change and continuity of marriage rituals

Sept, 2021. VOL.13. ISSUE NO. 3 https://hrdc.gujaratuniversity.ac.in/Publication Page | 1

CHANGE AND CONTINUITY OF MARRIAGE RITUALS AMONG THE NAGA TRIBES OF NAGALAND: A BRIEF COMPARATIVE DISCUSSION

Loina Shohe

Abstract

Marriage is a universal cultural phenomenon, albeit the forms of its practice vary from one society to another and from one religion to other; every religion has its prescribed procedure of marriage and most religion entails observance of certain rituals and taboos by its adherents as requirement of a legitimate marriage. In tribal societies religion acts as the main agency for regulating and recognizing a marriage; marriage rituals are closely associated with its worldviews and socio-cultural values. Prior to coming of Christianity in Nagaland, the Nagas practiced the indigenous religions. Now nearly 90 percent of the Nagas practice Christianity. Christianity is claimed to have generated massive cultural change in the Naga society. A comparative study of marriage rituals through the framework of change and continuity is therefore attempted to understand the socio-cultural life of the Naga tribes before and after coming of Christianity.

Key Words: Marriage Rituals, Indigenous Religion, Pre Christian, Christianity, Culture, Change, Continuity, Nagas.

1.1. Introduction

There are dissident definitions on marriage. Many scholars had attempted to define marriage, but inadequacy persisted leaving the academia of social science to be haunted by the inability to provide a satisfactory definition of marriage, applicable to all the institutions of marriage for decades (Gough, 1999; Raha, 2007). Leach (1961:10) whose definition on marriage has been widely used, had opined, on the attempt of securing a universal definition of religion, the vanity of it. Gough (1999:237-255) citing the Notes and Queries (1951) definition on marriage and emphasizing the deficiency of an inclusive definition of marriage in Anthropology, proposed “Marriage is a relationship established between a woman and one or more other persons, which provides that a child born to the woman under circumstances not prohibited by the rules of the relationship, is accorded full birth-status rights common to normal members of his society or social stratum.” However, Gough’s attempt along-with other prevailing definitions on marriage on perusal failed to correspond adequately to Raha’s (2007:22-23) comprehension of marriage, impelling him to censure “Even the definition given by Gough …does not cover all forms of marriage …. If the…definitions of marriage are examined it will be seen that none …covers all the marriage forms ….the above

Towards Excellence: An Indexed, Refereed & Peer Reviewed Journal of Higher Education / Loina Shohe/ Page 1-22


definitions cannot be called as universal or complete definition as these have failed to cover all forms of marriage”. Consequently, Raha redefined marriage with intent to encompass all forms of marriage including ‘marriage of members of the same sex’ in his definition- “Marriage is a socially approved relationship of one or more persons with one or more persons involving residential cohabitation, socio-economic co-operation and reciprocal rights and obligations between partners entering into union”. While this appears plausibly suitable, it is not inclusive of the tribal concept of marriage leaving the problem of arriving at a universally applicable definition of marriage irresolvable yet again. Marriage in tribal societies is considered as a sacred bond of union (Sarei, 1974: 21; Mibang, 2007:237), a sacred relationship which is established for procreation and continuity of the family and generation as a whole (Miji, 2007: 177). It is considered as a Rite of Passage, an important transition in the life and status of an individual, accompanied by various rites and ceremonies (Brahma, 1992: 65). In essence marriage among the tribal, apart from being closely interrelated to other social and economic realities; is deeply inter-wined with the religious (Koley, 2007: 114; Dele, 2007: 116). Mibang & Behera (2007:9) maintains that marriage is not an isolated institution rather it is reflective of a people’s culture; according to them, the study of marriage of a society will reflect the cultural reality of its people and the study of marriage in different cultures will display a comparative significance of cultures. Marriage rituals are not isolated but often tied up to a society’s larger cultural context. Hence, a study of marriage rituals would lead to an understanding of marriage and its related culture. In the context of the Nagas a comparative study of marriage rituals is significant as it is a multi-tribal society, which is structured by multi-villages and numerous clans. Moreover, the Nagas have experienced a change of religion from their indigenous religions to Christianity (which is claimed to have produced massive cultural change in the society). Therefore, this paper highlights comparative changes and continuity of marriage rituals among four Naga tribes (i.e., Angami, Ao, Konyak and Sumi) of Nagaland which may lead to a better understanding of the socio-cultural life of Naga people.

