directly on the streets and within Key West’s leisure spaces. Some

restrictions exist, but few rules are upheld. It is an anything goes event that is home to a

multitude of clothing-optional events, fetish parties, and non-heteronormative and other non-

traditional activities.

The celebration of Fantasy Fest illuminates how far the island will go in terms of

deviance, especially in relation to breaking gender and sexuality norms. While traditionally, men

have been the ones understood to engage in sexualized leisure behavior, women also joined in on

the fun in Key West. I met Shannon, a 44-year-old, Black, heterosexual tourist, standing at the

front of the balcony at Rick’s Bar, just taking in the crowd on the street below. Still a bit

surprised, she told me, “It’s awesome, I love it. I’ve got all these naked peoples hanging out

(laughs). I’ve never seen it before…they’re literally naked over here.” Fantasy Fest permitted

freedoms reported to be unlike anywhere else. Standing at the bar in thigh-high leather boots,

Claudia, a 23-year-old white, heterosexual resident, commented:

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I would compare [Fantasy Fest] to Mardi Gras a little bit, but better…Mardi Gras, like the masks and the beads and stuff is very cool, but here, you can do whatever the fuck you want. Here, it’s like the main theme is body paint…so there’s people that are like fucked up, a lot of people throwing out their fetishes and stuff. That is so cool to me. It’s so funny. It’s hilarious, and it’s cool.

Many explained how they enjoyed the opportunity for nudity and bodily expression

during Fantasy Fest. Women, especially, felt like they did not have to conform to traditional

standards of behavior. They also felt like the event, in a sense, contributed to desexualizing

bodies. Victoria, a 33-year-old, Filipino, heterosexual tourist, talked to me at a clothing-optional

pool party. She noted, “Everyone's very liberated here…So it's kind of hard not to embrace

that…Like on a normal day, I'm pretty conservative, but to see people just embrace being in their

natural state, you almost can't help but kind of absorb that, and so even though usually when we

think of nudity, we think of like high sexuality, but people are embracing just being nude without

being overtly sexual…it almost makes you want to just enjoy it as well…Everyone's very non-

judgmental and very welcoming.” Relatedly, others took pride in their body paint. Darlene, a 61-

year-old, Black, heterosexual tourist, beamed, “I have an absolute awesome time every time we

come here. We’ve been coming for about 9 years…It’s an annual event, a must-do...I find out

what the theme is, and I research what I want to do [for my body paint], and I go for it.” Other

women focused on the liberating effects of creative expression and costume design during

Fantasy Fest. Ellen, a 48-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, explained:

I love Fantasy Fest. Most of my wardrobe is Fantasy Fest-related – and I'm not one to go expose myself – I just like the creativity of Fantasy Fest. I love the costume design, and I love all of that. And Fantasy Fest is who we are. Do I care for all the nakedness? Nah. I'm not against it. I don't give a damn. But I wish people would be a little more creative and wish that the sexual undertone of it wouldn't be so strong always… Fantasy Fest is who we are. It raises a lot of money for very good causes. So, I think it's important. It was started by the guys from Fast Buck Freddy's more than 50-odd years ago and look what it's grown into…you should see some of their body paintings – unbelievable.

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Fantasy Fest also expanded men’s way of thinking about bodies; however, the shifts they

described centered less on a decoupling of bodies and sexuality and more on self-acceptance. As

Ted, a 41-year-old white, heterosexual tourist explained:

[I’ve had my body painted] multiple times as a Twister board and my cowboy costume…I honestly don't care what other people do…be the person that you are. Don't be afraid of that and have respect and humility…I wore a Speedo on Duval Street…I was never anything other than fat…I think that idea of nudity – I like the idea of acceptance. Personal acceptance. I am who I am, and I will be who I am…It teaches [people] acceptance, and it brings out this idea of shyness, or self-consciousness. It almost eliminates self-consciousness. Because you can't be more open than when you're dangling your bits and pieces, and then nobody else is giving a shit.

Figure 10. Older white man dressed in an elaborate costume

Key West’s accepting atmosphere, particularly evident during Fantasy Fest, encouraged

participation by people with bodies outside of the ideal – including older bodies (see Figure 10).

Danny, a 69-year-old white, heterosexual resident, participated in our interview while completely

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naked – sitting on a bar stool – at The Garden of Eden, a clothing-optional bar. He reminisced

about his years at Fantasy Fest:

I am a voyeur. I like to look at gorgeous women, and I like it when they look at me. That makes me 50 percent voyeur, 50 percent exhibitionist. And I’m an exhibitionist to the max on the dance floor…You can come to Fantasy Fest and really enjoy yourself. Like really enjoy it…I’ve been to 25 of them – complete ones – all ten days. There’s no hope for me. I am a total sleaze-o…Fantasy Fest is a life changing experience.

Other long-time Fantasy Fest goers, like Ron, a 44-year-old white, heterosexual tourist,

discussed how his hotel was open to nudity, highlighting this experience as unique to Fantasy

Fest in Key West – an environment that allowed for more freedoms within many social spaces:

“But I mean – it's Key West. My second floor of my hotel is clothing-optional on the back of the

balcony…I've seen people [getting naked] on the deck aged between probably 25 and 70…”

Ron also described his growing acceptance of body displays over the years, of any type

of display – on any type of body. As he explained, “I've always said that the people – that first-

timers [to Fantasy Fest] – that every year you come, you'll wear a little less clothing every year.

You know what I mean? Because it’s just, you get used to it. It's like, it's like the shock factor at

first, but then eventually, you're like, you know what? Nobody cares, and I don't care either, so

why not.” Other middle-aged and older participants shared a similar shift over time, especially

Key West residents. Reflecting on his experiences, Paul, a 38-year-old, white, heterosexual

resident, told me:

Every local has got at least two Rubbermaid containers full of the craziest costumes you can imagine. Like, God, I've got such inappropriate things in the box…So, it's just what we do down here. Like, if you're going to do it, have fun with it…Oh, I'll have friends that come visit, and we'll walk down the street and see whatever – insert whatever insane thing here – I won't even notice it. It'll walk right by me, and some would be like a 50, 60-year-old man wearing nothing but garters and a G-string. I'm like, “Oh, I don't know, oh was, yeah, that's Bill. He works for the city during the day. Yeah, he's just out for a stroll at night.” To each your own.

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The live-and-let-live atmosphere at Fantasy Fest created a space that welcomed body

displays not only of older adults but also members of other marginalized groups, including

sexual and race-ethnic minorities (see Figure 11). Reflecting on this atmosphere, Matthew, a 61-

year-old, Black, sexual minority resident, cited the importance of the freedoms in Key West:

“We’ve [as an interracial gay couple] been more accepted here [in Key West] than we've been

anywhere else [in the U.S.]…Fantasy Fest, for me, is a representation of art, and so what people

really should be doing is coming here, painting up their bodies, or pulling out their outfits and

costumes, and really showing just how creative they can be and bring a certain social freedom

along with that.”

Figure 11. Black woman in body paint at Key West’s iconic bar – The Green Parrot

Some of my participants included body paint artists. They agreed that the individuals who

had had their bodies painted experienced a sense of excitement as they embodied their newfound

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liberties. The gendered nature of judgement toward sexuality and women’s anomalous attire was

diminished as onlookers became somewhat desensitized to the spectacle of nudity and enjoyed

the novelty. Reflecting on the empowering aspects of body paint was April, a 29-year-old, white,

sexual minority tourist, who was part of a body paint team of women artists. She explained, “I

think [the body paint on others] is absolutely incredible. I think it's so freeing…Artists get to

have these walking canvases…and have this living art…It's really refreshing because people

come in a little bit nervous, but by the end of it, once [the body paint] is on and they see it, they

are obsessed. They love it, they're so happy, they light up – male, female, everything in between

– they all are just like, yay!”

The tolerance and civility of the island helped enable women to feel at ease during these

festivities. They did not fear that being nude would lead to serious problems with others, which

contributed to women’s ability to engage freely in nudity and body paint. Cameron, a 53-year-

old, white, heterosexual tourist, offered his assessment on the civility of the event:

I think [compared] with Mardi Gras, the difference is, the people here. It’s more loving, caring people. You don’t have the issues. You don’t see the police running around trying to break up fights. Stuff like that…Somebody asked me the other night, we took a picture of the street, and you couldn’t add one more person to the street, and they’re like how do you get around like that, and it’s because everybody’s polite, loving, passionate…you don’t have to worry about all the stuff you do in other places. They’re all here to get along, have a great time, and enjoy the party. That’s what it’s all about.

The allowance of nudity contributed to the dismantling of sexual purity and bodily ideals

for women. Women readily became part of the action and “debauchery” of the island. They were

able to enjoy the pleasures of Key West and display agency in their atypical surroundings.

Individuals began to observe a wider variety of body types as acceptable, even if they did not

meet contemporary standards of beauty. Rosie, a 34-year-old white, heterosexual tourist,

emphasized this point by saying, “You walk outside and think you’re something great…Out on

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the street everyone looks good…It’s all fun, be who you are, wear what you want.” Making

similar observations, along with describing her own body displays, Vivienne, a 25-year-old

white, heterosexual tourist, announced excitedly, “I love being free with my nipples out, so I

figured I needed to come…I love the old men with their thongs on, and they’re just swinging

their shlongs everywhere – (jokes) Can you put that in there? [referring to my research notes]

Key West Shlong Fest…You can be any type, any shape, any form, just be yourself. No one

cares. No one cares…Fantasy Fest – building confidence day by day…Everyone leaves with

their confidence up.”

Accessing Adventure

People come to Key West, in part, to enjoy the water, warm climate, leisure, and its

adventurous possibilities. Some believed that the sense of adventure in Key West was derived

from the adventurous spirit of the individuals living within the community, while also being

shaped by the mystique of the island. Reflecting this idea was Matt, a 42-year-old, white,

heterosexual resident. He described the allure of Key West:

I love the beautiful weather, the scenery, the natural beauty of the place, but also the unique character of the island. And that's coming from a guy who's been around the world in the Navy. I don't think there's any place quite like this…That comes from all the historical stuff, back to wrecker days and pirates. It's a cool mix of Navy, fighter pilots, wreckers, and people, like end of the earth, who escape from somewhere else…People who seek adventure, people that seek something fun who are willing to leave everything they know. This is a lot of what Key West is made up of – people who just left some other place to come down here to enjoy the awesomeness of this place. That independent spirit, that character, is what really kind of builds this place…It's the soul of the place…It's that kind of adventurous person that comes down here. While Key West may have been known for its adventurous spirit, historically, men have

been in the advantaged position as adventurers and explorers out in the world; women, in

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contrast, have often been placed on the sidelines as outsiders to these experiences. Even today,

the dominant depictions of an adventurer still conjure up images of the risk-taking feats of men

(e.g., pirates, fighter pilots, wreckers, drifters). Moreover, it is perceived to be deviant behavior,

at times, if women engage in risk-taking adventures like men. Consequently, being an adventurer

is in and of itself a deviant identity for women to have (Little and Wilson 2005; Yang, Khoo-

Lattimore, and Arcodia 2018a). Nevertheless, adventure can be a matter of perception. Research

finds that how women engage in and acknowledge their adventurous pursuits are not always the

same as men. For instance, while men’s adventure might include more extreme measures – like

shipping off to a highly inaccessible remote location – women report that they find adventure in

newness, excitement, risk, challenging pursuits, and learning (Little and Wilson 2005; Yang,

Khoo-Lattimore, and Arcodia 2018a). Though gender inequalities have diminished the extent to

which women have been able to engage in a multitude of adventurous activities, women can still

actively participate in adventure in their own way, especially when adventure is at their

fingertips.

Participating in leisure adventures in Key West has become a common practice –

especially for women. The culture of leisure on the island gives women easy access to explore

and find novel excursions. Due to the heightened accessibility of water adventures and other

leisure pursuits, reflections of women’s acts of deviance as adventurers and risk-takers are

readily observable on the island. Women command a greater level of agency in Key West, which

gives them increased leeway in their leisure experiences. These extended possibilities permit

women to take on more behavioral risks and physical challenges. Moreover, this engagement in

adventure enhances women’s empowerment and opportunities in leisure (Yang, Khoo-Lattimore,

and Arcodia 2018b).

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In Key West, women are expressly encouraged to engage in a wider range of activities,

including more risky ones, which are promoted in nearly 30 tourist booths around Duval Street.

Some of the major recreational pursuits in the community include snorkeling, jet-skiing, paddle-

boarding, kayaking, windsurfing, parasailing, boating, fishing, scuba-diving, biking, and scooter-

riding. Leisure activities, like these, have the potential to expand women’s view of their own

bodies’ abilities. Furthermore, because they are so accessible, women readily take part in the

action. Supporting these observations, David, a 47-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist,

explained why he thought women, especially local women, engaged in more adventure leisure

activities on the island than they would anywhere else: “It’s because the water is around the

island, and there’s lots of businesses with the snorkeling boats and captains – everybody knows

everybody. It's so small, it's easy to get hooked up with somebody to go and buy with the local

discount – 10 or 20 percent or sometimes 50 percent off the tickets.”

The island aided in equalizing the ease of approachability to adventures and shifted

gendered patterns in leisure. My interviews suggested that more men had already had frequent

experiences with adventurous pursuits outside of Key West compared to women. These findings

also are in line with data that indicate that sports and other outdoor or physical masculine-

oriented activities are regularly relegated as the domain of more men (De Visser and Smith 2007;

Dorwart, Cornelous, and Patterson 2019; Fendt and Wilson 2012; Janke, Davey, and Kleiber

2006). Men’s greater access to more physical and challenging leisure activities may enable them

to develop specific skills that women miss out on. Nevertheless, in Key West, many women felt

they could more effortlessly access the water and its accompanying activities in Key West

compared to other places. Reflecting this reduction in gender inequality, Julia, a 33-year-old,

white, heterosexual resident, told me, “I think [the leisure activities/watersports] are shoved in

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your face a little bit more as a tourist. The booths are just everywhere…I lived in Miami for four

years, Miami Beach, and I don't think I did any watersports. [I do all of them here]” Julia

explained how she now participated in many water activities in Key West due to their easy

availability and the discounts she received as a local. Instead of having to somehow obtain access

to a boat, purchase equipment, or acquire in-depth knowledge of these leisure pursuits, women

achieved the benefits of these activities and could learn by using Key West’s built-in guides on

the tours (see Figure 12).

Figure 12. Advertisement for the Ultimate Adventure boat trip with women pictured jet skiing, snorkeling, and sliding into the ocean.

After speaking with representatives from each of the major watersports companies, they

all expressed the view that women engaged in the more demanding adventurous water activities

(e.g., jet skiing, snorkeling, windsurfing) at the same rate as men. My observations and

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discussions with other interviewees also matched the recollections from those in the industry in

Key West. Liz, a 49-year-old, Black resident, who worked with one of the watersport

organizations, explained, “It's pretty great…you'd be surprised. I have more women sometimes

who wanna do more things. Men not so much…nine times out of ten it's some woman who

convinced him to do it, (laughs)…‘Yeah, this is what we came on vacation for, this is what I

want to do,’ so you know, if the wife is on board, the husband is on board.” Max, a 56-year-old,

white, heterosexual resident, who also worked in watersports agreed, telling me, “It’s way more

accessible [in Key West compared to other places and for both women and men] – better crews

and more experienced people. They really try to create memories…A lot of moms and families

[on the tours]. Mom's usually the leader of the pack, mother hen, coordinating everything.” He

followed up, “I know that it sounds corny, but [the crews] really take it to heart that they want

you to have the best time possible…they take it to the next level. It's not always about just

making money – they do it out of the kindness of their hearts.”

The adventurous physical pursuits accessed by women changed gendered scripts by

reinforcing risk-taking and enabling them to be part of those who could be considered

adventurers – creating a new, deviant identity for women on the island. The normality of outdoor

physical activities in Key West encouraged women’s participation in more daring pursuits, like

exploring the ocean and engaging in leisure activities they had not been able to do before. Key

West’s “in your face” approach helped to remedy women’s lesser engagement in outdoor or

physical activities. Women could consistently be out and about in their social world in a more

active and physical way in Key West. Moreover, this visualization of women being expected

participants in adventure on the island combatted stereotypes of women as passive (Bagnoli

2009; Gregory and Dimmock 2019).

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Not only did tourists benefit from Key West’s adventures, but women, who lived in town,

also appreciated women’s increased opportunities to be part of the everyday seafaring action –

reveling in the “girl power” on the island. Gabrielle, a 29-year-old, white, heterosexual resident

and boat captain, chatted with me at the marina. As she cleaned her boat, she explained, “Key

West has more women working on the water than any place I've ever been. Key West has the

most girl power out of anywhere…There's a ton – more than you'll see anywhere else in the

United States. I'm trying to think through all the girls I know who work on the water...I think like

30-50 percent of the people who work on the water, and as boat captains, are women.” She

started pointing out boats to me: “There's a woman that works on that boat, a woman who runs

that boat, a bunch of women who run the big sailboats. Definitely more women. I was one of

only two women in the tri-city area in South Carolina that worked on the water…out of three

counties, and there was only two of us.” Similarly, Rina, a 34-year-old, white, heterosexual

resident, and scuba-diver, reaffirmed Gabrielle’s feelings of empowerment in the adventures that

are typically off-limits to women in other places. She also acknowledged that seeing other

women in Key West do what the men did, reinforced her wanting to do the same:

Captain's Corner is right over here, and that's one of the best dive shops on the island… they have the top review of all the dive shops in Key West. Captain's Corner is owned by Captain Leslie, and she is incredible. This woman is like the Dr. Sylvia Earle of Key West [a marine biologist and explorer for National Geographic named by Time Magazine as its first Hero for the Planet in 1998]. She's all about ocean conservation. Someone like that is an iconic figure, inspiring other women, and that's one of the reasons I'm pushing hard toward being a dive master, because one percent of all the dive masters in the world are female, and I want to be part of that one percent.

Summary

Key West, as a progressive cosmopolitan canopy, offered a space in which collectivity,

tolerance, and deviance were heightened. I conclude that gender and other inequalities became

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diminished within the city’s leisure spaces and that cultural ideologies were transformed, in part,

because of the socially tolerant nature of the island. Women and other minorities experienced

less emotional and behavioral burdens in their leisure experiences as they felt free to engage in a

wide array of leisure activities. Two processes – creating progressive narratives and doing

deviance – demonstrated how gender inequities can become reduced when environments foster

progressive ideals. Interviewees recurrently described Key West as a distinctive community that

had more freedoms and diversity than anywhere they had ever been. Ethnographic observations

supported interviewees’ perceptions of inclusiveness. Not only did the visualization of diverse

others within the progressive canopy of Key West lead to tolerance and acts of kindness

(Anderson 2011), but it also endorsed narratives of equality and freedom among tourists and

residents. These narratives promoted additional behavioral and bodily freedoms in leisure for

women and other minorities.

Women, in particular, felt unrestricted in their alcohol consumption and bar-hopping

activities as they navigated the island without fear – during the day or night – and when alone.

