The Count of Saint-Gilles and the Saints of the Apocalypse:Occitanian Culture and Piety in the Time of the First Crusade

When Raymond of Saint-Gilles died in the castle of Mons

Peregrinorum, in what is today Lebanon, he left behind a realm

that had grown from a fortress, a single town and a half share of

a monastery to fourteen counties, covering much of southern

France and across the Mediterranean to a significant holding on

the Syrian and Lebanese coast. Throughout this journey, the

unique identity of his home region, Occitania, shaped not only

his personal development and the development of his realm, but

the response of a large contingent of the First Crusade, itself a

major turning point in European history. Taking a cultural-

religious perspective on the history of eleventh-century southern

France, I will identify the unique contributions of the

Occitanians to the Crusade and in particular to the foundation of

the Crusader County of Tripoli, showing clearly that regional

history and crusade history need to be thought through and

written as one. Focusing largely on the figure of Raymond of

Saint-Gilles and his core territories, this study will enhance

our understanding of the plurality of Latin Christian cultures in

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the Middle Ages, and examine how the unique nature of the regions

of medieval Occitania shaped the cultural, religious, and

political experience of their inhabitants and their participants

in the early crusades. The Occitanian crusading experience drew

on the legacy of the Peace of God and the regional apocalyptic

anxieties of an era of great flux and change. This dissertation

will use the life of Raymond of Saint-Gilles and his crusading

experience to explore the importance of regional differences in

understanding the religious and cultural experience of the Middle

Ages and the First Crusade.

Raymond of Saint-Gilles is a critical figure for not only

the First Crusade, but for the history of Occitania. He began

his life with almost no territory, given a small piece of his

mother’s dower lands, but by the time he left on the First

Crusade around the age of fifty-five he was in all but title a

prince: Raymond IV of Saint-Gilles, count of Toulouse, duke of

Narbonne, and marquis of Provence (hereafter Raymond of Saint-

Gilles). The wealthiest and most powerful noble in Occitania and

founder of the crusader county of Tripoli, Raymond was the

subject of a biography by John Hugh Hill and Laurita L. Hill in

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1959 and is a central character in every chronicle of the

Crusade.1 The Hills’ interests were largely political or

biographical, and focused on the First Crusade, with only a

single chapter on the first fifty-some years of his life in

Occitania, and six chapters on his time in the Levant. Part of

this is a problem of source material, but it is a symptom of a

larger problem in Crusade studies, a focus on the First Crusade

from its own perspective, rather than as part of the greater

context of the eleventh-century.2

The Hills’ focus on the First Crusade is a result of their

own interests as Crusade historians, and their work with the two

best-known Occitanian chronicles of the First Crusade, Peter

Tudebode and Raymond d’Aguilers.3 Raymond d’Aguilers, chaplain

1 John Hugh Hill and Laurita Lyttleton Hill, Raymond IV de Saint-Gilles, 1041 (ou 1042)-1105, (Toulouse: Édouard Privat, 1959); English translation, Raymond IV Count of Toulouse (Syracuse: Syracuse UP, 1962). 2 For example, the use of charters in Crusade studies usually looks only at charters by Crusaders themselves and what they can tell us about the First Crusade itself, rather than looking at them as part of the greater context of charters from that time period or region.3 They would later publish both critical editions and translations of bothworks: Petrus Tudebode, Petrus Tudebodus, Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere, tr. John H. Hill and Laurita L. Hill, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society 101 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1974) and Petrus Tudebode, Petrus Tudebodus, Historia de Hierosolymitano Itinere, ed. J.H. Hill and L.L. Hill (Paris:Geuthner, 1977); Raymond d’Aguilers, Le ‘Liber’ de Raymond d’Aguilers, ed. J.H. Hill and L.L. Hill (Paris: Geuthner, 1969) and Raymond d’Aguilers, Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Iherusalem, tr. J.H. Hill and L.L. Hill (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968).

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of Raymond IV, likely canon at the church of St. Michel

d’Aiguilhe in Le Puy-en-Velay and author of an eyewitness account

of the First Crusade, has almost exclusively been studied within

the context of the crusade as a whole, rather than in a regional

context. This has made him, and to some extent his lord the

count, a peripheral character, as the concerns of his chronicle

do not fit with those of most of his contemporaries. It is this

perceived gap between his concerns and those of the other

crusaders that makes him so interesting, a result of his

particular Occitanian milieu. The portrayal of Raymond of Saint-

Gilles in Raymond d’Aguilers chronicle is biased portrayal, and

the cultural differences between the Auvergne and Provence help

explain some of the complexities of the portrayal. I propose, in

the first part of my dissertation, to situate both Raymonds in

their own place, time and culture, using the study of eleventh-

century Occitania to highlight the regional identity and trans-

Mediterranean experiences of these two men.

In order to construct a true biography for Raymond of Saint-

Gilles, the majority of his life in Europe has to be explored and

explained. Unfortunately, there is a genuine paucity of

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documents related to his early life. In literary sources, with

very few exceptions he is only mentioned in the context of the

First Crusade or in later sources giving him a brief biography

before moving to the First Crusade. 4 The only other

contemporary sources are a handful of charters scattered across

the archives of southern France and in the Bibliothèque

Nationale, and these, unlike sources for later Counts of

Toulouse, have yet to be collected into a single edition.5

Despite the seeming paucity of written sources, enough remains to

localize Raymond of Saint-Gilles’ power, areas of influence, and

socioreligious circles. By placing him firmly within the

religious, cultural, and political context of the regions he

inhabited and ruled, a portrait of the worldviews that influenced

him can be constructed. By combining careful regional studies

with a biographical approach, a clearer and truer portrait of 4 One of the few exceptions is Geoffrey Malaterra, who describes the marriage of Raymond of Saint-Gilles to Matilda of Sicily, daughter of Count Roger I in 1080. Geoffrey Malaterra, The Deeds of Count Roger of Calabria and Sicily and of his brother Duke Robert Guiscard, tr. Kenneth Baxter Wolf (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2005) 5 A number of those charters are listed in the preliminary bibliography. There is a significant body of secondary literature dealing with individual charters, but much of that is either Crusade-oriented or based on the charterspreviously collected in the Histoire Générale de Languedoc. For later counts, there are editions such as Laurent Macé, Catalogues raimondins (1112-1229). Actes des comtes de Toulouse, ducs de Narbonne et marquis de Provence (Toulouse : Archives municipales de Toulouse, 2008), which begins just after the period of my dissertation.

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this important eleventh-century noble can be painted than one

that focuses solely on the First Crusade.

Occitania has benefited previously from many regional

studies.6 Most comprehensive and popular texts, however, have

focused on later periods and the sensational subjects of

troubadour culture and the Catharism: a story of heresy or

secular love, of a beautiful society crushed under the heel of

French monarchs.7 Certainly the mythos of the anti-

ecclesiastical, worldly Occitanians appeals to modern secular

society, but it ignores the fundamental character of the region.

