dynastic origin and regal successions

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Studies in Central & East Asian Religions Volume 4 Journal of The Seminar for Buddhist Studies Copenhagen & Aarhus Autumn 1991

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Studies in Central & East Asian

Religions

Volume 4

Journal of The Seminar for Buddhist Studies

Copenhagen & Aarhus

Autumn 1991

9ilsen enhagen rea)

t E. BusweH niversity 7alifornia 1 Haiyan ;ity of Beijing

Orders should be 0 Aarbus C, Den­for payment when ect to value-added

matters, including llows:

HHS; photoset by ~ of Mathematics, ted with financial

Volume 4

Studies in Central & East Asian

Religions

CONTENTS

ANNA SEIDEL in Memoriam

Articles

Autumn 1991

Fabio RAMBELLI: Re-inscribing Mal).~ala: Semiotic Operations on a

iii

Word and its Object. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Aasulv LANDE: New Religious Movements in Japan in the Meiji and

Taishö Eras . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Maria REIS-HABITO: The Repentance Ritual of the Thousand-armed

Guanyin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 John POWERS: The Term "Sa:rp.dhinirmocana" in the Title of the

Sal!ldhinirmocana-siitra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Per K. 80RENSEN: Dynastie Origins and Regal Successions. · Etiological

Theories and the Pre-historic Line in the Tibetan Yar-lung Dynasty Reflected in Tibetan Sources: New Material and Assessments 63

Forum

A Survey of Institutes and Research Centres of Tibetology in The People's Republic of China-concluded (PKS) . . . . . . 83

Recent Finds in Ningxia Province Pertaining to Buddhism in the State of Xixia, 1038-1227 (Elisabeth Gr~mvald and HHS) . . . . . . 85

New Information on the Date of the Third Patriarch Sengcan's Death (HHS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90

International Symposium on "Religions in Traditional Korea" (HHS) Tantra Occluded: The 1992 Conference ofthe Society for Tantric Studies

(W{) ........ .

SBS Activities in 1992-3 (IAK)

92

93 96

Reviews

Anne S. Goodrich, Peking Paper Gods. A Look at Home Worship (Bent Lerbrek Petersen) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98

Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha. Ed. by Robert E. Buswell, Jr. (HHS) .. 101 Antonino Forte, Mingtang and Buddhist Utopias in the History of the

Astronomical Clock (HHS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Der Goldschatz· der drei Pagoden: Buddhistische Kunst des Nanzhao­

und Dali Königreiches in Yunnan, China. Edited by A. Lutz and Judith Rickenbach; and Albert Lutz, Der Tempel der drei Pagoden von Dali: Zur buddhistischen Kunst des Nanzhao- und Dali Königreiches in Yunnan, China (HHS) . . . . . . . . . . 110

Tonami Mamoru, The Shaolin Monastery Stele on Mount Song. Translated by P. A. Herbert (HHS) . . . . . . . . . . . 116

Introduction of Buddhism to Korea: Neiu Cultural Patterns. Edited by Lewis R. Lancaster and C. S. Yu (HHS) ............ 118

Dam-chos rgya-mtsho Dharmatäla, Rosary of White Lotuses, Being the Clear Account of How the Precious Teaching of Buddha Appeared and Spread in the Great Hor Country. Translated and Annotated by Piotr Klafkowski (PKS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 121

· Janos Szerb, Bu ston's History of Buddhism in Tibet. Critically Edited with a Comprehensive Index (PKS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

John Stevens, Lust for Enlightenment: Buddhism And Sex (Alexander Kabanoff) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124

Brief Notices

Zen (Erich Mistn'k.) 127 Travels to Real and Imaginary Lands. Two Lectures on East Asia by

Giuliano Bertuccioli (Bent Nielsen) . . . . . 128 Ian Reader, Religion in Contemporary Japan (IAK) 129

Erratum to SCEAR 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132

(ii)

the affiictive obst 1 · ruc P ams [the Buddh , ·

~f!ected in Wonch' ak~) h u s , e very profound j'ff! and I ucult to unravel .

::>laining the Profo~n~

lain" or "teach" . I 1s a so phrase, " ... this form a's] thought" (dg I. ongs . m ~xample 5 above) IS sutra that teach d ''d''· l es s e l l us rnam Par

nd sa'!ldhi-nirmocana nental expla.nation"·40 m" O'explication). ' 1ts I have followed the ed on a consideration rel pa, "to explain, to berate, unravel, free" a term that ref!ected

Jf questions about the ue that many of these .vel" conceptual knots obstructions and the

Buddha is questioned ~sponds by offering to l reflects an important ·mocana-sutra we find to reconcile apparent

to define his thought. as chosen in order to Iat it attempts to do n) can reflect the duaJ

•age is found on p. 462.4.

Origins and Regal Successions. ll.L'-'"" .... "' ..... .L Theories and the Pre-historic Line

in the Yar-lung Dynasty Reflected in Tibetan Sources: New Material and Assessments

Per K. S0rensen Rheinische Friedrich- Wilhelms Universität

Bann

Etiological Genealogical Theories

Prior even to Bu-ston's time (1290-1364) a corpus ofancient textswas still in circulation in Tibet or, at least, the genealogical theories embedded in these accounts were generally known. Rather early in the phyi dar period these texts turned out to be some of the most authoritative sources concerning the various indigenous etiological speculations and genealogical theories ('chad Zugs, gleng ba, lo rgyus, rgyal rabs) prevailing then and which presented the origin myth and the historical-mythological background of the Tibetan dynastic progenitor and of the Tibetan dynasty.

These original sources are regrettably no Ionger extant. Many of these myths of origin and accounts-whether Buddhist, pre-Bon, Bon, or (most often) mixed-of either the progenitor's Indian dynastic or native divine background have long attracted the interest of Tibetologists, beginning with G. Tucci. The problems involved in these studies are many and complex, all the more so as we . only possess scattered references and extracts that are often presented in a bewildering disorder in later historical works, and a number of these long lost basic works or theories are usually only known by their names or titles, or from scattered quotations, and then again mostly in a corrupted fashion. Nevertheless, a few of these works may weil turn out to be quite old, even dating from the dynastic period. The odd indication of their authorships alone may indicate, as in the case of the sBa-bzhed, their relative antiquity, although to date no references to them have been traced in the Dunhuang material.

Equally importantly, some (perhaps all) ofthese texts or theories/systems apparently incorporated, in addition to the progenitor myths, lists with the

*The following essay is part ofthe Appendix attached to my annotated translation ofrGyal­rabs gsal-ba'i me-long, forthcoming in Asiatische Forschung (Wiesbaden). This translation was made possible during an Alexander von Humboldt Research Fellowship at the University of Bonn, for which I wish to express my sincere gratitude.

SCEAR 4 (1991): 63-81

'"1!1

64 Per K. S(iJrensen ,

names and successions ofthe pre-historic kings ofthe dynasty. This may de­duced from a briefreference by Nyang-rat,l where he refers to the text/system lHab (or 'Dab, lTab)-ma dGu-[b]rtseg[s]-can (cf. item no. 3 below) and where the texts/systems "Brother Pentad" (can lnga) of the so-called Ti betan "ac­cidentally originated" dynasty (cf. below) are maintained to (count the royal figures) singly andin pairs (rkyang dang khug). This also includes the divi­sion of the pre-historic line into different groups as discussed in the subse­quent part of this essay.

Brief piecemeal references so far, brought to our attention by Karmay and Blondeau, to the names of these works and theories have been traced in the following works: Nyang-ral's CHBYMTNYP: MS. B 588.5-6, 594.5-6 = Berlin MS. (Meisezahl) Tafel 361.1.4-6, 364.2.2-3; the Autobiography of Guru Chos kyi dbang-po, Vol. 1, Chap. 3, pp. 14-20 (Blondeau, 1990a, pp. 39-40); sßa-bzhed (zhabs-btags-ma): 75.9-12 (Stein, 1961); dPa'-bo's lHo-Brag Chos-'byung, Vol. JA, 5a7; Don-dam smra-ba'i seng-ge's bShad­mdzod yid-bzhin nor-bu (cf. Haarh, 1969, pp. 213ff; Macdonald, 1971, p. 20); La-dvags rgyal-rabs (Francke ed.), p. 28. To this we can now add: KCHKKHM-1 656.3-4; KCHKKHM-2 61.6-11; KTHDNG CA 434.7-435.22; andin particular the detailed synopsis provided by mKhas-pa lDe'u in BGCHBY, 226.12-243.17 and lDe'u jo-sras' DCHBY 98.21-99.4ff.

In the light of the new material that has now come to our notice, the preliminary survey presented by Karmay, 1988, pp. 219-22, and Blondeau, 1990a, pp. 37-54, can now be somewhat rectified and expanded. No doubt, when in the future hitherto unheeded Bon materials are properly explored, new data will come to light. Recent research has already shown with com­pelling clarity that many of the older historical narratives were detected, compiled and transmitted in a mixed Bon-Buddhist milieu.