Study of rituals in social anthropology has been prominent with its classical theorists, such as Durkheim and Radcliffe-Brown, giving significant attention to the social function of rituals. In his book The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (2015) Durkheim spoke of rituals as an expression of belief “a manner of acting which take rise in the midst of the assembled groups and which are destined to excite, maintain or recreate certain mental states in these groups” this reveals the social elements expressed in rituals and how rituals evoke/renew the ‘sentiments’ of ‘unity’ among the members. For Durkheim it is through ritual activities directed to the scared that the society becomes simultaneously a moral community , the heart of the individual’s sense of self, and a fundamental assumption about reality (Bell 2008: 400). Radcliffe –Brown (1964) describes the function of rituals as giving ‘solemn and collective expression’ which ‘reaffirm’, ‘renew and strengthen the sentiments on which the social solidarity depends’. He emphasized on the relation between ritual values and social values and specified three approaches to studying ritual- one by considering the purposes or reasons of the rituals, the second by considering their meaning and the last by analyzing the effects that it actually produces. Both Durkheim and Radcliffe- Brown asserted rituals re/produced



group solidarity and both understood that rituals were not ends in itself but rather the means to an end and under-covering their meanings crucial in understanding the functions of rituals.

In general there are different types of rituals, Arnold Van Gennep in his work The Rites of Passage (1960, 2004) studied the different ceremonial pattern which accompanies a passage from one situation to another or from one cosmic or social world to another; amongst others , life cycle rituals such as birth, death and marriage received much emphasis in this work. He distinguished three major phases which accompanies the ceremonies – 1) Phase of separation or pre- liminal rites, 2) Phase of transition or liminal rites, 3) Phase of incorporation or post- liminal rites. Marriage is understood as ‘a passage from one social position to another and involves a change of cosmic or social world, this passage is accompanied by rituals which symbolizes separation, transition and incorporation’ (Van-Gennep 1960, 2004). Rites of incorporation refer to adoption into another group , rites of transition represent movement from one position to another while rite of separation involve being separated from one’s former condition , such as parents or society (Olson 2015, 205:206).

1.2. Area of Study and Methodology

This paper is a part of an ongoing PhD work on socio-cultural impact of Christianity in Nagaland. As the study deals with the impact of Christianity, Naga Christian converts formed the universe of the study. For this paper as change and continuity in marriage rituals, as an impact of Christianity, is examined the universe follows the same here. Four tribes of Nagaland were selected for the said study because of their significant link to history of Christianity in Nagaland- the Angamis for their pace of slow conversion, the Aos as the pioneers of Christian conversion and evangelism, the Konyaks for their late mass conversion and the Sumis who are particularly noted for their early and swift mass conversions. The districts which were predominantly inhabited by the four selected tribes were therefore included i.e .,Kohima district, Mokokchung district, Mon district and Zunheboto district.

From the selected districts three villages each were selected and the district town selected to represent the urban areas. They were selected on basis of region and their relation with Christianity. Hence, of the Angamis , the villages were Dihoma, Khonoma, Jakhama and Kohima town, for the Aos the villages were Changki , Longkhum , Molungkimong and Mokokchung town , Konyak villages included were Longwa, Shangnyu , Tamlu and Mon town, Sumi villages were Ighanumi, Lumami, Satoi and Zunheboto town.

Fieldwork was carried out beginning from August 2016 till December 2019. A combination of in-depth-interview based on interview schedule, case study, focus group discussion and questionnaire were used as tools for data collection. In the villages data were derived from in-depth interviews of respondents who were selected purposively – these included the elderly who had knowledge of the traditional customs of marriage and respondents who were married. Besides, at-least three case studies of marriages including contemporary marriages were collected from each unit. In villages of Ighanumi and Jakhama group discussion were also initiated. In the district towns owing to the prevalence of higher educational institutions respondents were more educationally qualified hence questionnaire method was employed.



