Ashley Acevedo

SOC 400

Paper Draft

24 April, 2013

Rape as a Weapon of War: Perpetuating Women’s Inequality and the Transmission of HIV

Acevedo 1

Gender inequality is a fact of life for many women

across the world. From those in the U.S. receiving three-

fourths the amount of pay a man earns for the same work, to

those in countries where they can’t go to school or

participate in government. Women have been, arguably the

most valuable asset in human civilization, performing the

majority of work for the least amount of pay, while often

being the sole person responsible for running a household

and raising children. All of this works to the benefit of

men. But, while all this seems too much to ask, perhaps the

worst task of women, the most horrendous thing they have had

to endure, is to have their bodies be made into a political

tool to raise terror and destroy communities. The use of

rape as a weapon of war is an atrocity affecting millions of

women worldwide. All too often these victims are left

abandoned by their families, seen as guilty of infidelity

and often blamed for the incident. They are left with

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debilitating injuries and have little access to the

necessary medical treatment, legal resources, or support

necessary to recover from their experiences. What’s more,

they are put at risk for transmitting one of the most

rampant viruses known to man; HIV/AIDS.

This is a problem of monumental proportions. It is an

issue of horrendous human rights violations, a major

roadblock to development and the progression of women in

society, and poses a life-threatening health risk (Rape as a

weapon 2008; Violence against women 2009). The present study

is focused on the issue of rape as a weapon of war and its

relation to the transmission of HIV/AIDS in countries

affected by sexual violence in conflict. I will discuss

briefly, the history of rape as a weapon of war. Next I will

cover the societal factors that often lead to underreporting

of rape and by extension, cases of HIV infection. I will

then discuss the role of the international community in

contributing to the environment in which such atrocities

occur. I will conclude by reviewing steps taken to address

this devastating problem.

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Rape as a Weapon of War: Terminology and Historical

Context

Early on in international law, the definition of rape

had been a topic of debate. The International Criminal

Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia first defined rape as

“coercion or force or threat of force against the victim

or a third person” in 1998 (ICRC). In 2001, they changed

the definition to include anything “which would render an

act of sexual penetration non-consensual or non-voluntary

on the part of the victim” (ICRC). Finally, the ICRC

defined rape as “a physical invasion of a sexual nature,

committed on a person under circumstances which are

coercive” (ICRC). This use of the term invasion was meant

to broaden the definition so that it would include the use

of foreign objects, such a tree branches and guns are often

used to penetrate women ; as well as being gender-neutral

(ICRC; Csete 2002; Omarjee 2008). This ambiguity has made

it difficult in prosecuting perpetrators and bringing

justice for victims (Boesten and Fisher 2012 ).

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                 After World War I, rape as a weapon of war

was first addressed in international law by being declared a

‘crime against humanity’ (Omarjee 2008). During the legal

processions following wars in Rwanda and Yogoslavia where

rape was a common tool in war, it was formally categorized

as a war crime, as torture, and a form of terrorism (Omarjee

2008; Human Rights Watch1995; Goodhart 2009).

Given the historical context of gender inequality, it

is not surprising to find that rape and other forms of

sexual violence and objectification of women has been

commonplace in war throughout history (Confronting rape

2009). Often women have been taken as a spoil of war, or

have been forced to marry military members of the enemy if

they lost, as slave labour, or as a way to “join cultures”,

and to eradicate the defeated population and become the

dominant group (Confronting rape 2009; Kelly 2010; Csete,

2002; Human Rights Watch 1995; Violence against women 2009).

It takes place by the thousands, with as many as 500,000 in

Rwanda, 64,000 in Sierra Leone, and 40,000 in Bosnia, and

includes gang rapes where a women will be raped by as many

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as 20 men at a time (Rape as a Weapon 2008). It is not

isolated to one country or region of the globe, rather it

occurs cross culturally, in geographic locations across 51

countries, on every content on Earth, other than Antartica

(Rape as a Weapon 2008). From Japan to Yugoslavia, Peru to

the Sudan, this is a social issue of monumental proportions

(Rape as a Weapon of War).

Rape when used as a weapon of war, is not a few

occurrences of rape in a given place, nor is it random acts

of opportunistic violence (Rape as a weapon 2008; Human

Rights Watch 1995; Violence against women 2009). Rather it

is ‘the systematic and deliberate use of rape… to humiliate,

expel, and destroy communities” (Rape as a weapon 2008).