While masculinized spheres, namely bars, have been found to deter women from these spaces,

partly because of their sexualizing undertones (Bird and Sokolofski 2005; Douglas and Barrett

2020), women did not feel threatened while they were exploring Key West. Women also felt

comfortable during events that were explicitly more sexual in nature, believing that they were at

little risk, even as their bodies were on display. They embraced deviant acts of sexuality,

vulgarity, and drunken rowdiness. Cultural standards of beauty also were less stringent in Key

West as many women declared they worried less about their bodies and appearances because of

the laid-back atmosphere of the island. Moreover, women participated in more daring bodily

activities, like adventurous watersports (e.g., snorkeling, jet-skiing, windsurfing, diving) –

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combatting gender stereotypes of women as passive, weak, or vulnerable (Bagnoli 2009;

Hollander 2001, Hollander 2002; Little and Wilson 2005). The community of Key West, in a

sense, encouraged women’s deviance in leisure pursuits, which effectively reinforced their

empowerment, agency, and comfort with their sexuality.

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CHAPTER 3

ST. AUGUSTINE – AMERICA’S OLDEST CITY

You know, one thing that I always thought about is, you know where I grew up, everybody worked their whole lives so they can move down here when they had a bum knee or they, you know, they were too old to really enjoy it. So, why not move down here when you still have a little juice left in you? – Greg, 43, white, heterosexual, St. Augustine resident

In this chapter, I turn to St. Augustine, Florida – the oldest continuously occupied city in

America. I use St. Augustine as a comparison site to Key West to contextualize how St.

Augustine is situated as a conservative canopy. Conservative cosmopolitan canopies can be

distinguished by their more traditional cultural and political orientations, which reinforce a

distinctive set of features compared to their more progressive counterparts. Located in the

historically conservative South, St. Augustine allows an assessment of the influence of cultural

ideologies in a more conservatively oriented and leisure-based cosmopolitan canopy. Being “the

oldest city,” the historical character of St. Augustine has shaped its economic reliance on tourism

and leisure. This examination sheds light on how conservative cosmopolitan canopies may

diminish gender inequalities in leisure despite norms associated with traditional value systems

and conservatism. After presenting the data from St. Augustine, I compare the community to

Key West to illuminate how each city’s socio-political and cultural landscape interacts with

gender and other social categories to affect leisure experiences.

My findings indicate that St. Augustine’s cultural landscape has ultimately led to

conditions within the community that have aided in creating more opportunities in leisure for

women and other minorities – though to a lesser extent than Key West. Nevertheless, the

canopies that form within more traditional leisure spaces can create cracks in conservative

ideologies that have historically reinforced gender and other disparities. To illuminate this point,

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in my descriptions, I identify individuals’ political orientations as either conservative, liberal, or

moderate to highlight the sense of conservatism within St. Augustine. My ethnographic research

in the community presented two processes through which gender disparities were contested in

conservative leisure spaces – deflating conservative ideologies and connecting with others (see

Table 4).

Table 4. Social Processes through which Gender Inequalities were Reduced in Leisure Spaces in St. Augustine Social Process

Themes

Description

Deflating Conservative Ideologies

Enhancing Culture and Diversity

Creating collective cultural events, Supporting the Arts, Bolstering inclusive spaces

De-gendering the Landscape

Reducing socio-spatial constraints, Enhancing leisure participation, Offering a creative outlet

Connecting with Others Being Laid-Back Relaxing social spaces,

Taking time to help others, Enjoying shared leisure activities

Sharing Fanciful Stories Telling tales about history, pirates, and ghosts

Deflating Conservative Ideologies

Though somewhat contradictory, the city of St. Augustine is both a conservative town

and a cosmopolitan canopy. On one hand, political and cultural ideologies associated with

conservatism – such as authoritarianism, Christian moralistic values, traditional gender roles, and

American nationalism – have been known to reinforce social hierarchies. On the other hand,

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cosmopolitan canopies have been associated with egalitarian social interactions and tolerance.

Interestingly, St. Augustine’s ability to be both conservative and cosmopolitan at the same time,

offers insight into how leisure can shift ideologies toward tolerance. Rather than fully

emboldening and embracing the town’s conservative ideals, St. Augustine subtly disempowered

the momentum of ideologies that fostered inequalities. By deflating conservative ideologies

through its leisure approach, the community, and those within it, aided in diminishing disparities

among individuals and reducing gendered barriers to leisure. They did this in the following two

ways: enhancing culture and diversity and de-gendering the landscape.

Enhancing Culture and Diversity

Culture and diversity were incorporated by the city through their planned festivals –

events that created common ground and celebrated the arts and music. The community’s largest

festival was the Celtic Music and Heritage Festival, which celebrates the Celtic music, food, and

heritage of the peoples of Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and other parts of Europe. The festival is

accompanied by the city’s St. Patrick’s Day parade, a whiskey tasting, and Highland games that

include sports-related athletic activities for women and men (see Figure 13). Other festivals

throughout the year included the Spanish Wine Festival, emphasizing the community’s Spanish

history, and the Lincolnville Porch Fest, highlighting St. Augustine’s historically Black

neighborhood – with musicians performing on the porches of the residents who live there. Most

of St. Augustine’s festivals, like the Latin American Music Festival, the Sing-Out-Loud Festival,

and the Romanza Festivale of Music and the Arts – showcase a diverse array of artists. When

describing the city’s festivals and other events, Patricia, a 36-year-old white, heterosexual,

moderate resident, told me about how some of the community’s tourism efforts focused on

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improving culture and leisure activities, while also supporting its residents. In doing so, she

stressed the community’s strong social infrastructure – the physical places and organizations that

shape our interactions and help build social relationships (Klinenberg 2018). She explained:

[Out of the tourism funds, they] put about $700,000 a year toward the [arts cultural heritage] grants program…And spend a little bit of money on the Sing-Out-Loud festival…It’s a month-long music festival. They also do a sports marketing grant…So, it's just people who are interested in doing something cool here that is sports-related…Tourism is growing really well …One of the things we identified that we're pretty strong in is music and arts really in general. We've got a lot of art folks here…there's something about St Augustine…It's very heavy in artistic people, whether they're musicians or painters or whatever it is that they may be – sculptors. So, part of what we're trying to do is figure out how to give those individuals a platform to share their talents.

Figure 13. Women participating in the Highland games at the Celtic Music Festival

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The social infrastructure of St. Augustine supported a celebratory lifestyle that enhanced

the creative cultural landscape, increased diversity, and reduced barriers to leisure participation –

all of which aided in deflating conservative ideologies. These dedicated efforts to improve

cultural experiences by promoting diversity within the community, through free or low-cost

events, contributed to people enjoying time, music, and art together. Individuals who participated

in St. Augustine’s cultural events pointed out how these activities diminished barriers among

people. For example, Catherine, a 53-year-old, white, heterosexual, liberal tourist, who was

working and selling her artwork at one of the many tents during St. Augustine’s three-day Celtic

festival, commented, “I like seeing the differences between the north, south, east, and west [in

the United States] because each place has its own flair and its own culture, mindset, and

education levels, all that kind of stuff…depending on where you're at, you'll get like the wildly

conservative, or you'll get the wildly liberal. Again, you peel all that away, you leave all that

stuff outside, and even if you're having a one-hour conversation, you still don't know one way or

the other because it goes fast…that's why I love this festival, because it doesn't matter.”

Adding in so many cultural events as part of the leisure activities in the city promoted a

greater sense of diversity in St. Augustine. Highlighting this point at the Latin American Music

Festival, was Melissa, a 50-year-old, Hispanic, heterosexual, liberal, and long-time tourist. She

explained her perceptions of the community: “It has become more and more diverse, and I think

it's awesome. I mean, I love the different festivals now…they're all celebrating all the different

cultures. I just came for the Celtic Fest, and now we're here for this one.” Nevertheless, she also

pointed out St. Augustine’s limitations, saying, “Um, but living in St. Pete, [the LGBTQ

population] is a huge thing there. I mean, that's where they have the biggest pride fest in the

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southeast of the U.S., so for me, I feel like it's not as big here, but you see their presence, and I

don't think there's any sort of negativity towards that where you'd be uncomfortable…”

While the LGBTQ population was not necessarily at the forefront of the community,

sexual minority residents and tourists felt that St. Augustine was socially tolerant. Reflecting on

this tolerance, Kathy, 27, and Jamie, 33, who were white, same-sex partners, and politically

moderate, explained how they felt welcomed into the community. Kathy told me, “Just really

people are, you know, are used to people from all walks of life [in St. Augustine]…like, people

here are accustomed to that, and it's not an issue, you know, via versus back home [where people

aren’t as accepting].” Sharing the same sentiments, John, a 55-year-old, white, sexual minority,

conservative resident, commented that the city was so full of activity for everyone, that he felt

free to be who he was. In recalling instances of his life in St. Augustine, his stories signified how

rigid conservative principles can be resisted within communities that adopt increased levels of

culture and diversity into their leisure practices. He explained:

We have the whole pirate thing going on [with people in the community dressing up as pirates]…that's what I'm saying – it's one of these towns where there's so many things going on and people don't bat an eye because there is so much going on…It's not San Francisco, but it is [progressive in that way]…Right. And we have a lot of gay travelers who are like, so where's the club…[I say] There are no clubs…St. Augustine makes you go out and meet people...this is a village – people don't realize it's a half-mile by one-mile village…I hate the word because it's overused, but it's very diverse…Seriously, it is a small, loving town no matter who you are. If you're an asshole, I don't know what that experience would be like, but if you care, and they care, and everyone cares.

Even though John pointed out that St. Augustine was diverse and becoming more

progressive in some ways, he acknowledged that some individuals within the community still

held conservative ideals. He explained, “I've had people come up while I'm sitting here [at the

cigar bar] and start berating a type of person, and the whole staff and everybody around me is

quiet. Racial and ethnic and sexual. Now, we don't say anything, but everyone gets really kind of

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quiet as in we hope they buy their cigarettes and move on.” Relatedly, at times, the conservative

community also seemingly excluded some individuals from participating within some of its

leisure spaces. For example, at the Celtic Fest, Haddie, a 70-year-old, white, heterosexual, liberal

tourist, pointed out who was missing from the crowd, particularly at an event that celebrated

typically white individuals’ cultural heritage, saying, “I would like to see more African

American people.”

Though St. Augustine played a role in making its leisure more accessible for diverse

groups of people, the community still had a long way to go. Reflecting this view, Allie, a 34-

year-old, white, sexual minority, liberal resident, shared St. Augustine’s pros and cons. On the

positive side, she felt like she and her wife were welcomed in the community, telling me, “[St.

Augustine] is welcoming to everyone, we're welcoming to all political views, we're welcoming

to all, you know, ethnicities, sexualities, whatever. We don't care, we're just like, be a good

person – but, I'd say if I was gonna say zero to 100 percent [in terms of where we are with

diversity and inclusion], we're probably at 40 percent, and we need to get a little bit higher than

that for the city.” Further illuminating this issue, she indicated that she believed that the cultural

and political ideologies within the city held St. Augustine back in some ways: “It’s very old

school Southern…you get a lot of the old school and kind of southern mentality. St. Augustine is

very conservative, but it's got a lot of progressive ideas that are starting to be implemented, and

people are starting to not be able to ignore that…” Allie thought that people in the community,

including herself, were working to change others’ more traditional mindsets and believed that

implementing arts and cultural activities helped to move the city forward. She described some of

the community and individual efforts:

Even though it's a little bit more conservative here, it doesn't matter. People still care about this community, so it's hard to explain. It's like you can go anywhere and network

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with everyone…It could be more diverse...and it's still a little divided. It kind of sucks, but there's people like me who are working to blur those lines and telling people to relax. One of the reasons why I came here and never left is because of the scene. Because of the arts and culture. Really, mainly, it's a melting pot of people, ages, from all over the world. It doesn't matter. It's absolutely, like, the place to be.

Even those who identified as conservative agreed that old ways of thinking needed to, at

times, be replaced with more progressive ideals. Kelly, a 59-year-old white, heterosexual,

conservative tourist, explained:

I think that for a long time, the older generation has had St. Augustine in their grips, and I think they need to make it more of a mix of the older and the younger so they can open their doors to a more diverse crowd. And I think a lot of times when you have too many of one group, then you can't make everybody happy. If you have a diversity in age, I think it's really good because now they're starting to open up to younger people and younger ideas, and I think it's great…[Some ideas expressed by younger people for St. Augustine’s cultural events] were not accepted well at first, but then afterwards, the way the public accepted it, then the community accepted it.

Other, more conservative, residents similarly recognized St. Augustine’s more traditional

roots but explained how they thought it did not necessarily impact social relations within the

community. Sitting alone at a bar, Lisa, a 55-year-old white, heterosexual, conservative resident,

and bar owner, joked that even though she was a Republican, that she was “still a nice person.”

She continued, “I'm open to anything – the issue. If you labeled me Democrat or Republican,

they all have different things that I don't necessarily agree with so…I'm probably more open than

a lot of people think that I may be just based on that label…everybody has to work together – it

doesn't matter what you do.” When asked about the diversity in the city, she explained:

I've never seen an issue with it. It doesn't matter. I don't even think about it. I mean, I know they have something going on here near the fort today. I want to say I saw a sign as I was going by about transgenders, and I'm like, okay…I mean we have people that work here that are, you know, gay…I mean, I don't think they feel like they are discriminated against…I don't really care what you do…I don't feel like [people are judgmental here] even though, you know, it may be conservative here. I don't think anybody really heckles anybody around here…There's a lot of business owners that are same-sex, um, that own

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businesses here, and nobody seems to have a problem with it. So…I don't think it's differentiated anywhere…

During our discussion, Lisa exhibited some rhetorical incoherence (Bonilla-Silva 2018) in her

descriptions of minorities, at times, reflecting her slight discomfort with the topic. Though Lisa

believed that no one openly judged or taunted minorities in St. Augustine, she still depicted,

through her description, a conservative community that tolerated diversity rather than fully

embraced it.

Still, tourists pointed out how they felt included and comfortable in the mix of people in

St. Augustine, even if they perceived themselves as being a bit different than others. Hanging out

in St. George Tavern on the main tourist drag, Caitlin, a 49-year-old, white, heterosexual,

conservative tourist, noted, “We found like three or four local kind of places…it's amazing for

live music – the girl yesterday [singing on stage] – she was phenomenal…the food was good, the

atmosphere outside is nice…eclectic kind of people – like there was young and old, families, and

empty nesters like us… at first I wasn't sure [about the diversity in St. Augustine] being from a

bi-racial marriage. I wasn't sure when I came here…I thought it would be a lot of like very white

kind of American type of person. But after being here, it's very diverse.” Relatedly, Roger, a 78-

year-old, white, heterosexual, Scottish tourist, who stated he had divorced himself from politics,

said what he loved about the diversity in St. Augustine is that he’s “perfectly comfortable with

11 o'clock at night, walking down the street in a kilt.” In line with individuals’ accounts of the

city’s age diversity and intergenerational leisure experiences, Roger (in his 70s) and I (in my

30s) listened together to the Dublin City Ramblers as the band performed live on the outdoor

stage during our interview at the Celtic Music and Heritage Festival. In unison, we sang the

iconic Irish song – Wild Rover – "And I’ll play the Wild Rover no never, no more…"

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De-gendering the Landscape

St. Augustine created spaces for women to more actively participate in leisure, which

supported the de-gendering of the cultural landscape, and ultimately aided in deflating

conservative ideologies. Leisure was degendered by enhancing women’s entry into masculine-

oriented activities and gendered leisure spaces, especially for women residents. For instance,

when discussing activities like fishing, surfing, and boating with residents who were familiar

with women’s levels of participation, I discovered that even if women still weren’t participating

as often as men, that having heightened levels of accessibility to leisure in St. Augustine gave

women more opportunities to become part of the scene. Working on the water, Carly, a 20-year-

old, white, heterosexual, moderate resident, who was born in St. Augustine, said that she had

grown up doing water activities. She explained women’s participation levels:

Everyone does [watersports] in St. Augustine. If you talk to anyone, they’ll be like, yeah, I surf, I kayak, I fish. Literally, anyone you can talk to that lives here, they're really into it…but, I would say that men definitely know a little bit more about it than women do. But, I do kayak. I hang with the boys, you know. We have girl surfers too here, but there are more men surfers, or like more guys who go out in the kayaks and fish. More girls usually do yoga paddle boarding. They’re more into that stuff…I don't really know of any women boat Captains…Like a lot of friends that are boat captains – they're all guys. While traces of gendered leisure constraints still existed in St. Augustine, women resisted

these barriers in small ways. They had access to participate in pursuits that are usually off-limits

to women. Reflecting on women’s access to boating and the water, Theresa, a 56-year-old,

white, heterosexual, conservative resident, told me, “On my day off…I'll take my boat out all

day by myself, or I'll call my girls and say come on, we're going on the boat…We have this big

sandbar. It's called Bird Island, but when it's low tide, it's a big sandbar, and it's like a parking lot

for boats…people just pull on shore, everybody goes out every weekend, and you know these

people, and it's so much fun – it's like the beach bar scene.”

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Providing insight into other more traditionally masculine-oriented activities, Mya, a 21-

year-old, Asian, heterosexual, moderate resident, explained how women who were new to

fishing in St. Augustine could be guided on tours. She told me, “Even if they don't have, or have

never gone fishing before, they'll learn, and they'll love it…[the staff] help them [on the boats].

They’re really nice about it, they take it slow, they'll show them how to fish, and the women will

be like, oh well hey, what about this, I'm sorry to ask you so many questions…No, no, they say,

you're fishing, and we're going to help you – then [the women] come back [to do it again].” Mya

further reflected on her leisure experiences as a woman in St. Augustine, explaining how her life

evolved after she moved into town:

A little while into it, I started exploring, going out on my own, and then just finding the basic historical markers and landmarks and going to see those, then going from that and getting more comfortable and finding the local nooks and crannies where people hang out day to day and what type of people hang out there…It's a lot of drinking, a lot of bars, but it's like my second home, and I've never felt more comfortable in another place outside of my own. And it's super cool. Everyone's willing to just make conversation for the most part, be open, not judge you right off the bat, which is also really hard to find in a small town, being new.

Even if women were not so readily breaking boundaries or rebelling, women took up

leisure space and found excitement in their activities, whether it be kayaking, fishing, boating,

participating in physical activities, performing on stage as musicians, exploring, cultivating their

creativity, or hanging out at the bars (see Figure 14). For example, Robin, a 46-year-old, white,

heterosexual, conservative tourist explained, “I just needed to get out of town and break loose.

We went on a pub crawl and met some fun friends from Chile and Puerto Rico and Tampa.”

Other women not only enjoyed the drinking scene but also the culture. Anna, a 49-year-old,

Cuban, liberal tourist, explained how she felt in St. Augustine:

I love it here because I love being able to meet people like her (referring to the owner of the bar). It's such a beautiful wine venue. I'm a budding photographer…and so there's a big music scene here, and I can just come in [to places] and snipe photos [of musicians]

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and get to know people, and it works because they're friendly, and I can build my business that way. And when I say business, I mean passion really…and then the vibes here in St Augustine are just beautiful for being like the oldest city in the United States and having so much history…it's just a beautiful, friendly place to come. So, I try to come as often as possible. And sometimes, like you, I come by myself, and I just love listening to people's stories.