The Ti betan royal myth of origin is conceived, as first noted by Macdonald, 1971, pp. 202-13, as evolving out of a cosmogonical-evolutionary narrative that initially delineates the royalty ofman in general. The Tibetan genealogy is then eventually defined as the "accidental genealogy or royalty" of Tibet (Bod glo bur [gyi] rgyal po, cf. GBCHBY 226.10ff, KTHDNG CA 435.2ff, etc.; on the basis of which three or four types of human royalty were formu­lated: (mi'i rgyal po ), i.e. the "lineage-type ofroyalty" (gdung brgyud kyi rgyal po ), the "electedlchosen type of royalty" (bskos pa'i rgyal po ), the "dharma type of royalty" (chos kyi rgyal po ), and the "accidental[ly originated] type of

1Cf. CHBYMTNYP Tafel 361.2.3: dGu rtseg can na lde brgyad zer. But see also KTHDNG CA 435.2ff:

I glo bur rgyal po can lnga rkyang dang khug I gnam la khri bdun sa la legs drug dang I I Iogs la lde brgyad tshigs la btsan lnga dang I I khrims med rgyal po nyi shu rtsa lnga byon I

Per K. S(!Jrensen

ynasty. This may de­ers to the text/system o. 3 below) and where ;o-called Tibetan "ac­~d to (count the royal Llso includes the divi­:;cussed in the subse-

tttention by Karmay ies have been traced S. B 588.5-6, 594.5-:; the Autobiography ~0 (Blondeau, 1990a ;ein, 1961); dPa'-bo'~ >a'i seng-ge's bShad­ff; Macdonald, 1971, To this we can now [{THDNG CA 434.7-:l by mKhas-pa lDe'u : 98.21-99.4ff. te to our notice, the 9-22, and Blondeau, expanded. No doubt, re properly explored, Ldy shown with com­.ti ves were detected, I" ,wu. noted by Macdonald, olutionary narrative 1.e Tibetan genealogy ' or royalty" of Tibet fHDNG CA 435.2ff, royalty were formu-ung brgyud kyi rgyal 'al po), the "dharma ly originated] type of

·. But see also KTHDNG

Dynastie Origins and Regal Sueeessions 65

royalty" (glo bur gyi rgyal po); cf., e.g., KCHKKHM-2 61.6-12; CHBYMT­NYP 359.2.3-361.1.4; GBCHBY 196.3ff; DCHBY 97.12-98.20;). This con­tingency, or glo-bur, theory appears tobe a narrative element in the tradi­tion, introduced along with the emergence of the figure gNya'-khri btsan-po in the gar.b of a Indian-born prince arriving (accidentally and unaccountably) from the Himalayas, i.e. grosso modo reflecting the [late?] Buddhist gSang­ba chos-lugs system. However, we find in these traditions various legends and quasi-historical systems formulated, and although the testimonies in the texts themselves occasionally are somewhat contradictory, often mingled be­yond extrication, the "accidental type of royalty" soon became the favourite theory dominating the narratives of the origins of the Tibetan dynasty.

It appears that the main bulk oftexts in which these theories and accounts are handed down, and which were usually universally known under the triad, gSang [bs ]Grags Yang-gsang (extensively researched by Haarh, Macdonald, Blondeau, Karmay, etc.), were, around the middle of the XI-XIIth centucy at least, known basically from seven works. Five of these were apparently known as the "Brother Pentad" (spun-po lnga-ean, often laconically just ean­lnga, cf. CHBYMTNYP, GBCHBY, DCHBY, KTHDNG CA, and also Kar­may, 1988, p. 222, where I think that BZH should be read as spun-po [= sPun-po gSer-skas dgu-ba, rGyal-rabs spun-po; separate work(s?)] ean-lnga, and not spun-po-ean lnga as Karmay does, see below), a corpus of texts or titles specified as follows:

1. The Yo-ga ZHa-gyes-ean [= ?Bon-po'i yi-ge [las] lha-dge [= gyes]­ean (CHBYMTNYP), Yo-ga !Ha dgyes-ean (DCHBY) Yo-ga ZHa­dge-ean (BZH)], i.e. the theory [ofhow] the gods [became] divided [according to the Bon] texts, cf. also Karmay, 1988, pp. 221-2. The name of one of the three etiological theories (spyad [= 'ehad] Zugs gsum, or gleng Zugs: i.e. gSang [bs]Grags Yang-gsang, cf., e.g., CHBYMTNYP 361.1.4-5; GBCHBY 226.12-14); cf. below. lDe'u jo-sras, DCHBY maintains that this Yo-ga lHa-gyes-can was com­posed by the sPa-sa bon-po-s [sie! Nyang-ral in his list has sBags­pa, probably = sPun-po]. For an elaboration of this [bs]Grags system (for this term, cf. Blondeau, 1990a) or lo rgyus adducing e.g. the royal house's descent from the srid pa phy[v ]a gods, etc., cf. GBCHBY 227.13-238.13 and below. The latter source here asserts that the evolution developed through three stages: the succession or enumeration of the gods in the upper sphere/in the beginning (stod lha rabs ), how the[ir?] power spread in the inter­mediate sphere/time (bar mnga' [ = mnga' thang?] dar) and how the [gods] below [or in the end] were divided, split or fragmented (tha ma [also: smad] gyes mda'am [also mdo'am] sil ehad).

2. The Zangs-ma gZhugs-ral-ean [= Za bzhugs rgan-rabs-ean (CH­BYMTNYP), = Thang-ma 'Jug-dral-ean (DCHBY)] being the the-

66 Per K. S•rensen1 ory, one among three ways of a minute counting (zhib rtsing [= rtsis] gsum] in the exposition concerning the Tibetan geneal­ogy, here, Nyang-ral adduces, the one counting the genealogy singly ((rkyang pa ), i.e. successively?); mKhas-pa lDe'u, GBCHBY 243.5-17, while briefly rendering it, maintains, followed by lDe'u Jo-sras, that this theory was composed by Yab-'bangs (lDe'u Jo­sras: Yab-tshan-'bangs) and he provides its genealogy (the eigh­teen rulers of the superior (bla na bzhugs pa bco brgyad ): 'Gro-rje­legs-pa, gNam-lha dkar-gsum, sKar-ma Yol-lde, rGya-lha 'Brong­nam, 'O-de gung-rgyal, Yab brdal-drug, bDud-:rje chen-po, lDe [=rJe] gNya'-khri btsan-po, rMu-:rje btsan-po, sTang-sa mgon-bu, Dog-lha smin-bu, Mer-lha smongs-bu, Sa-lha 'khor-mo, sTing-[= sTengs] lha gar-chen, gSang-lha de-ba, bDud-:rje chen-po.

3. The lHab-ma dGu-brtsegs-can [= 'Dab-ma dgu-brtsegs-can (CH­BYMTNYP), = lTab-ma dgu-brtsegs-can CDCHBY); = lTab-ma dgu-tsag-can (BZH)]; lDe'u Jo-sras maintains that it was com­posed by the Zhang-blon-s and Nyang-ral de:fines this theory with the words, khug pa yum sgom smos, which Karmay, perhaps cor­rectly, construes as the "pair" (khug pa, i.e. royal couple) theory enumerating the [successive] kings along with their queens; ac­cordingly the reading given in Guru Chos dbang's list: kyang lugs gnyis should in this light perhaps be corrected to rkyang [pa dang] khug [pa] gnyis?, cf. Blondeau, 1990, op. cit., p. 39. Cf. also note 1, supra.

4. The Zing[s]-po mgo-sngon-can [= Zings-po sna-tshogs-can (CH­BYMTNYP, BZH)]; lDe'u Jo-sras maintains that it was composed by sKye-nam but de:fined by Nyang-ral as the extensive exposi­tion by a certain sPun-po, cf. CHBYMTNYP, and also Karmay, p. 222].

5. The gSang-ba phyag-rgya-can (CHBYMTNYP, BZH), possibly (and confusingly) also called Grags-pa chos-lugs, cf. GBCHBY 238.14-239.2. lDe'u Jo-sras maintains that it was composed by the ruler hirnself (rje nyid kyis brtsams pa) and the reading in Nyang-ral should also be seen in this light: rje nyid gsungs pa phyag rgya can, instead of correcting gsungs pa to the more ob­vious gsang ba which is tempting, cf. above ad text no. 1 and Karmay, op. cit., p. 220. The overall Buddhist, of:ficial tradition of the origin of gNya'-khri btsan-po.

In addition to this, both mKhas-pa lDe'u and lDe'u Jo-sras mention two more important writings, books which may well contain similar material. These probably originated in the eleventh century and thus may be consid­ered supplementary: the Lo-r'gyus chen-po/rno, also called Log-non chen­po, written by dGe-bshes Khu-ston brTson-'grus g.yung-drung (AD 1011-75)

Per K. S~rensen

1g (zhib rtsing :'ibetan geneal-the genealogy

)e'u, GBCHBY llowed by lDe'u angs (lDe'u Jo­tlogy (the eigh­?yad ): 'Gro-rje­}ya-lha 'Brong­e chen-po, lDe ng-sa mgon-bu, )r-mo, sTing-[ = hen-po. ·tsegs-ean (CH­IY); = lTab-ma at it was com­his theory with ty, perhaps cor­. couple) theory teir queens; ac­list: kyang lugs :yang [pa dang] 9. Cf. also note

>hogs-ean (CH­t was composed ctensive exposi­d also Karmay,

BZH), possibly , cf. GBCHBY as composed by the reading in

nyid gsungs pa to- the more ob­text no. 1 and

>fficial tradition

Jo-sras mention two ain similar material. . thus may be consid­alled Log-non chen­~-drung (AD 1011-75)

· Dynastie Origins and Regal Sueeessions 67

of lHa-sdings [and by] a certain rGya-lha-po. This work, regrettably lost, was well known to Tibetan historians (as, e.g., dPa'-bo) until the fifteenth century. Finally, the gSang-ba Yang-chung, "The Extraordinary Small [i.e. Supplementary?] Secret [gSang-ba, i.e. to gSang-ba chos-lugs?]", a text already known, as in the case of the previous text, to dPa'-bo, cf. Panglung, 1988, p. 351. It is a major source for an account of the succession and de­scription of the tombs of the deceased Tibetan kings (gshin bang so btab pa'i rabs; grongs nas bang so btab pa ).

Nyang-ral's Position

Leaving this brief survey, we may also take a brief look at the material offered by Nyang-ral, where we similarly encounter data at greater length. It consists in his presentation of different theories, which he duly refutes until he reaches the last one.

1. The [Mahäbhärata-inspired] theory about gNya'-khri btsan-po's descend­ing from one ofthe Päl).~ava sons, hinted at in Prajfi.ävarman's celebrated passage about Rupati; cf. CHBYMTNYP 165a3-166a2.