This definition, at the least, classifies rape as a weapon

of war as an act of genocide under Article 2 of the United

Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the

Crime of Genocide because of the knowledge of the social

consequences of rape in these societies (Totten 2009). It is

highly effective in its goal of destroying communities in

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that it brings shame both to victims, and their communities

and damages family structures.

Rape and Genocide

Rape is often paired with pillaging of homes and

villages, and is used as a form of punishment if there is an

inadequate amount of viable goods worth taking (Csete,

2002). It has also been used as a form of ethnic genocide

and biological warfare in cases where rape is committed on a

mass scale. In the case of ethnic genocide, the goal is to

replace the ethnicity of the woman with that of the man

(Omarjee 2008; Rape as a weapon 2008; Violence against women

2009). For example, in the conflict in Darfur, there has

been tension between two ethnic groups in Sudan (Totten

2009). One is the nomadic group who identify as Arab, and

the other is the group of black Africans who stay in the

area and farm (Totten 2009). For a long time they were

peaceful and their differing lifestyles were mutually

beneficial to both groups (Totten). However, tensions rose

from government favoritism of the Arabs, and drought

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furthered this tension (Totten 2009). When the nomadic Arab

groups started to move farther south to find land to graze

their cattle, the black African groups were threatened by

the competition for food and land (Totten 2009). They

stopped allowing the Arabs to come into their land, and

conflict arose (Totten 2009). Now there is a bloody war

between the two, in which the Arabs are trying to commit

genocide by having the Arab men go into villages to rape the

black African women with the purpose of impregnating the

women so that they will have an Arab baby (Totten 2009).

Thus within the community the ethnicity of the mother (black

African) is replaced with that of the man (Arab) (Totten

2009) . It is often common, in the case where soldiers who

are known to be HIV positive, are ordered by their

commanding officers to rape women and spread the virus to

them, thus exterminating the population biological warfare n

(Omarjee 2008; Rape as a weapon 2008; Violence against women

2009). This is referred to as biological genocide.

The role of rape in the spread of HIV

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According to AIDS.gov 33.4 million people worldwide

currently have HIV/AIDS. Many of those infected don’t know

that they are infected, since they live in poor countries

without access to medical testing, or the money to pay for

it. Women and girls are often at greater risk of

contracting HIV/AIDS because of high levels of gender

inequality and are also less likely to report transmitting

the virus or seek medical care because of the stigma

(Violence against women 2009). According to the available

statistics in 2007, women accounted for 47 % of people

living with HIV/AIDS worldwide (womenshealth). It is

especially important to look at the relationship between

rape and HIV/AIDS because many women and girls face horrible

acts of sexual violence on a regular basis in conflict

countries.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo it is estimated

that 60% of militia men (those that are most frequently

committing acts of sexual violence against civilian women)

have HIV (Csete 2002 ). Available data shows over 1,000

reported rapes per month, averaging 36 per day (Confronting

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rape). This combination of high HIV infection rates and high

rates of rape is a deadly one, resulting in high infection

rates. The risk of HIV transmission through rape is

astronomical. This is especially true given the traumatic

injuries obtained by many rape victims in these conflicts.

Frequently, because rape is committed not simply for

sexual pleasure, but as a tool of terrorism, women are raped

with foreign objects such as “sticks of wood and hot

peppers” (Csete, 2002 pp 39); heir sexual organs are

mutilated wit knives and razors (Csete 2002); and in several

interviews, witnesses have reported such violent events as

putting a gun inside the woman’s vagina and shooting her.

(Csete 2002; Rape as a Weapon 2008). Amazingly, women

sometimes survive such tragic attacks. The results of

enduring such trauma are devastating injuries including

‘prolapsed uteruses, severe vaginal tears and fistulas’ that

can result in incontinence, difficulty walking, and other

complications (Csete 2002). Often times, victims injuries

are so severe, that the healthcare facilities don’t have the

medical resources or expertise to be able to adequately

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treat them (Csete 2002). Many victims have permanent

injuries resulting from their rape, some of which result in

their being disabled for life (Csete 2002). Because of the

open wounds created by many of these injuries sustained

during rape, there is often an even greater risk for victims

to become infected with HIV as there is more opportunity for

blood and semen to enter wounds.