Southern France was populated heavily with a wide assortment of

pilgrimage shrines, cathedrals, monasteries, churches, and

passionate crusaders to the Holy Land.8 It was also a region of 6 See, for example, Frederic Cheyette, Ermengard of Narbonne and the World of the Troubadours (Ithaca and London: Cornell UP, 2001); Claire Taylor, Heresy, crusade and inquisition in medieval Quercy (York: York Medieval Press, 2011); Elizabeth Magnou-Nortier, La Société laïque et l’Église dans la province ecclésiastique de Narbonne (zone cispyrénéenne) de la fin du VIIIe à la fin du XIe siècle (Toulouse: Publications de l’Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, 1974) ; Eliana Magnani, Monastères et aristocratie en Provence - milieu Xe- début XIIe siècle (Münster-in-Weisbaden : Lit-Verlag, 1999).7 Most English-language texts concerning southern France are either literary and musicological studies of the troubadours (such as the journal of the Société Guilhem IX, Tenso, or works of such scholars as Simon Gaunt, William Paden, and Sarah Kay) or studies of heresy and the inquisition (especially the Albigensian crusade, such as by Jonathan Sumption, Joseph Strayer, Elaine Graham-Leigh, Mark Pegg, or Laurence Marvin)8 The eleventh century was a period of incredible church-building in southern France, as described by Rodolphus Glaber, but the twelfth century equally so, especially in terms of Templar and Hospitaller priories and the

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intensely personal and passionate religious movements, of which

the Peace of God and apocalyptic anxieties starting at the first

millennium became particulary important. The first council of

the Peace of God was held in the late tenth century in the

Auvergne, before spreading into Aquitaine and Languedoc, and in

the early eleventh century morphed into the Truce of God in

Roussillon, before the two merged in the mid-eleventh century, in

Languedoc.9 The apocalyptic anxieties of the millennium, though

heavily debated, are usually supported with evidence from

Occitania, especially the chronicles of Ademar of Chabannes and

Rodulfus G

laber. There exist small but potent examples of apocalyptic

thought in song, charter and artistic evidence in the eleventh-

century throughout Occitania.10

growth of Cistercian foundations.9 The location of the first Peace council in Christian Lauranson-Rosaz, “Peace from the Mountains : The Auvergnat Origins of the Peace of God”, in ThePeace of God. Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, edited by Thomas Head and Richard Landes, (Ithaca and New York: Cornell University Press, 1992), 104-134; the first Truce of God was proclaimed in 1027 in Toulouges in Roussillon, and the two merged together in 1054 at the Peace council of Narbonne. 10 Ademar of Chabannes and Rodolphus Glaber are the two chroniclers, from Aquitaine and Burgundy; for charters, see, for example, Clermont, AD Puy-de-Dome, 3 G, arm. 18, s.A., c. 12 and c. 21, and for music, Montpellier, Bibl. De Montpellier MSS 6, a tenth-century song of the Apocalypse. In art, there are also the scenes of the Last Judgment St. Michael d’Aiguilhe from the 10th century, before the wave of tympanums of the Last Judgment that permeate

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My dissertation will show that the Peace of God and

apocalyptic anxieties were at the core of southeastern French

crusading piety, one of the unique aspects of the mentality of

the Occitanian crusaders—not only among the poor, but also for

Raymond of Saint-Gilles. The “Holy Trinity” of eleventh-century

causes for the First Crusade are typically the Reform movement,

the early Reconquista and the increasing practice of penitential

pilgrimage in the eleventh century, all three of which were

important in southeastern France. To this list can be added

apocalyptic anxieties and socioeconomic problems, each finding

its advocates for having played a dominant, or at least

important, role in the widespread appeal of the First Crusade.11

The crusade may have been a turning point in European history,

one which affected the shape of all future historiography; but

rather than marking a complete break with the past, it grew out

of earlier trends.

Romanesque churches. For detailed photos, see Fabienne and Philippe Bousseaud,Saint-Michel d’Aiguilhe (La Tronche: Editions Jardin des Arts, 2008); for a detailedstudy of the church, see the volume of collected essays Saint-Michel d’Aiguilhe: Commémoration du Millénaire de l’Érection de la Chapelle de Saint-Michel d’Aiguilhe (Le Puy: Éditions de la Société Académique du Puy ety de La Haute-Loire, 1962).11 For the “Holy Trinity” and apocalyptic anxieties, see the discussion of crusader historiography below. For socioeconomic problems see Georges Duby, La société aux XIe et XIIe sièclesdans la région mâconnaise (Paris: A. Colin, 1953).

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In south-eastern France, two major crusading leaders stepped

forward with the single largest and wealthiest contingent to go

on the First Crusade, usually described as “Provençal” by primary

chroniclers. It leaders, Raymond of Saint-Gilles and Adhemar of

Le Puy, bishop and papal legate, from Auvergne were Urban II’s

first recruits to the expedition. Their respective contingents,

grouped together into a single army, were extremely different in

character, not only geographically but spiritually and

culturally, from the other groups on the First Crusade. The

regional variations of Christian practice and spirituality found

in southern France created a markedly different approach to

crusading from the Franco-German contingents. The crusade

chronicle of Raymond d’Aguiliers has long been acknowledged for

having a view of the crusading mentality different from other

contemporary chronicles, with its emphasis on the poor, visions

and apocalyptic thought.12 The influence of cultural practices

peculiar to the region, however, has not been sufficiently

recognized.13

12 See Jean Flori, Chroniqueurs et propagandistes. Introduction critique aux sources de la Première croisade (Geneva : Droz, 2010), chapters 9 and 10.13 The discussions, for the most part, focus on the Holy Lance controversy;John France, “Two Types of Vision on the First Crusade: Stephen of Valence andPeter Bartholomew,” Crusades 5 (2006): 1-20, is a good example of the typical

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Carl Erdmann’s work serves as the starting point of many of

the modern debates on the subject.14 His book, along with Hans

Mayer’s, laid the groundwork for modern Crusade historians to

explain the popularity of the First Crusade and its eleventh-

century roots.15 According to his thesis, the crusades were the

culmination of an ongoing series of institutional and religious

changes in Europe in the tenth and eleventh century, including

the Peace of God. In the Peace of God, Erdmann saw the

leadership of the church being asserted over the warrior class,

where the peace councils, led by saints and ecclesiastical

figures, made “direct leadership by the church” over the use of

war an essential trait.16 When combined with hagiographies, such

as Odo of Cluny’s life of St. Gerald of Aurillac, which sought to

create a saintly ideal for warriors, the Peace of God and

clerical control of war served as the basis of the chivalric

ethos.17 Erdmann identified the Gregorian Reform, the Reconquista,

approach—he examines the visions contained within as contrasts between two types of piety, but ignores the apocalyptic elements and does not address the regional identity that went into the writing of the text.14 Carl Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade, tr. Marshall W. Baldwin and Walter Goffart, foreword and additional notes Marshall W. Baldwin (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1977).15 Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1972)16 Erdmann, 76.17 Erdmann, 94.

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and, to a lesser extent, this chivalric ethos, the sources of the

First Crusade, with pilgrimage to the Holy Land as a theme used

by the Papacy to garner support for holy war.