2. The theory that gNya'-khri btsan-po's ancestry is tobe linked with the third of the five sons of ~udrabala, who again is one of the two sons, i.e. Varabala and ~udrabala, of Ajätasatru, being again the son of Udä­yana (sie!), the son of King Bimbisära, cf. CHBYMTNYP 166a3~b4: la la na re 'di ni rgya gar yul bdun nas ehad de ma ga ta'i rgyud la ma ga ta'i rgyal po gzugs ean snying po'i bu ma skyes dgra I de'i bu gzhon nu 'ehar byed I de'i bu gnyis dang stobs mehog dang stobs ehung ngo I stobs ehung lasras lnga yod pa'i lnga tshig[s] mtshan dang ldan pa bram ze mtshan mkhan la bstan pas I mkhan pos mtshan 'khrul te 'di mehed la ngan pas spyugs na bzang zer re nas g.yog bdun dang beas te spyugs pa yin zer te de yang ma yin zer te bu phu bo stobs mehog gi rgyal pos nu bo phrogs ste pham pas bu phos lha ma hä de ba bsgrubs te mthu btang bas stobs ehung gi 'khor thams ead shi ste phu bos 'duZ byas te I rgyal sa gtad nas nu bo la yang rgyal srid dgos [= bgos?] te byin I bod du byung zhing 'phel ba ma yin no I

3. The theory that gNya'-khri btsan-po is the third son in the fifth generation from the Kosala king Prasenajit, cf. CHBYMTNYP 166b4-5: la la na re [s]ko[s] sa la'i rgyal po gsas [= gsal] rgyal gyi rgyud las rabs lnga na sras lnga tshigs geig mtshan mkhan 'khrul nas spyugs pa las 'phel zer ba yo I de yang ma yin te de rnams la khungs thub pa'i gtan tshigs med do I For these theories, cf. also GBCHBY 238.3-242.6.

4. The [Bon] theory that he is tobe identified with lHa gar-ma, the fourth (bdun tshigs) among the seven rabs mehed of the Srid pa'i lha (cf. here

68 Pa K. S•rensen ~ the parallel in Haarh, p. 213), CHBYMTNYP 166b6-167a4: la la na re ] 'gro ba mi la rje med I dud 'gro rngog chags la skyen bu med nas lha [ri] gyang mtho'i kha nas phyis mi [= phya'i] rgad po gcig gis lhas spyon lan gsum byas pas lha'i snongs phyug [= bcu] [g]cig byung [ste] de la mi'i lhar mi 'dod byas nas gnam du spurte btang I srid pa'i lha rabs mched bdun gyi bdun tshigs gsungs so I ming yang lha gar ma zhes bya'o I de nas yang lha ri'i kha nas phya'i rgan mos lhas spyon lan gsum byas pas gnam rim bcu gsum gyi kha nas gnya' khri btsan po byon pa yin zer I

5. The Bon theory (sharing elements with Po-ti bse-ru, cf. Haarh, ibid., pp. 253-62) proclaiming gNya'-khri btsan-po to be the son of gZig-dgu[, who is the son of] sTag-dgu, being the son of dBu-nag, who again is the son of sMon-mi dbu[s]-dkar, and further down through Shes-rab sMon­pa btsan, mThing-gi, Yab lha brda[l]-drug, Bar-[pa] bdun-tshigs, etc., and ultimately descends from Yin [= Ye?]-smon; CHBYMTNYP 167a4-167b1: bon po la la na re sems can yin smon byas pa las gnam nas lha'i lha bzang re [ = ste] bar la [ = pa ?] bdun tshig [s] I rje yab lha brda' drug sras rgyal bu mthing gi byung I de'i sras shes rab smon pa btsan I de'i sras smon mi dbus dkar I dbu nag de'i sras stag gu gzig dgu de'i sras gnya' khri btsan po I de'i sras khri rtse 'bum bzher I de sras lha tho re byon zer te de rnams thams cad ma yin no I = Yo-ga lha-gyes-can theory, cf. also the more detailed mKhas-pa lDe'u, GBCHBY 227.14-238.5 and lDe'u Jo-sras, DCHBY 99.17-102.12.

6. Finally, Nyang-ral cites (his favourite) theory (adopted by Bu-ston also) maintaining that gNya'-khri btsan-po should be the off-spring of King Udayana of Vatsa. What follows now in CHBYMTNYP (and Bu-ston's CHBY), here being bound up with the present provenance theory, is a description ofthis miraculous being as being endowed with featuressuch as eyes closing from below and his fingers being connected by a web etc. (cf. for details, Haarh, ibid., pp. 179, 197-212). This description, however, most of the later Tibetan Buddhist historiographerB agree, is part of the legend originating within the gSang-ba chos-lugs tradition. Where the historians disagree is on the question as to which Indian royal figure, as enumerated, e.g., by Bu-ston, should be identified as the alleged Tibetan progenitor. Also the tale winds up here with this Indian-born progenitor's escape to Tibet and his descent upon the lHa-ri gYang-mtho and lHa-ri Rol [or Yol]-po, etc., as delineated for instance in rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-long, Chap. 8; CHBYMTNYP 167b7-169a4: 'o na gang ltar yin zhes na I rgyal po srong btsan rgam bu'i [= sgam po'i] zhal nas I 'di ni rgya gar gyi bha [= bad] sa la rgyal po [']char byed la I sras rgyal po shar pa'o I de la sras gnyis byung ba'i nu bo'i rgyud la btsun mo dam pa la sras shig btsas te phu bo mig bya [r ]mig ltar mas gyi [s] yar 'gebs I dpral ba'i dbyes ehe na [= ba] I g.yu'i smin ma yod pa I sna'i gzengs legs pa I so dung so 'khor ba yod pa lag pa'i sor mongang pa lta bu 'brel ba I

Per K. S(Jrensen

7a4: la la na re ned nas lha [ri ] s lhas spyon lan

[ste] de la mi'i lha rabs mched zhes bya'o I de

~ gsum byas pas rz. pa yin zer I

~f. Haarh, ibid., :on of gZig-dgu[, vho again is the Shes-rab sMon­-tshigs, etc., and 'P 167a4-167bl: s lha'i lha bzang ' drug sras rgyal I de'i sras smon . sras gnya' khri tho re byon zer

z theory, cf. also 238.5 and lDe'u

by Bu-ston also) f-spring of King fJ (and Bu-ston's mce theory, is a ith featuressuch ;ed by a web etc. ription, however, ee, is part of the tion. Where the Cl royal figure, as l alleged Tibetan born progenitor's mtho and lHa-ri Ll-rabs gsal-ba'i nng ltar yin zhes nas I 'di ni rgya ·as rgyal po shar ~n mo dam pa la yar 'gebs I dpral t'i gzengs legs pa lta bu 'brel ba I

Dynastie Origins and Regal Successions 69

gzi brjid yod pa zhig zhig byung ngo des yab rgyal po'i snyan du gsol bas I de ltas ngan zhig 'dug pas gsod cig par gnang ngo I de la blon po rnams kyi [s] mtshon gyis 'debs par ma phod te zangs kha sbyar du beug [nas] de nas shing sgrom byas te nor skal dang bcas pa chu bo gha gha [ = gang gii] bsk [y ]ur btang ngo I de grong khyer yangs pa can. gyi chu kha nas zhing pas rnyed de I de nags khrod du gsos pas de mkhar gyi rgyal po yin pas I ri dvags thams cad kyi [s] rtsed zla byas I gcan gzan thams cad kyi [s] zas [b ]skyal I shing thams cad kyi [s] mgo bsdu [ = dud ?] I bya thams cad kyi [s] skad 'don no I der me tog thams cad kha ba ston [ = kha bstan ?] I de la rgyal bu na re 'khor ngan pa ji ltar yin nga'i pha su yin zer ba dang I khyed pha yis ltas ngan du byas nas [g ]sod zer I blon po rnams kyi [s] ma gsad par eh ur bor ba yin pas de nged rnams kyi [s] rnyed pa'i gtam rgyud bshad pas I yid ma dga' nas gangs kyi phrag tu bros pas I byang phyogs thams cad kyi ri lha ri gyang [ma] mtho'i khar byung I de nas bltas pas kha ba can gyi rgyal khams kyi dbus na yar mo sna bzhi I lha yar l[h]a sham po·mthong nas I bsod nams 'od kyi dmu skas la babs te I lha ri yol ba'i [= po'i] khar byon no I I de nas btsan thang sgo bzhir byon pas I de'i dus su bod 'dir spre'u'i rgyud rnams bdud dang I gnod sbyin la sogs pa mnga' mdzad rim pa bdun gyi tha ma la I rgyal sil bu'am bcu gnyis I rgyal phran mo ngan la sogs pas dbang byas nas I gcig zer la gcig mi nyan te I ma 'chams pas dmangs rnams mnar nas brdungs [= gdungs] pa la I 'gal lha'i sras I smu [= dmu] bon po dang I co la bon po dang I zhang zhung bon po dang I tshe mi bon po dang I zings pa bon po dang I ze ba bon po dang I shes pa mkhan bcu gnyis phyugs skyongs ba'i sar byon pa dang I de dag gi [s] mthar sgam gyis khye'u su yin byas pas I btsan po yin zer I gang nas 'ongs dris pas I 'dzub mo gnam du bsgrengs I de'i rgya gar gyi skad pa ra pi ra ma go nas I 'di ni gnam nas byon pa'i lha I mi rje ngo mtshar can zhig 'dug pas 'di khyim gyi mi rnams la ston no zer te I shing la khri byas mi'i gnya' ba la khur nas grong khyer gyi mi rnams la bstan pas I 'di ni gnam las byon pa'i btsan po ngo mtshar can zhig 'dug pas I 'o cag rnams kyi jo bo bya'o zer te I bon po rnams na re I gnam [r ]gung nas sa dog pa la gnyags pa'i rgyal po sa thams cad la dbang ba yin zer I ming yang gnya' khri btsan po bya bar grags so I

RegalNamesand Successions: The Pre-historic Line

A remarkable consensus has long been maintained concerning the trans­mission of the pre-historic line of the Tibetan Yar-lung Dynasty. This as­sumption can be culled from the extensive concordance delivered by Haarh,2

where it has been amply documented that the entire lineage of the dynasty numbered forty-two kings from its mythical foundation by gNya'-khri btsan-

2Erik Haarh, The Yar-lung Dynasty, pp. 33-98.