As Anna noted, St. Augustine’s focus on music, history, and culture was part of its community

atmosphere, which, in turn, led to a creative outlet for her in leisure. These elements supported

the canopy by giving people, especially women, more points of connection, creativity, and

conversation in shared leisure spaces, which, in turn, reinforced the de-gendering of the

landscape.

St. Augustine’s cultural events also were tailored to be more inclusive for women,

particularly for those with children. For instance, the Celtic Fest – the biggest drinking event in

the city – provided a social space conducive for women and their families to enjoy the event

together, despite its party atmosphere. Kelly, a 59-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative

tourist, explained, “Oh yes, this is the best [party] festival here in St Augustine.” She and her

family were doing some heavy drinking that day and having fun together. Similarly, while

hanging out in the front row by the stage with her young daughter, Jan, a 50-year-old, white,

conservative resident, reflected on the festival’s kid-friendly environment. She explained, “Well,

there's a lot to the festival. So, there's a lot of music, obviously, and the vendors that are here,

there's shopping, and there's festival food. So, what's not to like about their food and beer… It's

calm, and it's so cross-generational – from old to little babies, you know, so it's totally a family

event.” These family-friendly spaces in St. Augustine made it easy for women with children to

engage in alcohol-oriented leisure activities with their families and enjoy their time together.

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Figure 14. Signage spotlighting women musicians in St. Augustine

Though norms associated with alcohol consumption in bars are gendered (Bird and

Sokolofski 2005; West 2001), women were able to freely enjoy bar spaces in St. Augustine. I

met Jennifer, a 43-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative tourist, as she sat by herself at a

waterfront bar. She was out and about participating in the fun and listening to the live music. She

explained:

See that's the deal… I mean it doesn't have to be this busy, but I like this bar – you get to stare at the water, and there are humans around. People enjoying themselves. Everyone's not quiet…I can already tell because I'm a good yelper, and I don't even have to read reviews. I just go on and look at all the photos. You know what the vibe’s like. You know what the food's going to come out looking like, and I will know from all of that if it's going to be my favorite place.

Echoing the attitudes of many other women in St. Augustine, Jennifer had no issue being alone

by herself at the bars. Even though women are often directed to anticipate heightened risks or

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sexualized interactions when they are alone – particularly in alcohol-related activities (Douglas

and Barrett 2020) – women’s autonomous participation in traditionally gendered bar spaces in St.

Augustine reflected the community’s welcoming environment for women.

Recognizing this feature of the community, was Brad, a 50-year-old, white, heterosexual,

conservative resident. Sitting at a bar, located in an historic home on a quiet tree-lined street, he

confirmed, “Yeah, my wife comes [to St. Augustine alone] because I work every other

weekend…she just comes down here, and she walks around. She does everything by herself. She

goes to all the different events and never feels anything but safe.” The community feel in St.

Augustine created a sort of safety net in shared spaces – especially for women. These feelings of

safety within the leisure scene in St. Augustine encouraged women to feel free to take pleasure in

cultural activities or drinking alcohol – whether they were alone or with others.

Connecting with Others

Part of the vibrancy of the city emanated from connecting with others in St. Augustine’s

social spaces, which partly relied on two components – being laid-back and sharing fanciful

stories. These features revolved around the continual talk of being at ease and taking pleasure in

the historical pertinence of St. Augustine – both of which encouraged increased social interaction

and reinforced helping behaviors and acts of kindness. Social connections in the city centered on

relaxation, culture, history, and mystery. As typical of other canopies, St. Augustine enhanced

the civility and tolerance found between those of different backgrounds (Anderson 2011).

Together, the prominence of these elements reinforced a fun and friendly atmosphere that

weakened gender inequalities in leisure.

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Being Laid Back

The relaxing leisure norms in St. Augustine promoted a laid-back atmosphere that was

conducive to forming social connections with others. Describing the ambiance in St. Augustine,

Patricia, a 36-year-old, white, heterosexual, moderate resident, suggested some of the reasons

why St. Augustine was so relaxing: “We have a lot of water…obviously we have the beach…and

then we've got history, which nobody can compete with us on being the oldest…so, it's a nice,

we're a very quaint little place. Like if you want to go somewhere and just kind of walk around

and have a nice little, I don't know, an easy vacation – it's a good, easy vacation spot…We kind

of just have a, I don't want to call it old Florida, but kind of. If you came in from some other

state, kind of what you think Florida is – you probably think something like St. Augustine…”

The relaxing leisure spaces in St. Augustine reinforced a “laid-back” mindset. For

example, Jenny, a 50-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative resident, told me, “I love it

here…this is much more laid-back, easy going. It's not so hectic and crazy.” Similarly, Lisa, a

55-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative resident, explained, “I think people tend to let

their guard down a little bit more here because they're probably friendlier here…” This laid-back,

leisurely feel – which often incorporated sightseeing, listening to music, and bar-hopping – led to

social interactions in the community. Catherine, a 53-year-old, white, heterosexual, liberal

tourist, commented on the “party-time” nature of St. Augustine:

Look at all this. I had a conversation with a pirate last night – a fantastic guy to talk with and really heart-felt and all that. So, to me it's more about the human connection than anything…at the end, I walk away with a good experience because of the human connection that's here…I love the music, I love the atmosphere, I love that people are here. To me, what happens within this gate is different from what happens out in the real world. They leave all their political conspiracies…They leave all their angriness…Everything here is party time, and I love that because that's how life in general should be with people in America… people are here to have a good time. Yeah, and that's worth celebrating that we can do that.

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Catherine’s observations highlighted how relaxing and having a good time can result in

socializing and forming connections with others. She also pointed out how St. Augustine’s

leisure environment created a kind of neutral political space (Oldenburg 1999) that alleviated

social divides.

Some of the most prominent leisure sites for interaction were bars. Feelings of

connectedness and relaxation were enhanced within these spaces. Expressing this view, was

Ernie, a 50-year-old, Cuban, heterosexual, conservative tourist. He told me, “What's truly nice

about St. Augustine is that eventually you start knowing the ownership of the place you go, and

then they know you, and they've got a spread for you when you walk up. There are certain places

that I'll go to, and they’re already pouring the type of beer I want. It's so sweet…there are hugs

and kisses…it's like, it's like being part of a family.” This ambience of ease appeared to be

integral to the canopy in St. Augustine, as individuals continually engaged in friendly, laid-back

interactions that became a norm in the community’s bar spaces.

Reflecting Anderson’s (2011) observations of helpful interactions within cosmopolitan

canopies, the laid-back nature of the town enhanced helping behavior and acts of kindness.

Standing by the bayfront, Simone, a 23-year-old, Black, heterosexual, liberal resident, explained

how she interacted with many people in St Augustine. She told me, “Since it is a tourist

attraction, people ask for directions or people are trying to find specific places…So, a lot of

people, you know, are more open to telling people [where to go] and helping more people…So

I’ve been able to meet new friends, meet new people. It’s really, really nice here.” Similarly, Jim,

a 32-year-old, white, heterosexual, moderate tourist, told me a story about how he helped a

family in need:

There was a family about six months ago, they were from somewhere in Mexico, and they were trying to figure everything out…They were trying to talk to the tour guide

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about where to go…they were getting frustrated. I pulled out my phone, pulled Google translator up, and just started talking to them. I'm like, well that's right there…You're 200 feet that way…and for like the next two hours, every time I’d run into them, dad would pull his phone out, and I’d pull my phone out. He'd start talking, and we'd converse through Google translator. It was the coolest thing ever. It was great. The only word he could say that I could understand was "cervezas" [beers] and I was going "si" [yes]. We ended up drinking, and by the end of the night, the dad and I had so many shots of tequila…he called me a gringo loco [crazy white guy].

Some residents simply wanted to connect with new people visiting the city because they

loved the social interaction and the fun of hanging out with those who were in good spirits.

Dave, a 40-year-old, white, heterosexual, moderate resident, explained the ease of meeting

people in the laid-back atmosphere of St. Augustine: “I interact with people all the time, and I

love bullshitting with the tourists, especially if they’re from out of town or from out of the

country. I like their accent, I like hearing them talk, and they always have a million questions –

it's just fun – I really like being around tourists…Especially during the day, you know, all the

wedding parties coming through, and everyone's all dressed up…Yeah, they're really cool, like

they're fun to go and to hang out with – go dancing with.”

Another feature of the city’s laid-back feel, particularly for women, was being able to

dress casually and freely socialize without pressure to fulfill beauty or status norms in leisure

spaces. While women may be judged based on appearances in some leisure spaces – including

bars and clubs (Mears 2020) – St. Augustine relaxed this scrutinization of women. Pointing out

this lack of judgement, Mya, a 21-year-old, Asian resident explained, “St. Augustine is a place

that you can dress up or dress down, and nobody will look at you funny…There's something else

about here too…like if you're out having cocktails in the evening, appetizers maybe, and there's

people all around, I don't think that we look at people – how they look or whatever, where they're

from – because everybody just talks to each other. We talk to people wherever we go, usually

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because we're all there for the same reason…we're all there to grab a drink and have a good time,

and everybody's got a story.”

Sharing Fanciful Stories

Both tourists and residents took pleasure in telling stories about the city’s history and

culture, which fostered social connections among people. For instance, Victor, a 49-year-old,

Puerto Rican, heterosexual, conservative tourist, reminisced, “We discovered that St. Augustine

– the governance – this is my peninsula [because I’m Puerto Rican]…it was discovered by Ponce

de Leon – the governor of Puerto Rico in that time. So, there we go.” His wife chimed in,

explaining that neither of them knew this historical fact, or that St. Augustine was the oldest city

(even though they had been living in Florida for the last 30 years). Victor agreed, saying, “Yeah,

the history's great…this is the beginning. Ground zero.” Similarly, long-time visitors to the city,

like Abbey, a 49-year-old, white, heterosexual, moderate tourist, told me a story about how she

learned about St. Augustine’s history, culture, and its hidden gems while connecting with others:

We came out for the Celtic Fest a few weeks ago…we've gone to the fort, we've gone to every museum, ghost tours… I'll tell you one of the things that we did when we first started coming here – we did a wine tour…It was on the spur of the moment. We were getting ready to leave…and he said, let's go have a glass of wine. And then when we walked in, everybody in the bar was getting ready to get on a carriage ride…and they were talking to us, saying why don't you come join us, and we were like, okay…you had a wine tasting and food tasting at four or five different stops…and we got to see things we never saw before. We never would have found our favorite place – The Alcazar Cafe…it was the biggest thing that opened my eyes to just adventuring…they took us to places that you just don't find…we made friends with everybody…

Further reflecting on St. Augustine’s serendipitous social relations, Brandon, a 39-year-

old, Black, heterosexual, liberal resident, told a story about St. Augustine’s pirate culture:

One of [my co-workers] literally was a pirate…I'm talking on his personal time. Because I was like, what are you into? He was like, well, I'm a pirate. And I'm like, oh yeah, well

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wear some pirate gear. He wore his pirate gear every day, day and night, for like three months. But there's a whole clique of pirates…they're like really into it. You could go out tonight to a bar, and you'll probably see a group of pirates, and they're really snobby about it. Like, if you're not a pirate, they won't deal with you. It's weird. Or if you are a pirate, and you're not in their little clique, like they're really weird about it. He was telling me, and it's strange…I'm like, this town is the craziest shit, excuse my language.

Brandon’s story is reflective of the present-day pirate culture in St. Augustine that is reinforced

by its pirate personalities, a pirate museum, pirate reenactments, and a pirate ship on the

Bayfront. Although the pirate stories are amusing to tourists and residents, they also are gendered

and androcentric. The pirate tales resonate with ideas associated with hegemonic masculinity by

celebrating a group of people known for their violence, often against women. Moreover, they

serve as reminders of the historical presence of real pirates pillaging and burning down the entire

city of St. Augustine in 1586 – mirroring the city’s brutal past.

While most stories contributed to social connections in the city, other stories not only

celebrated St. Augustine’s violent history but also perpetuated social inequalities and reflected

expressions of the community’s conservative ideologies. For example, historical stories

surrounding the Confederate soldiers in St. Augustine were reflected in the discourse of

conservative residents and found in the material structures in the city – sparking present-day

tensions within the community (see Figure 15). In a conversation about the protests to take down

the Confederate monuments in St. Augustine’s town square, George, a 71-year-old, white,

heterosexual, conservative resident, and Bill, a 73-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative

resident, emphasized a traditional orientation that supported divisions within the community

between its Black and white residents and questioned the political agendas of academia:

George: The protests are really – it's more about the southern cultural history. White, Black issues, Confederate issues…There are a lot of Black churches here in town that are having marches and protests.

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Bill: I'm sitting here with bated breath waiting for some of these liberals to demand that we tear down every statue in the park. George: It is coming…There is a very left-wing liberal group that wants to. Bill: I’ve warned you that we were conservative. George: We're conservative southern people, and we are very open, and we are not racist. We're not biased…but what we do want to do is maintain our history and our heritage... They started with the Jews and the Blacks. They want to erase all that history. They want to tear down every monument that was ever built by any honor of the southern soldier. That is absolutely wrong. In fact, a lot of the downtown area is controlled by the University of Florida…it's now become a very academic issue…Thank God. Normally you would think educators are more to the left side of the spectrum…Huh. Fortunately, the University of Florida, they've been very pro-conservative maintaining the historical significance of this town…You can't say, well, because we're kind of a liberal, pseudo-educational group, we're going to take the high ground. No, they've been very objective...

Figure 15. Confederate War Memorial in St. Augustine’s town square

Further reflecting the city’s tumultuous history, but in a more light-hearted fashion, were

St. Augustine’s ghosts – another significant part of the city’s culture (Harris 2015). For instance,

many tourists and residents had fanciful stories to tell about ghosts. Individuals had learned

about the ghosts in the city, believed in ghosts, or said they had seen them or knew someone who

had a connection to a specific haunting. Some informants even explained their psychic abilities

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and their openness to the spiritual realm. Primarily, however, tourists and residents simply

enjoyed the whimsical nature of the ghost tours and their interactions with others. For instance,

Haddie, a 70-year-old, white, heterosexual, liberal tourist, who said she’d been to St. Augustine

probably a hundred times, said she keeps coming back for “the originality of it, the young

walking down the streets, and seeing things that were back in the old days…and the music.” She

also mentioned enjoying the ghost tours, reminiscing, “My favorite [ghost tour] was when you

got out on the ship. The one I didn't care for was riding in the hearse.”

Another ghost-hunter, Jeff, a 44-year-old, Black, heterosexual, liberal tourist, became

enthusiastic about all the ghost tours he had been on in the city, while commenting on the general

feel of St. Augustine. Specifically, Jeff praised St. Augustine’s haunted pub crawl and haunted

hearse tour, explaining he had used ghost detector instruments on some of his excursions (given

to him by tour operators). He explained, “Well, I mean, there's always an eclectic crowd, so it fits

to everybody's needs always…most places seem to stay here for a very long time, so there's not a

lot of new bars…so, even if there was a new crowd…they would have to sort of assimilate to

where they're at, but it's, it's always been interesting, you know. I can always hit every place and

get along with everyone…there is a little flavor for everyone here.” He believed in the ghosts in

St. Augustine, in part, because of how old the city was. He said, “Think of all the shit that went

down here for centuries.”

Hauntings were deemed nearly factual in St. Augustine as many of the bars and hotels

had their own ghost stories. Several individuals explained to me that they had seen or could

regularly see ghosts within these haunted locations in the city. One such person was Rita, a 57-

year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative tourist, who explained, “My full-time job is a psychic

medium…We’ve investigated a lot of bed-and-breakfasts [in St. Augustine looking for ghosts].

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They have us come in to investigate – ask do we see anyone. I believe in angel communication.

Being psychic doesn't mean reading everybody's mind – it does mean that you can pick up

feelings, sensations, thoughts.” Rita’s daughter, Nina, a 21-year-old, white, heterosexual,

moderate tourist, who also said she had psychic ability, told me, “I don't do it as a job, but I have

slipped up while talking to people and said things that they haven't told me.”

One of the most famous ghosts reported to have been seen in St. Augustine was Henry

Flagler – the American industrialist and oil tycoon (see Figure 16). Ghost stories about Flagler

were common, especially at Flagler College. The college, located in downtown St. Augustine, is

housed in a building that used to be one of Flagler’s many hotels. Flagler students become

quickly acquainted with the local ghost lore and hauntings at the college as it is one of the main

attractions for ghost tours. According to research on this phenomenon, the “ghost lore in St.

Augustine, Florida, derives from a local legacy of colonial violence, natural disasters, ethnic

tensions, and socioeconomic pressures” (Harris 2015:309). The ghost lore in St. Augustine also

is gendered. Echoing gender inequalities, and the romanticization of long-established power

hierarchies, Flagler supposedly kept his mistress in one of the rooms of the Flagler hotel where

she committed suicide out of despair. According to legend, the mistress, along with one of

Flagler’s wives, now haunts the women’s dormitories at Flagler College (Harris 2015). Because

of these stories, the college is a focal point for ghost tour guides as they tell tales of Flagler’s

romantic affairs, the ghosts, and other strange happenings. Explaining his own encounter with

Flagler’s ghost, Jim, a 32-year-old, white, heterosexual, moderate tourist, told me:

I've seen the ghost of Henry Flagler…A lot of people say the flashing green ghost at Casa Monica is Henry Flagler. I saw it from the bottom floor of the Casa Monica Hotel…It was coming from the fourth-floor window. It was kind of pulsing and the brightness was going really bright and then kind of dim to the point where it looked like a mist. We looked at it for a little bit, and then it just disappeared.

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Figure 16: Book highlighting Henry Flagler’s accomplishments in St. Augustine – found at the local bookstore

Not only did Jim have tales of Henry Flagler, but he also commented on other fanciful

storylines that cropped up in the community. He reflected, “Tours are great for the economy, and

tourism is great for the city, but it's way more fun for me to go out on my own and just find

things…like today, just wandering around…I'll probably see something I've never seen before, I

might meet someone in a bar that I've never met before, and they'll tell me something new. The

last time I was here I found out Al Capone had a house here, and the bartender like drew me a

map on a cocktail napkin – ‘Go to this coquina wall, you'll see bullet holes in it, and then straight

down the alleyway and that's the house’…You find out random stuff every time you come here.”

Jim summed up his observations by telling me, “If you want to escape from reality, Saint

Augustine's the best place to come. No one's batting an eye…”

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St. Augustine reinforced social connections by creating spaces and activities for people to

tell stories, engage in mini-adventures, and be a little different if they wanted to be. Individuals

had increased opportunities to talk to strangers about more unusual topics, such as ghosts,

pirates, history, and culture, which led to more pathways for bonding. Even if, in reality, the

norms associated with traditional conservative ideals were not fully blurred, the city offered

somewhat of a refuge from traditional gendered settings – for both women and men – regardless

of the community’s shortcomings. St. Augustine reduced gender and other disparities in leisure,

in part, because it provided cultural richness, novelty, and joint activities in its social spaces,

which fostered story-telling and enhanced connections with others.