Currently, the dominant school of crusader studies is

largely derived from and influenced by Jonathan Riley-Smith and

his extensive network of former students. His work sets out the

idea of crusades being derived from the development of

penitential pilgrimages in the eleventh century.18 To Riley-

Smith, the pilgrimage to Jerusalem was the primary motivation,

and it was the connections between families and monastic

institutions, combined with the growing penitential conceptions,

that made the First Crusade so successful. The most significant

recent work from the Riley-Smith school of thought on the origins

of the crusade comes from Marcus Bull, who uses cartulary

evidence as his primary source.19 Bull’s work has become a

18 See especially Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London and New York: Continuum, 1993) and The First Crusaders, 1095-1131 (Cambridge:Cambridge UP, 1997).19 Giles Constable, “Medieval Charters as a Source for the History of the Crusades,” inCrusade and Settlement.  Papers Read at the First Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East and Presented to R. C. Smail, ed. Peter W. Edbury (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press, 1985) 73-89 started the entire trend of charter-dominated crusader studies; Marcus Bull, Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the First Crusade: The Limousin and Gascony, c. 970-c. 1130 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1993).

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template for looking at crusader motivations at large, but what

he wrote was a very careful regional study, couching his

conclusions in the particular institutions of south-western

France. This makes it a study of the marginal regions of Raymond

of Saint-Gilles’ territory and army, rather than dealing with the

core of his and his army’s beliefs. For Bull, the Peace of God

and the Reconquista have no place in the development of the First

Crusade, and the first two chapters of his book refute the

importance of each concept in turn. Instead, he champions the

role of pilgrimage and penance, rooted in the contact between the

laity and the “professed religious” “in the commonplace and

unexceptional”.20 The First Crusade is not “a necessary

consequence of the nature of Latin Christian society at the end

of the eleventh century,” but Pope Urban II’s appeal succeeds as

spectacularly as it does because it responds to the common

religious and cultural concerns of the period and locality.21

The notion of the afterlife that was foremost in the minds of the

crusaders. Penance and embryonic notions of Purgatory “have a

direct bearing upon the response to the First Crusade appeal”,

20 Bull, 20.21 Ibid.

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and as a result pilgrimage of the “traditional trinity of

crusade origins” is still relevant and important in the

discussion.22

Apocalyptic anxiety remains a widely neglected yet important

root of early Crusading piety and popularity. The earliest modern

work on the topic was Alphonse Dupront’s research, drawn from

Paul Alphandéry’s course at the École des Hautes Études in the

1930s, La Chrétienté et l’Idée de Croisade.23 Alphandéry was a historian

of “mentalités”, writing a psychohistory of the First Crusade

that looked at popular religious movements, of which

apocalypticism was a substantial part. The work, however, did

not substantially shift the direction of crusade studies.

Recently, however, the argument has been taken up by two

historians, Jean Flori and Jay Rubenstein, who approach it from

very different angles. Flori’s work began with the

rehabilitation of the reputation of Peter the Hermit, and the

apocalypticism that came out of the German contingents for the

22 Bull, 19; it was Jonathan Riley-Smith who took this particular model andapplied it broadly to the entire crusading movement.23 Paul Alphandéry and Alphonse Dupront, La Chrétienté et l’Idée de Croisade (Paris :Éditions Albin Michel, 1954-9159), 2 vols.

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First Crusade.24 In his later work, this expanded to a much

broader look at the apocalyptic discourse of the time, even to

the point of suggesting the Urban II discussed eschatology at

Clermont.25 Rubenstein’s book, Armies of Heaven, and his article

“Godfrey of Bouillon versus Raymond of Saint-Gilles: How

Carolingian Kingship Trumped Millenarianism at the End of the

First Crusade”, takes a much more comprehensive look at the

apocalypticism of the First Crusade, not only in the so-called

“People’s Crusade” but also in the influence of both the Last

World Emperor story and the millenarian apocalypticism of the

Provençal contingent.26 The importance of Raymond d’Aguilers’

account for the millenarian march from Antioch to Jerusalem puts

24 Jean Flori, Pierre l’Ermite et la première croisade (Paris : Éditions Fayard, 1999). The negative image of Peter comes largely out of Heinrich Hagenmeyer, Le vrai et le faux sur Pierre l'Hermite : Analyse critique des témoignages historiques relatifs à ce personnage et de légendes auxquelles il a donné lieu (Paris : Librairie de la Société Bibliographique, 1883), which subsequently influenced most modern interpretations of Peter.25 Jean Flori, Prêcher la croisade, XIe-XIIIe siècle. Communication et propagande (Paris : Perrin, 2012).26 Jay Rubenstein, Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for Apocalypse (New York: Basic Books, 2011); Rubenstein, “Godfrey of Bouillon versus Raymond of Saint-Gilles: How Carolingian Kingship Trumped Millenarianism at the End of the First Crusade”, in The Legend of Charlemagne in the Middle Ages: Power, Faith, and Crusade, ed. Matthew Gabriele and Jace Stuckey (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 59-75 is an excellent introduction to the specific mechanism of the difference between the two apocalyptic visions.

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Raymond of Saint-Gilles into an important role, but it is one of

the few contemporary studies to do so.

This is, by and large, the state of the field—the First

Crusade was rooted in eleventh-century ecclesiastical, spiritual

and political worldviews. Disagreement centers on which parts of

that worldview one ought to stress. In considering this

question, it is well to remember that Latin Christendom was not a

monolithic structure. What many of the studies on the origins and

impacts of the First Crusade have in common is that they search

for universal motivations, and as a result the major theoretical

models can be “disproven” by specific studies. It is clear that

the First Crusade comes out of—not the “eleventh-century

worldview,” but—eleventh-century worldviews. Unlike Bull’s focus

on Aquitaine, Limousin and the Poitevin, regions which were on

the periphery of Raymond of Saint-Gilles’ territory and thus on

the fringe of the First Crusade, my focal regions are along the

Rhône River, the regions of the Auvergne and the Bas-Rhône

valley.27 My dissertation will examine one of the most important

27 In using the regional description “Bas-Rhône”, I am following Damien Carraz, L’Ordre du Temple dans La Basse Vallée du Rhône (1124-1312): Ordres militaires, croisades et sociétés méridionales, préface d’Alain Demurger (Lyon : Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 2005), 15.

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of these perspectives for the First Crusade, and also one of the

most extraordinary.

Most of the surviving documentary evidence from Occitania in

the Middle Ages comes in one of three forms: hagiography, music,

or charters. All three have been extensively studied for their

own merits, but they have not yet been integrated into a single

vision of Occitanian culture, one which in turn might cast light

on crusade piety. Hagiographies are very clearly part of the

spiritual culture of the region, overlapping in some ways with

popular culture through art and iconography, but being most

informative of the religious ideas of the literate bodies of

monks and canons. Music is by its very nature part of popular

culture, a performance requiring an audience and conveying ideas

orally and in public. By looking at liturgical books from

southern France, we can get a sense of the official religious

expression of a church, combining the hagiographic with cultural

performance.28 Unlike many types of sources, extant liturgical

books are relatively plentiful for eleventh-century southern 28 On this field of inquiry, see the excellent book by Richard Pfaff, The Liturgy in Medieval England: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2009), and the introductory bibligoraphy for liturgical studies in his Medieval Latin Liturgy: A Select Bibliography (Toronto, Buffalo, and London: University of Toronto Press, 1982).