Reporting of rape

About 1.3 million people in the Congo’s general

population have HIV (Csete, 2002). However, despite these

outrageous statistics, it is believed that these numbers are

actually much lower than actual occurrences of both rape and

HIV in the Congo (and the same is true for statistics

worldwide), due to the fact that many rapes go unreported

and many women aren’t seeking medical care after the rape

(Confronting rape 2009; Human Rights Watch -1995; Csete

2002. Rape goes unreported for a variety of reasons.  

One of the major issues in the underreporting of rape

in places where it is used as a weapon of war is the social

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stigma. Many societies blame the victims of rape, claiming

that they were not actually raped, but rather consented to

the intercourse

(Confronting rape 2009; Boesten and Fisher 2012; Csete,

2002; Violence against women 2009). This paired with the

widespread fear of contracting HIV and the lack of education

about how HIV is spread often leads to the ostracism of

victims (Conflict and Rape; Csete, 2002). For this reason,

many don’t report their rape unless they obtain serious

injuries or become pregnant.

Many international organizations have been working to

address the issue with the stigma of rape and the blame the

victim culture common in many places, by first working

within the family and with the spouses of married victims,

to educate them about the involuntary nature of the rape,

and encourage them to be supportive (Confronting rape 2009;

Ceste, 2002). In places where men are more supportive of

their wives, there is often a ripple effect into the

community as they help their wives speak out about the

incident, and thus helping to reduce stigma within the

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community (Csete, 2002). This helps the victims get the

support they need, as well as reduce the effectiveness of

using rape as a weapon, as often the goal is to drive apart

the community.       

        Reporting also becomes difficult when either

instead of or in addition to rape by the attacker, a

female’s male family members are forced to rape her, in what

is called compelled rape (Omarjee 2008). This forced incest

makes not just the women, but the entire family victims of

sexual violence and adds to the already intense stress being

placed on the family relationship and feeling of shame

caused by rape (Omarjee 2008). As awful as it sounds,

sometimes instances where the family is present can actually

be beneficial to victims in terms of allowing for more

support after the attack. Csete notes that, for example, in

the case of a town called Shabunda, there was more openness

of women who were attacked. They were more able to talk

about what happened and the community was more supportive.

This is because many woman and girls were raped in the

presences of others. Family members, friends, or other

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captured women were forced to watch. In several cases,

children were reportedly forced to hold their mothers down

while they were raped” (Csete 2002 pp 39). In such

instances, there is no question that the intercourse was

non-consensual, and there is no point in trying to hide or

deny what happened.

Finally, many women neglect to report their rape

because, they see it as pointless due to lack of legal

reparations, difficulty identifying the perpetrator(s), and

the fear of the accused attacking them for coming forward

(Csete, 2002; Confronting rape 2009). The result is a

culture of impunity that allows rapists to go free, while

their victims suffer the consequences. It is estimated that

for all the reasons above, lack of testing has lead to as

many as a quarter or more of those who are HIV positive

being unaware of their status (AIDS.gov).

The Danger of not know HIV status

Pregnancy (Csete, 2002), which is complicated by not

only being impregnated by your rapist, but in many countries

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abortion is frowned upon, if not completely banned, thus

victims are forced to give birth to their rapists children

and raise them (Csete, 2002). This creates a social problem

of unwanted children being born and raised by (often) single

mothers who don’t want them. I say often-single mothers

because, as mentioned before, victims of rape are often

blamed for the incident and are thus left by their husbands

and ostracized by their families and communities. Women who

were rapes are about 6 times more likely to then be divorced

or separated as those who weren’t (Confronting rape 2009).

This is even worse for unmarried women who become pregnant

as a result of the rape, and not only effects their

immediate marital status, but also gives them only about a

20% chance of being married in the future (Csete, 2002).

This is because, in many societies, it is expected that

women retain their virginity until marriage, and because of

the loss of this during the act of rape, they are considered

“used goods” so to speak, and thus unsuitable for marriage

(Csete 2002). In a culture where men are the primary bread

winners (as they make more for the labour they perform, than

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women do), this is problematic since you then have already

impoverished and marginalized women then left unable to

marry and with a child (or worse, are forced to marry their

rapist), further worsening their prospects for any upward

economic mobility (Csete 2002). Since many women don’t seek

medical attention after the rape, the likelihood of a mother

who is infected with HIV risks passing it onto the fetus is

high. About 25% of the babies of HIV-are infected at birth

(AIDS.gov; Csete, 2002).