Comparison of St. Augustine and Key West

St. Augustine is more relaxing than Key West – You go to kind of gallivant, walk around. It's more of a decompression. Here,[in Key West], it’s a totally different mindset totally. To me, I can just come down here – like I said, it's disconnecting. I can just shut that shit off, and I'm good. St. Augustine, you can still reach me. You can still get to me, and I'm not fully escaped. But, we like St. Augustine. It's one of our favorite places. But, it ain't here. – Kent, 45, heterosexual, moderate, Key West tourist

Despite their contradictory nature, conservative cosmopolitan canopies generated

connections in the community that enhanced tolerance and reduced gender inequalities in leisure

spaces. Diverse and creative social spaces, along with the freeing spirit of leisure, nurtured an

environment in which social inequalities subsided through social interactions and connection

with others. St. Augustine’s leisure initiatives aided in producing a friendly atmosphere that was

conducive to enhancing well-being and collectivity. Individuals found common ground in social

spaces and diminished the social and political party divides that separate people. St. Augustine,

like Key West, helped to catalyze a community in which broad-mindedness and acceptance was

amplified.

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Still, the cultural and political climate in St. Augustine was not as welcoming as Key

West. While the atmosphere in Key West was automatically perceived as being open to others,

this dynamic did not always hold true in St. Augustine. Individuals in St. Augustine felt the need

to discuss having to overcome conservative ideologies in order to move toward greater social

inclusion within the community. Conservative orientations also led to increased barriers in

leisure in St. Augustine in terms of social relations. In contrast, the progressive orientation in

Key West enhanced leisure experiences and interactions among diverse groups. Social tolerance

was viewed as the norm in Key West, whereas in St. Augustine, although relatively tolerant, was

still thought to be a work-in-progress. For example, comparing St. Augustine to Key West, Allie,

a 34-year-old, white, sexual minority, liberal, St. Augustine resident, laughed and suggested

there was still a stark contrast between the two towns: “Oh, Key West is like they don't care who

you are, where you are, it doesn't matter. The whole place is like whatever – just don't break any

laws, and don't be a jerk.”

In St. Augustine, individuals’ attitudes about diversity were, at times, described as being

a bit more strained or on the periphery of social life, as diversity was not a guiding orientation of

the city as it was in Key West. Although adding culture and arts into the community aided in

increasing diversity, this action only seemingly brushed the surface of acknowledging

inequalities and becoming more inclusive as a community. Despite these concerted efforts, deep-

rooted conservative belief systems reflecting power hierarchies remained in place in St.

Augustine. Even though minorities felt welcome in the city, it appeared as if, at times,

marginalized groups were blending into the landscape in St. Augustine rather than experiencing a

community that was consistent in its striving toward inclusivity. For example, there were limited

reflections of the LGBTQ community in the city compared to Key West. St. Augustine, for

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instance, did not have any openly gay bars or large-scale Pride events. Reaffirming this view,

John, a 55-year old, white, sexual minority, conservative, St. Augustine resident, compared St.

Augustine to Key West, explaining, “Key West – they’re taking the meter, and they're pushing it

over as far as they can, saying, let's see if we can crank over a little further. St. Augustine doesn't

do that…It's that we all get along and have a great time, so it's actually very welcoming…I

would say it's right in the middle of the meter.”

While sexual minorities were seemingly assimilated into the community in St. Augustine,

Black residents were still more segregated. For example, Black neighborhoods were somewhat

separated, existing on the outskirts of the primary historic district compared to Key West.

Moreover, St. Augustine allowed for ongoing social divides in the community between its Black

and white residents. These divisions were reflected in racial inequalities surrounding the case of

the Confederate War monuments in the city. These monuments remained in place despite

protests from the Black community. Not until the global protests surrounding George Floyd’s

death came about, did St. Augustine finally make the decision in June 2020 to eventually remove

the monuments. On the other end of the spectrum, Key West offered its Black residents more of

a haven, in part, because it did not primarily support conservative politics and its associations

with ideologies of racial inequality. Making this point was Cindy, a 58-year-old, Black,

heterosexual, liberal, Key West resident. She explained how people outside of Key West voted

conservative politicians into office: “I just don't like Donald Trump...they vote this motherfucker

in. I was so mad…they see Trump doesn’t like Brown and Black people…I get upset…That's

why Key West feels safe, and it feels like home.”

Further reflecting St. Augustine’s more conservative ideals in relation to Key West, Jan, a

50-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative, St. Augustine resident, explained, “I like St.

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Augustine a lot better than Key West. It's more family-oriented. I mean it's just so, I compare

Key West to New Orleans, it kind of, you know, it's a little risqué. It's not as family friendly.”

Jan’s perceptions of family-friendliness were associated with meanings that did not deviate from

traditional cultural ideologies. She overlooked the possibility of Key West being as family-

friendly as St. Augustine because of Key West’s socially deviant norms. In reality, however, in

comparison to St. Augustine, families were just as consistently a part of the leisure scene in Key

West – even during Fantasy Fest. Nevertheless, Key West was deemed – particularly by those

who held more conservative beliefs – as being outside of the purview for families. Reinforcing

this viewpoint was Caitlin, a 49-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative tourist in St.

Augustine:

This is our new Key West. That's what I posted on my Facebook…I said, St. Augustine is our new Key West…it's different [in St. Augustine]. You're not seeing this crazy stuff that you see in Key West…I don't have my small kids worrying about seeing somebody naked, you know, just with paint over their bodies. Unintentionally, [awhile back], we get down there [to Key West], and our youngest daughter, she's born in June, so we went during June, which is [Pride Fest]…it's a big festival like, not the Fantasy Fest, but it's a big festival. And we went down there…and we rented a little electric car, and we were driving around, and she says, mommy, why do those ladies have no clothes on? And I said, oh of course they have clothes on…and we got closer, and they were all naked with just paint on, and I was like, oh, time to go. So that trip, we actually left like two days early. It was crazy. It was crazy because we were right downtown. Right on Duval.

Reflecting an opposing outlook on nudity was a body paint artist in Key West, whom I

interviewed during Fantasy Fest. Addie, a 46-year-old white, heterosexual, liberal, Key West

tourist, discussed the larger-scale limitations placed on gendered bodies. She reflected on the

socially constructed meanings associated with bodily shame and highlighted the significance of

more tolerant cultural contexts:

I think [body painting] is fabulous. It's very freeing. I think that people want to do it, and they have created such a wonderful event [at Fantasy Fest] where people can get out and actually show their art off, and their body off, and just be free…There's a lot of children

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at these things. I remember the very first place we worked at – we were on a pool deck, and we were painting guests, and there was a whole bunch of children with their families. They were from Europe, and their feelings about nudity and sex and things like that are different than in the United States. So, we face-painted all the little kids and gave them glitter hair and stuff like that. I truly believe parents know where they're taking their children, and they understand, and they're teaching their children acceptance and love, and all of that. It starts from a young age. I think that is important. I remember getting body-painted and feeling a little uncomfortable [in front of the kids], and the kid's like, "She looks like Candyland, mom." And I'm like, okay, we're good.

In contrast to St. Augustine, Key West outwardly embraced social freedoms related to gender

and sexuality. These freedoms aided in reducing gender inequalities by creating more forward-

thinking meanings surrounding gendered and sexed bodies.

Key West not only contained all the positive elements that St. Augustine embodied but

also reinforced more progressive ideologies in the community that allowed for deviance,

nurtured acceptance, and created an atmosphere that fostered less divisiveness within the

community. Because of St. Augustine’s conservative culture, the city’s boundaries of tolerance

were not as wide as Key West’s. Reflecting on the differences between the two cities was Kelly,

a 59-year-old, white, heterosexual, conservative, St. Augustine tourist, and former resident in

Key West. She explained:

In Key west, it's no holds barred. In St Augustine, there's a certain amount of decorum that must be adhered to because of the family-orientation in St Augustine. Although, if it were allowable, Saint Augustine probably would equal Key West…In Key West, what I found when we lived there…They have a pub crawl, and you go hit each bar on one side of the street, cross over, come down Duval street – nobody's ever made it up and down. My daughter and I, for her 21st birthday, we made it up to Margaritaville…She got stuck at Irish Kevin's for three hours…There is a place for it [for that lifestyle]. You got the Conch Republic [Key West]. They've already said they seceded from the United States, so they do their own thing, and it's a perfect place, and if somebody wants that, then they can travel to it. St. Augustine is what it is – don't try to change it too much.

Just like the progressive canopy of Key West, St. Augustine’s leisure focus and its

policies fostered a landscape that offered a creative culture and more expansive leisure

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opportunities. These factors aided in deflating conservative ideologies and fostering connections

with others within shared leisure spaces. Serving as a counterpoint to Key West, the conservative

canopy of St. Augustine took measures that could enhance diversity and social relations in a

conservative climate. Though St. Augustine did not necessarily create progressive narratives or

promote deviance like Key West, the city did demonstrate how gender and other inequities could

become reduced though its cultural practices.

The city of St. Augustine provided ample community space that was conducive to a laid-

back, welcoming lifestyle. The community, and those within it, encouraged conditions associated

with creating more accepting spaces while simultaneously deflating conservative values.

Ethnographic observations supported interviewees’ perceptions of cultural ideologies within the

community that enhanced diversity and openness. Similar to Key West, the visualization of and

interaction with diverse others within St. Augustine, resulted in greater tolerance and acts of

kindness (Anderson 2011). It also endorsed shared storylines among tourists and residents that

created a fun atmosphere, which stimulated creativity and encouraged increasingly freeing

interactions in leisure for women and other minorities. Furthermore, women navigated the city

without fear as they felt unrestricted in their leisure activities in St. Augustine – just as they did

in Key West. This freedom of movement supported an enhancement to their cultural capital

(Bourdieu 1986) and combatting gendered perceptions of women as passive and at greater risk

than men (Bagnoli 2009; Douglas and Barrett 2020). Moreover, the feelings of community,

access to physical activities, and creativity in arts and music found in St. Augustine, encouraged

togetherness that made people not only feel good but also more likely to engage with others.

These elements, in turn, supported the canopy – making it a more approachable space for

women.

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The examination of St. Augustine revealed that enriched cultural contexts – those that

focus on culture, arts, and leisure – are associated with bolstering more progressive interactions,

blurring political and social divides, and encouraging women’s exploration and participation in

social space. Thus, conservative cosmopolitan canopies have the potential to benefit women and

other minorities by improving their overall well-being in leisure. Like Anderson (2011)

predicted, within a cosmopolitan canopy, the interaction among groups with different social

backgrounds enables a better understanding of others. St. Augustine’s canopy led to openings of

new thought patterns within the conservative milieu. The diversity in the city led to friendlier and

more frequent social interactions and supported a foundation for future progress and increased

tolerance.

Nevertheless, at times, the degree to which St. Augustine reinforced gender and other

inequalities manifested itself more covertly than it did in Key West. Because St. Augustine is a

conservative town – defined by its Republican roots and traditional leisure experiences –

inequalities were still maintained behind the scenes. Some women and men in St. Augustine

remained partly aligned with traditional gender-role orientations and political belief systems that

have historically called for more divisiveness rather than social equity. These cultural ideologies

aided in keeping women and other minorities “in their place” rather than questioning the status

quo. While St. Augustine created space for women and other minorities to actively engage in

leisure, the community was unlike Key West in that it did not push the limits of our cultural

understandings of social inequalities. Moreover, it appeared as if individuals’ political

orientations influenced which city they preferred. Participants who tended to be more liberal

leaning were more likely to identify with Key West and what the city had to offer. One such

person was Haddie, a 70-year-old, white, heterosexual, liberal, and St. Augustine tourist. She reflected on

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her life experiences in various cities and told me that compared to St. Augustine, “Key West is really laid

back – more laid back than here. I like the chickens [and roosters]. The sunsets are beautiful –

you come out of your hotel, and you sit back, and you relax…Key West is Key West. It's just

strong and going. If I had to do any city, it would still be Key West.”

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CHAPTER 4

POWER STRUCTURES AT PLAY

[The guys who work at the shop on St. George Street] try to bring you in and give you a free lotion…we tried [walking on the other side of the street]…I mean, yesterday, they must have tried to get us like three times. That's obnoxious. They weren't always there. They say, “Oh beautiful lady. Princess. Beautiful clothes. Come here. Let me. Oh, you're breaking my heart.” –Elana, 46, Hispanic, heterosexual, St. Augustine tourist

Though Key West and St. Augustine combatted inequalities by creating more welcoming

leisure spaces for women and other minorities, beneath the gloss of their canopies, power

structures loomed in the background. In this chapter, I elaborate on the processes through which

inequalities were reinforced within these communities. I address the ongoing inequities that

endured despite the protective factors that exist within cosmopolitan canopies.

As Anderson (2011) and others have demonstrated in their research, cosmopolitan

canopies are not a panacea, as there are, at times, disruptions beneath the canopy that reflect

race-ethnic and class inequalities (Aptekar 2019; Hollingworth and Mansaray 2012). Consistent

with their findings, I also recognized these social inequalities in my fieldwork and found others

(e.g., gender, sexuality, age). Acts of incivility, along with the veiled segregation of space,

persisted within the canopies of Key West and St. Augustine. My research demonstrates how

social intolerance materialized through two processes: masculinizing social space and

communicating contradictory ideals (See Table 5). Gendered biases and incongruities within

individuals’ narratives surfaced and reinforced discriminatory and prejudicial practices.

Masculinizing Social Space

In the canopies of Key West and St. Augustine, space became masculinized in two ways:

surveilling women and making sexist remarks. Men openly observed and discussed the

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appearance of women’s bodies to a much greater extent than women discussed men’s. Men also

relayed sexist messages about women in their conversations with me and with others, whereas

women did not disparage men in the same manner. Compared to women, men also were more

likely to offer detailed descriptions of their sexual conquests or risk-taking leisure adventures.

Though women did participate in masculine leisure traditions, they rarely objectified or

sexualized men, boasted about their conquests, or made sexist remarks.

Table 5. Social Processes through which Inequalities Materialized in Leisure Spaces in Key West and St. Augustine Social Process

Themes

Description

Masculinizing Social Space Surveilling Women Judging bodies,

Harassing, Objectifying, Sexualizing women

Making Sexist Remarks Disparaging women, Downplaying sexism, Stereotyping, Boasting about sexual conquests

Communicating Contradictory Ideals

Criticizing Progressive Norms

Trivializing inequalities, Being moralistic, Expressing heteronormative beliefs

Preserving White Privilege

Touting color-blind ideologies, Segregating neighborhoods, Maintaining power

While the canopy of Key West most notably expanded the boundaries of gender and

sexuality within the community, women were still inhibited in their leisure experiences by the

patriarchal cultural traditions at play that reinforced gender inequality. At times, men’s behavior

and language reflected “manhood acts” (Schrock and Schwalbe 2009) that infringed upon

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women’s leisure experiences and perpetuated sexism. Though incidents of surveilling women

and making sexist remarks were outwardly tamer in St. Augustine in relation to Key West, this

apparent differential in observations of these overt behaviors and the use of sexist discourse is

due, in part, to each community’s social environment. Because of the excesses in social freedoms

in Key West, including clothes-free leisure spaces and the allowance of social deviance, it

became easier to elicit explicit conversations in Key West about “off-limit” topics that often fall

outside the cultural norms of acceptability. St. Augustine’s social climate, in contrast, did not

always create as many opportunities for unspoken thoughts to surface; yet, evidence of the

masculinization of social space still appeared in St. Augustine – albeit, at times, in less

pronounced forms.

Surveilling Women

While the surveillance of women occurred in both Key West and St. Augustine, Key

West’s allowance for nudity made women’s bodies a focal point, particularly during Fantasy

Fest. This event offered the most prominent illustration of women’s gendered bodies being

openly surveilled and on display. Although everyday cultural norms hypersexualize women’s

bodies, the nudity during Fantasy Fest amplified these norms and increased sexualized discourse.

Women understood that their bodies might be under surveillance during the event, especially if

they chose to become body-painted or decided to wear less clothing. Though women enjoyed the

freeing experiences afforded to them at Fantasy Fest, some women recalled instances of

objectification and harassment as they navigated the island, partly due to their body paint or

reduced clothing. Men, in contrast, perceived themselves as having a heightened sense of

freedom during Fantasy Fest when they were nude or in body paint without the added difficulties

that women encountered.

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The dissimilar experiences in surveillance among women and men became apparent in

the conversations surrounding bodies and harassment. In the following exchange, numerous

people at the Whistle Bar on Duval Street offered their collective understanding of the sexual

“documentation” going on at Fantasy Fest:

Matt, 33, white, heterosexual tourist: The guys taking pictures is annoying.

Vivienne, 25, white, heterosexual tourist: We’ve been around the corner…and they’re like, can I take a picture of you? Nooo!

Ray, 32, white heterosexual tourist: The fucking creepers in the corners taking photos.

Kade, 42, white, heterosexual tourist: We had a guy at the pool party with a video camera.

Ray: It’s like they’re literally hiding behind the wall and like sneaking in and taking a photo. It’s weird. We’ve probably taken a hundred pictures with the tits out and cocks out.

Rosie, 34, white, heterosexual tourist: What are they doing with those pictures is what I want to know. They’re just home jerking off to it. I don’t know why you need so many pictures of people.

Photography took place with regularity as many people did come to see the nudity and

the costumes. Nevertheless, women’s costumes and body paint were of particular interest for

observers. Interviewees – both men and women – discussed their favorite Fantasy Fest sightings,

which consisted primarily of descriptions of women’s bodies painted as avatars, police officers,

tie-dyed bodies, geisha girls, or costumed as Victoria’s Secret models. Women also were

typically the ones entertaining the crowd in activities like pole dancing at Dante’s Bar or bull-

riding at Cowboy Bill’s. Moreover, women served as props on Duval Street to advertise body

painting. In essence, women, rather than men, were more often putting on a show and using their

bodies as decorative and performative objects. Men pointed out that it was the women who were

one of the main attractions at Fantasy Fest:

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Caleb, 36, white, heterosexual tourist: Alright, how I explained it to [my friend], I said, look – beer, boobs, and water, are you in? He’s like, hell yeah. So here we are.

Leonard, 64, Black, heterosexual tourist: What I’ve learned is that nobody pays attention to the men. You know, more people are interested in how the women look, right. The guys are always just a passing interest. But it’s the sexy ladies that come here uninhibited…and what everybody wants to see.

Richard, 56, white, heterosexual resident: You see mostly girls, not guys, walking around. It’s like the artist’s work – they’re like a walking piece of art.