70 Per K. Sr,;Jrensen

po until the collapse of the dynasty in AD 842. As reliable contemporary data at our disposal only allow us to reckon Srong-btsan sgam-po as the first documented historical figure, all royal figures prior to him must necessarily be assigned to a pre-historic lineage. Moreover, as the historical line usu­ally counts ten royal heads, this pre-historic stemma is thus considered to number thirty-two kings.

Since the synoptic listing of twenty-two sources by Haarh, which offers a representation of the pre-historic line, it has been a commonly accepted die­turn that the Tibetan [Buddhist] historiographical tradition evinces a fairly clear consensus both in terms of the sub-divisions and grouping of the kings as well as in what concerns the names and number of kings that adhere to each royal group. Since the publication of Haarh's survey, new sources, and in particular sources of considerable antiquity, i.e. all prior to the fourteenth century, have come to light. The present survey offers a schematic represen­tation of a number of new pre-fourteenth century Tibetan historiographical sources published or traced within the last twenty years. As quite a num­ber of Haarh's sources are relatively late, secondary and, moreover, fairly uniform, they only add a little information to the possible existence of any earlier and thus more original representation of the line and groups.

Hereweshall not attempt to reconstruct a proto-version ofthe pre-historic line, nor will any attempt be made to answer the intriguing question as to the origin of this segmentation of the lineage into separate bodies and their nomenclatura. Rather, it adds a bulk of new data, or a corpus comparatio­nis, for further research. What is to be adduced is that, despite occasional discrepancies in terms of the names and number of kings in some of these groups, the overall number of thirty-two kings would seem to be confirmed.

As already noted by Haarh, loc. cit., p. 72, the king lHa Tho-tho-ri gnyan­shal, the first "Buddhist" king in the pre-historic line and variously listedas the twenty-sixth to the twenty-eighth king, constitutes the turning-point be­tween a pre-Buddhist strata of kings divided into more or less well defined groups and a remairring pre-historic Buddhist lineage, usually numbering four kings. The fact that this division into groups comprises almost ex­clusively the pre-Buddhist part of the lineage should arouse our suspicions (which Haarh also noted), namely that the entire construction and repre­sentation are an integral part of a later Buddhist mythographical tradition that attempted to reconstruct the origins of the Tibetan Dynasty. That the material has been substantially reworked by later Buddhist historiographerB cannot surprise us. But we have cogent reason to assume that, as Haarh also hinted, behind this reworking and these schematic representations of the lineage, earlier pre-Buddhist structures may be assumed, though to what extent this postulate holds true still remains to be documented.

*

Per K. Sf]rensen

liable contemporary sgam-po as the first

im must necessarily : historical line usu­s thus considered to

aarh, which offers a 1monly accepted dic­[tion evinces a fairly :rouping of the kings k.ings that adhere to ~y, new sources, and ·ior to the fourteenth schematic represen­.an historiographical rs. As quite a num­nd, moreover, fairly [ble existence of any e and groups. on of the pre-historic guing question as to ·ate bodies and their t eorpus eomparatio­t, despite occasional 1.gs in some of these ~em to be confirmed. Ia Tho-tho-ri gnyan­td variously listed as ;he turning-point be­: or less well defined , usually numbering omprises almost ex­rouse our suspicions struction and repre­lOgraphical tradition 1. Dynasty. That the hist historiographers ume that, as Haarh ic representations of .med, though to what tmented.

Dynastie Origins and Regal Sueeessions 71

The lineage usually consists of the following five defined groups:3

1. The Seven Throne Kings of Spaee (gnam gyi khri bdun) This group, which enumerates~ the kings with the name-element throne de­scending from/originating in space, is uniformly transmitted while almost all sources list seven figures. Do note that the complement btsan-po, or king, should be added to the first two name-elements; thus gNya'-khri is gNya'­khri btsan-po and so forth, mutatis mutandis.

When comparing the lists below agairrst the lists given in Haarh, op.eit., p. 40, we observe that both GBCHBY and DCHBY are closely related to the Buddhist division found in particular in Haarh's division A. The royal figures, Nos. 1-3, show full conformity throughout all sources. The problems and discrepancies emerge with figure 4 and henceforth. Noteworthy also are the apparent metathetical (?) Khri-begs (-pe/pan) and Khri-ye[r] forms, where khri usually forms the second element and not the first. CoulJ we here assume a scribal error. similar to Khri-gum, which clearly is mistaken for Gri-gum, usually considered the first king in the next group? This inclusion, incidentally, characterizes the division called C in Haarh, but see also the next group.

KCHKKHM-1 (665.12-15)

1. (1) gNya'-khri 2. (2) Mu-khri 3. (5) Ding-khri 4. (3) Khri-btsan 5. (4) Dad-khri 6. (7) Khri-begs 7. (6) Srab-khri

KCHKKHM-2 (84.12-15) (1) gNya'-khri (2) sMu-khri (4) Deng-khri (3) lHa-khri (5) Ngos-khri (6) Khri-pe (7) Gung-khri

CHBYMTNYP(B)GBCHBY (Tafel 362.1.1-3) (243.18-244.5)

1. (1) gNya'-khri (1) gNya'-khri 2. (2) Mu-khri (2) Mug-khri 3. l3) Ding-khri (3) Ding-khri 4. (4) So-khri (4) So-khri 5. (5) Khri-ye (5) 'Dar-khri 6. (6) Khri-yer (6) gDags-khri 7. (7) Gri-gum* (7) Sribs-khri

CHBYMTNYP (A) (169a6-b4) (1) gNya'-khri (3) Mu-khri (2) Ding-khri (6) gNya'-khri-po (5) Ye-shes-khri (7) Khri-pan (4+8 sie) Sribs-khri

DCHBY (102.13-17) (1) gNya'-khri (2) Mug-khri (3) Deng-khri (4) So-khri (5) Dog-khri (6) gDags-khri (7) Sribs-khri

3Please note that the numbers in the first column at the very left, set in hold type, refer to the number and corresponding royal names given in the prevailing Iist in Haarh, p. 40, and that the number in parentheses indicates the relative position of the names in the succession in the relevant text; x = deest.

72

BGR (197a1-2)

1. (1) gNya'-khri 2. (3) Mu-khri 3. (2) Deng-khri 4. (6) Khris-ye 5. (7) Khri-gum* 6. (5) gDags-khri 7. (4) Pri-khri

NGTMTPH (2b6-7) (1) gNya'-khri (3) Mu-khri (2) Ding-khri (6) Khri-so (7) Khri-gum* (5) gDags-khri (4) Sribs-khri

Per K SI/Jrensen , •j

i

*In BGR and NGTMTPH, king number seven, Khri-gum, is no doubt Gri-gum btsan­po, who is usually considered the eighth king in the pre-historic line and one of the subsequent sTeng gnyis kings; cf. below and Haarh, op. cit., p. 75. Cf. also abbreviated MBNTH 26a2ff.

2. The Tivo Superior Kings of the Upper Sphere (stad kyi steng gn_yis) This small group numbers two figures, the two Upper or Superiorkings orig­inating in/descending from the Upper sphere. It is interesting to see the sup­plementary nomenclatura prevailing, i.e. the Father and the Son of the Up­per Sphere. Not unsurprisingly, in CHBYMTNYP, BGR and NGTMTPH, similar to Haarh's division C, Gri-gum is discounted from this group, and possibly occasioned by the btsan-po in Gri-gum btsan-po, this figure is in­cluded among the btsan-po kings of the first group. The total absence in CHBYMTNYP of both Gri-gum and sPu-lde/'0-lde, two highly important figures in the mythological tradition, is particularly noteworthy. This makes Nyang-ral's testimony unique in the transmission. Significant also is the fact that a nurober oftexts characterize this group as the two kings ofthe Upper Sphere, other texts designate them the two Upper kings ofthe Intermediate Sphere (bar gyi steng ), cf. Haarh, op. cit., pp. 73-7.

KCHKKHM-1 KCHKKHM-2 CHBYMTNYP (668.2) (88.18-19)

1. Gri -gum/Pha -stengs Gri-gum/Pha-stengs X

2. sPu-lde/Bu-stengs sPu-lde/Bu-stengs X

BGCHBY DCHBY BGR (244.5-248.11) (103.1-18) (197a2)

1. Gri-gum Gri -gum/Yab-stengs X

2. 'U-de gung-rgyal sPu-lde/Sras-stengs sPu-lde

NGTMTPH (2b7)

1. X

2. 'O-ste spu-rgyal

Per K. Sf/Jrensen

: no doubt Gri-gum btsan­storic line and one of the 1. 75. Cf. also abbreviated

kyi steng gnyis) or Superiorkings orig­~resting to see the sup­md the Son of the Up­JGR and NGTMTPH, l from this group, and n-po, this figure is in-

The total absence in two highly important

)teworthy. This makes ~ificant also is the fact two kings ofthe Upper tgs of the Intermediate

CHBYMTNYP

X

X

BGR (197a2)

X

sPu-lde

Dynastie Origins and Regal Successions 73

3. The Six Excellen{ Kings of the Intermediate Sphere (bar gyi legs drug) The group in which the six Excellent Kings of the Intermediate Sphere are listed similarly evinces a fair consensus in terms of its transmission. Some sources again designate this group the six Excellent kings of the Interme­diate Sphere, others the six Excellent kings of the Terrestrial Sphere. See Haarh for a fuller discussion, and also the riext group. Conspicuous too is the second name found in BGR and by Nel-pa Pa~<;lita.