A cycle of Women’s inequality

The interesting, and dangerous part about the use of rape as

a weapon of war, is the cyclical effect it has on

inequality. ‘Women perform two-thirds of the world’s work;

…earn one-tenth of the world’s income; …are two-thirds of

the world’s illiterates; …and own less than one-hundredth of

the world’s property” (Confronting rape 2009).

These inequalities are simultaneously the reason for

violence against women, as well as something that worsens

and continues these inequalities. (Confronting rape 2009;

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Boesten and Fisher 2012). Women in many cultures, are

frequently stuck in a society with traditional gender norms,

such as women bearing most of the burden of raising children

(Krtiz 2010). This is made worse by the fact that many women

are responsible for tasks outside of the home, such as

fetching firewood or water, and this leaves them vulnerable

to attack by soldiers who know that they will be leaving

their homes to perform these tasks (Rape as a weapon 2008;

Violence against women 2009). When women are raped, the

society’s response of ostracizing them, amplifies the

already existing inequality in society (Violence Against

Women 2009).

It is interesting to see this and note that while most

cases of rape used as a weapon of war occur in places where

women have very little control or influence in the political

realm, there are a few exceptions to this. In Rwanda for

example, in 2004, women made up the majority of voters

(Krtiz 2010). Despite having this political influence and

the fact that they make up the majority of the work force

and by extension family income, they are still charged with

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many of the domestic responsibilities as women in societies

that allow little to now political participation; and when

they fall victim to rape, that burden is worsened as well.

In addition to forced sexual services, many women are

abducted by their attackers, forced to do slave labour such

as carrying the men’s equipment, or perform gender specific

domestic labour such as laundry (Csete 2002).

The role of the International community

At present, this is an issue predominately effecting

developing countries. It is not uncommon for many of the

internal conflicts that harbor these vile war crimes to be a

result of conflict that was, at least in part, a result of

colonialism. This is a result of a number of combining

factors that are attributed to social influences of the time

of colonial rule. One such factor is something called the

resource curse **. This is the idea that often times a

country that is rich in natural resources faces widespread

poverty and civil unrest **. This is often because during

the colonial era, the world’s powers at the time, countries

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like Britain, the U.S., France, Belgium, etc. settled

colonies in which they take the raw materials and other

resources **. They then sent these materials back to the

mother country to factories to turn the raw materials into

finished products. Materials that they would do this with

include wood, oil, minerals, and ores, etc **. Despite the

fact that colonialism has ended, this problem still exists

because, as underdeveloped countries, they don’t have the

industrial means to turn their raw materials in to finished

products, so they sell them to other countries, who reap

most of the profit **. The major issue here is that because

of the already existing conflict that is often in former

colonies, there are corrupt leaders who take the resources

from the people, sell them to other countries, and keep the

wealth for themselves; so what profit they do reap from

their countries resources, never makes it to the hands of

the citizens who work to extract these resources **.

It has also been argued that the U.S. and the rest of

the international community, and developed countries in

particular, hold at least some level of indirect

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responsibility for the issue of rape as a weapon of war by

doing things that enable these conditions to continue. For

example, the Cold War, which was in part, the result of the

U.S. political agenda to combat communism and spread

democracy, had many lasting impacts on places where rape

was later used as a weapon of War. One important result of

the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall is that there

was a period of time afterwards when boundaries were

constantly shifting and changing. As power shifted hand from

one world power to another, countries were being broken

down, re-divided, and boarders being re-drawn. For example,

this was an issue in Europe, as the former Yugoslavia, which

was created during World War II. The area went through a

series of changes where new countries were created and

dissolved. (Human Rights Watch 1995; Goodhart 2009). The

problem here lies in that, when boarders are re-drawn, the

people remain the same, and were often forced to change

their language, cultural practices, and beliefs to conform

to those of the new dominate power. This can lead to bloody

battles as people strive to maintain their former ways of

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life, and maintain control of their former territories.

Religious goals can have the same effect. This was the case

in Darfur in the Sudan. As mentioned earlier, the conflict

in Darfur is a result of tension between nomadic Arabs, and

black Africans (Totten 2009). This originated when the

Libyan dictator Gaddafi tried to establish what he called

the “Arab belt” in Africa by spreading Islamic law (Totten

2009). The result was governmental control by Arabs that

lead to the disenfranchisement of black Africans (Totten

2009).