Figure 17. Four older white men costumed as “Sex Appeal Judges” – using signage (e.g., sexy!, wow!, hot!) to rate women as they walked by on Duval Street

Due, in part, to the anomalous scenery of a diverse array of nude bodies being viewed in

public, men often acted as judges of women’s bodies (see Figure 17). In their assessments, men

joked around and used coarse language that, at times, aimed to demean women and bond with

other men. The following exchange between an older and younger man illustrates this point:

Bill, 62, white, heterosexual tourist: I never did body paint, but I’m all for it on the right body…I don’t know…doesn’t have to be perfect, but there are certain people who just

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shouldn’t be in body paint. They should have clothes on. I don’t know. I shouldn’t go there. Scott, 35, white, heterosexual tourist: (Responding to Bill) So if she had busted ass teeth but then nice ass and tits, you would be like [you look okay]….excuse my language by the way…So, she looks like she’s been eating bricks (laughs)…I don’t give two shits [about others walking around naked]. You know what bothers me though? Sometimes, you’ll see the perfect outfit, but it’s on the wrong person, and then you see the person that should have it, and you’re like, they’re wearing too much damn shit down here.

Age also played a role in the judging of bodies at Fantasy Fest. Older women, in

particular, were devaluated based on their perceived lack of sexual appeal. For example, Carl, a

34-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, alluded to this assumption in the following exchange

about his experience at a bar and restaurant formerly owned by Kelly McGillis (an actress born

in 1957 and recognized for her roles in the movies Top Gun and Witness):

Carl: I've been body painted a couple of times. But it's not my favorite…it depends on who you go to. Some of them are way more expensive than others, some of them have low quality paint, and some of them take like three hours to do, so it depends where you go…The last [body paint] I got was like a – “save the tatas.” You know – the breast cancer? I: Was that something near and dear to your heart? Carl: (jokes) Tatas? They're so near to my heart…Boobs are great. I: Do you plan on going to any of the Little Black book events? The risqué events? Carl: All of them. I: Which one is your favorite? Carl: My favorite one was actually last night. Kelly's Kinky Carnival…Everybody wears black leather and lace. I: Did you know Kelly's bar is the Kelly McGillis from Top Gun? Carl: She's old now.

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In our conversation, Carl discounted older women not only by trivializing breast cancer, an

illness more prevalent among them (Howlader et al. 2020) but also dismissing a famous actress’s

relevance by describing her as “old.”

Though discussed and observed less frequently than the judging of bodies, at times,

women also were harassed by men. Standing at the bar at Jimmy Buffett’s Margaritaville, an

older man bought a shot for the two women I was interviewing – Claudia and Maggie. He

touched Maggie’s back, and slowly lowered his hand to her butt. The women talked to me about

harassment and body paint in the following exchange:

Maggie, 23, white, heterosexual tourist: There’s just a lot of guys who feel like just cause we’re dressed like this [in sexy lingerie], they can come up and touch us, like just unwanted physical attention.

Claudia, 23, white, heterosexual resident: That’s the only part I minded.

Maggie: And also, we walk like three seconds down the street and then someone’s like oh can I take a picture, and then when you pose for a picture, ten more people come and wanna take pictures, so we had to make a rule, like you know after awhile, we’ve got to get to where we’re going. Let’s only stop for a picture if it’s like a cute little lady. Otherwise, they can do it paparazzi style.

Claudia: I just need a breather from all the photography.

Because these women mentioned that they had been touched physically, I asked where they had

been touched. They told me:

Maggie: Just like our boobs and our butt. Claudia: They’ll be like, can I see this, what’s this, and then when you’re like ok yeah, you can see that, then they’ll move on to more worse places. Maggie: They’ll ask if they can pull our underwear around. Claudia: It’s really like not that bad. I’ve never felt scared for my life or anything. I can always just walk away.

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Both Maggie and Claudia described feeling safe in Key West, regardless of the attention

from men; nevertheless, they were sexually harassed and placed in a social position in which

they had less power – in part, due to their gender and age. These experiences reflect other

research demonstrating that women often report negative experiences, including harassment and

anxiety in their travel experiences (e.g., Heimtun 2012; Heimtun and Abelsen 2013; Seow and

Brown 2018; Small 2016; Thomas and Mura 2018; Wilson and Little 2008). Women often sense

that men hold power over their travel experiences – through gazes that make them feel like

sexualized objects under scrutiny (Jordan and Aitchison 2008). Moreover, my interviewees’

experiences align with other studies revealing how women come to expect increased attention

from men in alcohol-related leisure activities and understand they will be valuated based on their

sex appeal and beauty (Mears 2015; Mears 2020).

Just like other women at Fantasy Fest, I also became an object of consideration – even

though I was not body-painted or dressed in any revealing clothing. At Sloppy Joe’s bar, I was

harassed by an older man who put his beer bottle on my breast while I was talking to his friend.

The man said he wanted to see if my nipple would get hard. Even men who were my research

participants shifted the conversation to focus on my body:

Bret, 58, white, heterosexual tourist (nudist): I decided one day I wanted to try getting naked – 25 years ago. Try it. In three minutes, you will be comfortable (as he slowly attempted to pull up my shirt)…I will at least get your top off (jokes)...I can convince you to take your top off.

Ray, 32, white, heterosexual tourist: Do you prefer anal or vaginal intercourse? (jokes)…I personally think we should all go back to my hotel room, have a gang bang, and then answer all these questions together.

Although, like other women, I did not feel overly threatened by the harassment or joking

in Key West, the subtle power dynamics between women and men surfaced in these leisurely

social interactions and were reflective of gender inequalities in everyday life. Amid the

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camaraderie and relative peacefulness that existed at Fantasy Fest, women’s bodies still were

being placed under surveillance more than men’s, and, at times, they were touched without

consent. Fantasy Fest’s social deviance was generally viewed in a light-hearted fashion by

interviewees; however, when the joking and playfulness were set aside, the sexual harassment,

judging of bodies, objectification, and ageist and gendered interpretations of bodily acceptability,

reflected the deep-rootedness of gender inequalities. Men held more authority in social

interactions in leisure. Their sense of entitlement reinforced the masculinization of social space,

which manifested in men’s surveillance and harassment of women.

Though the surveillance of women became demonstrated most unambiguously at Fantasy

Fest, it also occurred less vividly on a typical day in both Key West and St. Augustine. Men

made comments either about my appearance or other women’s appearances in more mundane

interactions. In St. Augustine, for instance, Randy, a 25-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, told

me, “If I was a cute girl, the first thing I would do is go to the waterfront and walk in a bikini –

like up and down the line – so that one of the old men who owns one of those waterfront

properties lets me on a boat…I probably have less of a chance of being on one than you would.”

Randy implied that women could place their bodies on display to get what they wanted from

men. He also brought my body into focus by implying that I might be able to get onto one of the

(rich and old) men’s boats because of my body.

A more pronounced version of surveillance and harassment was explained to me by

another tourist in St. Augustine. Jim, a 32-year old, white, heterosexual tourist, asked me, “Have

you experienced the pirates? There's a lot of people that dress up in and around St Augustine

obviously…you have a giant group of pirates that run around…they'll probably be out

tonight…and they get in this whole mindset where they're pirates…so they'll run around the bars,

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and they'll solicit people for drinks…if they see a woman, they'll all just gather around her and

get really, really cringy on her, and then move to the next one.”

Making Sexist Remarks

Men’s discussions of surveilling women’s bodies were interrelated to sexist remarks

about them, which amplified the masculinization of social space. Though men and women

typically interacted in a civil manner in leisure spaces, indications of unequal gender power

dynamics again emerged in interviews. It became apparent that women’s unequal status and

barriers in leisure are due, in part, to the prevalence of sexist viewpoints held by men. Reflecting

a sexist stance toward women, Danny, a 69-year-old, white, heterosexual, Key West resident,

told me:

My first marriage was the marriage from hell. My second marriage was the marriage from heaven…the children were pure joy, but my wife turned into this flamingly rude, radical, radical, radical feminist, complete with all the radical feminist hate slogans, as well as the personal insights. Male chauvinist pig, um, I ain’t your fucking slave. Back then, those were the hate slogans. Now the hate slogans are misogynist, sexist, sexual harassment, just to name a few. Those are hate slogans like Hitler had hate slogans. That’s all they are. Gender-biased hate slogans is what they are. My reply to radical feminists is, what part of my life don’t you understand? This thing about Harvey Weinstein, uh, my official reply to that is – I’m a guy. That’s what we do. That’s what I say. It’s always been the men chasing the women, and the women running away. It’s always been that way. I see girls on Duval Street on a Friday or Saturday night. They get approached by all kinds of guys. I see guys lining up to get shot down…somewhere along the line, somebody gave American women a sledgehammer to beat the crap out of guy’s self-esteem. Instead of no thank you, they say get lost you creep. Things such as that.

Danny downplayed the significance of sexual harassment and sexual assault in women’s lives.

He also made sexist remarks by associating feminism with radicalism, suggesting that women

harmed men’s self-esteem if they rejected them in their flirtatious advances. Though Danny’s

views were excessive, similar sentiments reflecting sexist inclinations also were conveyed in

interviews with other men – though typically in a less overt fashion.

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Another demonstration of sexist cultural norms included views about feminine beauty

and marriage. While sitting at the Margaritaville Resort and Marina during Key West’s nightly

sunset celebration, John, a 59-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, who came into town on a

yacht, explained his take on men in terms of their social relations with women: “Yeah, well men

are kinda fucked up. Men are…there's a lot. We have a lot of issues, I know…most men have

issues…yeah, I know for a fact, I mean, it's terrible, unfortunately. I hate to say that, but it's kind

of a fact.” He continued, explaining how he feared one of his daughters would not marry because

of the way she looked:

I really don't care about having grandkids. I want my kids to find a man, and get married, and be happy. My 24-year-old, gonna be 25, is kinda a little heavy – I'm just being honest with you – kinda a little heavy, and it bothers me…But she doesn't have a guy, and I want her to have a guy. I want her to be happy, and she's happy, but she doesn't have a guy. And it bothers me a little bit, but you know, she's a little heavy. I know, I don't wanna be that way, but I think you're in a society where you wanna look good. I just want her to be happy. I just want her to meet a guy, and if she meets a guy, she's a little happier. I feel guilty to say this, but could she be heavy and meet somebody? Sure. But if you're 25, and you haven't met anybody, and you're a little heavy, is there a correlation there? My youngest daughter's really pretty, and she won't have any problem…

Reinforcing conventional ideals, John equated happiness for his daughters with being pretty,

finding a man, and getting married – and perhaps becoming a mother – despite his trepidations

about men being “fucked up.”

Further compounding men’s unflattering assessments of women were the stereotypes

men perpetuated about women as both irrational and passive. For instance, Andrew, a 34-year-

old white, heterosexual tourist, and Chad, a 43-year old, white, heterosexual tourist, explained

that they had a “stage-five clinger” on their hands who was “crazy as fuck.” Andrew told me,

“She is fucking crazy,” and went on to describe how a woman (who was “one of their friends”)

was aggressively trying to get together with a man with whom they also were friends. They

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ridiculed her throughout our conversation. Moreover, when describing his leisure pursuits, Chad,

who owned his own boat, told me that women were often viewed as passive, decorative objects

on boats, or as he put it, “boat candy,” while men were the ones who were out in the water

diving, swimming, or fishing. He said, “Well, I think I probably see more guys doing stuff, but I

see more girls on the boats…they got boat candy. They got the girls on the boat [while the guys

are being active out in the water].”

Reflecting similar rhetoric, my conversations with men in St. Augustine also relayed a

sexist undertone that viewed women as being decorative sidekicks. Sitting at Old Coast Ales

Brewery in St. Augustine, Randy, a 25-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, described how he

would want a wife who fit particular beauty standards: “My mom's 100 percent Swedish…My

mom's like six-foot tall, blonde hair, blue eyes…I have never been outside of the states...Might

go to Sweden and go find a wife. That would be chill.” Although some men described their own

desire to find or look at beautiful women, they also talked about shielding girls – namely their

daughters – from boys like themselves. Reflecting on this topic, while hanging out together at a

tiny bar counter in St. Augustine, were Jason, a 50-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, Ed, a

27-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, Paul, a 43-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, and

Greg, a 43-year-old, white, heterosexual resident:

Jason: I'd still be kind of wondering what's going on. I'd be still watching [even when my daughter is 18 years old].

Ed: You and I would be in a car with a baseball bat, like a block away waiting to beat his ass.

Jason: That's exactly right.

Paul: And I would say I was going to bang your mom. Dude, remember? I'm going to tell the boy I'm going to bang their mom. I'm going to have sex with the mom. Dude, if the boy messes with Jason’s kid. The ultimate. We have a whole plan.

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Jason: He said if some kid misbehaves with my daughter, he's gonna get the kid, bring him aside and go – for your punishment, I'm gonna bang your mom, and I'm gonna share it on social media with all your friends.

Ed: I'm going to buy her a nice seafood dinner. Then never call her again.

Greg: Those moms are going to encourage their sons' bad behavior because they want to get banged…They're going to be like, dude, just like do bad stuff because then you know, it just reinforces bad behavior.

In the prior exchange, the men implied that “boys will be boys” and that girls needed

protection to deter them from sexual engagement. In their imagined scenario, they joked about

using an adult woman as a sexual pawn to retaliate against any boy who may have endangered

Jason’s daughter’s sexual purity. Paradoxically, they hyper-sexualized the mothers of these boys,

joking that they would like the sex so much that they would tell their sons to be bad so they

could get “banged” again in the future. This idea echoes the sexist notion that men hold more

power in romantic exchanges and reinforces the view that some women are sexually

promiscuous and are asking for it. These beliefs signal women’s inferior position to men.

Further emphasizing women’s lower status in sexual encounters, men boasted about

sexual experiences that took place during their own travels and their friends’. Scott, a 35-year-

old, white, heterosexual, Key West tourist, told me, “I have hooked up with women before in

Key West, though not here [this time]…I was not looking for “romance” [only sex]…Andrew,

[my friend], he really comes to meet women. He met a woman, and he left with her, and we

didn’t see him half the time last year…We got the one friend, he slept with 200 women and one

man (laughs). Danny, a 69-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, explained, “Certain times in

my life I have purchased the wares of a hooker, and I always thought that it was money very well

spent. My second wife asked me how many women I had in my life – I was in my 50s – I said

like 40, and she said four. She was angry…I run around looking at gorgeous naked women, and I

love to look at their vagina…”

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Men’s descriptions of their romantic interactions with women demonstrated not only

men’s higher status but also, at times, hinted at manipulation. Cody, a 44-year-old, white,

heterosexual, Key West resident, explained his personal conquests concerning women, as well as

the “games” he had played over the years. He said, “I tend not to chase. I tend to sort of see what

comes in and then filter through it and figure out value and be honest with myself as well and

figure out is this something…is this a person that I just want to – we'll speak plainly – as

somebody I just wanna bang and just like roll around with, which could be fun. Or, is it someone

that I actually see value in.” Cody suggested that his goals had changed as he got older. He

noted, “In my youth, I would have definitely been like alright, we're just gonna bang and roll

around on each other – this is fucking great…Where I am a little bit more now in life…if I don't

see value, if I can't actually hang out with this person, if I can't actually crack a joke and they

laugh or be stupid and silly and goofy and them play along, then I'm just playing a game, and it's

just a drag…Then it is just, what shit do I have to fucking endure before I do get to bang them –

this is great, call ya never, that's awesome.”

Communicating Contradictory Ideals

In both Key West and St. Augustine, inequalities were maintained, in part, by

communicating contradictory ideals. These ideals echoed the traditional cultural ideologies that

remain firmly in place in our societal structures, despite progress within canopies and other

arenas that aim to challenge them. My participants contradicted themselves in their discussions

of social tolerance surrounding issues related to gender, sexuality, sexual orientation, and race.

They did this in the following two ways: criticizing progressive norms and preserving white

privilege.

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Criticizing Progressive Norms

My interviews became interspersed with gendered and heteronormative discourse that

reflected the social inequalities embedded in an unequal playing field. While people enjoyed the

social freedoms behind tolerant ideals – especially in Key West – they still reinforced

oppositional cultural ideologies by criticizing the progressive norms that pushed for more

egalitarian philosophies. Routinely, individuals expressed an appreciation for social

inclusiveness; yet, some also wanted to maintain the status quo.

Even though Key West, in particular, was celebrated for its progressive way of life, my

participants engaged in conversational contradictions that exemplified a lack of understanding

about the maintenance and persistence of objective social inequalities. These contradictions

became apparent in individuals’ dialogue surrounding gender and sexuality. For example, Nate, a

35-year-old, white, heterosexual, Key West resident told me:

A lot of the people that I see down here, they make issues of shit that's irrelevant, in my opinion – like sexist and that type of shit. I just think that like some of these girls down here, are like, like women’s rights and shit like that, and women have all the rights in the world. You could do anything you want, and they're making the issue of women's rights, and I'm just like, I just, I don't see it as being an issue. You could do anything you want, and you could have any education you want. You can climb the corporate ladder if you want. You know what I mean? I just don't see there's any oppression of women ever. It's just my opinion. Sorry. You might think differently. I don't know.

Yes, I did have a bit of different perspective on the matter. The myth of meritocracy was

communicated through Nate’s declaration that women have no barriers. His perception that

women can make it to the top if only they try hard enough is not in line with the extensive

research contradicting this assumption. Though Nate is surrounded by progressive cultural

ideologies in Key West that promote “women’s rights and shit,” he had not internalized those

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ideas. Instead, he believed the polar opposite by stating that there was no oppression of women at

all.

Women, as a group, were singled out in other arenas as well, namely for their sexuality.

Even as social norms and sexual scripts were being reconceptualized – particularly at Key

West’s Fantasy Fest – women’s bodily displays still became a point of contention among women

and men. While individuals described how they liked to freely engage in deviant behavior during

the event, they could not fathom others participating in behaviors they deemed inappropriate.

Essentially, individuals wanted to enact their own individual freedoms but simultaneously judged

the morality and freedoms of others. For example, in the following exchange, Fantasy-Fest goers

described the potential adverse messages that could be transmitted to children about women’s

sexuality through the visualization of women’s bodies and their attire:

Vivienne, 25, white, heterosexual tourist: And you know what another thing I’m bothered by while we’re on the recording. I’m gonna get this out there – people bringing their children. It’s fucked up. I’m sorry, I’m standing there in my nude costume yesterday with chains and duct tape, and there’s little kids running around, and I feel uncomfortable.

Taylor, 42, white, heterosexual tourist: These were locals. In the parade…they were locals that were [bringing their kids].

Vivienne: It was the local’s parade…bringing the kids is wrong.

Rosie, 34, white, heterosexual tourist: They were like four-years-old.

Taylor: Or the little hussy girls that are like fourteen. My daughter is fourteen. I wouldn’t dare let her dress like they were.

These concerns about children seeing women naked signaled deeper-rooted issues about how we

interpret women’s sexuality and their bodies. These women wanted to enjoy the progressive

freedoms of body displays, yet they perceived their own bodies as inappropriate and not suitable

for children to see. They also criticized younger girls as being “hussies” for dressing the way that

they did.