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France.29 While the troubadour songs of the twelfth and

thirteenth centuries are certainly the best known forms of

Occitanian music, the rich legacy of Latin music from the region

is equally important, especially in Aquitaine—the versus musical

tradition of monastic music, the Aquitanian form of musical

notation, and the incredibly rich legacy of music left by Ademar

of Chabannes.30 This musical heritage not only has religious and

cultural implications, but political ones, especially the use of

music by Ademar to construct a politco-religious argument for the

apostolicity of St. Martial.31 There is also tiny extant corpus

of songs written by crusaders from southern France, the troubador

29 See, for example, Paris, BNF, MS 776 (Graduel de Gaillac, 3e quart du XIe siècle), Paris, BNF, MS lat. 793 (Lectionarium officii ad usum ecclesiae Arelatensis. Fin du XIe-XIIe siècle), and Paris, BNF, MS lat. 889 (Lectionarium missae et officii ad usum monasterii Montis Majoris. Fin du XIe-XIIe siècle.), all three contemporary books for use in the Mass in Occitania just before the First Crusade.30 For the versus tradition, see Rachel Golden Carlson, “Devotion to the Virgin Mary in Twelfth-Century Aquitanian Versus.” Ph.D. diss. (University ofNorth Carolina-Chapel Hill, 2000); David A. Bjork, The Aquitanian Kyrie Repertory of the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries, ed. Richard L. Crocker (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003). For southern French liturgical music in general, see the excellent volume Liturgie et musique (IXe-XIVe s.), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 1 ( Toulouse : Édouard Privat, 1982). 31 For the musical repertoire of Ademar of Chabannes, see James Grier, “Liturgy and Rhetoric in the Service of Fraud: Adémar de Chabannes and the Apostolicity of Saint Martial,” in Latin Culture in the Eleventh Century: Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Medeival Latin Studies. Cambridge, September 9-12 1998, ed. Michael W. Herren, C.J. McDonough and Ross G. Arthur. Vol. 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), pP. 384-397 and ibid., The musical world of a medieval monk: Adémar de Chabannes in eleventh-century Aquitaine (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006).

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songs of William IX of Aquitaine and a small number of Marian

hymns by Adhemar of Le Puy.32

What then to do with cartularies? Much recent Crusade

scholarship looks at the formulas used and the language of

donations and promises within charters to discuss motivations for

crusading. This is certainly a useful exercise, but charters

are, by their very nature, formulaic documents. Instead of

retreading this ground, I wish to use charters as the building

blocks for a social network analysis. The term “social network”

was coined by social anthropologist J.A. Barnes in the 1950s, but

has become particularly prominent through computer modeling.33

An excellent example of the use of social network analysis in

premodern history is the work of Adam Schor, using the epistolary

records of late antique Syria to show a complex network of

friends, allies, and enemies within the camp of Theodoret of 32 For William IX, see The Poetry of William VII, Count of Poitiers, IX Duke of Aquitaine, ed. and tr. Gerald Bond, Garland Library of Medieval Literature, Volume 4 Series A (New York & London: Garland Publishing Co., 1982), and George T. Beech, “Contemporary Views of William the Troubadour, IXth Duke of Aquitaine, 1086-1126,” in Medieval Lives and the Historian: Studies in Medieval Prosopography, ed. Neithard Bulst and Jean-Philippe Genet (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publication, 1986), 73-89. For Adhemar of Le Puy, see the example poem in OneHundred Latin Hymns: Ambrose to Aquinas, ed. and tr. Peter G. Walsh with Christopher Husch, Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library 18, ed. Jan M. Ziolkowski. (Cambridge, MA and Lodon: Harvard UP, 2012), p.272-3 and 475.33 J.A. Barnes, “Class and Committees in a Norwegian Island Parish,” Human Relations (1954): 39-58.

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Cyrhus.34 In following the documents as the basic building

blocks, rather than the individuals, he shows how social network

analysis differs from prosopography and how, within certain

source-rich genres, it can be more useful for premodern

history.35 In employing this type of framework Jonathan Riley-

Smith has used the data acquired from charters to map out

networks of crusaders, usually through kinship links. I propose

to ask a different question, not connecting crusaders to each

other but crusaders to institutions, and through those

institutions to other notables who may or may not have gone on

the crusade. The connections among individuals, institutions,

and places, especially places with specific patron saints, will

be used to chart the networks of spiritual and secular power

between monks, saints and lords in the region controlled by

Raymond of Saint-Gilles. Rather than viewing Raymond’s realm as

34 Adam Schor, Theodoret’s People: Social Networks and Religious Conflict in Late Roman Syria,Transformation of the Classical Heritage 48 (University of California Press, May 2011).35 I am more comfortable with the methodology of social network analysis than with prosopography, but the similarities between the two fields have beenrecognized and explored. See Giovanni Ruffini and Shawn Graham, “Network Analysis and Greco-Roman Prosopography,” in Prosopography approaches and applications:A handbook, ed. K. S. B. Keats-Rohan (Oxford: Unit for Prosopographical Research, Linacre College, University of Oxford, 2007), 325–36 and Christophe Verbruggen, “Combining Social network analysis and prosopography,” in ibid., 579-601.

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a state I will use charters to map nodes of influence and power

under his control and those of his allies, as well as nodes of

influence of particular saints.36

In addition to using social network analysis and cartulary

evidence to create a textual map of influence and authority, I

want to look at the geographic locations of churches and the

placement of saints and iconography within those churches to

create an artistic and geographical map of saintly and

ecclesiastical power. Which saints are consistently foregrounded

in Occitanian churches? Which scenes from the Bible? Which

churches are located in particular prominent locations? The

architectural patrimony of the Auvergne and the Bas-Rhône are

particularly rich, especially in eleventh- and twelfth- century

churches with surviving capitals and murals that can supplement

the written sources.37 A sense of the geographic location of 36 See Geoffrey Koziol, The Politics of Memory and Identity in Carolingian Royal Charters: The West Frankish Kingdom, 840-987 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012) for one of the best examples of the theoretical model of using charters as a public performance and locus of memory—much more interesting and useful than viewing from a purely textual/legal lens; see also Stephen White, Custom, Kinship and Gifts to Saints: The Laudatio Parentum in Western France 1050-1150, Studies in Legal History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989).37 For example, the churches of Saint Julian of Brioude and Saint Michael d’Aiguilhe with their murals of the Last Judgment, the incredible tympanums ofSaint-Gilles, Conques, Saint-Trophime, etc., and the rich survival of historiated capitals throughout Auvergne and Provence. See Yves Christe, Jugements derniers, Les formes de la nuit (La-Pierre-Qui-Vire : Zodiaque, 1999).