This poses a problem, not only in that it provides

another difficulty for these countries to overcome in their

attempts to develop, but also in that their status as an

underdeveloped country means that often they don’t have the

infrastructure necessary to provide adequate medical

treatment for victims (Omarjee 2008). What’s more, is that

often these populations are severely impoverished, and

because of the role of pharmaceutical and other medical

industries in first-world countries, the cost of treatment

is too expensive for victims to afford (Omarjee 2008;

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Griffin).  Here it is important to note the role of

developed countries, and specifically pharmaceutical

companies in these countries, in the problem. While they

have little control of the use of rape as a weapon of war,

they do have the power to lessen the impact of its use.

Research shows that early treatment of HIV, through use of

the anti-retroviral cocktails, can reduce the risk of

transmitting the virus to a sexual partner by as much as 96%

(Cohen 2011). However, the cost of these drugs, as mentioned

previously, is often way too much for the impoverished

people who need them to afford. This is largely in part

because pharmaceutical companies in places like the U.S.

have pushed for trade agreements such as TRIPS (Trade-

Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights), which

restricts poor countries from purchasing the less expensive

generic versions of many drugs, as opposed to the brand

names *.

Is another world possible?

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There are many proposed ways of ending the mass

occurrence of sexual violence against women that take place

worldwide. Some suggest trying to understand why men do it,

and work to find effective methods of deterrence, such as

educating them about the risk of contracting HIV, etc.

(Kelly 2010; Boesten and Fisher 2012). A vital part of this

is to address the culture that encourages sexual violence

against women as assertions of one’s masculinity and

heterosexuality (Askin; Boesten and Fisher 2012; Omarjee).

This requires getting men involved in the discussion about

violence against women, which is something suggested when it

comes to reducing inequality of women in general.

It has also been noted, that an effective way to

prevent this is to empower women through educating them,

help them to participate in government and obtain leadership

positions. (Confronting Rape 2009). Equally important is

educating them and community to help break stigma and create

a sense of knowledge of the issue (Confronting Rape 2009).

Support needs to be provided for victims (including legal

support) and those affected (Confronting Rape 2009; Boesten

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and Fisher 2012). And work needs to be done to provide more

numerous and better equipped medical facilities (Confronting

rape 2009).

Perhaps one of the most important things to address

when seeking to stop the use of sexual violence against

women during conflict, is to end the culture of impunity

that exists worldwide (Rape as a weapon 2008; Violence

against women 2009). Impunity is the ‘freedom from

punishment’ granted to perpetrators of these heinous crimes,

when governments fail to take the proper legal recourse

(Marriam-Webster). This legal action needs to occur at

multiple levels. Obviously, action needs to be taken against

the rapists themselves. Justice needs to be sought for these

women, and while at the very least, public recognition of

what has happened to them is a step in the right direction,

it is not enough. All too often, when trials are held,

because of the massive scale on which these crimes take

place, and the desire to know what happened, perpetrators

are granted amnesty for their crimes in exchange for

divulging information about the crimes committed and how

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they were committed (Omarjee 2008). This sends the message

to other men that they can continue committing these acts,

without fear of punishment. Further, for those who are raped

by local men, it forces the victims to face their assailants

on a regular basis, as the attackers often resume their

usual place in the community , and puts them at risk of

their being attacked by the accused for disclosing the

nature of their crimes (Omarjee 2008).

It is also important to take legal action, not just

against the actual rapists, but when applicable their

commanders, as often times soldiers will systematically rape

women at the order of their superior officers (Confronting

rape 2009; Kelly 2010). Lastly, action needs to be taken a

the government level. Often times human rights abuses occur

within the government that lead to the conflict that fosters

the use of rape as a weapon against the civilian population.

In the case of Darfur, for example, empty threats from the

U.N. led to continued abuses by the government because they

knew there would be no repercussions. (eventually both the

U.N. and the U.S.A. imposed sanctions against the Sudanese

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government, first through the U.S. posting trading sanctions

with them, and then through the U.N. actually charging

government officials with war crimes and putting a lock on

their assess and ability to travel and therefore evade

prosecution).