KCHKKHM-1 (668.3-4)

1. (1) I-sho-legs 2. (3) Di-sho-legs 3. (2) Di-sho-legs 4. (4) Gu-ru-legs 5. (5) 'Gro-Ije-legs 6. (6) [g]Shog-legs

CHBYMTNYP (ß) (362.1.5-361.2.1)

1. (1) Sho-legs 2. (2) De"sho-legs 3. (5) I-sho-rno-legs 4. (3) Phu-ru-legs 5. (4) 'Bring-shar-legs 6. (6) I-sho-legs

KCHMMHM-2 (89.3-6) (1) lHa-sho-legs (4) The-sho-legs (5) Tho-sho-legs (2) Go-ru-legs (3) 'Brong-zhi-legs (6) I-sho-legs

GBCHBY (248.11-17) (1) Ni-sho-legs (2) De-sho-legs (5) The-sho-legs (3) Gor-bu-legs (4) 'Bro-bzhi-legs (6) I-sho-legs

BGR NGTMTPH (197a2-3) (3a2-3)

1. (5) I-sho-legs (5) I-sho-legs 2. (3) Sho-legs (2) Tho-legs 3. (1) Ngo-legs (3) Sho-legs 4. (2) 'Og-rgyu-legs (4) mGo-ru-legs 5. (4) 'Bro-zhing-legs (5) 'Bro-sho-legs 6. (6) Ring-gnam zi-legs/ (6) Ri-gnam-zin/

Zi-gnam zi-legs* Zha-gnam zin-legs*

CHBYMTNYP (A) (172a5-b3) (1) A-sho-legs (6) The-sho-legs ( 4) dGe-sho-legs (3) Go-ru-legs (5) 'Brang-Ije-legs (2) I-sho-legs

DCHBY (104.1-4) (1) Sho-legs (2) De-sho-legs (5) The-sho-legs (3) Gor-bu-legs ( 4) 'Bro-bzhi-legs (6) I-sho-legs

*This latter name belongs to the subsequent list according to other sources, but carrying the element legs, it properly belongs to this group. See next group.

4. The Eight lDe I sDe Kings of the Terrestrial Sphere (sa la sde I lde brgyad) This group enumerates the eight lDe/sDe Kings of the Terrestrial Sphere in the authorized Buddhist tradition. It is also confirmed in our new sources, although some of our texts show some remarkable lacuruE in the transmis­sion.

74 Per K. SI/Jrensen

KCHKKHM-1 KCHKKHM-2 CHBYMTNYP (A)

(668.5-6) (89.7-11) (172b4-173a2)

1. X (1) Za-nam-zin-te ( 1) rGyal-nam-zin-te

2. (2) lDe-'od (2+3) lDe-'phrul-po (3) lDe-'sprul

gzhung-btsan-lde gN am-gzhung-btsan gN am-zhung-btsan

3. X (6) bSe-rnol-nam (7) lDe [rgyal]-nam

4. X (5) sDe-rnol-nam (2) gNam-spu'o gZhung-btsan-lde (!)

5. (1) lDe-rnol-nam (7) bSe-rnol-po ( 4) lDe-snol-nam

6. X (4) sDe-rnol-po (6) lDe-gso-nam-nam

7. X (8) sDe-rgyal-po (5) lDe-rgyal-po

8. (3) lDe-srin-btsan X (8) lDe-khri!Srid-btsan

CHBYMTNYP (B) GBCHBY DCHBY

(Tafel361.2.1-3) (248.18-22) (104.5-14)

1. (1) bZa'-nam-zin-te (1) Gyal-zan Nam- (1) Gyal rNam

zin-lde zin-lde

2. (2) lDe-'khrul-po (2) lDe-'Phrul-po (2) lDe-'Khrul-po N am-gzhung-btsan gN am-gzhung-btsan

3. (3) lDe-snol-nam (4) lDe-gnol-nam (4) bSe-rnol-gnam-de

4. X (5) bSe-lde gnol-po (5) bSe-rnol-po-lde

5. X (6) bSe-lde gnol-nam (3) lDe-rnol-nam

6. X (3) lDe-gnol-po X

7. (4) lDe-rGyal-te (7) lDe-rgyal-po (6) lDe-rgyal-po

8. X X (7+8) rGyal-po sprin [dang?] btsan-lde

BGR NGTMTPH (197a3) (3a3-4)

1. (1) lDe-mnam (!) (2) lDe-rmul-bu (!)

zin-lde 2. (2) 'Phrul-po (1) lDe-gnam 'Khrul-po

gzhung-btsan gzhung-btsan

3. (6) lDe-se-snol-lam (5) lDe-bis rnol-gnam

4. (7) lDe-se rnol-po (7) lDe-se-rnol-po

5. (4) lHo-snol-nam (3) lDe-rnol-nam

6. (5) lDe-snol-po (4) lDe-rnol-lo

7. (8) lDe-rgyal-po (8) lDe-rgyal-po

8. (3) rMan-bum (6) lDe-rmu-la-gnam

5. The Three I Five Mighty Kings of the Underworld ('og gi btsan gsum I lnga) The last group of the pre-Buddhist lineage of the pre-historic kings is also very unevenly transmitted. As already shown by Haarh, op. cit., pp. 74-6, the name of the group alone varies markedly. In some texts the group

Per K. SI[Jrensen

IBYMTNYP (A) 12b4-173a2) rGyal-nam-zin-te lDe-'sprul gN am-zhung-btsan lDe [rgyal]-nam gNam-spu'o gZhung-btsan-lde (!) lDe-snol-nam lDe-gso-nam-nam lDe-rgyal-po lDe-khri/Srid-btsan

:!HBY 14.5-14) Gyal rNam zin-lde lDe-'Khrul-po gN am-gzhung-btsan bSe-rnol-gnam-de bSe-rnol-po-lde lDe-rnol-nam

X

lDe-rgyal-po -8) rGyal-po sprin [dang?] btsan-lde

:>g gi btsan gsum I lnga) ·e-historic kings is also laarh, op. cit., pp. 7 4-1 some texts the group

· Dynastie Origins and Regal Successions 75

is called the btsan-kings of the Lower Sphere ('og, smad), in others of the Intermediate Sphere, or of the Sphere of Juncture [?, tshigs]. The nurober of kings belonging to this group also differs pronouncedly, including from three to seven kings. As discussed by Haarh, the crucial figure in this list is King lHa Tho-tho-ri-gnyan-shal, who is included in the btsan-group arid then al~ays under the name lHa Tho-tho ri giian/snyan-btsan.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

[6.]

KCHKKHM-1 (668.6-669.2) (1) rGyal-lde long-btsan

(2) Khri-de'i btsan-gnam

(3) Khri-sgra dpung-btsan

(4) Khri-thog-:rje-thog-btsan

(5) lHa Tho-tho-ri-snyan-shal

X

CHBYMTNYP (ß) (Tafel 361.2.;3-4,)

KCHKKHM-2 CHBYMTNYP (A) (89.12-15) (173a3-176a4) (1) [rGyal-po (1) rGyal-thod re-sPrin-btsan]*/ long~btsan

Thog-re long-btsan (2) Khri-btsan-nam (2) Khri-btsan-nam

(3) Khri-sgra (3) Khri-sgra dpung spuhg-btsan btsan

(4) Thog-:rje- (4) Khri-thog-:rje-thog-btsan thog-btsan

X (5) lHa Tho-tho-ri snyan-shal

X (6) Khri~gnyan gzung-btsan*

DCHBY'

· 1. (1) To-re long btsan

GBCHBY (249.6-25Q.16) . (1+2) rGya1-po

. (104.15-105.12) · (1) rGyal-to-to

re-long-btsan sPrin-btsaiJ.t/ rGyal sto-re-lo-btsan

2. (2) Khn~btsan (3) Khri-btsan-nam (2) Khri-btsan-nam rnam-rnal

3. (3) Khri-btsan (4) Khri-sgra rgyal-dpung-btsan sgrungs-btsan

4. (4) Thog-rje (5) Khri-thog-:rje thog-btsan thog-btsan

5. (5) Tho-tho (6) lHa Tho-tho-ri gnyan-btsan btsan

[6.] (7) Khri-gnyan

BGR (197a3-6)

gzung-btsan*

NGTMTPH (3a4-5)

(3) Khri-sgra bsgrungs-btsan

(4) Khri-thog-:rje thog-btsan

(5) lHa Tho-tho-re­snyan-btsan

1. (1) rGyal-tho los-btsan 2. (2) Khri-btsan-nam

(1) rGyal-po-long btsan (2) Khri-btsan

3. (3) Khri-sgra yungs btsan (3) Khri-sgra spungs-btsan

76 Per K. Sf)rensen

4. (4) Khri-thog-rje-thog-btsan (4) Khri-thog-rje thog-btsan 5. (5) Tho-tho-ri-snyan-btsan (5) lHa mTho-tho-ri snyan-btsan

* This text lists this group as the six bTsan-kings of the intermediate sphere (bar ka btsan drug ). See also next section. t This is in fact the last king of the eight lDe-kings, see above. :j: This text, as the only one, lists seven bTsan-kings (tshigs la btsan bdun ), among them also the son of lHa-tho-tho-ri snyan-shal.

The Group of Buddhist Kings of the Pre-historic Line

This last group of kings carries no name in the Ti betan transmission of the pre-historic kings.