20

religious and political places will help to show importance and

connection between travelers, towns and spiritual sites. The new

turn towards environmental history and ecocritical theory in

literature can be used to bring more than a spatial awareness to

the study of Occitania. The importance of the Rhône River,

itself, stretching up and connecting the homelands of Raymond of

Saint-Gilles, Adhemar of Le Puy and the intended recipient of

Raymond d’Aguiler’s chronicle, the bishop of Viviers, should not

be neglected. The natural landscape itself will be as vital as

the architectural one—Occitania is a region of mountains, swamps,

vast forest, and a series of striking panoramas that change the

way nature and thereby the cosmos is perceived.38

38 Ellen Arnold, Negotiating the Landscape Environment and Monastic Identity in the MedievalArdennes (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012) is one of the best examples of how the environment affects monastic portrayals of the world around them, and how the specific nature of a place can be used and manipulated in text for various effect; Yi-Fu Tuan, “Geopiety: A Theme in Man’s Attachment to Nature and to Place,” in Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy in Honor of John Kirtland Wright, ed. David Lowenthal and Martyn J. Bowden with the assistance of Mary Alice Lamberty (New York: Oxford UP, 1976),11-39 and Tuan, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1974) is another theoretical starting point to the connection between faith and place.

21

An example clarifies the need to recognize the unusual

character of Occitanian culture within the Crusade. The First

Crusade’s siege and conquest of Antioch provides the most readily

accessible example of a regionally specific world view, where the

chronicle of Raymond d’Aguiliers and the gloss of the Gesta

Francorum by Peter Tudebode, both from southern France, differ

substantially from the other northern French/Lotharingian

chronicles.39 The discovery of the Holy Lance at Antioch by

Peter Bartholomew, a poor preacher from Auvergne, is the most

significant event in Raymond’s chronicle, the defining moment for

the Provençal contingent. Peter Bartholomew is contacted in his

dreams by Saint Andrew, who leads him out of the crusader camp,

into the city and to the church where he will find the Holy

Lance. Saint Andrew is, in this moment, an embodied saint, which

is to say a concrete embodiment of the actual saint’s spirit,

taking Peter Bartholomew on a physical journey to show him a very

concrete place. The embodied quality of the saint is perhaps

related to the particularities of the maiestas statues in the

Auvergne and throughout southern France, reliquaries of the

39 Peter Tudebode, however, is from Poitiers and thus outside the zone of Toulousain control.

22

saints that were often paraded by the local clergy through the

city.40 Why did Peter see St. Andrew in particular? St. Andrew

was a popular saint in Occitania. Further, the three main actors

in this encounter, Peter Bartholomew the visionary, Raymond of

Saint-Gilles the leader, and Raymond d’Aguiliers the chronicler,

all had important and well-known monasteries and churches

dedicated to Saint Andrew in their vicinity: the monastery of St.

Andrew of Lavaudieu near Le Puy and La Chaise-Dieu; the church of

St. Andrew-le-Coq north of Clermont-Ferrand; the twin abbeys of

St. Andrew-the-Higher and St. Andrew-the-Lower in Vienne; and St.

Andrew d’Avignon, to which Raymond of Saint-Gilles donated almost

all of his possessions in Avignon in 1088.41

Once the Lance was discovered, it was wielded in a fashion

familiar to any student of the Peace of God: the marshaling of

saints, the unity of the poor and the clergy under their banner,

was the mechanism by which the Peace of God assemblies met and

organized themselves in early eleventh-century Occitania,

40 Ilene Forsyth, The Throne of Wisdom: Wood Sculptures of the Madonna in Romanesque France (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1972) mentions the Madonnas of Le Puy and Clermont, both in the Auvergne close to Raymond d’Aguilers lived.41 John Hugh Hill and Laurita Lyttleton Hill, Raymond IV Count of Toulouse (Syracuse: Syracuse UP, 1962), 17; Avignon, BM MS 2399, f. 58-59 and Paris, BNF MS NAL 2029, f. 15-17r

23

especially in the regions of Aquitaine and the Rouergue.42 Here,

as in descriptions of the Peace in the Auvergne and Rouergue, we

see procession of the relics by the clergy, accompanied by the

poor, in order to bring about militant positive change, by

attending processions, saintly visions, and public prayers.43

Raymond d’Aguiliers saw the wielding of this relic as a guarantee

victory over the Turks, but for Peter Tudebode, the relic is one

part of a pact made between the crusaders and the saints through

the mediation of the priest Stephen of Valence. Stephen of

Valence receives instruction from Saint Andrew in a dream to

engage in penitential fasting, and in exchange for this ritual

purification the saints would aid in the battle.44 When they

obey these instructions, a vast army of saints comes to the

Crusaders’ aid during the battle and drives off the Turkish

force. This framework of saints appearing to the clergy and,

under the banner of a powerful relic, leading the poor, the

42 See the description of the Council of Rodez in The Book of Sainte Foy, tr. with intro. and notes Pamela Sheingorn (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 14, 98.43 See Lauranson-Rosaz, “Peace from the Mountains” for the Auvergne; for the Rouergue, The Book of Sainte Foy, tr. with intro. and notes Pamela Sheingorn (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 98, the description ofthe Council of Rodez.44 See Richard Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits of History: Ademar of Chabannes, 989-1034 (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard UP, 1995), 29-30.

24

clergy and the knights in a unified front against some evil is a

clear reflection of the mechanisms of the Peace of God.45 Later

in their trip towards Jerusalem, Raymond d’Aguilers records

another vision in which the relics of five saints were announced

by St. George to Peter Desiderius, another Provençal visionary

and discovered by the crusaders in Lebanon, to be carried

totemically to Jerusalem. This example, though certainly the

most spectacular from Raymond’s chronicle, is but one piece of

evidence to be marshaled from a wider body of sources.

My dissertation will be broken into five main chapters, with

an introduction and conclusion, covering the period from the turn

of the millennium until the death of Bertrand of Tripoli in the

first quarter of the twelfth century. The first chapter,

“Apocalypse Then? Millennial Anxieties and the Occitanian Pax”

will examine the roots of the Peace of God and millennial

apocalypticism in the context of southern France. The best

documentation for these movements come from outside of the core 45 The way these saints act can vary widely between chronicles—Peter Tudebode follows a tradition found in the Gesta Francorum and its modifiers of specific saints leading an army into battle, best exemplified by the lengthy dialogue between Bohemond and Pirrus of Antioch in Robert the Monk’s chronicle, Book V, chapters 9-10. Raymond d’Aguilers follows the model of the Peace of God, where the relics focus the spiritual aid of the saints, allowingthe pious to achieve victory.

25

of southeastern France (Languedoc and Provence), relying on the

chronicles of Ademar of Chabannes (Aquitaine) and Raoul Glaber

(Burgundy) or episodes such as the “Peace League” described in

the Liber Miraculorum of St. Benedict from Fleury (Orléanais).