An attempt also needs to be made to find a way to shift

the burden of proof from the victim to the accused and

address issues with requirements of physical evidence

(Boesten and Fisher 2012 ). This practice, referred to as

the “cautionary rule” is intended to protect defendant from

false accusation and resulting conviction for crimes they

did not commit (Omarjee 2008). However, more often than not,

the rule protects perpetrators of such violence and makes it

impossible for victims to seek justice. This is worsened by

the fact that frequently, the defense is entitled to

disclose a women’s full sexual history during the course of

a trial, in an attempt to discredit the victim and make the

claim that the women is promiscuous, and thus it cannot be

proven that the sex was not consensual (Omarjee 2008) .

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In an indirect way, I answered my original research

question which asked “Does the reporting and documentation

of rape and HIV decrease in places where rape is used as a

weapon of war? The short answer to this, I found was, yes it

does. This was found not through any sort of statistical

data, but through the descriptions of interviews with

victims who discussed their experiences and reasons for not

reporting their assaults.

More importantly though, my paper looked at the issue

of rape as a weapon of war as a whole; it’s causes and

consequences for victims and communities, the role of

history and the international community in the perpetuation

of these crimes, and what can and has been done to address

the situation. It also helped to reinforce prior knowledge

I had concerning the effectiveness of law in preventing such

vast human rights abuses. While it is great that we have

these laws now, and it is at least in theory, possible for

us to prosecute perpetrators of these crimes, I found that

legislation alone is not enough. Rather, “if we truly want

to end this scourge we must move from managing conflict

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symptoms to ending the conflicts themselves” (Confronting

rape 2009, pp 53).

References

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Askin, Kelly Dawn. War Crimes Against Women: Prosecution in International War Crimes Tribunals. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. 1997.

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Bosen, Jelke and Fisher, Melissa. Sexual Violence and Justice in Postconflict Peru. United States Institute of Peace. Washington, D.C. 2012.

Cohen MS, Chen YQ, McCauley M, et al. Prevention of HIV-1 infection with early antiretroviral therapy. N Engl J Med 2011;365:493-505. In Prevention Benefits of HIV Treatment, written by the CDC athttp://www.cdc.gov/hiv/prevention/research/tap/index.html .

Last updated 2013.

Confronting rape and other forms of violence against women in conflict zones spotlight : DRC and Sudan. United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on African Affairs 2009.

Csete, Joanne. The war within the war : sexual violence against women and girls in Eastern Congo . New York : Human Rights Watch, 2002.

Goodhart, Michael E.. Human rights: politics and practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Print.

Griffin, James. On Human Rights. Oxford University Press. NY. 2008.

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Kritz, Brian A.. International legal protection for women and female children: Rwanda- a case stydt. Suffolk Transnational Law Review. 33.1 2010.

Kelly, Jocelyn. Rape in War: Motives of Militia in DRC. United States Institute of Peace. Washington, D.C. 2010.

Marriam-Webster Dictionary

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Omarjee, Nadira. Conflicts, gender-based violence and the ramifications for HIV and AIDS . South African Review ofSociology, 2008, Vol. 39 Issue 1, p51-64, 14p

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Totten, Samuel. Plight and Fate of Women During and Following Genocide. Genocide: A Critical Bibliographic Review Vol 7. Transaction Publishers. NJ. 2009.

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Citations within my paper that have an asterisk (*) arereferencing information used in a previous paper I wrote inmy PSC 311 class on the Role of Intellectual Property Rights

in the Sustainable Development of Lesser DevelopedCountries. The idea expressed was a theme discussed in allthe works below, and couldn’t really be attributed to onespecific author. The page below is the reference page used

for that paper.

Bass, Naomi A. 2002. “Implications of the trips agreement for developing countries:

Pharmaceutical patent laws in Brazil and South Africa.” The George Washington

International Law Review 34 (1): 191-222.

Boldrin, Michele; Levine, David. 2002. “The Case against Intellectual Property.” The American Economic Review 92

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(2) Papers and Proceedings of the One Hundred Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association: 208-212.

Brown, Jeremy.“Cholera Outbreak Compounds Haiti’s Woes”; PBSNew Hour. January 14, 2011. http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/health/jan-june11/haiti_01-14.html

Chang, H.J. “Intellectual Property Rights and Economic Development: Historical Lessons and Emerging Issues.” Journal of Human Development, 2 (2): 287-305.