1.3. Pre Christian Naga Society, Religion and Marriage System

The Nagas are a collective of 40 to 60 tribes inhabiting the regions that falls within the states of Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Burma under the present state boundaries of India (Thomas 2016:1). According to oral narratives the Nagas are said to have migrated from Mongolia and then through southwestern China and Myanmar (Lotha , 2016: 5). After reaching a place called Makhel each tribe dispersed in different directions (Nuh, 2002: 23). While their presence is significant in the other aforemetioned states the Nagas pre-dominates the state of Nagaland which has an area of 16,579 square kilometers (6,401 sq mt) and a population of 1,980,602 per the 2011 census of India. The state is inhabited by 17 major tribes - Angami, Ao Chang, Chakesang, Kachari, Khianmniungan, Konyak, Kuki, Lotha, Phom, Pochury, Rengma, Rongmei, Sangtam, Sumi , Yimchunger, Zeliang , as well as a number of sub- tribes (Lanunungsang & Ovung, 2012 : 2). At present Christianity is the predominant religion of Nagaland with 87.92% of its population professing it (Census 2011). According to Achumi (1992/ 2012: 69) Christianity came to the Naga Hills in the 19th century under the protection and moral support of the British Government. Nagaland till 1963 was known as Naga Hills, remaining a district of Assam from its formation in 1866, till the decolonization of the Indian Sub-continent in 1947 (Achumi 1992/2012:ix) . Chasie (2005:253) notes that the land of the Nagas were carved out without their knowledge and placed in Burma and India following the Treaty of Yandabo in 1826. The conclusion of the peace treaty signaled the end of Burmese influence and heralded the formal foundation of British power and influence over the whole North East India (Achumi 1992/2012:1). ‘Naga Hills’ thus became colonised by the British as part of the Treaty of Yandabo in 1826; however active British administration in the Hills began only in 1881. The Naga Hills were appendaged to Assam and till the transfer of power in 1947 it was administered as a frontier district of Assam. Chasie (2005: 253) argues that the advent of the British changed the world of the Nagas which formerly revolved around his village: family, clan, khel and the village largely represented the extent of their concern and involvement. Achumi (1992/2012: 87) opined that Christian missionaries interfered more than the Government in the social and cultural practices of the Nagas; that with the acceptance of Christianity the outlook and living culture of the Naga people began to change. The Gospel was first preached at Molungyimchen (Imchen, 1993: 153) and the Nagas began converting to Christianity gradually. It may be affirmed that in the areas included in this study except for Jakhama village in Kohima district which has nearly twenty households following the indigenous religion, the rest have all converted to Christianity.

Before the coming of Christianity in Nagaland the Naga people followed their indigenous religions. Channa (1992:1) had rightly observed that each tribe has its own religious practices. Though there are similarities in their practices and beliefs, there are also significant differences. For instance, with regard to the belief in a creator - for the Sumi, the creator Alhou was regarded as the Supreme Being but remained far from their visible space and did not interfere in their everyday life, the Konyaks also revered their Supreme God and creator as one though sometimes he is referred to as Kahwang or Gawang (Haimendorf 1968:112) while the Konyaks of Tamlu call him as Abuhahwang. The Angamis refer to Ukepenopfii



who is believed to be a birth spirit and is considered as the ancestress of human. The Ao’s refer to Lichaba as the creator but he was not regarded as a Supreme deity instead he was recognized as one of the gods along with other Ao gods (Bendangangshi & Aier, 1990: xi). The Sumi and Konyak concept of the creator and Supreme Being as one are similar whereas the Sumi ,Konyak and Ao beliefs of the creator as a male diety differs from the Angami belief in a birth mother ,i.e., a female deity.

The Nagas had similar beliefs with regard to gods who inhabit their everyday living space such as their houses, their hills, their forests, their graveyards, rivers, lakes, pathways and so on. A common belief among them was in propitiating the gods who inhabited their everyday living space such as their houses, their hills, their forests, their graveyards, rivers, lakes, pathways and so on. These gods were believed to bring blessings such as prosperity when appeased or appropriated otherwise they caused destruction and misfortunes. They were, thus, ‘both benevolent and malevolent’ and endowed with the authority to either bless or destroy in accordance to the treatment/ reverence meted out to them (Nshoga, 2009: 194). As these gods were confined to their everyday living spaces they were local deities with each tribe/village recognizing their own god deities relative to their own spaces.