Using records of councils in Toulouse, Arles, Narbonne, Avignon

and Saint-Gilles, and depictions of peace councils such as the

council of Rodez in the Liber Miraculorum of St. Foy and the

councils led by the bishops of Le Puy in the late tenth-early

eleventh century, a vision of how the church and people of

Occitania responded to the uncertainties of the millennium and

the early eleventh century can be constructed. Further fragments

such as Montpellier, Bibl. De Montpellier MSS 6, which contains a

tenth-century song of the Apocalypse from the monastery of

Aniane, and Clermont-Ferrand, AD Puy-de-Dome, 3 G, arm. 18, s.A.,

c. 12 and c. 21, which contain apocalyptic language, should allow

me to build a picture of how the millennium and the Peace

affected spiritual and political thought in the regions I am

studying. The work done by Christian Lauranson-Rosaz for

Auvergne, by Florian Mazel, P.-A. Fevrier and Eliana Magniani for

Provence, and by Kathleen Ashley, Pamela Sheingorn and Amy

26

Remensnyder for the Rouergue, will be major secondary sources;

for the period as a whole, Richard Landes’ Relics, Apocalypse, and the

Deceits of History provides a good starting point for the

psychological effects of the events.

Belief in the apocalyptic significance of millennium was

deeply influential in southeastern France, affecting not only the

religious and cultural landscape but the political sphere as

well. In a region where the feudal transformation had a profound

effect on the post-Carolingian landscape, the millennium and the

Pax reshaped the relationship between the church-nobility on one

hand and the triumvirate of church-populace-saints on the other.

These two axes are very important for the First Crusade. Without

arguing a direct institutional link between the Peace of God and

the First Crusade, I will suggest that the cultural effects of

the Pax and the psychological effects of the millennium carry

throughout the eleventh century and deeply influence the

understanding of the role of the poor, the church, the saints,

and the nobility on the First Crusade.46 The territories focused

46 See Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ & the Virgn Mary, 800-1200 (New York: Columbia UP, 2002), for a discussion of the psychological and spiritual changes in Christendom around the millennium.

27

on will be the Auvergne and Provence, with additional discussion

of the core Toulousain-Narbonnais-Rouergue lands controlled by

the house of Toulouse at the turn of the eleventh-century. The

development of the Pax and the Truce of God from the tenth

century into its formal, codified aspects in the mid-eleventh

century, such as the council of Narbonne in 1054, will be

especially important, as these were the years of Raymond of

Saint-Gilles’ childhood.

The second chapter, “The Count of Saint-Gilles: Romanitas,

Eastern Saints and the Urban World of Raymond IV” will try to

situate Raymond of Saint-Gilles in the context of his early

territorial holdings in the Bas-Rhône region. This is the

territory that encompasses the inheritance of Raymond of Saint-

Gilles—Saint-Gilles, Tarascon, and Beaucaire initially, with the

thin strip of territory that connects them. In the greater

sense, though, the Bas-Rhône region would be very important in

his future development, especially during his time in the Levant.

As a result, the major monasteries of the region, the major

saint-cults and the major cities all seem to have played a role

in his spiritual and political worldview. These include Nîmes,

28

Arles, Avignon, and Marseilles, especially, and the monasteries

of St. Gilles, Psalmodi, St. Roman de Beaucaire, Montmajour, St.

Andre d’Avignon, St. Ruf d’Avignon, and St. Victor de Marseilles.

This region is particularly rich in material remnants, not just

medieval monasteries and churches in most of the cities listed

above, but also the great detritus of Roman civilization. The

medieval cities of Arles and Nîmes were both built onto the old

Roman arena, and Provence itself was the first of the Roman

conquests outside of Italy. In contrast to the apocalyptic

majesty of the volcanic mountains throughout Auvergne, this

region is filled with the ruins of romanitas and the vast swamp of

the Camargue—life and ruin intermingled, the combination of the

deep urbanization and the surrounding all-encompassing water.

There are important surviving documents concerning St. Gilles,

the site and the saint—his Latin vita and the early twelfth-

century French version, and Paris, BNF lat. 11018, the privileges

of St. Gilles. There are a small number of surviving documents

from the library of St. André, two major cartularies from St.

Victor and a set of papal privileges from St. Ruf, as well as

handfuls of charters from Montmajour, St. Caesarius d’Arles, St.

29

Roman de Beaucaire, and Psalmodi.47 There are also the handful

of literary and hagiographical sources dealing with fighting the

Saracens from the ninth century, including the Vita Boboni and the

episodes recounting the capture of Maïeul and the subsequent

capture of the Saracen base at Fraxinetum.48 The region is

generally well represented in terms of cartularies, with Arles,

Nimes, Avignon, Marseilles, Cavaillon, Apt, and others having

either surviving cartularies or later recensions of eleventh-

century cartularies.

Raymond’s life is deeply affected by the eastern origins of

the major saints in Provence, of the saints important to him, and

the urban landscape shaped his political views as well. By

focusing on the territories he inherited as a young man, many of

which he donated land to in his charters from the Levant at the

end of his life, we can see that the nexus of Roman cities around

the mouth of the Rhône formed the most important enduring

connections in his life. It is the Arlesian preacher Peter 47 These charters are largely preserved in the departmental archives of Gard, Vaucluse and Bouches-du-Rhône, or in the BNF.48 The Vita Sancti Bobonis remains an underused source; "Vita Sancti Bobonis" Acta Sanctorum, May V (Paris, 1866), 186. For the use of Maïeul of Cluny in regards to Fraxinetum, as well as a discussion of the sources for his Vita, seeScott G. Bruce, “An abbot between two cultures: Maiolus of Cluny considers theMuslims of La Garde-Fraxinetum,” Early Medieval Europe 15 (4) (2007): 425-440.

30

Bartholomew who claims the Holy Lance as a gift from the saints

to Raymond of Saint-Gilles. It is Archbishop Aicard of Arles who

remains his firm supporter throughout his later career, arriving

in the Holy Land after 1101 and serving as a witness to his

charters. It is to St. Victor and St. Ruf that he donates

churches in the Levant before his death. It is to St. Andre that

he donates considerable lands in 1088, leading to the intriguing

question of whether or not this donation serves as the connection

between the Apostle Andrew, the Holy Lance, and Raymond of St.

Gilles. By focusing on the swath of territory around his

original inheritance, taking his chosen name of Saint-Gilles

seriously, we discover the incredible importance of the Rhône

river valley and the territories of Provence for his own

powerbase and for his worldview. The centrality of that region

may also help us explain his taking of the title of Marquis of

Provence, a title that had previously been used by his family

through his grandmother, Emma of Provence, which gave him claims

and theoretical sovereignty up to the territory of Genoa.