Gladwin, Thomas N.; Kennelly, James J.; Krause, Tara-Shelomith. 1995. “Shifting Paradigms for Sustainable Development: Implications for Management Theory and Research”. The Academy of Management Review, 20 (4): 874-907

Kristof, Nicholas. “Death By Dividend.” New York Times, November 22, 2003. http://

www.nytimes.com/2003/11/22/opinion/death-by-dividend.html?pagewanted=2&src=pm

McNeil. Donald. “Do the Poor Have a Right To Cheap Medicine?” New York Times, February

Mercurio, Bryan. Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines. Northwestern University School of Law. Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights. Vol. 39, Is 1. 2007.

at http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/jihr/v5/n1/1

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Bernard Pécoul, MD, MPH; Pierre Chirac, PharmD; Patrice Trouiller, PharmD; Jacques Pinel, PharmD Access to Essential Drugs in Poor Countries: A Lost Battle?

Rosenberg, Tina. “Sharing Patents to Wipe Out AIDS” The Opinionator, July 21, 2011 URL:

http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/07/21/sharing-patents-to-wipe-out-aids/?

scp=3&sq=intellectual%20property%20rights%20and%20third%20world%20developme

Shediac-Rizkallah, Mona C.; Bone, Lee R.1998. “Planning for the sustainability of community- based health programs:conceptual frameworks and future directions for research, practice and policy.” HEALTH EDUCATION RESEARCH Theory 13(1): 87-108

Unknown Author. World Trade Organization. 2011. http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/

Whitman, Elizabeth. “Rich nations step up assault on genericAids drugs”; The Guardian

Development Network, Friday 10 June 2011. www.guardian.co.uk

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Citations within my paper that have a double asterisk (**)are referencing information I was given in my Global Ethics(PHI 360) with professor Slutsky. The idea expressed was atheme discussed in all the works below, and couldn’t reallybe attributed to one specific author. The page below is thereference a reference page I created that lists all of thearticle we discussed relevant to this topic, while I was in

that class.

Global Inequality: Patterns and Explanations. Ed. David Held, Ayse Kaya.

Ch 6 Why inequality matters pp 132-147 by Thomas pogge. Polity, 2007.

Humphreys, M. and Sachs, J.D. and Stiglitz, J.E.. Escaping The Resource Curse. Initiative for Policy Dialogue (IPD) at Columbia. Columbia University Press. New York.2007.

Jensen, Nathan and Wantchekon, Leonard. Resource Wealth and Political Regimes in Africa. Comparative Political Studies 2004; 37

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Le Billon, Philippe. The Political Ecology of War: Natural Resources and Armed Conflcit. Politcal Geography 20. Elsevier Science Ltd. 2001.

Pogge, Thomas Winfried (2008). Aligned: Global Justice and Ecology, In Laura Westra; Richard Westra & Klaus Bossellmann (ed.),  Reconciling Human Existence with Ecological Integrity.  Earthscan / James & James.

Pogge, Thomas W.. Human Rights and Global Health: A Research Program. Metaphilosophy Vol. 36. Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Oxford. 2005.

Sher, George. Ancient Wrongs and Modern Rights.: Philosophy and Public Affairs, Vol. 10, No. 1. Blackwell Publishing 1981: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2265166

Wantchekon, Leonard. Why do Resource Dependent CountriesHave Authoritarian Governments?. Yale University. December

12, 1999.Ross, Michael L. Does Ooil Hinder Democracy? World Politics,

Vol. 53, No 3. Johns Hopkins University Press. 2001. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25054153

Wenar, Leif. “Clean Trade in Natural Resources” Ethics & International Affairs vol. 25 (2011): 27-39.

Wenar, Leif. "Property Rights and the Resource Curse" Philosophy & Public Affairs vol. 36 no. 1 (2008): 2-32. Blackwell Publishing Inc.        +           Reprinted in   Global Justice   ed. H. Lawford- Smith, C. Barry (Ashgate, 2012): 457-87.

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Wenar, Leif. We All Own Stolen Goods — and How Defending Property Rights Can Help the World’s Most Oppressed People. May 12, 2008. http://www.cato-unbound.org/2008/05/12/leif-wenar/we-all-own-stolen-goods-how-defending-property-rights-can-help-worlds-most.

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