The common practice among the Nagas were performance of rituals for almost every aspect of their life - rituals were observed on establishment of village, on construction of house, agricultural rituals, life cycle rituals, rituals for prosperity, for health, for safety, festive rituals, in the face of natural calamities and many more. There were public rituals and private rituals. Public rituals were mainly performed by the village priest whereas rituals related to clan or household/family rituals were performed by the clan priest or the eldest male member. There were also rituals which were observed occasionally and those that were a part of their everyday life.

The modus operandi of Naga religious practices was based on taboos, on differentiating what was permitted and what was forbidden, with regard to all aspects of their life. Thus, there were taboos against offending Gods, spirits, cutting sacred trees, against religious functions, failing to contribute to a sacrifice etc (Kath 2011:132). There were also taboos related to marriage practices, birth and death. The Naga observance of taboo was related to fear of misfortunes in economic aspect, death, sickness and other hardships in life. One important form of taboo the Nagas observed was the avoidance against working on certain ritual days.

In Pre- Christian Naga society as Chasie (2005) noted the village was the centre of their universe, every Naga lived in a village then. The villages were independent polities, with the Angami and Ao tribes administering their villages through a Democratic form of governance where representatives of various clans formed the leadership, the Konyak and Sumi tribes had more of a monarchical system where hereditary village Chiefs were responsible for administration of the village. Every Naga village was a multi –clan village (though the numbers were never fixed or uniformed). Every family was linked to a clan; a clan was an association of people of both sexes, membership of which was determined by unilineal descent tracing the members’ descent to a common ancestor. The Naga clan members identified their clans with names which were of patrilineal descent. There was a clan leader



usually the eldest (able) to represent the clan at large and to take decisions for the clan. Even in the case of hereditary headship of the village like the Sumi and the Konyaks, the eldest capable male member of the clan headed the clan/village. The clan leader was in short the head of the clan responsible for all important matters related to the clan just as the father was responsible for the family. The multi-clan set up at the village level provided the regulation of strict clan exogamy (which was a characteristic of the Naga communities irrespective of clan, village or tribe). Clan members extended help to each during times of needs and played major role in the rites of passage of other clan members. There were also clan priests to perform the rituals related to the clans only. Certain clans such as the Aye clan of Lumami village and Pongener clan among the Jungli Ao were considered as priestly clans and tasked with the supply of priests. Some clan also had its members refraining from consuming taboo foods such as dog meat by the Kinimi clan of Lumami while the Longchar clan of Ao tribe do not eat pork offal, and the Ozukum clan of the Aos refrain from consuming the hornbill .Such observances made aware the clan members the identity of ‘otherness’ from other clans and at the same time evoked the ‘we’ feeling among themselves.

The family was usually nuclear except rarely where aged parents lived with their married children. The Naga family was patriarchal, patrilineal and patrilocal. The father was the head of the family and the legitimate authority in all important matters related to his household. When a father died the eldest son succeeded him; if the son was a minor his mother presided over domestic decisions but she had no authority in matters of properties, nor was her role a necessity in the procedure of her children’s marriage; in such matters it was the child/ren’s patrilineal uncles {father’s brother (s)} who assumed the responsibilities. Although the Nagas valued a bilateral kinship system whereby, in general, relatives of fathers and mothers were treated as equally important (Nienu 2015:103) in terms of descent they followed the unilineal system and traced their descent through the father. When a son married he set up his own house and began his family of procreation. In the traditional Naga family, the father, mother and the little children lived in the same house whereas the grown up unmarried sons and daughters slept in their separate dormitories, though they partook the food in their parents’ home in the mornings and evenings.

In the traditional social structure gender differences were prominent. Women were identified as different from men right from their birth. Birth rituals observed soon after the birth by killing of chicken was determined by the sex of the child- a rooster for a boy child and a hen for a girl child. The ritual days observed on occasion of the birth of boy child and girl child differed with more days observed for the boy child. Once they reached a certain age the unmarried girls joined the girls dormitories where they were trained in learning the skills and manners deemed suitable for women in life. Among the Aos and Konyaks girls dormitories could receive male friends. On the other hand, the male dormitory of all the tribes were considered sacred and women were tabooed from entering it.