The third chapter, “The Mountains of God: The Pax, Embodied

Saints and the Wilderness of Raymond d’Aguiliers” will examine

31

the Auvergne in terms of both a spiritual and physical topography

to show the worldview that influenced Raymond d’Aguiliers’

chronicle. Raymond’s chronicle of the First Crusade is the only

complete eyewitness account from the perspective of the Provençal

army, and shows significant differences from other chronicles: an

emphasis on visions, the poor, the role of the clergy and the

saints. The Peace of God originated in the Auvergne, and the

region was one where there was a tradition, in Gerald of

Aurillac, of a powerful nobleman becoming the champion of the

poor; those two ideas combined with the apocalyptic anxieties and

embodied saints of the region certainly seems to be comparable to

Raymond d’Aguiliers notions of the First Crusade. The origins of

the Peace of God, especially, in the councils of the late tenth

century bishop of Le Puy Guy II of Anjou, and its form as a

bishop-led council of the knights, poor and saints, was

influential in a region where small lordships abounded and fought

with the bishopric for temporal control.

The art and architecture of the surviving eleventh-century

churches, especially saintly iconography, will provide a sense of

the saints’ vitality in the immediate vicinity where Raymond

32

d’Aguilers worked and lived. The rich variety of apocalyptic

scenes in tympanum and mural artwork throughout the region, such

as the tympanum at Conques or the paintings in Brioude and St.

Michel d’Aiguilhe, are particularly interesting for Raymond’s

chronicle. The liturgical value of majesty statues, such as

Gerald of Aurillac’s and the Marian statues of Clermont and Le

Puy, to the notion of embodied saints that appear throughout the

First Crusade chronicle, as well as the wooden Christ-figures

popular throughout the region, will help compensate for a

relative poverty of documentary evidence. The region directly

around Le Puy-en-Velay and St. Michel d’Aiguilhe is especially

important for understanding Raymond d’Aguilers, of whom we know

almost nothing other than his status as a canon of the cathedral

there. The iconography of both churches is a starting point, but

equally useful are surviving manuscripts from the cathedral

treasury in the eleventh century: the Bible of Le Puy (Paris,

BNF, MS lat. 4) and an inventory of the cathedral library in the

10th-11th century (Paris, BNF, MS lat. 7581) form a starting point

33

for seeing the literary background to his chronicle, as well as

the actual physical environment of his day-to-day life. 49

Beyond Le Puy itself, the connected network of monasteries

attached to La Chaise-Dieu link the spirituality of eleventh-

century Auvergne and Raymond of Saint-Gilles. Documents survive

from as early at 975 in the departmental archives of Haute-Loire,

Series H, connected with the various early priories of the

monastery. The monastery of La Chaise-Dieu itself dominates the

southern forest of the Livradois-Forez, a region populated with a

vast number of isolated monastic cells, inhabiting an incredibly

barren wilderness of hills and thick trees even today, and

spiritually it came to be the center of a vast network of

monasteries throughout the Auvergne and beyond. In the 1070s,

Raymond of Saint-Gilles donated the church of St. Baudile in

Nîmes to La Chaise-Dieu, and before the First Crusade the church

of St. Vincent de Jonquieres, in the Argence just next to

49 It is also interesting that William Grassegals, the knight who gave the St. Victor codex to King Louis VII of France (Paris, BNF, MS lat. 14378, the earliest surviving manuscript of Raymond d’Aguilers), stresses his devotion tothe “Ecclesia beate Maria Aniciensis”, the Cathedral of Notre Dame of Le Puy, fol. 1v. The literary relationship between the cathedral of Le Puy and the text of Raymond d’Aguilers has yet to be properly examined.

34

Beaucaire, also became a priory.50 Raymond’s theoretical

devotion to Robert of Turlande is well known and cited, but

seldom elaborated on—the donation of key churches in his early

holding to La Chaise-Dieu suggests that relationship, which must

have been relatively well-known in the Auvergne, should be

explored in further depth.51

In addition to the documentary and physical remains,

including the apocalyptic artwork of St. Michel, the physical

landscape of the Auvergne will be considered. The region is home

to a large number of volcanic features and to sights such as St.

Michel d’Aiguilhe, a church sitting on top of a slender rock

spire in the midst of a village. The apocalyptic volcanic

landscape, mixed with thick woodlands and the impassability of

the Massif Central, make the land itself, the physical layout, an

important factor in the writing of a visionary, millenarian

Crusader chronicle.

50 Le Puy-en-Velay, AD Haute-Loire, MS 1 H 179 for Raymond’s donation of St. Baudile, and a later charter detailing the extensive holdings of La Chaise-Dieu in the early twelfth century in the region; Le Puy-en-Velay, AD Haute-Loire, MS 1 H 174 for Raymond Pelet et al.’s donation to St. Vincent of Jonquieres around the time of the First Crusade.51 Hill and Hill, p. 19, for example.

35

The fourth chapter, “The Saints of the Apocalypse: The First

Crusade, Visionary Priests and Militant Relics,” will follow the

First Crusade from its inception to the battle of Ascalon,

focusing on the apocalyptic elements within the Provençal

contingent and how they come from a particular Occitanian

context. Of particular interest is the way the actions of

Raymond of Saint-Gilles, a very Provençal figure, were

interpreted by Raymond d’Aguiliers, an Auvergnois priest,

especially the interactions with the Arlesien preacher, Peter

Bartholomew. This can be studied by using the Occitanian primary

accounts of the First Crusade: Paris, BNF lat. 14378, the St.

Victor codex, the best-known copy, but also looking at Paris,

BNF, MS lat. 5511A, the main variant of Raymond’s chronicle;52

the “chronicle” of Peter Tudebode, from Poitiers, both the main

version of Paris, BNF, MS lat. 5135A and the variant version in

Paris, BNF, MS lat. 4892;53 and the Provençal account of the

52 The differences between the two are mostly in terms of arrangement and word choice, especially in areas of reported speeches. As John France pointed out in his dissertation, MS 5511A seems to be a work by a later Occitanian editor, polishing the Latin style of Raymond. See John France, “A critical edition of the Historia Francorum Qui Ceperunt Iherusalem of Raymond of Aguilers”, Ph.D. diss. (University of Nottingham, 1967), p. CLVI-CLXII. 53 The account of Peter Tudebode is, mostly, a gloss on the Gesta Francorum, but a gloss written by an eyewitness to the Crusade.

36

capture of Jerusalem found in Paris, BNF lat. 5132, from the

monastery of Ripoll in Catalonia. I will also be using the

Occitanian Canso Antiocha., which, while a later epic song, seems

to contain small nuggets of information from a now-lost Provençal

chronicle of the First Crusade; the late-eleventh or early

twelfth-century Latin song Jerusalem mirabilis contained in Paris,

BNF lat. 1139, a music book from the Limousin; and the pilgrimage

guide contained in the back of a southern French evangeliary in

Baltimore, Walter Art Museum, MS 27, to provide small snapshots

of perceptions of the First Crusade and the Holy Land not usually

used in Crusade accounts. My account of the First Crusade will

attempt to bring in as many non-Western sources as possible, in

order to build a better picture of Raymond of Saint-Gilles, who

was beloved to the Byzantines in Anna Komnena’s account, but also

appears in Matthew of Edessa, Michael the Syrian and his later

Armenian translator, and as an important figure in most of the

early Islamic accounts of the Crusade, such as Ibn al-Athir and

Ibn al-Qalanisi.54

54 Equally interesting are sources that do not mention him, or the Holy Lance, or many of the other events seen as important by Raymond d’Aguilers, such as the early Armenian colophons contained in P. Peeters, “Un témoignage autographe sur le siège d’Antioche par les croises en 1098”, in Miscellanea historica in honorem Alberti de Meyer, Universitatis catholicae in oppido Iovaniensi iam annos XXV