KCHKKHM-1 KCHKKHM-2 CHBYMTNYP (A) (674.6-675.1) (97.1-10) (176a3-176b4)

1. (1) Khri-snyan (1) Khri-gnyan (1) Khri-gnyan bzung-btsan bzung-btsan gzung-btsan*

2. (2) 'Bro-snyan lde-ru (2) X (2) mNyes lde-gu 3. (3) sTag-gu gzigs (3) sTag-gu (3) sTag-ri

gnyan-gzigs gnyan-gzigs 4. (4) gNam-ri (4) gNam-ri (4) gNam-ri

long-btsan srong-btsan srong-btsan

CHBYMTNYP (ß) GBCHBY DCHBY (Tafel 361.2.4-5) (250.15-252.4) (107.1-108.4)

1. (1) X (1) Khri-gnyan (1) Khri-snya[n] gzung-btsan zungs-btsan

2. (2) 'Brong-gnyan lde'u (2) 'Bro-snyan lde-ru (2) 'Bro-gnyen lde'u 3. (3) sTag-gu (3) sTag-gu (3) sTag-gu

gnyan-gzigs nyan-gzigs snyan-gzigs 4. (4) gNam-ri (4) gNam-ri (4) gNam-ri

long-btsan srong-btsan srong-btsan

BGR NGTMTPH (197b6-197a1) (3a5)

1. (1) Khri-gnyen bzung-btsan (1) Khri-gnyan gzung-btsan 2. (2) 'Bro-gnyen lde-ru (2) 'Brong-gnyen srong-btsan 3. (3) sTag-ri gnyen-gzigs (3) sTag-ri gnya'-gzigs 4. (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan (4) gNam-ri srong-btsan

*This king actually belongs to the previous group.

Per K. S{!Jrensen

e thog-btsan ho-ri snyan-btsan

mediate sphere (bar ka

e. la btsan bdun ), among

Line

1 transmission of the

lBYMTNYP (A) 6a3-176b4) Khri-gnyan gzung-btsan* mNyes lde-gu sTag-ri gnyan-gzigs gNam-ri srong-btsan

:HBY '7.1-108.4) Khri -snya[n] zungs-btsan 'Bro-gnyen lde'u sTag-gu snyan-gzigs gNam-ri srong-btsan

:ung-btsan ;;rong-btsan ~zigs

:-btsan

Dynastie Origins and Regal Successions 77

Sigla

BZH: sBa-bzhed, also bSam-yas kyi dkar-chag chen-mo or mNga'-bdag Khri­srong lde'u-btsan gyi zhal-chems bSam-yas Ka-brtsigs chen-mo. 1. pp. 1:-92, ed. Stein, 1961. 2. Modern book ed., pp. 1-82, Mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, 1980. Author: sBa gsal-snang. Date: The core (oldest part) probably from the mid-9th cent., but from the phyi dar period, BZH was repeatedly revised. The annotated (zhabs btags ma) (Stein ed.) at the earliest from c. AD 1300 and later recensions revised during the 13-14th cent. Tr.: cf. paraphrase, Stein, 1961.

CHBYMTNYP: Chos-'byung me-tog snying-po'i sbrang-rtsi'i bcud, rNying­ma'i chos-'byung chen-mo, or mNgaJ-bdag Nyang gi chos-'byung, Dam­chos chos-'byung. 1. ed., Facsimile ofMS, 515 fols (Tafel1-366), ed. R. 0. Meisezahl, 1985. 2. Mod. book ed., pp. 1-544, Gangs-can rigs-mdzod," Vol. 5, ed. Chab­spel Tshe-brtan phun-tshogs, Bod-ljongs mi-dmangs dpe-skrun-khang, 1988. Author: mNga'-bdag Nyang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer (AD 1136-92/1204). Date: ? c. AD 1175-90. Tr.: cf. L. S. Dagyab's survey in Meisezahl, 1985, pp. 21-3.

DCHBY: lDe'u chos-'byung; also Chos-'byung chen-mo bstan pa'i rgyal­mtshan lDe'u Jo-sras kyis mdzad-pa. Ed. pp. 1-163, Bod-ljongs mi-dmangs dpe-skrun-khang, 1987. Author: lDe'u Jo-sras. Date: around AD 1175. Cf. intro. and intro. to GBCHBY, infra. Thematically and textually closely affiliated with GBCHBY and as in the case with the relationship between CHBYMTNYP and MBNTH, both by Nyang-ral, this may add credence to the contention that IDe'u Jo-sras and mKhas-pa lDe'u are one and the same person. If this contention holds true, it must be assumed that lDe'u Jo-sras, or the Noble-son lDe'u is the younger and mKhas-pa lDe'u is the older IDe'u, in which case it must be assumed that DCHBY predates GBCHBY, in contradiction to what is currently .assumed.

GBCHBY: mKhas-pa lDe'us mdzad-pa'i rGya-bod kyi chos-'byung rgyas-pa. 1. Modern ed., pp. 1-412; Gangs-can rigs-mdzod, III, ed. Chab-spel Tshe-brtan phun-tshogs, Bod-yig dpe-rnying dpe-skrun-khang, 1987. Author: dGe-bshes alias mKhas-pa IDe'u.

78 Per K. SI,!Jrensen

The contention that the nebulous figures lDe'u Jo-sras (cf. DCHBY) and mKhas-pa lDe'u refer to one and the same person (as younger and older, resp.) still remains tobe proved. Cf. above. Date: possibly around AD 1141-5, prior to DCHBY, q.v. Chab-spel's intro., I-X.

KCHKKHM: bKa'-chems ka-khoZ-ma: two different versions:

KCHKKHM-1: A: rGyaZ-rabs dang I gser gyi Zha shäkya mu-ne bzhengs na bod-yuZ dbus-su gdan-drangs Zugs dang rigs-gsum mgon-po mdzad­spyod I rgyaZ-po srong-btsan sgam-po rnam-thar bsdus-pa (also de­notedpassim: rGyaZ-po'i bka'-chems ), MS, lbl-81a2, Collection Dy­bykov, Akademija Nauk SSSR, Institut Narodov Azii, St. Petersburg; cf. Vostrikov, 1962, pp. 25-9. B: id., but differently titled: 'Phags-pa sPyan-ras-gzigs dbang-phyug gyi rnam-thar I rigs gsum mgon-po'i mdzad-spyod I jo-bo-rje'i bzhengs Zugs I ma-1Ji padme'i Zung-bstan I mes-mgon gsum gyi dpe'i rgyaZ-po srong-btsan sgam-po'i rnam·spruZ I bod-yuZ dbus kyi yon-tan gtsug-Zag· khang gi bshad-pa I rgyaZ-po bka'-chems kyi shog-riZ mdo-tsam byas-pa I bka' khoZ-ma, MS, fase., reprod. 613.1-803.4, embodied in Ma-'ongs Zung-bstan gsaZ-ba'i sgron-me, Vol. 1, The Stog Manuscript, Leh 1973. 13 chapters.

KCHKKHM-2: Bod kyi rgyaZ-po Srong-btsan sgam-po'i bka'-chems gser gyi 'phreng-ba (or bKa'-chems Ka-khoZ-ma ). 1. book ed., pp. 1-321, copied from two identical MSS kept in Bejing Nationalities Library and the Library of Bla-brang bKra-shis 'khyil; ed. sMon-lam rgya-mtsho, Kan-su'u mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, Lanzhou, 1989. 16 chapters. The above versions are all later revised apographs (dpe phyi mo) of an original (ma phyi) KCHKKHM, now no more extant, if or when version 2 is identified as the original version. Author: Apocryphon (gter ma), putative authorship rGyal-po Srong­btsan sgam-po; gter ston Atisa, alias Dfpa11}karasrijnäna, discovered (spyan drangs) c. AD 1049-50 beneath the ka-ba bum-pa-can pillar of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang or Jo-khang in Lhasa. Such mythographical­revelatory discoveries (spyan drangs) usually stand for a compilation of such texts. KCHKKHM was originally part of ~ mdo-skor, cf. ~' dkar-chag, 6a2, and infra. Date: Parts of the original plausibly already from the dynastic pe­riod, but probably first compiled in the 12th cent. The KCHKKHM­apographs from the 13th-15th centuries.

KTHDNG: bKa'-thang sde-Znga: 5 books: (1) KA: ZHa-'dre bka'i thang-yig; (2) KHA: rGyaZ-po bka'(thang-yig; (3) GA: bTsun-mo bka'i thang-yig; (4) NGA: Lo-pal'f bka'i thang-yig; (5) CA: BZon-po bka'i thang-yig.

Per K. Sijjrensen

1 J o-sras ( cf. DCHBY) )erson (as younger and ·e.

UBY, q.v. Chab-spel's

rersions:

~hiikya mu-ne bzhengs gsum mgon-po mdzad­:ar bsdus-pa (also de­-81a2, Collection Dy­v Azii, St. Petersburg;

·as-g~igs dbang-phyug >d I JO-bo-rje'i bzhengs ~um gyi dpe'i rgyal-po kY_i yon-tan gtsug-lag-

•-rzl mdo-tsam byas-pa embodied in Ma-'ongs Ianuscript, Leh 1973.

/i bka'-chems gser gyi

1 MSS kept in Bejing ·ang bKra-shis 'khyil; crun-khang, Lanzhou

'

ts (dpe phyi mo) of an mt, if or when version

ship rGyal-po Srong­lsrijfiiina, discovered >a bum-pa-can pillar :uch mythographical­md for a compilation of M~ mdo-skor,

·om the dynastic pe­t. The KCHKKHM-

·'dre bka'i thang-yig; ~-mo bka'i thang-yig · bka'i thang-yig. '

· Dynastie Origins and Regal Successions 79

Ed.: 2. Tib. print Mundgod, 1975. 3. book ed., (based upon a sDe-dge print, pp. 1-539, Mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang, Beijing, 1988. Author: Apocryphon (gter ma). Discovered/compiled by 0-rgyan gling­pa (1323-67/74?) and Kun-dga' tshul-khrims. Date: Various dates, cf. most convincingly, but still tentatively, Blon­deau, 1971, pp. 42-48: KA: AD 1347; KHA: prior to AD 1368; GA: AD 1368-93; NGA: AD 1393-95; CA: AD 1368-93. Cf. also Vostrikov, 1962, pp. 39-42; Tucci, 1949, pp. 110-15. Tr.: Vol. KA paraphrased by Blondeau, 1971; Vol. GA, cf. B. Laufer, 1911.