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Though many conservative ideals were thrown to the wayside during Fantasy Fest,

individuals still went off on tangents about the rules and policies they thought should be in place

to enforce limits around nudity:

Darlene, 61, Black, heterosexual tourist: Nothing has been a negative for me except for small children. I don’t think people should bring them here. I really don’t. Leonard, 64, Black, heterosexual tourist: If you ever send this…either to the city government or to the, what do you call it, Fantasy Fest committee, the only thing that I really think and all of us are in agreement on this, is that they really should put something out there for the parents about bringing young kids here during Fantasy Fest.

Darlene: Warning, warning, nudity…

Leonard: Yeah, yeah, it’s not because of anything decadent…it’s just that some things, some events are just not proper for young kids. Right, and I always thought it should be something like especially at certain times of the night, it should be an 18 and older rule. Period. You shouldn’t even be on the street unless you’re 18 in this environment. For a lot of adults that have kids feel the same way. They don’t bring them. That’s why they always say, like for example tonight, you can see a lot of hookery stuff on the parade. You can see a lot of women exposing their boobs. Why would you bring a kid to that? That’s the only thing I don’t understand.

Darlene: I had two pasties on the other day, they were lifts, and a woman walked by me with maybe her 11-year-old boy and made him hold his head down and close his eyes, but they’re here…I just smiled and walked on by.

In this exchange, the discussions of women’s nude breasts as being out of place and “hookery,”

resonated with the “hussy” comment made earlier about young girls’ attire at Fantasy Fest. In

both instances, participants automatically sexualized women’s bodies and suggested their

unacceptability in social spaces – even though Fantasy Fest allowed for nudity. In contrast,

men’s nude bodies were not viewed in the same sense as women’s, nor were they brought up in

conversations by interviewees as being unacceptable to see.

Several participants pointed out the inconsistencies embedded in views surrounding the

concerns with children’s exposure to nudity. Sam, a 47-year-old, white, Key West resident, and

nudist, explained his outlook:

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I was raised in a nudist community. My wife and I promote educating people about it. In the video game “Call of Duty” they blow up people. But god forbid someone sees boobs…it’s puritanical. Up until the 60s, men couldn’t go topless on the beach. Men liberated themselves in the 60s. “Free the nipples” is a movement about equality for women to go topless 24/7 and fight to breastfeed in public. Alcohol is the same way –binge drinking, the excess, it’s insanity…I lived in England for a year. You go out to dinner, and a child at any age can drink. At a family event, even an 8-year-old kid can drink…for me, alcohol and sex are part of life…I was raised with nudism, sex, alcohol –it’s not a big deal. On my 21st birthday, I didn’t have a drink because it was so irrelevant.

While Key West is well-known for its tolerance of nudity and sexuality, both tourists and

residents made statements that conflicted with not only these community norms but also their

own pronouncements of being open to others. For example, John, a 39-year-old, Hispanic,

heterosexual tourist, explained his take on nudity in Key West: “If it’s fun for novelty, I

understand more…but, we all wear clothes, get over it…I’m traditional in some ways. I don’t

participate in weird subcultures or those perceived to be weird.” In other instances, conversations

surrounding variations in gender-identity and sexuality conjured feelings of unease for some,

particularly because of the numerous social spaces dedicated to sexual minorities in Key West.

For example, Kevin, a 53-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, explained that he did not feel

comfortable going to the drag performances. When asked if he had been to one, he quickly said,

“No, and I don't plan on going to them either…And the strange thing is, when my mother was

alive, and she came to Key West, she loved going to them. (He changes his voice to a woman’s

voice) ‘I had the best time last night…these people are so much fun.’ I'm like alright, have a

good time, so whatever, I'm not gonna go.” I suggested that if his friends went, maybe he would,

too. He responded with conviction, “No, even then, it won't happen.” It appeared that Kevin felt

as if his sexuality or masculinity would somehow come into question if he associated himself

with drag. Even within an environment like Key West, the normalization of heterosexuality

remained an emotionally and culturally charged issue for some.

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Heteronormative belief systems were reflected in other conversations that invoked

participants’ negative attitudes toward sexual minorities. Some interviewees offered overt

expressions of discomfort with the LGBTQ community, even as they expressed their love for the

city’s freedoms. Backlash existed, particularly in Key West, because of the island’s inclusive

cultural norms surrounding same-sex relationships. Ironically, while hanging out at La-te-da’s, a

space known for its drag performances and gay-friendly hotel accommodations, Luke, a 59-year-

old, white, heterosexual resident, told me, “The ‘One Human Family’ motto should mean ethnic

groups getting along with ethnic groups, but they twisted it and allow people to do things that are

not morally right – it’s for the gay community.” Relaying a similar message, Bonnie, a 74-year-

old, white, heterosexual tourist, explained her take on the gay community: “You don’t bother us,

we won’t bother you. We’re old. We come from a different time…I don’t wanna know what you

do in your personal life – you don’t have to tell me if you’re gay…like movie stars, you don’t

have to tell – I love you for what you do.” Some individuals, like Danny, a 69-year-old, white,

heterosexual resident, reflected his intense dislike of gay men, even though, inconsistently, he

still chose to hang out at gay bars with gay men:

I don’t like gay guys…the thought of going with another man makes me physically ill… okay the reason I do not like gay men is because I don’t have to, and I don’t have to like someone who’s spreading a lethal disease, lethally trotting around the clean earth, spreading a lethal disease for which there is no cure, and I find that repulsive. The big thing that turns me off to gay guys is the smell. See let’s face it, dogs can smell things much more than humans, but as a hetero-man, the smell of a woman is an extreme turn on – boing. The smell of a man is like – blah. To me, it’s instant vomiting. The smell of a man, to think about going with another man – I don’t want to make myself vomit…

Some interviewees (though themselves accepting of the LGBTQ community) explained

how people had to prepare themselves for Key West in order to handle the abundance of sexual

minorities. For example, Scott, a 35-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist, explained, “You have

to tell people who are more homophobic when they come down here to be very open because

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you will get hit on by a dude, or you will see something that you wouldn’t see.” Some men,

namely heterosexual men, also described how they took measures to limit their body displays –

particularly during Fantasy Fest – in fear of being labeled effeminate or mistaken as gay (Annes

and Redlin 2012; Mize and Manago 2018; Richardson 2018). For instance, Ken, a 35-year-old,

white, heterosexual tourist, disclosed, “I think [body paint is] awesome. There are some people

that may not look great…it hides flaws…but no, I’m not planning on paint…I think it’s a little

too feminine for me.” More directly referencing his concern about appearing to be gay, was

Travis, a 40-year-old, white, heterosexual tourist. He explained how he had planned on dressing

up with his friend during Fantasy Fest as actors Patrick Swayze and Chris Farley to reenact the

classic Saturday Night Live Chippendales skit – a humorous performance in which Swayze and

Farley are trying out to become Chippendale (i.e., male striptease) dancers – despite the fact that

Farley does not fit the body type ideal. Travis elaborated on why their plans fell through:

I just found out really what Fantasy Fest is all about just by looking online and checking it out. But we were supposed to dress up, bow tie and slacks, you know, and I would have had to wear a wig. Well, I said yes…we decided we were gonna do it. We were gonna do it Friday night [at Fantasy Fest]. Well, I go online to see exactly what was going on Friday, and there’s this bow tie and bathing suit party, which is strictly for [predominantly gay] men, and I said no, we’re not wearing a bow tie…It would be a good time, but I said no. I put the brakes on.

Preserving White Privilege

Reflecting other social inequalities within the canopies of Key West and St. Augustine,

some interviewees engaged in preserving white privilege through their contradictory statements

about racial minorities. Exclusionary discourse demonstrated inconsistencies that conflicted with

the pronouncements of diversity and inclusion within these cities’ leisure spaces. Regardless of

the heightened social tolerance within both communities, racial minorities were less privileged

within “white” spaces (Anderson 2015), and at times, excluded.

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The community of St. Augustine, most notably, held onto an array of contradictions in

connection to race relations within the city. Though individuals claimed to embrace diversity,

some ignored the significance of their racial privilege as they expressed colorblind ideologies

(Bonilla-Silva 2015, 2018). For instance, Jason, a 50-year-old, white, heterosexual resident, told

me, “I think most people in this town and are pretty colorblind. I don't think there's any like

segregation. Like, I have probably every race that works for me, and they all like are best friends

inside and out of work and the same thing with everyone that comes through the door [at the

bar]” When I asked him about Lincolnville, an historically Black neighborhood in St. Augustine,

he contradicted his prior statement by saying, “They are, [Black people] are segregated

themselves, but they segregated themselves. You go there [as a white person], and you're an

outcast to them.” Others around him concurred with his statement of colorblindness (Bonilla-

Silva 2018) and believed that race was something no one was thinking about in the community.

Greg explained, “I think everywhere is kind of ‘there’ now [with no racism]…It's like, it's like

wherever you'd expect it to be, everybody, hey, if you, if you're a good person, if you're cool,

like, you're cool [regardless of your race].”

Despite St. Augustine’s community trends toward social progress, these colorblind

ideologies did not consistently hold up in reality. Contradictory racialized lines of tension

became projected in primarily white leisure space – with the discourse pointing toward the

ongoing segregation of the shared environment. According to Anderson (2015), a city’s

neighborhoods are racialized, and social spaces can be divided into white, black, and

cosmopolitan spaces (diverse islands of civility). White people usually avoid Black spaces, but

Black people have no other choice but to tread in white spaces – spaces in which they perceive,

at times, as uncomfortable and unofficially inaccessible to them (Anderson 2015). These taken-

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for-granted white spaces are a form of privilege for white individuals. My interview with

Brandon, a 39-year-old, Black, heterosexual resident in St. Augustine, echoes the disparities in

racialized privileges and opportunities within St. Augustine. He told me, “I would probably

guarantee you that I'm one of the only Black managers in the whole town…no one really knows

what I do…then you would just assume that I'm not [the manager]. I guarantee that that is the

case.” Brandon explained that although the town is diverse because of the tourists, when it comes

to the day to day life of residents, there is a lot less diversity – and perhaps, in his experience,

some discrimination and stereotyping. From Brandon’s viewpoint, holding a managerial role as a

Black man was a rarity within the community. He believed he had been mistakenly and

automatically perceived as a lower-ranking employee within white leisure spaces.

White spaces also became preserved by glorifying whites’ history within those spaces

while ignoring oppressive racial matters in the community. Reflecting this view was George, a

71-year-old, white, heterosexual, St. Augustine resident, who could not understand why Black

individuals would be bothered by material reflections of the Civil War on display where they

lived. He defended white privilege by overlooking its adverse effects:

Like in Atlanta, Tallahassee, New Orleans, Washington DC, they've torn down Robert E. Lee statues, they renamed whole boulevards. It's no longer called Robert E. Lee Boulevard in Washington DC. Why? Because, you know, he fought for the south. You know Robert E. Lee was a commandant of West Point, and when the Civil War broke out, he said, no, I have to, I have to side with my state. I'm a Virginian. Even though he would've been the first general for the union, he decided because he had his personal place and convention. What courage the guy had. Not to do the easy thing but to do the right moral thing that he thought was the right thing. He didn't own Black slaves, but he fought for states’ rights. That's what the Civil War is all about. About states’ rights. The states said this is what we believe or want to do. Same thing here in St. Augustine.

In St. Augustine, everyday racial segregation of space was reflected not only in its

colorblind discourse and material advantages privileging whiteness but also in the residential

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racial divisions within the community’s neighborhoods (Anderson 2015; Massey 1990). Patricia,

a 36-year-old white, heterosexual resident, explained some of the disconnect within the city:

So, certainly historically speaking, we have not been very integrated. We have not been very accommodating of minorities. Um, but Lincolnville is an African American area of town, and that's the southwest side of downtown St Augustine. A lot of what we've seen in recent years is that it's becoming gentrified. So, a lot of those buildings that were older and not in very good repair, people are coming in, buying them, and renovating them. And now the housing in that area is one of the most expensive in town. And so, we hear like if you go out to that area, there's the Lincolnville Museum, and it is the first, I think it's the first African American high school in the state of Florida. And so it's been converted to a museum. One of the things that the couple who run that always talk about is the frustrations of the people who live in that area of town for a couple of decades and how they feel like they're kind of being pushed out, and they're largely African American folks, and so it's, it's a struggle. I would say we are not rock stars on that front.

To a lesser degree than St. Augustine, Key West also had its issues with race relations.

For example, while Black residents explained to me that the public housing units were still

affordable, they noted how the cost of housing throughout Key West continued to rise. Relatedly,

gentrification also took its toll on longtime Black residents in Bahama Village, an historically

Black neighborhood located in the heart of Key West. Moreover, some Black residents did not

appreciate the more conservative newcomers who had taken up residence in the community –

particularly the conservative cops who had joined Key West’s police department. Cindy, a 58-

year-old, Black, heterosexual resident, reflected on this issue, “We don't have any more Key

West cops – we only got a handful – and listen, the police down here are racist…I don't give a

damn who knows it. Can't call them for something [in the Black community] cause they're not

from here, and they don't know the people of the island. So, when we do call the police, we want

the Key West cops, but most of these cops are from Alabama, Mississippi, and they bring that

prejudice here…Back in the old days…we had Key West cops everywhere, then those rich folks

came in and got them out of here, and now we got only a handful…they're racist…I don't like

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them.” Cindy’s experiences highlighted how gentrification was shifting the feel of the island,

particularly for its Black residents.

Summary

The masculinization and segregation of social space, along with inequitable social

interactions and contradictory perceptions of reality, at times, overshadowed the tolerant social

norms that both the communities of Key West and St. Augustine attempted to put forward. The

meanings found within interviewees’ discourse illuminated the unrelenting social inequalities

related to gender, sexuality, and race. Participants not only criticized progressive ideals and

minimized racial matters but also surveilled women’s bodies and made sexist remarks. Fine lines

continued to exist between what was viewed as morally right and wrong; judgements about

appropriate forms of sexuality became openly contested.

While relatively subtle instances of marginalization may seem harmless or natural in our

social world, they serve as reminders that a large group of individuals are relegated to a

secondary status. Small gestures of surveillance and sexism, for instance, reflect how, behind the

scenes, many men view women, even if these views are not openly or frequently communicated.

This underlying tension and unspoken understanding between women and men perpetuates

inequalities in leisure and other spheres of life. Similar to women’s experiences, as other

minorities navigate social environments, their unequal standing produces adverse outcomes in

their social relations as they are, at times, either segregated from, or made to feel out of place in

white or heteronormative leisure spaces.

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CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSION: BECOMING “COSMOPOLITAN”

I feel like this happiness is spreading. You know, and this understanding is spreading. You don't have to be a specific way that people are expecting you to be. Not in Key West. We're not expecting anything. That's the beauty of Key West. We are not expecting anything. – Jerry, 56, white, sexual minority, Key West resident

This exploratory study examined the inner workings of leisure-oriented cosmopolitan

canopies in two cities – Key West and St. Augustine. My work builds on Elijah Anderson’s

(2011) research in Philadelphia, which demonstrates how the visualization and

acknowledgement of people getting along in “diverse islands of civility” brings about a self-

fulfilling dynamic that promotes acts of kindness and understanding. While Anderson’s research

focused on racial interactions, my study directed its primary attention instead toward gendered

interactions in leisure-based cosmopolitan canopies. Specifically, I compared Key West, as a

progressive canopy, to St. Augustine, as a conservative canopy, to investigate how each

community’s cultural and socio-political ideologies interacted with gender and other inequalities

to influence social relations in leisure. My findings support Anderson’s theoretical concept of the

cosmopolitan canopy and expand it to an area of research that has been underexplored – the

gendered and politicized realm of leisure.

Because of its uniquely situated cultural and politically progressive nature, Key West was

at the center of this research. The island accentuated the fundamental characteristics of a

progressively tolerant community – reflecting a sort of ideal type (Weber 1979; orig. 1921) from

which to begin an inquiry into my research on gender, leisure, and the influence of progressive

cultural contexts. To establish a comparative reference point, examining the dynamics of the

conservative canopy of St. Augustine provided an alternative outlook on how progressive social

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change and tolerance can be accomplished within more traditional environments. Though each

tourist city reflected a divergent socio-political landscape, they both illuminated mechanisms

through which communities can improve women’s and other minorities’ leisure experiences.

They also offered insight into the persistence of gendered leisure constraints.

According to Risman (2004:445), “The central questions for feminists must include a

focus on social transformation, reducing inequality, and improving the status of women. A

concern with social change brings us to the thorny and as yet too little explored issue of agency.”

In line with Risman’s suggestion, it was my goal, as a feminist researcher, to focus on social

transformation within communities by examining how cities’ leisure spaces and individuals’

actions can reduce inequalities and enhance women’s and other minorities’ standing in society.

Through my research, I found that more comprehensive gender parity can be approached by

implementing progressive social and cultural policies that equalize access to social spaces and

increase women’s agency through their experiences in leisure. My findings suggest that women’s

social status can be improved in the following ways: Promoting progressive ideologies within

communities, reducing social control through acts of deviance, and designing interactive and

creative places.

Promoting Progressive Ideologies – Becoming “Cosmopolitan”

The open-minded individuals who come to inhabit cosmopolitan canopies have been

described by Anderson (2011) as “cosmopolitans.” Though cosmopolitans were more readily

found in Key West, throughout my fieldwork, I identified residents and tourists in both Key

West and St. Augustine, who could be classified as cosmopolitans. These individuals added to

the collective understandings of tolerance that transpired within city life and aided in sustaining

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the canopy within each community. Resonating with Brown-Saracino’s (2018) research

illuminating how “places make us,” I, too, found that local ecologies shaped individuals’ ideas

about the world. My findings demonstrate how progressive communities can foster the “making”

of cosmopolitans. In my study, I highlight how cosmopolitan thinking was conducive to

supporting progressive stances within the community and contributed to the spread of open-

mindedness and acceptance of others. Increased levels of cosmopolitan-like ideological beliefs

helped minimize inequalities, aided in maintaining harmony in individuals’ social worlds, and

challenged social injustices – especially in Key West.

The progressive narratives found in Key West gave further meaning to the functioning of

cosmopolitan canopies and how they can promote positive social change. My research

demonstrates that the community’s narratives aided in transforming cultural ideologies in leisure

space by shifting thought patterns and prompting individuals to become more trusting and

accepting of diverse others. For instance, Key West, as a city, endorsed the motto, “One Human

Family,” and made, as its signature trait, its openness to others. The protective effects of Key

West’s explicit progressive philosophies were evidenced by the narratives of marginalized

groups. Women and other minorities highlighted the significance of the social freedoms and

safety they felt in Key West’s progressive socio-political landscape. Most notably, they

acknowledged Key West as being one of the most accepting places they had ever been. They felt

this way, in part, because of the island’s cultural norms that nurtured the overarching acceptance

of all individuals and created space for freeing social interactions. Others also highlighted the

city’s progressive focus on community outreach, environmental sustainability, and support for

the LGBTQ community. These collective action efforts had far-reaching effects as the city’s

cultural practices reinforced a progressive community consciousness through its shared

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narratives. Hence, language was an instrumental tool in combatting social inequalities in leisure

space. The discourse found within culturally and politically progressive environments

encouraged communications that reflected tolerant and inclusive ideals that promoted egalitarian

values and beliefs in Key West.