Marriage, in pre Christian Naga society, was an important institution that had social, economic and religious implications. It was through marriages that families were merged together and stronger alliances and loyalties sustained. Apart from the social security it manifested, marriage provided opportunities for elevation of not only the social and



economic status but of ritual status too. An important ceremony of the Nagas commonly called the feast of merit which was a rite of passage celebrating a man’s accumulation of wealth where he would attain a new status and enjoy better privileges could not be observed by an unmarried man. The dead body of an unmarried woman (spinster) was considered taboo to be buried within the village, and hence buried outside the village. These were common customs observed by all the tribes. Similarly, clan exogamy was a common marriage regulation observed by all the tribes; the infraction entailed banishment from the village. Among the Sumi Nagas cross cousin marriage was possible after seven generation from the paternal line and five generation from the maternal line (Jimo, 2008: 47). As for the forms of marriage, Angamis were monogamous, so were the Aos by custom. The Konyaks and Sumis accepted polygamous marriages though in practice only few (particulary the Chiefs and affluent) could afford it. Despite slight variations in marriage custom, which was to be expected given the independent character of different villages which sometimes spoke different languages even within the same tribe , all the tribes and villages recognized generally two ways through which marriages took place – one which took place fulfilling all the proper procedures to marry and another that concurred without observing all the formalities (such happened when the couple eloped, or the woman becomes pregnant before marriage, or pre marital co-habitation). The former was revered very highly and was entitled to engage all the prescribed rituals and observe the taboos which were crucial for the longevity and prosperity of the union. The later, besides paying fines to concerned authorities in some cases, lost the privilege to observe a full ceremony and with it the performance of certain rituals. Hence, apart from the social stigma, the failure of undergoing a full ceremonial marriage incurred in degradation of their ‘ritual status’ (Radcliffe -Brown, 1964: 135). The Sumi distinct the two marriages as Kulakupu (kula is a shortened form of Sumi word meaning ‘relationship’ while kupu is a shortened form of the Sumi word for ‘bridge’) hence marriage literally implies a bridge of relationship) and Ashouno Ngove (Ashou means outside, Ngove implies stay) thus the understanding of a marriage union between the concerned, outside the prescribed norms and values of their in-group and a fall out from the ‘sacred’. 1.4. Naga Marriage System after coming of Christianity During this study all respondents agreed that marriages still adhere to clan exogamy and that when such marriages incur they are now excommunicated from the church as well. After Christianity monogamy is the only accepted form of marriage among all the tribes. Similar to the traditional pattern of considering a marriage which fulfils the prescribed rituals and ceremonies to be of greater ritual significance and social prestige, the holy matrimony (a marriage rite which is administered by a priest) now retains the only form of a marriage which has social prestige and ritual value. Every other kind of marriage (including court marriages) leads to excommunication from the church resulting in social and ritual degradation. The Sumi now refers to the proper marriage as Akimithe kulakupu (Akimithe means pure hence the implication ‘a holy marriage’) while the other category of marriage is still referred to as Ashouno Ngove , colloquially it is also sometimes referred to as Akighini do lu (meaning prayer time) in recognition of a feast which is organized where the relatives and some church members are invited with intention to pray for the couple , this serves to