MBNTH: Mi-rje-lhas mdzad byang-chub sems-dpa' chen-po Chos-rgyal Mes­dbon rnam-gsum gyi rnam-par thar-pa rin-po-che'i phreng-ba. 1b1-151a4 (= 1.1-302.4), in Rin-chen gter-mdzod chen-po'i rgyab-chos, Vol. 7, Paro 1980. Author: Myang (or Nyang)-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer (1136-92/1204)? As­cribed, in all probability, to Nyang-ral, but the colophon (151b4 = 301.3) asserts that it was the work [(bya'i dpe-) = compilation?] of a certain bTsun-pa Shakya Rin-chen of 'Bri-khung, whom Szerb, 1990, op. cit., XXVI, n. 56, makes a contemporary of spyang-snga Grags-pa 'byung­gnas (1175-1255). See below. Date: c. AD 1190-1200 (written simultaneously .with or slightly poste­rior to Nyang-ral CHBYMTNYP, q.v.). Judging from the contents, Nyang-ral's Mes-dbon rnam-gsum gyi rnam­thar appears to be nothing but a condensed or abbreviated version of the magnum opus CHBYMTNYP, as large parts of the text and topics both sequentially and textually are completely congruous. This topi­cal concordance corroborates that MBNTH, whether formally compiled or copied from CHBYMTNYP by bTsun-pa Shakya Rin-chen or not, should in alllikelihood be attributed to Nyang-ral.

~: Chos-skyong-ba'i rgyal-po Srong-btsan sgam-po'i bka'-'bum, alias Ma-'!i bka'-'bum: 3 Glegs-bam: stod kyi cha: I. dkar-chag + Bla-ma'i brgyud-pa II. Vol. E (= A-D) mdo-skor: A. Sangs-rgyas stong-rtsa'i zhal-gdams zhes-bya-ba Lo-rgyus chen-mo (36 le'u). B. Ärya-Kara'!cf,avyuha-niima-mahiiyiinasutra. Ba. 'Phags-pa byang-chub sems-dpa' sPyan-ras-gzigs dbang-phyug phyag-stong spyan-stong dang ldan-pa thogs-pa mi-mnga' ba'i thugs­rje chen-po'i sems rgya-cher yongs-su rdzogs-pa zhes-bya-ba'i gzungs. C. Chos-skyong-ba'i rgyal-po Srong-btsan sgam-po'i mdzad-pa rnam­thar gyi skor.

80 Per K. Sf,!Jrensen

Ca. Sangs-rgyas Shakya thub-pa'i bstan-pa la mdzad-pa'i lo-rgyus (16 skabs). Cb. Sangs-rgyas gzhan gyi bstan-pa la mdzad-pa'i lo-rgyus (11 skabs). Ce. rGyal-bu 'Jig-rten dbang-phyug gi skyes-rabs. Cd. rGyal-po'i mdzad-pa nyi-shu rtsa gcig-pa (21le'u). sgrub-skor: D. Thugs-rje chen-po'i sgrub-thabs kyi cho-ga skor. Da. bShad-thabs kyi yan-lag bShad-'grel chen-mo spyi'i khog-dbub sogs (or Thugs-rje chen-po nor-bu'i rgyan gyi bshad-'grel chen-mo). smad kyi cha: III: WA' (= F-G). zhal-gdams-skor: F. Chos-skyong-ba'i rgyal-mo Srong-btsan sgam-po'i bka'-'bum smad kyi cha zhal-gdams kyi skor. G. sGrub-thabs kyi phran (inel. Gab-pa mngon-phyung gi skor ). Ed.: Two-vol. fase. of a Punakha-bloek. Author: Apoeryphon (gter ma ). Putative authorship Srong-btsan sgam­po. Non-Tantrie vita-eycle. ~ represents a eorpus of variously transmitted text-eycles. The sütra-eycle (A+B (minus C) +G) was dis­eovered/eompiled (spyan drangs) by gTer-ston rJe-btsun Shäkya bzang­po; thesadhana-eycle CD+E) by Mahäsiddha dNgos-grub; and the bulky instruction-eycle (zhal-gdams-skor (F)) was reeovered by mNga'-bdag Myang (or Nyang)-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer. Date: Some of its eore material, albeit mythographieal, no doubt dates from the dynastie period, but the detailed and elaborate composition of ~ and the dates of the gTer-ston-s suggest a date for the overall eomposition-cum-eomposition of ~ between AD 1150-1200.

NGTMTPH: sNgon gyi gtam me-tog phreng-ba, alias Ne'u chos-'byung. 1. Ed. Uebaeh, 1987 2. Mod. print ed., pp. 3-54, Gangs-can rig-mdzod IX, Bod-ljongs Bod-yig dpe-rnying dpe-skrun-khang, Lhasa 1990. Author: Ne'u (or Nel-pa) Pal).<;li-ta Grags-pa smon-lam blo-gros. Date: AD 1283, eol. chu-mo-lug. Tr.: Uebaeh, 1987.

Western Sources

Blondeau, A. M., 1971 "Le Lha-'dre bka'-thang", A. Maedonald (ed.), Etudes tibetaines dediees a la memoire de Mareelle Lalou, Paris, pp. 29-126.

---,1985 "mK.hyen-bree'i dbang-po-la biographie de Padmasambhava selon la tradition du bsGrags-pa Bon et ses sourees", Orientalia Iosephi Thcci Memoriae Dictata, SOR, LVI, Vol. I, Roma, pp. 111-58.

Per K. Sfijrensen

zad-pa'i lo-rgyus (16

: lo-rgyus (11 skabs).

le'u).

~pyi'i khog-dbub sogs ?l chen-mo ).

'i bka'-'bum smad kyi

yung gi skor ).

p Srong-btsan sgam-corpus of variously

nus C) +G) was dis­Jtsun Shäkya bzang­-grub; and the bulky ered by mNga'-bdag

ücal, no doubt dates 10rate composition of date for the overall

U) 1150-1200. e'u chos-'byung. ~angs-can rig-mdzod .g, Lhasa 1990. lam blo-gros.

~es tibetaines dedüies

asambhava selon la ntalia Iosephi Tucci l-58.

Dynastie Origins and Regal Successions 81

---,1990 "Identification de la tradition appellee bsGrags-pa bon-lugs", in: T. Skorupski (ed.), Indo-Tibetan Studies, Buddhica Britannica II, Tring, pp. 37-54.

Haarh, Erik, 1969 The Yar-lung Dynasty. A Study with Particular Regard to the Contri­butions by Myths and Legends to the History of Ancient Tibet and the Origin and Nature of its King, Copenhagen.

Karmay, S. G., 1988 "The Etiological Problem of the Yar-luil Dynasty", Uebach and Pan­glung (eds.), Tibetan Studies, pp. 219-222.

Macdonald, A., 1971 "Une Lecture des Pelliot tibetain 1286, 1287, 1038, 1047, et 1290", Macdonald (ed.), Etudes tibetaines dediees a la memoire de Mareelle Lalou, Paris, pp. 190-321.

Meisezahl, R. 0., 1985 Die große Geschichte des tibetischen Buddhismus nach alter Tradition, Monumenta Tibetica Historica, Abt. 1, Band 3, Sankt Augustin.

Panglung, J. L., 1988 "Die metrischen Berichte über die Grabmäler der tibetischen Könige. Ihre Überlieferung und ihr Beitrag zur Identifizierung'', Uebach and Panglung (eds.), Tibetan Studies, München, pp. 321-68.

Sorensen, P. K. The Clear Mirrar of Royal Genealogies, Asiatische Forschungen, Wies­baden (forthcoming).

Stein, R. A., 1961 Une chronique ancienne de bSam-yas sBa-bzhed, Paris.

Szerb,Janos, 1990 Bu ston's History of Buddhism in Tibet, Beiträge zur Kultur- und Geis­tesgeschichte Asiens, Vol. 5, Wien.

Uebach, Helga, 1987 Nel-pa Pa'!c/itas Chronik Me-tog Phreng-ba, Studia Tibetica, Band I, München.

1'

' '

·.

~

Fig. 1: The Hongfo Pagoda (see page 86).

FORUM

A Survey of Institutes and Research Centres of Tibetology in

The People's Republic of China-cant.*

TIBET AUTONOMOUS REGION

LHASA CITY

• Tibet University (Xizang Daxue, Bod-ljongs slob-grva chen-mo), established 1985.

President (yuanzhang): Tshe-dbang 'gyur-med. Tlf. 24786; 24375. Vice-President: lHag-pa phun-tshogs. Staff of researchers and teachers, primo 1991: 73 people.

The Tibet University has six major departments (tshan-khang); the most important include:

The Department of Ti betan Letters (Bod-yig tshan-khang) Director: bSod-nams phun-tshogs. Staff (mi-grangs) of 20 people. Three researchers (zhib-'jug-pa): Prof. Yang Huaquan, Assoc. Prof. Zhong Xiaodi, Assoc. Prof. 'Jigs-med.

In addition to this department, there are departments of Chinese Let­ters (rgya-yig tshan-khang ); Politics (chab-srid tshan-khang ), the head of which, Tshe-brtan bkra-shis, and his three researchers carry out studies on Tibetan political history; a Department of Mathematics and Chemistry; of Culture; and of Medicine, led by Mrs. Zhang Tinhuai, Byams-pa chos-grags, and bSam-gtan, respectively, each with a staff of teachers and researchers.