37

The main focus of the chapter will be the apocalyptic,

millenarian ideology that drove the Provençal crusaders, and the

ways in which the Peace of God and the aspects of the cult of

saints as practiced in Provence shaped their experience. The

performative aspects of the First Crusade are very important—the

way the group maneuvered, conceived of themselves as a body, the

way they approached military and spiritual decisions, were a

performance like a liturgical or penitential rite, or a re-

enactment of sacred history. The performance of the First Crusade

by the Provençal contingent was very different than the way it

was approached by other groups; whereas the current dominant

model has most participants experiencing the crusade as an armed

pilgrimage, I argue that the Provençals, by and large, approached

the Crusade as a Peace procession, complete with carried relics,

embodied saints, barefoot penitential marches, and ecclesiastical

song.55 The way they interacted with the Byzantine Empire and

professories, vol. 1 (1946), 373-390 or Gerard Dédéyan, “Les colophons de manuscrits arméniens comme sources pour l’histoire des Croisades”, in The Crusades and Their Sources : Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, eds. John France and William G. Zajac (Aldershot : Ashgate, 1998) : 89-110. Also of note is the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, which contains limited but fascinating references to the First and later Crusades from a relatively hostile Christian group. 55 Beyond discussing it specifically from the descriptions of Peace councils, it is worth examining these from the point of view of studies of the

38

the Muslim city-states was also influenced by their cultural

milieu, both the interest in romanitas throughout Provence and the

importance of law codes and oaths, and the experience of contact

with Muslim polities in Spain and the Mediterranean in the tenth

and eleventh centuries.

The fifth and final chapter, “In the Land of Cedars: The

Toulousain County of Tripoli and the Ephemeral Mediterranean

Principality”, will look at the conquest of Tripoli and the

reigns of Raymond and Bertrand. This will cover not only the

actions of Raymond in the Holy Land, but also the way he

attempted to govern his Occitanian holdings from afar, and how

Bertrand, his son, fared both in east and west. The feud between

use of processions. The best theoretical model comes from Susan G. Davis, Parade and Power: Street Theatre in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). For a premodern example, see Jacob A. Latham, “From Literal to Spiritual Soldiers of Christ: Disputed Episcopal Elections and the Advent of Christian Processions in Late Antique Rome,” Church History 81.2 (2012): 298-327 and his forthcoming The pompa circensis and the Urban Image of Rome: Processions, Topography, and Collective Memory from the Late Republic to Late Antiquity. An examination of Occitanian liturgical books from the eleventh century would be helpful on this count, especially as regards the use of ecclesiastical song—some examples include the gradual of St-Michel de Gaillac in the Tarn, but under the control of La Chaise-Dieu (Paris, BNF MS lat. 776) and the tropairumof Moissac (Paris, BNF MS NAL 1871), studied in Marie-Noël Colette, “Le graduel de Gaillac (BnF, lat. 776) et le tropaire de Moissac (BnF, nouv. acq. lat. 1871) Deux manuscrits aquitains contemporains (3e quart du XI e siècle),” in Les manuscrits liturgiques, eds. Olivier Legendre and Jean-Baptiste Lebague. (Ædilis, Actes. Séminaires et tables rondes, 9) (Paris-Orléans : IRHT, 2005). [En ligne] http://aedilis.irht.cnrs.fr/liturgie/03_1.htm A more thorough study using the liturgical books available to Raymond d’Aguiliers and Peter Tudebode is still needed.

39

the Counts of Saint-Gilles and the Count of Poitiers/Duke of

Aquitaine Guillaume IX is part of this, between the invasion of

Toulouse, the subsequent defeat and departure, and the

interactions between Raymond IV and Guillaume IX during the

Crusade of 1101.56 There are few primary sources dealing

directly with the early county of Tripoli. Mentions in the

chronicles of Albert of Aachen, Caffaro and Fulcher of Chartes

make up the majority of contemporary evidence, with later

chronicles such as William of Tyre, William of Malmesbury, and

Orderic Vitalis providing supplemental information. Charters

issued by Raymond of Saint-Gilles, however, can help inform us

about the early attempts to connect the Occitanian and Levantine

principalities, with charters to Ste. Marie Latine and St.

Sepulchre in Jerusalem, St. Victor of Marseilles and St. Ruf

d’Avignon in Occitania, the promises made concerning St.

Trophimus in Arles and La Chaise-Dieu in Auvergne. For Raymond

of Saint-Gilles, the links that bound his two realms together

were religious ones, with holy relics crossing the Mediterranean 56 Fulcher of Chartres, Book II, Chaoter XVI, says that Guillaume IX was part of the contingent led by Raymond of Saint-Gilles in 1101. For the Crusade of 1101 in general, see Alec Mulinder, “The Crusading Expeditions of 1101-2,” Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales, Swansea, 1996, though this is too much of a traditional military history to be a truly satisfying text.

40

and the granting of lands to monasteries in Provence, linked at

the same time to donations to monasteries and churches in

Jerusalem.

When Bertrand arrives, this changes dramatically. Though

Bertrand does not give up his titles from Europe, he governs in a

very different manner from Raymond. His contracts with the

Genoese, while showing a political conception of a unified,

trans-Mediterranean polity, move immediately away from the

religious links between the two realms. It is significant that

his contract with Genoa allowing him to bring his army to the

Holy Land gives them land and control throughout cities

previously dominated by religious institutions, and in the

Levant, the city of Gibelet, which Raymond has promised to St.

Victor of Marseilles. The unified county does not survive the

death of Bertrand, however; his son, Pons, takes on the title of

Count of Tripoli, while Raymond of Saint-Gilles’ younger son

Alphonse assumes the role of Count of Toulouse. The continued

presence of Provencal and Occitanian figures in the charter

witness lists, the size of the reinforcing armies, and the very

presence of charters in Occitania dealing with the Levant,

41

reveals an important cross-Mediterranean interest. However

ephemeral the greater creation of a cross-Mediterranean polity,

for a brief period the First Crusade did lead to the

establishment of a county considered core, rather than

peripheral, in the Levant, and that that county was very much

Provençal, in a specifically regional sense.

My dissertation will refocus crusade studies on the

uniqueness of the regional experience in Europe; while

overarching theories of history are important as teaching models,

European life is not a singular experience and never has been.

The “West” is not a monoculture, but a series of physically

proximate but culturally, economically and politically diverse

regions. In a time when Scotland and Catalonia edge ever closer

towards votes for independence, and the European Union is torn

between political and fiscal austerity imposed by northern Europe

on the Mediterranean members, a recognition of the vast

differences of the European experience is more vital than ever.

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Arles, BM, MS 1242 (cartulaire dit Authentique du Chapitre Arles)

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from Raymond Pelet, Raymond of Saint-Gilles’ lieutenant during the First Crusade)

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