elevate the ritual status to a certain extent while on the other hand it facilitates the social introduction of the couple as a married one . 1.5. Marriage Rituals of the Nagas: Change and Continuity Culture is a universal phenomenon so is its dynamic nature, while a certain stability in culture is required for it to thrive, it needs to keep adapting to its changing environment for its survival. Herskovits (1967:6) starkly summed this when he stated “[T]he only completely static cultures are dead ones.” While change is inevitable in any culture , as Herskovits (1967:5) elaborated ‘no two bodies of custom are identical in detail’ and ‘every culture is the result of the particular experience of its population, past and present, that every body of tradition must be regarded as the living embodiment of its past.’ An examination of any contemporary culture therefore becomes incomplete when its past is not included in the study. This is where the oxymoron change and continuity becomes indispensable in the scholarship of culture and its related aspects despite criticism levelled at anthropology’s long obsession with ‘continuity’ (Robbins 2007: 6). With regard to contemporary Naga marriage Jimo (2008:57) in her study of bridewealth among the Sumi affirmed that the current trend of Sumi marriage reflects a prevalence of ‘both Christian principles and the traditional rituals and practices running parallel with each other’. Similarly Kikhi (2009:268) in his work on marriage system among the Zounuo-Keyhonuo group of Angami Naga concluded that despite conversion to Christianity, ‘the present marriage system is not totally Christian nor is it totally traditional’. The premise of this paper is not to repeat or review/refute the above conclusions rather acknowledging that there has already been a ‘change’ with incorporation of Christian culture and ‘continuity’ of traditional culture in Naga marriages, the objective here is perusing the changes and continuities in the marriage rituals of Nagas ,through a brief comparison, which in turn may lead to a better understanding of the socio-cultural life of the society . Significant aspects of Naga marriage rituals are therefore discussed as follows. i) Marriage Proposal: Beginning Rite of Incorporation of Families Ajawaila (1990:93) had noted that marriage is an agreement between two different group of people originating from different houses to establish affinal relationships and when a marriage is contracted the groom’s house is called the ‘man’s side’ and the brides’s house ‘the woman’s side’. Likewise among all the Nagas in pre Christian traditions the process of marriage began with a marriage proposal initiated by the man’s side and conveyed to the woman’s side (house). However, there were some differences involved in conveying the proposal among the tribes. The Angamis followed a custom of sending a marriage proposal through a woman, who may not necessarily be a family but a respectable one, entrusted by the man’s side to convey the proposal to the woman’s house. For the Sumi, the boy’s clansman visiting the woman’s house, similarly among the Aos, clansman of the intending groom accompanied him to the woman’s house. The Konyak had a unique form of marriage proposal where a man’s clansman was sent with a gift such as a dao or spear to the woman’s house, if the gift was not returned it symbolized that the marriage proposal was accepted by the woman’s side. The method for conveying a marriage proposal thus appears different. However, on further examination certain commonalities can be observed. For instance, it was the parents who arranged the medium for conveying a marriage proposal to the girl’s house



among the Angamis, it was either a parent or relatives who visit the girl’s house with the proposal among the Sumis, among the Aos the boy has to be accompanied by an elderly clansman and among the Konyaks the parents of the boy sent a gift through a clansman to the girl’s house. As marriage proposals could not be processed without the role of the boy’s parents/ clan hence whether a boy and a girl fancied each other ultimately the real step towards marriage was realized only with the approval of the boy’s family/clan amongst all the tribes. Most youth in-order to avoid possible complications of having difference with one’s parents preferred not to indulge in romantic affairs and simply left the matter of their marriage to their parents thus marriage became more recognized as arranged marriages. This ensured that mate selection rules were adhered to. Generally, an individual choice may not necessarily always conform to norms on the other hand social groups rarely go against traditions; the strong hand of parents/clan in the marriage proposal among the Naga tribes therefore commonly oversaw that marriage regulations such as clan exogamy were strictly followed. On the other hand, this also indicates that marriage was not considered as an individual’s affair, the matter of arranging a marriage of a man was a shared responsibility of the man’s family/clan. Naga families were nuclear however each family was a, part, connected to the larger body of clan; the marriage of a single member was thus not casually taken as the consequences would impact the entire clan. Another common feature noticeable is that the initiation of marriage proposal by the man’s side is reflective of the patriarchal structure of all the tribes. Besides, while the choice to accept or turn down a proposal being left to the girl’s side may at first belie the patriarchal set up involved in the marriage rituals, the fact that the decision to accept or reject a proposal is not possible without the consent of the girl’s father (or his kinsman in-case of his absence\death) reveals patriarchal authority in the acceptance of a marriage proposal too. A Naga family, irrespective of all tribes, was patripotestal, the father was the head of the house and children belonged to the father’s clan; and the final decision on all important matters of their life rests with the father or the father’s clan in the death or absence of the father, thus the matter of accepting a marriage proposal of a woman actually rests with the patriarchy from the woman’s side. In Christian marriages too, marriage proposals are still initiated by the man’s side. However, a noticeable change among the Angami tribe now is that non-family are no longer engaged for conveying the proposals rather it is now a male relative from the man’s side who visit the woman’s house with the proposal. Among the Aos the groom and his male relations continue to visit the woman’s house with the proposal. Similarly among the Konyaks too, male relatives of the man now visit the woman’s house however they still take along with them gifts such as traditional shawl, tea and milk, biscuits etc. However, the symbolic significance of accepting or rejecting a proposal through gifts has discontinued. It is no longer required to return the gift even if a proposal is not accepted, despite it, gifts are still an important part of the Konyak marriage proposal as no man’s side visit the woman’s house with the marriage proposal without bearing gifts. A new mode of proposal has emerged where the family and relatives now play direct roles in proposing amongst the Konyak too. Thus, the ritual of direct oral proposal appears to be common amongst all the tribes now. Amongst the Sumi now a family or relatives need not necessarily visit the woman’s house with the proposal, the intending groom accompanied by his friend could also fulfil it. For the Sumi an engagement