The canopy of Key West sets a good example as to what other communities can do to

promote equity and social tolerance. Progressive havens can offer significant emancipatory

potential by stimulating a collective sense of well-being, promoting positive social interactions,

and encouraging a greater acceptance of selves and others through the cultural and political

ideologies they promote. Through Key West’s welcoming approach and their progressive social

policies, the city made efforts to improve access to its shared spaces and leisure activities –

particularly for women and other minorities. Though inequalities still existed on the island, the

overriding feeling of collectivity and diversity in Key West was stronger than its social divisions.

Traditional social norms were contested, and both women and minorities were granted more

power within their leisure pursuits. In essence, progressive ideologies propelled heightened

levels of equality in leisure in Key West.

Compared to Key West, the more conservative cosmopolitan canopy of St. Augustine

reflected an ideological work-in-progress. St. Augustine did not necessarily echo Key West’s

outward implementation of progressive ideologies or its support of leisure activities that

challenged gender and sexuality norms; yet, in small ways, the community enhanced women’s

and other minorities’ leisure experiences. Despite its conservatism, the city’s cultural policies

connected people of diverse backgrounds and fostered inclusivity through its many leisure

spaces. Though the conservative ideologies in St. Augustine hindered some social freedoms

compared to Key West, the city of St. Augustine fostered cosmopolitan ideals through its

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deflation of conservative ideologies and its implementation of creative arts and cultural

programs. These programs added to the city’s diversity and established more expansive social

spaces for women and other minorities, which, in turn, made individuals in the community feel

like the city was becoming increasingly diverse and inclusive. St. Augustine’s leisure-focused

cultural programs also cultivated more equitable leisure spaces and expanded women’s access to

and opportunities for active engagement in physical activities and creative pursuits. Together, the

city’s cultural landscape encouraged acts of civility and kindness that diminished inequalities.

These findings suggest that conservative canopies also can influence and expand opportunities

for diversity, inclusion, and cosmopolitan thinking.

While both St. Augustine and Key West enhanced inclusivity and diversity within their

respective communities, my interviews reflected a gendered and politicized cultural ideology gap

that impeded social tolerance. Most notably, in my sample, women were more likely than men to

identify with liberal politics. Relatedly, more liberal-minded people – both women and men –

tended to both live in and visit Key West rather than St. Augustine. Moreover, those who leaned

toward a conservative political orientation – in both Key West and St. Augustine – were more

likely to espouse more closed-minded narratives that reinforced the oppression of women and

other minorities. My data also demonstrated that, compared with other social groups, white men

most frequently communicated sexist, heterosexist, racist, and classist rhetoric. Furthermore,

those who associated themselves with more traditional belief systems also tended to downplay

social problems and inequalities or make disparaging remarks about women and other minorities.

These conservative values were associated with closed-minded thinking and linked to

intolerance. Closed-mindedness not only marginalized women and other minorities but also

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served as an instrument for exclusion and an impediment to social progress in diverse social

relations, which aided in reproducing inequalities in leisure.

Further muddying the waters and adding to the reinforcement of intolerance and

exclusionary practices in leisure, participants who communicated conservative rhetoric often

expressed seemingly conflicting viewpoints by using ambiguous language. For instance,

conservative ideologies were often masked with what Bonilla-Silva (1997, 2018) termed

“abstract liberalism,” a frame applied to race-related issues (though also applicable to other

inequalities). This frame includes downplaying social inequities through rhetoric connected to

political and economic liberalism. Interviewees – particularly those who identified as

conservative – offered a decontextualized version of social inequalities and individual choice by

suggesting that society offered equal opportunities for all. However, by using this rhetoric,

participants often dismissed social categories, such as gender and race, viewing them as

irrelevant factors in the structuring of society and explaining them away through narratives that

were designed to sound rational. Individuals who promote abstract liberalism are often against

the practical implementation of programs or policies (e.g., affirmative action, social support) that

could reduce social inequalities (Bonilla-Silva 2018).

In my research, reflections of abstract liberalism surfaced in discussions surrounding

social inequality and politics. Because my participants turned to abstract liberalism to normalize

inequalities, it became evident that confusion abounds in individuals’ understandings of how

social inequality is maintained and reproduced. These uninformed perceptions regarding the

social realities for women and other minorities were reflected within more conservative

narratives in leisure spaces. These narratives can cause confusion and perpetuate sexist, racist,

heterosexist, and classist ideologies that adversely affect women and other minorities in not only

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their leisure experiences but also within other realms of their lives. For instance, confirming

some of the realities of the effects of sexism on a structural level, research finds that factors, such

as more traditional cultural norms, may not only aid in diminishing women’s power and

resources but also adversely affect their health and well-being (Homan 2019). Moreover, because

marginalized groups are most likely the beneficiaries of social programs and policies that help

alleviate and offset the social inequalities they encounter throughout the life course, more

conservative ideologies can wreak havoc by circulating falsehoods about inequality and

dismantling programs that can be empowering for women and other minorities.

To stand up against more closed-minded and uninformed rhetoric, the implementation of

more progressive political and cultural ideologies within communities can be integral to reducing

social inequalities. It is not surprising that women’s barriers related to leisure are often

overlooked, in part, due to the invisible constraints of conservative ideologies and everyday

sexism that often underlie their leisure experiences. My findings support other research that

demonstrates how wide-ranging material effects of structural social inequalities are not always

readily recognized, conceptualized, or objectively contextualized by individuals (Bonilla-Silva

2018). Thus, we must consider the dominant social forces that shape the character of our

communities and those individuals within them if we aim to accurately contextualize social

problems and alter the actual foundations of social interactions and social spaces that reproduce

material consequences in leisure experiences and beyond.

Reducing Social Control through Acts of Deviance

Studying leisure experiences within cosmopolitan canopies sheds new light on how social

control and deviance can impact social freedoms in leisure. My research findings suggest that

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social freedoms increase within leisure spaces that aim to reduce social control and allow for

deviance. This alleviation of the burdens associated with social control can lead to positive

outcomes within communities, including the reduction of gender and other inequalities. I found

that deviance effectively became an adaptive mechanism for social change (Durkheim [1912]

1965) as it improved tolerance, accessibility, and inclusiveness in leisure spaces.

Key West, most markedly, added a deviant behavioral component to its leisure activities

and social spaces. Reflections of deviance became visible in the community through its

endorsement of greater social freedoms, alcohol consumption, body displays, and adventurous

risk-taking. A general lack of enforcement of both formal and informal social control

mechanisms on the island made people feel excited and freer. Barriers to leisure became reduced

as deviant behaviors became possible in Key West. The more limited surveillance of individuals

within the city also encouraged individuals to worry less about their appearances, behaviors, and

bodies. These conditions reinforced the feeling that individuals could be more like their authentic

selves within the community. Moreover, Key West’s relaxed approach to social control

encouraged people to have fun and break everyday rules.

Those who might be classified as “different” within other communities were not

stigmatized for deviating from the norm in Key West. The island’s carefree approach to social

deviance was reflected in the city’s acceptance of the LGBTQ community. Same-sex couples

could openly express their affections for each other in public, which gave them more liberties in

their leisure experiences and supported the weakening of heteronormative cultural values.

Similar to the feelings expressed by the LGBTQ community, those in interracial relationships in

Key West also felt more welcomed in the community than they had in most other places

throughout their lives. Of particular significance, individuals believed that children, who were

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from interracial families in Key West, could feel comfortable within the community schools.

This feeling of comfort and a lack of discrimination was due, in part, to a decrease in the critical

surveillance of others in Key West. Furthermore, the limited scrutiny on the island also led

women to care less about beauty norms, which gave them greater freedoms. Women did not feel

like they necessarily had to “do gender” in a typical feminine fashion by wearing high-heels or

makeup to conform to more traditional social expectations (West and Zimmerman 1987).

On the more formal end of the spectrum, surveillance by the police also was minimized

on the island. Most people felt like the Key West cops were laid-back and less strict than most

other police forces. Individuals in the community did not anticipate that they or others would get

into trouble for deviant acts. Considering the controversy with policing in other communities

throughout the United States, Black individuals living in Key West reflected on the importance

of how “Key West cops” treated them properly and in a more relaxed manner. This

diminishment of social control in policing made people feel more comfortable and allowed for

greater flexibility in deviance in individuals’ everyday behavior.

Deviance in Key West, at times, indirectly contested traditional ideologies – particularly

those related to gender. Because social control was at a minimum, many women described how

they felt Key West offered them an experience unlike anywhere else. For example, women

participated in the bar scene as readily as men, partly due to the normalization of alcohol and

feelings of safety in the community. Furthermore, the city’s allowance of nudity all year long

offered dedicated spaces for deviance, which challenged moralistic gender and sexuality norms

and enhanced women’s sexual and socio-spatial capital and well-being. This normalization and

visualization of “clothes-free” activities in Key West provided an opportunity for individuals,

especially women, to dismantle normative bodily assumptions and beauty ideals (De Vries 2019;

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Swami 2016; West 2017). Moreover, the “live-and-let-live” vibe at Fantasy Fest created leisure

space that welcomed body displays of older adults and members of other marginalized groups,

including sexual and race-ethnic minorities. Permitting deviance in leisure not only promoted

greater inclusiveness in social spaces but also gave women opportunities to achieve a greater

sense of agency, confidence, and assertiveness.

Symbolically, women also took on a deviant behavioral identity in Key West by

becoming adventurers – a character trait typically reserved for men. The more adventurous

pursuits accessed by women on the island challenged gendered scripts and reinforced risk-taking.

By equalizing access to leisure activities, many women felt they could more effortlessly

participate. Moreover, they were encouraged to engage in more daring activities. Because

women are less likely to take part in outdoor or physical activities compared to men (Dorwart,

Cornelous, and Patterson 2019; Janke, Davey, and Kleiber 2006), the active participation of

women within this realm combatted stereotypes of women as passive (Bagnoli 2009).

Furthermore, women who lived in Key West appreciated the “girl power” on the island that

granted them more equal access to adventurous leisure activities and reduced gendered divisions

in work opportunities (Padavic and Reskin 2002). The culture of leisure and the active lifestyle

in Key West empowered women and permitted them to take on more behavioral and social

ventures.

Though not as pronounced, the leisure experiences in St. Augustine were becoming

degendered in terms of risk-taking. By enhancing women’s entry into masculine-oriented

activities and gendered leisure spaces, St. Augustine reduced social control and permitted some

deviance. While women were not so readily engaged in deviant acts, like getting rowdy at bars,

participating in clothes-free events, or pushing gender boundaries to the limits, they still took up

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leisure space and found some excitement in St. Augustine, whether it be in bars or other leisure

pursuits. Notably, women’s participation in traditionally gendered spaces reflected the

community’s reduced level of social control and welcoming nature for women. For instance,

women engaged in deviant behavior by going to bars alone. Despite the gendered cultural norms

associated with bars (Bird and Sokolofski 2005), women felt at ease in St. Augustine’s bar

spaces by themselves.

Doing deviance can promote behavioral participation within social life and support the

reduction of social inequalities. My findings indicate that the allowance of deviant pursuits

welcomed new behaviors and granted women and other minorities more power in their leisure

experiences. As women, in particular, participate in historically masculine spheres and dismiss

feminine traditions, they contest gender norms through their active engagement. Thus, cities

should implement policies that would allow for more deviance and reduced social control within

their communities. Moreover, leisure spaces – including outdoor areas for interaction, alcohol

consumption, and adventure – should be readily accessible to women and other minorities.

Designing Interactive and Creative Places

When individuals find themselves in a cosmopolitan canopy, Anderson (2011) points out

that smelling flowers and food, for example, can signal to people that they are in a different kind

of place. Relatedly, leisure cities, like Key West and St. Augustine, quickly alert those within the

community that they are in a distinctive setting, in part, because of the greater attention to

culture, creativity, and social interaction within these places. My findings demonstrate that

creating communities that offer outlets for increased creativity and social interaction, improve

women’s participation in leisure. Notably, the novelty of creative events, like Key West’s

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Fantasy Fest or St. Augustine’s Celtic Fest, for example, especially heighten feelings of

excitement and increase connections with others.

Cities’ social spaces, events, and group activities enhanced the communication between

and visualization of diverse others and provided opportunities to connect across social divides.

The collective leisure settings found in Key West and St. Augustine improved perceptions of

well-being, in part, because of the interactions that took place within their leisure spaces. The

walkability and built environment of both communities added to this experience by promoting

pedestrian engagement and increasing individuals’ involvement in leisure activities (Speck

2012). Moreover, people appeared to benefit from the restorative impacts of being outside,

especially in Key West. The green spaces, gardens, flowers, and surrounding body of water in

Key West, aided in connecting people to nature. My findings resonate with research indicating

that creating social environments and infrastructure that incorporate green spaces and gardens

can not only promote positive health, increase social capital, and reduce stress but also provide

many other environmental benefits (Coutts and Hahn 2015). Tourists and residents achieved a

sense of happiness from being out and about in the community, enjoying nature, and meeting

others. The design of the shared environment bolstered individuals’ health and well-being by

creating spaces that encouraged relaxation, exercising, walking, and biking (Speck 2012).

These kinds of leisure activities (e.g., biking, exercising, and walking) occurred more

frequently in Key West than St. Augustine. I observed how individuals’ continual engagement in

more physical outdoor activities and interaction with each other in Key West generated a greater

sense of community. For example, participants in my study consistently expressed feelings of

collective energy and described the vibe in Key West as being both laid-back and exciting. They

also emphasized their love for the community and the friendly people within it. The community

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consciousness and energy in Key West made individuals more likely to engage with others,

which in turn, aided in cultivating the canopy. Regardless of one’s social status or background,

friendly interactions and acts of kindness occurred with regularity.

Similar to Key West, part of the sense of well-being in St. Augustine derived from its

social life and creative city atmosphere. People were encouraged to connect with others, in part,

because of the laid-back mindset and storytelling within the city’s leisure spaces. Moreover, the

diverse and civil interactions in the community reinforced helping behavior and acts of kindness.

Inequalities became reduced not only by perpetuating civil interactions but also by creating

greater accessibility to leisure pursuits, which in turn, fostered even more connections among

people. Joint activities, like ghost tours and sightseeing excursions, for example, encouraged

individuals to mingle and share in fun leisure activities together.

To enhance fun and creativity, both St. Augustine and Key West incorporated many arts

and cultural programs into their community plans. For example, their festivals and other events

celebrated arts, culture, and music. These free or low-cost events contributed to people enjoying

time, music, and art together and lessened barriers among people. These elements supported an

interactive and creative city life by giving people, especially women, more points of connection,

creativity, and conversation in shared leisure spaces. Some cultural events were tailored to be

more inclusive for women and children, while others encouraged the breaking of gender and

sexuality norms (e.g., Fantasy Fest). Offering an array of events like these aided in reducing

gendered constraints in leisure.

Although interactive settings within canopies can be beneficial for social relations, my

interviews and observations also demonstrated how social intolerance also materialized in leisure

spaces by masculinizing social space and communicating contradictory ideals. At times,

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interactions with others reinforced discriminatory practices and prejudicial belief systems. These

practices and beliefs can negatively affect women and other minorities. Thus, it is still necessary

to find ways in which communities can eliminate social inequalities and acts of sexism and

segregation within shared spaces and activities. Integrating both leisure and living spaces can

contribute to programs that alleviate some of these social divisions between individuals. Finding

ways to more effectively foster a greater sense of equality among men, women, and other

minorities – through the use of creative leisure spaces and interactive community designs – may

override reflections of intolerance and oppression, especially within progressive cosmopolitan

canopies.

Though not flawless, canopies give diverse individuals a platform for getting along in

shared environments. Anderson (2011) points out that under the canopy, individuals can talk to

strangers and feel a connection with others who have common interests. Canopies are places of

convergence, a break from social divisions, and a humanizing space. He highlights the idea that

individuals have more commonalities than they often realize and that these similarities are often

manifested in how people relate to one another in diverse enclaves.

Discussion and Future Research

To improve leisure accessibility and participation for women and other minorities, my

findings substantiate the validity of subsidizing leisure experiences within communities and

supporting federal and city funding for arts and cultural programs. Moreover, I recommend

implementing cultural and social policies into cities that advocate for more progressive

ideologies, the allowance of social deviance, and creative and interactive city spaces. As already

noted, cultural norms can influence how women participate in leisure activities (Bosdriesz et al.

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2012; Van Tuyckom and Schreerder 2010). Hence, creating socially beneficial policies can be an

integral part of reducing inequalities in leisure experiences (Katz-Gerro 2004).

As with many qualitative research projects, even in striving to more deeply understand

others’ perceptions and experiences in social life, some individuals’ voices may be missing from

the conversation. A limitation of this study includes its lack of generalizability. The sample of

interviewees used in this research does not reflect the larger population. Thus, my data may be

overlooking ideas about leisure from different groups of people who may have dissimilar

lifestyles than those I interviewed. For instance, while I met with individuals who had

disabilities, my sample size was small. Nevertheless, in both cities, these individuals drew my

attention to the need for better accommodations for those with disabilities, such as more benches

and more accessible bathrooms. While both tourist towns were diverse, some people were not

well-represented within my sample in these communities. Moreover, because I focused primarily

on gender, my study did not fully examine the nuances of all intersectional experiences. While

the data suggests that heightened levels of social freedoms exist for sexual and race-ethnic

minorities within more tolerant leisure spaces, these results could be more thoroughly explored.

Furthermore, other research finds that distinct local ecologies within communities can shape

individuals’ identities (Brown-Saracino 2018). While I touched on this issue, the current study

did not describe participants’ in-depth biographical information in relation to the long-term

effects of progressive leisure spaces. Future research could investigate the more enduring

influences these environments have on individuals’ life experiences throughout the life course.

Despite limitations, this study provided a deeper understanding of women’s experiences

of leisure within cosmopolitan canopies. I found that canopies are associated with the reduction

of gender and other disparities in leisure. While conservative canopies play a role in deflating

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conservative ideologies and forming connections among diverse people within the community,

progressive canopies challenge inequalities more clearly by promoting progressive narratives and

encouraging deviance. Thus, social inequalities may be more rigorously reduced by

concentrating on how we might promote inclusive cultural norms and create newly formed

progressive cosmopolitan canopies that nurture tolerant social interactions and positive leisure

experiences.

Most notably, the case of Key West, as a leisure-oriented progressive canopy, offers a

foundation for future studies examining the impacts of progressive social environments. Other

interactive social spaces outside of leisure, such as workplaces, for instance, could be examined

to identify their adoption of progressive cultural ideologies and collective understandings of

gender. As younger generations continue to place more value on their leisure time (Twenge

2010), researchers may want to explore how a more socially progressive stance on work-life

balance issues could enhance workers’ satisfaction and reduce inequalities. Another avenue of

research might include an investigation of cities’ sociopolitical landscapes in relation to the

practice of creative placemaking. This practice involves designing public spaces with the intent

to develop their resources and inventiveness. Researchers have noted creative placemaking’s

ability to further community development and generate positive outcomes (e.g., aiming to reduce

inequalities and offering creative outlets for artists) (Frenette 2017).