At the university a number of leading scholars hold seminars. One may mention Prof. Dung-dkar Blo-bzang 'phrin-las, who holds the following po­sitions: Vice-Chairman of the China Tibetology Research Center (Zhong­guo zangxue yanjiu zhongxint Beijing; Honorary President of the Tibetan

*Due to a postal interception by the Chinese authorities in Lhasa, the following portion of "A. Survey of Institutes and Research Centres of Tibetology in the People's Republic of China", originally intended tobe included in the previous issue of SCEAR, was unfortunately prevented from being published. We thus regret that we are only now able to conclude this survey. (PKS)

84 Forum

Academy of Social Seiences (Xizang Shehui Kexueyuan, Bod-ljongs sPyi­tshogs tshan-rig-khang ); and President (huizhang, tshogs-gtso) ofthe Tibetol­ogy Association of the TAR (Xizang zizhiqu zangxuehui, Bod-ljongs rang­skyong-ljongs Bad rig-pa'i tshogs ), 1 Lhasa; Tel. 24696.

• The Tibetan Academy of Social Seiences (Xizang Shehui Kexueyuan, Bod­ljongs sPyi-tshogs tshan-rig-khang) Lhasa, office (las-khungs) Tel. 24908, 24072, 23808.

President (yuanzhang ): lHag-pa phun-tshogs. Vice-Presidents: Ma-gcig; Huang Wenhuan (Tel. 24301, 24547); Pa-sangs

tshe-ring. The Academy in the TAR, now slowly approaching its tenth anniversary,

comprises a number of important research institutes and departments:

1. The Research Institute of the History of the Tibetan Nationalities (Bad kyi mi-rigs lo-rgyus zhib-'jug tshan-pa).

Director: Pa-sangs dbang-'dus. Vice-Director: brTson-'grus rnam-rgyal. Staff of eleven researchers, among whom figure some of Tibet's foremost

scholars: Professors Chab-spel Tshe-brtan phun-tshogs, Tel. 24163; Hor­khang bSod-nams dpal-'bar; and Dung-dkar Blo-bzang 'phrin-las, Tel. 24696.

2. The Research Institute of Language and Literature (sKad-yig rtsom-rig zhib-'jug tshan-pa ).

Director: bSam-gling 'Jigs-med; bsKal-bzang ye-shes. Staff of seven researchers, including (as above): Profs. Chab-spel, Hor­

khang, etc.

3. The Research Institute of Buddhist Religion (Chos-lugs zhib-'jug tshan-pa ). Directors: He Zhorigyi and Tshe-dbang lhun-'grub. Staff of six persons, including Prof. 'Brog-mi Byams-pa blo-gros, mKhyen­

rab 'od-zer, etc.

In addition to these research institutes, we find a number of departments, such as the important Department of Documentation, whose heads, Ngag­dbang tshe-ring and Tshe-dbang rig-'dzin, and staff of twenty-two persons are engaged in collecting material.

Another central office is the Department for the Publication of the Journal of Ti betan Studies (Bod-ljongs zhib-'jug rtsom-sgrig tshan-pa ). Three Edi­tors: 'Phrin-las stobs-rgyal (Editor-in-chief (gtso-bo )); Ji Yuanyuan (Deputy Editor (gzhon-pa )); and Kun-dga'. Staff of 16 people. Tibetan Studies (Xizang Yanjiu, Bod-ljongs zhib-'jug): the (Tib./Chin.) edition is published quarterly, the English edition, semi-annually.

1This association, established in 1986, now numbers thirty scholars, but also includes mem­bers from other regions. For the names of the members, cf. Bod-rig·pa "i ched·rtsom gces-bsdus, 1987, pp. 527-30.

Forum

~n, Bod-ljongs sPyi­~-gtso) ofthe Tibetol­ti, Bod-ljongs rang-

~ui Kexueyuan, Bod­~hungs) Tel. 24908,

ll, 2454 7); Pa-sangs

~ tenth anniversary, td departments:

ationalities (Bod kyi

~ of Tibet's foremost ;s, Tel. 24163; Hor­•hrin-las, Tel. 24696.

(sKad-yig rtsom-rig

)fs. Chab-spel, Hor-

: zhib-'jug tshan-pa).

a blo-gros, mKhyen-

1her of departments, whose heads, Ngag­twenty-two persons

:ation of the Journal ~an-pa). Three Edi­i Yuanyuan (Deputy ~tan Studies (Xizang published quarterly,

>, but also includes mem­z"i ched-rtsom gces-bsdus,

Forum 85

Recently (1990), a new publishing house of great importance was estab­lished, attached to the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences: The Publication House for the Printing of Old Books in Tibetan (Bod-yig dpe-rnying dpe­skrun-khang). Editor-in-chief: Mi-'gyur rdo-rje (Tel. 23942); Deputy Editor: Tshe-dbang dpal-'byor; staff of six persons.

In the Lhasa area a number of important academic and semi-academic journals and magazines are published, namely: Bod-ljongs zhib-'jug, Bod­ljongs sgyu-rtsal zhib-'jug, Bod kyi rtsom-rig sgyu-rtsal, Gangs-ljongs rig­gnas, Bod-ljongs nang-bstan, Bod-ljongs slob-gso, sPan-rgyan me-tog, etc.

• The Tibetan College of Medicine (sMan-rtsis-khang) Staff includes Prof. Byams-pa 'phrin-las (Tibetan medicine, astrology, and divination, Tibet's leading expert in this field); and Prof. mKhan-po Tshe-rnam.

The Administrative Commission for the Cultural Relics of Tibet (Xizang Wenwu Guanli weiyuanhui)

The Office for The Collection of Cultural and Historical Data (Wenshi ziliao zhengjishi ).

Recent Finds in Ningxia Province Pertaining to Buddhism in the State of Xixia, 1038-1227

Introduction

(PKS)

In recent years academic interest in Xixia culture has increasingly capiti­vated the minds of sinologists and scholars working with the cultures and religions of Central Asia. This interest has been further stimulated by the finds of several hoards of cultural relics which have come to light in the PRC.1 Although the interest in Tangut culture covers most aspects includ­ing its law codex, architecture, history and language, the overall importance of Buddhism has been generally acknowledged.2 Most of the material relat­ing to Buddhism and the material culture has been found in pagodas and stüpas in connection with preservation carried out by the Chinese author­ities. In 1987 the Hongfo Stupa in Helan County first came to the notice of the local authorities, but only in the late summer of 1990 were extensive repairs and investigation done. 3

1 For a recent survey of these finds, see Bai Bin, ''Xixia wenwu kaogu de xin faxian jiqi yanjiu" [New Finds of Ancient Cultural Remains from the Xixia and Their Study], Beifang wenwu 4 (1991), pp. 48-56.

2For a highly useful study, see Shi Jinbo, Xixia fojiao shilüe [A Brief History of Xixia Bud­dhism], Yingchuan: Ningxia renmin chuban she, 1988.

3Cf. Ningxia huiyu zitaiqu wenwu guanli weiyuan hui chuanggong shi Helan xian wenhua ju, "Ningxia Helan xian Hongfo ta qingli jianbao" [Report on the Excavations of the Hongfo Stupa in Helan County], Wenwu (hereafter WW) 8 (1991), pp. 1-13.

86 Forum

The investigation of the twin pagodas in Jinshan, also in Helan County, began in 1986 and extensive repairs were carried out between April and October of the same year. In the course of the restorations, numerous relics were found. 4 The One Hundred and Eight Stupas in Qingtong County were restored in 1986-7, and here too a number of relics, mainly clay images, were found. 5

1. The Hongfo Stupa in Helan County

The Hongfo Stupa, also known as the Wangdeng Stupa, is located some twenty kilometres from the provincial capital Yinchuan, near the village of Hongxing in Helan County, Ningxia Province. Its three lower levels are octagonal, and it is otherwise built in a non-Chinese style reminiscent of Nepali and Western Tibetan dagobas. It is built entirely of bricks and was originally coated with a layer of whitish plaster. It measures almost thirty metres, although the top spire with the discs has long since fallen down due to carthquakes (see Fig. 1, p. 82).

The stupa has yielded numerous cultural relics, including fourteen Bud­dhist paintings (thmi-ka) ofwhich ten are in very good condition and the rest in various states of damage. They show various Tantric and esoteric images, including a Cakrasa1p.vara yab-yum, the Thousand Buddhas, Tejaprabha, the Lord of the Constellations, Vairocana Buddha, and the Thousand-armed, Thousand-Eyed Avalokitesvara. Among the damaged paintings there is one which features an image of what appears tobe the Daoist god of the North, Zhenwu. Around two thousand wood blocks for printing, with roughly half of them in Tangut characters and the rest in Chinese, were also retrieved from the stupa. Several of the blocks have been severely damaged, but the vast majority are in fair condition.

A number of fragments of terracotta Buddhist images have also been found. They include six full heads and two face masks of Buddhas, eighteen smaller heads of the arhats, two face masks of dvarapälas (dali jingang ), ten torsos of arhats, and numerous fragments of limbs, etc. Several of the images have Xixia scriptures inside them in the form of the usual so-called "empowered innards" (fuzang ). A number of small wooden images were also recovered. They consist of a dancing female devatä, and a standing bodhi­sattva. In addition there are lesser items and fragments, including a small wooden stupa, fragments of printed texts in Xixia, wooden tablets with writ­ing on them, end tiles, and a bronze head of a dragon.

4Cf. Ningxia huiyu zitaiqu wenwu guanli weiyuan hui chuanggong shi Helan xian wenhua ju, "Ningxia Helan xian Baisi kou shuang ta kanze weixiu jianbao" [Report on the lnvestigation and Repair ofthe Twin Pagodas ofBaisi kou in Helan County ofNingxia], WW 8 (1991), pp. 14-26.

5Cf. Ningxia huiyu zitaiqu wenwu guanli weiyuan hui chuanggong shi Helan xian wenhua ju, "Ningxia Qingtong xia shi yibai lingba ta qingli weixiu jianbao" [Report on the Excavation and Repair of the One Hundred and Eight Stupas at Qingtong Hili in Ningxia], WW 8 ( 1991), pp. 27-35.