ritual is an indispensable part of the marriage procedure, it is during the engagement day that the man’s side and woman’s side get to socialize and know each other hence the evolved form of proposal where the man without his family or relatives may call upon a woman’s side with a proposal may have become an accepted form. Moreover, related to this it may also be pointed out for such proposal to be taken seriously the position of the man must be such that he has certain authority/maturity or qualification such as economic independence. In other words, he is able to represent his family/clan on his own , as his merits makes him a figure of prominence within his own family/clan and therefore in a position to represent them . What is observed of contemporary proposal ritual among all the tribes is that the patriarchal structure still prevails, with proposal continuing to be arranged by the man’s side; family and relatives now play direct role in proposal and have replaced the earlier arrangement of sending a medium with the proposal. In the case of the Sumi significant roles earlier played by family and relatives in proposal ritual appears now to be permissible for the man and his best friend to take upon , this displays a growth of individual and personal intimacy involved in the proposal ritual; however in such a case the role of family and relatives here appear to be replaced only because the purpose (i.e., formal introduction) is fulfilled in other ritual (engagement).Overall, a linear growth in the group and individuals who visit the woman’s house for proposal is visible with non-family members being replaced by family or relatives and concerned individual replacing family; the identity of a family and clan is becoming more distinct and individualistic initiative are accepted when the earlier function of the family and clan presence are met in other rituals, a change from the non-personal to the personal is therefore noticed. In traditional times the life of the Nagas were confined to a village level, their social life was one where everyone knew each other, their economic activities centred on agriculture – a homogenous society where their leisure and occupational activities were more or less uniformed and collectively performed . It was the status of a family, assets and lineage which defined some form of strata. Hence, these were important criteria considered for matchmaking. Establishing and maintaining kin network was thus an important focus of any impending marriage. Since, it is the parents who have superior knowledge in this regard their decision became more important in deciding a marriage. These days, life has become complex. People are no longer confined to their villages alone, the social life has extended even to international interactions especially with technology. The youths are engaged in different fields of occupation and interests as well. Unmarried ones look for compatible life partners and prefer to know each other well before deciding on marriages now, hence they cultivate pre-marital interactive relationships. In such a scenario , parents appear to have taken a step back and children’s decision have become the priority now for marriages , thus the idea that love marriages are more prevalent now then arranged marriages has emerged. However, it is noted that during the wooing period the couple informally introduce each other to one another’s family hence if the family has any objection it is resolved during this period. Despite the appearance that personal choices are important in deciding a marriage, the approval of parents still have much significance and without it the conduct of a proper marriage is not possible as the process of it requires involvement of family and clans. When there are differences between the parents and the children’s choice, the children either break off their romantic relationship or simply live in together as a form of being married without