Connected to the aims of creative placemaking, future research also could examine how

communities can implement better social infrastructure – physical places and organizations that

shape our interactions and help build social relationships (Klinenberg 2018). More broadly,

studies can examine how leisure policies might more overtly incorporate progressive cultural

ideologies into their community practices to nurture relationships among diverse groups,

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promote cross-age connections, and craft creative cultural events and liberating social spaces.

While progressive canopies, in particular, do provide pathways for increased freedoms and

opportunities for women and other minorities, they are not a panacea. Therefore, understanding

how politicized ideological patterns can become even more fundamentally and permanently

altered would be beneficial. Future research also could include measuring the extent to which

progressive messages found within progressive canopies have lasting effects.

Key West and St. Augustine represent positive models from which to mirror city life,

even within communities that have underlying environmental constraints that may impede social

interactions and shared leisure activities. For example, not every community boasts a social

setting with access to the water, arts and music, or many spaces to walk to. While these features

enhanced the environment in Key West and St. Augustine, I found that it is not only these

material elements that add to making these places more open and appealing. My participants

often suggested that the fascination with Key West, in particular, had to do with the relaxed vibe,

social freedoms, and progressive cultural norms. Though Key West’s history of social tolerance

and open-mindedness has become embedded into the community, these characteristics could

theoretically be cultivated in other cities through concerted efforts. In an aim to reduce social

inequalities, communities could strive to relax their social norms, add more adventurous and

interactive leisure into their landscape, and outwardly promote a more creative and cosmopolitan

way of life.

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APPENDIX A

INTERVIEW GUIDE

Tourists/Residents

1. How has your time been so far in Key West (St. Augustine)? Are you here (traveling/living) with others? How did you end up here? Had you been here before? What did you like that brought you back?

2. Have you participated in any tourist activities (renting bikes or scooters, fishing, snorkeling, parasailing, jet skiing, kayaking, boating, scuba diving, wind surfing, wake boarding, sunset cruises, etc.) or sightseeing tours (conch tour train, ghost or walking tours, lighthouse tour, Hemingway house, etc.) since you arrived? How did you find out about them? Had you participated in activities like these anywhere else before you came here? What do you think about the availability of cultural activities (Museums, Art Galleries, music events, Truman’s Little White house, Hemingway House, Aquarium, Butterfly Conservatory, Ft. Zachary Taylor, parades, events, etc.) and water/physical/tourist activities in Key West? Compared to other places?

3. Do you think the tourist/water/cultural activities are suitable for both women and men? Were the physical/water activities challenging/fun for you? Did you do them alone or with others? At any time, did you go off and do your own thing? What did you do? What did you learn about the history of Key West (St. Augustine) from the cultural sites/tours around the island? Anything stand out to you? Did you know about Key West’s (St. Augustine’s) history before you came here? Was this part of the reason you came?

4. Have you heard about Key West’s motto “one human family” and the island’s openness to diversity? How do you feel about their motto and diversity, community, and culture? Do you believe the island (St. Augustine) is diverse, inclusive for all people, and celebrates differences (in terms of race, ethnicity, sexuality)? Did you have any diverse experiences or see anything that is not typical in your daily life? How did it make you feel? Why? Why do you think Key West (St. Augustine) is more progressive than other places you’ve been?

5. Have you been to Bahama Village? Some public housing units are located in this area. How do you feel about poverty on the island (in St. Augustine)? Homelessness? What have been your experiences? If familiar, do you think there are enough social services organizations to help those in need? Do you feel that racial/ethnic/sexual minority groups feel integrated here?

6. Have you been to the sunset celebration? What do you think about the street performers and the celebration? Have you attended any drag performances or seen drag queens on Duval Street? Thoughts? How did you like it? Did you interact with people you would not typically have otherwise?

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7. How do you feel about the laid-back atmosphere of Key West (St. Augustine)? Do you find yourself worrying more or less about your appearance/behaviors here compared to other places? How about within water activities?

8. Have you experienced any setbacks since you have been here? What have you worried about during your time in Key West (St. Augustine)? Any differences in your daytime and nighttime experiences?

9. What has been your experience with the bar scene in Key West (St. Augustine)? How do you feel about being able to walk the streets with a “to-go” cup of alcohol? Have you been intoxicated or nearly intoxicated since you got here? What happened? Did you do anything out of the ordinary? Is this typical of other places you’ve been?

10. Has this been an expensive trip? (Hotel/Airfare/Dining/Drinking)? 11. Have you seen police officers while here? How do you feel about the police monitoring

on the island (St. Augustine)? Compared to other places you’ve been? Did you have any problems? Do you feel like this is a safe place? What crimes have you heard about or seen? Does alcohol play a role in any problems? Do you think tourists get too rowdy? Do you feel the residents in the community trust the police?

12. Have you met or interacted with strangers or sought out a romantic partner since you’ve been here? Did you meet any people you ended up hanging out with? Do you think you talked to more people here than you would in other travel spots/trips? More than at home? Did you enjoy the interaction?

13. As a member of the community/tourist visiting, do you feel you have been treated respectfully by others? Any issues where you felt like anyone or any particular situations made you feel like you weren’t being treated properly? Compared to other places you’ve been?

14. In comparison to other trips you have taken/places you have lived, how does Key West (St. Augustine) compare overall? Have you travelled here alone? Why did you come alone?

15. Do you plan on coming back to Key West (St. Augustine)? Would you like to live here? Why? Would you travel here by yourself (on a trip alone) if you had the opportunity? Reasons for this?

16. Do you feel you’ve become more open to different groups of people since being here? Why? Why not? How so? Are you involved in politics or community organizations? What have you done?

17. What is your age in years? Race/Ethnicity? Married/Single/Dating? Sexual Minority Status? Political affiliation?

Social Services Organizations

1. What social issues/problems do you see in Key West (St. Augustine)? What does the organization do? How do you feel your organization is helping the problem?

2. Do you think there are enough organizations here to combat these and other issues? If aware, what do other organizations do to alleviate poverty/homelessness? Any collaborative efforts? Is it working?

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3. What problem areas still exist? Do you think that the island’s motto, “One human family” and the progressive ideals of the island contribute to your organizations approach? How do you think the availability of social service resources in Key West (St. Augustine) compares to other places?

4. Do you feel that racial/ethnic/sexual minority groups feel integrated on the island (in St. Augustine)?

5. Does Key West (St. Augustine) have low cost housing? In what part of the island (city)? 6. How do you feel about the community and the inclusivity of different groups of people

here? 7. How do you think the history, culture, and progressive ideals of Key West (St.

Augustine) contribute to the way the island (city) runs today? Do you think it’s a model for other cities in social change? What areas need improvement?

Government Organizations/Chamber of Commerce/Tourist Development 1. What kinds of programs and budgets are in place for marketing to attract tourists? 2. Can you tell me about the policies/expenditures you have in Key West (St. Augustine) for

social services/welfare reform? Do you have a leisure policy? 3. What do you feel Key West (St. Augustine) has to offer compared to any other tourist

destination or place to live? 4. How has tourism grown in general? What is the primary focus? How does the label “The

Conch Republic” play a part? How many tourists are coming in from cruise ships? What has been your experience with the cruise ship tourism vs. other forms of tourism?

5. Do you allocate funds to women’s activities in particular? Funds allocated to men’s activities? Do you allocate funds to vulnerable populations? Low–income? Racial/Ethnic/Sexual minority populations?

6. How do you help ensure that women, low-income groups, and racial/ethnic/sexual minority groups feel integrated on the island and actively participate in leisure activities?

7. How do you feel about the public housing in the city in terms of new development? In Stock Island?

8. What issues have you faced with environmental/ecological/land usage, etc. as the island develops?

9. How have women and minority groups been represented in Key West’s (St. Augustine’s) government organizations?

10. How do you feel about inequalities in the community? Class, Race, Gender stratification? Any policies in place to combat these issues?

11. How do you think the history, culture, and progressive ideals of Key West (St. Augustine) contribute to the way the island (city) runs today? Do you think it’s a model for other cities in social change? What areas need improvement?

Fantasy Fest 1. How did you find out about Fantasy Fest? 2. Had you been to Fantasy Fest before? If so, what did you like about it that brought you

back?

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3. Did you (or are you planning to) have your body painted? If so, how and why did you decide that?

4. What do you think about the body paint on others? Anyone or anything stand out to you? 5. How do you feel about people walking around the streets of Key West nearly naked? 6. Did you attend any of the risqué events that were for adults only? Did you see any sexual

behavior? 7. What have you worried about during this event? 8. Have you seen anyone being harassed or been harassed yourself? 9. Any other thoughts come to mind? 10. Age in years? Race/Ethnicity? Married/Single/Dating? Sexual Minority Status? Political

affiliation?

Other Events 1. How did you find out about this event? Had you been to this event before? If so, what

brought you back? 2. Do you plan on participating in the festivities during this event? 3. How do you feel about people celebrating this particular event? Anything stand out to

you? 4. What have you worried about during this event? Any setbacks? Any other thoughts come

to mind? 5. Age in years? Race/Ethnicity? Married/Single/Dating? Sexual Minority Status? Political

affiliation?

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APPENDIX B

INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD STUDY APPROVAL

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The Florida State University Office of the Vice President For Research Human Subjects Committee Tallahassee, Florida 32306-2742 (850) 644-8673 · FAX (850) 644-4392 APPROVAL MEMORANDUM Date: 10/10/2017 To: Rachel Douglas Address: 526 Bellamy Building, 113 Collegiate Loop Dept.: SOCIOLOGY From: Thomas L. Jacobson, Chair Re: Use of Human Subjects in Research Living on Island Time: Gendered Leisure in Fantasy Fest Key West The application that you submitted to this office in regard to the use of human subjects in the proposal referenced above have been reviewed by the Secretary, the Chair, and one member of the Human Subjects Committee. Your project is determined to be Expedited per per 45 CFR § 46.110(7) and has been approved by an expedited review process. The Human Subjects Committee has not evaluated your proposal for scientific merit, except to weigh the risk to the human participants and the aspects of the proposal related to potential risk and benefit. This approval does not replace any departmental or other approvals, which may be required. If you submitted a proposed consent form with your application, the approved stamped consent form is attached to this approval notice. Only the stamped version of the consent form may be used in recruiting research subjects. If the project has not been completed by 10/8/2018 you must request a renewal of approval for continuation of the project. As a courtesy, a renewal notice will be sent to you prior to your expiration date; however, it is your responsibility as the Principal Investigator to timely request renewal of your approval from the Committee. You are advised that any change in protocol for this project must be reviewed and approved by the Committee prior to implementation of the proposed change in the protocol. A protocol change/amendment form is required to be submitted for approval by the Committee. In addition, federal regulations require that the Principal Investigator promptly report, in writing any unanticipated problems or adverse events involving risks to research subjects or others. By copy of this memorandum, the Chair of your department and/or your major professor is reminded that he/she is responsible for being informed concerning research projects involving human subjects in the department, and should review protocols as often as needed to insure that the project is being conducted in compliance with our institution and with DHHS regulations. This institution has an Assurance on file with the Office for Human Research Protection. The Assurance Number is FWA00000168/IRB number IRB00000446. Cc: Anne Barrett, Advisor HSC No. 2017.22109

The formal PDF approval letter: http://humansubjects.research.fsu.edu/pdf/printapprovalletter.aspx?app_id=22109

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APPENDIX C

INFORMED CONSENT FORMS

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

RACHEL A. DOUGLAS Department of Sociology Florida State University

526 Bellamy Building, Tallahassee, FL 32306

EDUCATION 2020 Ph.D. in Sociology

Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida

2016 M.S. in Sociology Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida

2006 B.A. in Psychology University of North Florida, Jacksonville, Florida

2002 B.B.A. in Management & Marketing

University of North Florida, Jacksonville, Florida

RESEARCH INTERESTS Gender, Leisure, Aging, Culture, Community & Urban Sociology PEER-REVIEWED PAPERS

Douglas, Rachel, and Anne E. Barrett. 2020. “Bounded Explorers: Online Constructions of Solo Women Travelers.” Sociological Forum 35(3):765–784.

Barrett, Anne E., and Rachel Douglas. 2020. “Footloose and Fancy-free: Online Travel Advice

for Older Women.” Journal of Women & Aging. 32(4):424-439. Douglas, Rachel, Ayberk Kocatepe, Anne E. Barrett, Eren E. Ozguven, and Clayton Gumber.

2019. “Evacuating People and Their Pets: Older Floridians' Need for and Proximity to Pet-friendly Shelters.” The Journals of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences 74(6):1032-1040.

Barrett, Anne E., Clayton Gumber, and Rachel Douglas. 2017. “Explaining Gender Differences

in Self-regulated Driving: What Roles do Health Limitations and Driving Alternatives Play?” Ageing & Society 38(10):2122-2145.

180

BOOK CHAPTERS Barrett, Anne E., Douglas, Rachel, and Noblitt, Jessica. 2020. (forthcoming). Work-(Later) Life

Balance: Shifting the Temporal Frame. Chapter in Research Handbook on Work-life Balance, edited by Barbara Poggio. Edward Elgar.

PAPERS IN PROGRESS Douglas, Rachel. 2020. “Progressive Cosmopolitan Canopies: Transforming Cultural Ideologies

in Leisure Space.” Douglas, Rachel, and Anne Barrett. 2020. “Aging Bodies in Paradise: An Ethnographic Study of

Fantasy Fest in Key West, Florida.” Douglas, Rachel. “Conservative Canopies: A Street Ethnography of Leisure, Culture, and

Gendered Traditions in America’s Oldest City.” Douglas, Rachel, and Anne Barrett. 2020. “Creative Cities Creating Connections: Fostering

Cross-Age Interaction through Leisure.” CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS Douglas, R., & Barrett, A. (2020). Creative Cities Creating Connections: Fostering Cross-Age

Interaction through Leisure. Gerontological Society of America, Philadelphia, PA. Douglas, R. & Barrett, A. (2020). Conservative Canopies: A Street Ethnography of Leisure,

Culture, and Gendered Traditions in America’s Oldest City. American Sociological Association, San Francisco, CA.

Douglas, R. & Barrett, A. (2019). Aging Bodies in Paradise? An Ethnographic Study of Fantasy

Fest in Key West, Florida. Gerontological Society of America, Austin, TX. Douglas, R. & Barrett, A. (2019). Progressive Cosmopolitan Canopies: Transforming Gender

Ideologies in Leisure Space. American Sociological Association, New York, NY. Douglas, R. & Barrett, A. (2018). Living on Island Time: Gendered Leisure in Fantasy Fest Key

West. American Sociological Association, Philadelphia, PA. Douglas, R., Barrett, A., & Dennis, B. (2018). Romantic Love’s Contemporary Purity Culture:

Examining Racialized Relational Inequalities in Popular Media. Southern Sociological Society, New Orleans, LA.

181

Douglas, R., Kocatepe, A., Barrett, A., Ozguven, E., & Gumber, C. (2017). Pet Evacuation Preparedness: An Examination of Older Adults' Needs for and Proximity to Pet-Friendly Shelters in Florida. Transportation Review Board, Washington, DC.

Barrett, A., Gumber, C., & Douglas, R. (2017). An Aging State of Mind: The Influence of Age

Identity on Subjective Memory. 21st World Congress, International Association of Gerontology and Geriatrics, San Francisco, CA.

Barrett, A., Gumber, C., & Douglas, R. (2016). Gendered Driving Patterns in Later Life.

American Sociological Association, Seattle, WA. Barrett, A., Gumber, C., & Douglas, R. (2016) Roadtrips and Roundabouts: Safe Mobility for an

Aging Society. Florida State University Foundation, President’s Club College (event for major donors)

Douglas, R., & Barrett, A. (2016). Bound by Age: Online Advice for Women's Solo Travel.

Gerontological Society of America, New Orleans, LA. Douglas, R. (2016). Gendered Solo Travel: The Social Construction of the Bounded Explorer.

Southern Sociological Society, Atlanta, GA. Barrett, A., Gumber, C., Douglas, R., Ozel, H., Ulak, M., & Kocatepe, A. (2015). Sociological

Implications of Older Adults' Transportation Patterns: An Examination using the National Health and Aging Trends Study. In FSU’s 2nd Annual Transportation Week.

REVIEWS OF RESEARCH BY OTHER AUTHORS Cohen, R. “Florida Needs More Pet-Friendly Hurricane Shelters for the Elderly.” October 17,

2017 in Reuters Irby, K. “Evacuating Older Adults and Their Furry Friends: FSU Study Finds Florida Needs

More Pet-Friendly Shelters.” October 23, 2017 in Florida State University News. RESEARCH EXPERIENCE Research Assistant Research on gender and aging with Dr. Anne E. Barrett and interdisciplinary research with FSU’s Engineering Department (Fall 2019, Summer 2016, Spring 2016, and Fall 2015)

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TEACHING EXPERIENCE Instructor Research Methods for the Social Sciences (Fall 2018 & Spring 2019) Sociological Theory (Spring 2018) Introductory Sociology (Summer 2017, Fall 2017, Fall 2020) Guest Lecturer, Introductory Sociology (topic) Marriage and Family (Summer 2016) Teaching Assistant Research Methods/Stata Lab (Graduate Course; Fall 2016)

Multivariate Analysis (Graduate Course; Spring 2016)

Social Problems (Summer 2020) Social Problems (Fall 2014, 2016)

Sociological Theory (Spring 2020) Sociology of Sex and Gender (Fall 2015)

Sports and Society (Fall 2019) Introductory Sociology (Spring 2015)

Environmental Sociology (Summer 2019) Social Psychology of Groups (Spring 2015)

Social Statistics (Summer 2018) Sociology of Marriage and Family (Fall 2014)

Sports and Society (Spring 2017) Course Development: Sociology of Sex and Gender (Summer 2015)

MEMBERSHIPS IN PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS American Sociological Association Sociologists for Women in Society Gerontological Society of America Southern Sociological Society HONORS AND AWARDS FSU Pepper Institute on Aging and Public Policy Travel Grant, 2019 FSU Congress of Graduate Students Travel Grant, 2017-2019 Graduated Summa cum Laude - Department of Psychology, University of North Florida, 2006

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Graduated Summa cum Laude -Department of Management, University of North Florida, 2002 Graduated Summa cum Laude - Department of Marketing and Logistics, University of North Florida, 2002 Golden Key International Honor Society Scholarship Award Recipient Alpha Kappa Delta International Honor Society in Sociology Beta Gamma Sigma - International Business and Management Honor Society Psi Chi - International Honor Society in Psychology SERVICE Member, Sociology Graduate Student Union, 2015-present Graduate Mentor, Sociology Department Graduate School Mentorship Program 2017 Member, Inequalities and Action Group, 2015 Volunteer, First Coast No More Homeless Pets, 2013-present Volunteer, Sulzbacher Center (Homeless Shelter) 2018-present