the proper rituals. Another observation related to contemporary method of courtship is that by the time, the formal proposal is initiated the families are more or less familiar with each other, and have informally accepted each other. Thus, the familiarity and also the understanding that the proposal is unlikely to be rejected, could be the reason why there is a preference for more personal interactions rather than engaging others or for using symbolic gifts (as among the Konyaks) for conveying the proposal now. The formal proposal of all the tribes whether it was in traditional or contemporary (Christian) context continues to function as a rite of incorporation (Van Gennep 1960, 2004:11) for the family/clans. A proper marriage amongst all the Naga tribes continues to be observed as a series of process, involving different rituals to be observed not just by the groom and bride, but involving significant roles of their kins as well. Moreover, important decisions related to the marriage are collectively taken within itself by each party (family/clan) and then negotiated with the other party (family/clans) and never entirely by an individual. Hence, the institution of marriage remains unchanged as an incorporation of two clans/families for the Nagas and the ritual of proposal continues to be the formal beginning of the incorporation ritual. ii) Bride Price and Engagement Day: Changing Traditions Among the Aos , Angamis and Konyaks the engagement day per se was not observed traditionally. For the Angamis ,Aos and Konyaks once the proposal was accepted the man’s side may visit the woman’s house for discussion of fixing the marriage date and marriage expense, however the occasion was not elaborate and in the case of the Angamis often just a middle man could serve the purpose of the negotiation. Mehrotra (1992: 172) had noted that of the Angami marriage ‘no betrothal ceremony is performed’, this is found to be relatively true of the Aos and Konyaks too. On the other hand ,engagement or betrothal day was a prominent day among the Sumis significant with their practice of bride price , it was on this Atsa Xatha or Atsa ita (Engagement) day that the amount of ame (brideprice/ bridewealth) to be paid was negotiated and decided upon ( Jimo, 2008 : 43-60). The engagement day among the Sumi was marked by gathering of close kins from both patrilineal and matrilineal side at the girl’s parents’ home (or one of the girl’s paternal male clan’s home). Chochomi (Middle man in the village) or Asuqe Kigithimi (one who knows the ways of life) was also invited by the boy’s family to act as negotiators for the ame. A feast was thrown by the host once the negotiation of the ame was agreed upon. Earlier in the day a pig would have been brought by the boy’s party which was to be kept tied at the girls’s house, upon agreement of the ame the pig was killed and the entrails ,the rear part, also a chunk of meat in the front were taken out as Shikughu (the Sumi custom of giving share of meat according to those who had performed a certain task, normally termed for the shares of those who helps cut meat) and given to the negotiator of the ame as Ajukalasa (translates as share of meat for a day’s wage). Portions of rest of the meat were then distributed as ame shi (translates as price meat) amongst the girl’s clan; in return, paddy or other agricultural crops were gifted for the bride to carry to her new household. Among the Konyaks of Tamlu village after the acceptance of the proposal the man’s side gifts mulang (a circular brass plate which had high economic value among the Konyaks) according to the demand of the woman’s side. This served as a form of commitment/engagement. The number of mulangs could range from one to three depending



on the ability of the groom’s family and also the status of the bride’s family. As for other Konyak villages apart from the mulang , spears , daos or domesticated animals were also given . Among the Aos of Longkhum a gift of a pack of salt from the boy served as a form of commitment. More common other Ao villages was the gift of fish presented to the girl’s parents by the boy, however, this was not considered as a form of bride-price. In-fact, except for the Sumi, during the course of this study, it was found that the other three tribes do not recognize practice of bride-price as a form of their traditional culture. This may be due to several factors. In the case of the Aos the giving of the salt-pack or the fish were considered more symbolic of a bonding/betrothal moreover the economic values of these articles did not cost as high to represent an exchange for a bride. Among the Angamis domesticated animals were provided to the woman’s side however these became part of the marriage expense, moreover, these were also not practiced in all marriages. The Konyak gift could sometimes include mithuns (bos frontalis) ,which was reared only by the affluent, however in terms of economic value it did not come as high as a Sumi bride- price ; a Sumi bride-price would even include a granary besides numerous cattles especially when the woman is from a prestigious family(such as a chief’s daughter). Bride-price of the Sumis was so high that often it was made in instalments and sometimes it took years (2-3 Years) before concluding it. The Sumi practice of high bride-price was associated with the status of the girl’s family and her abilities but distinctly marked by her chastity. Pre –marriage sexual relation was taboo for Sumi women the offence resulted in decrease of her bride-price, thus it had social and economic implications related not just with the woman but her family/clan as well. The high bride-price and the elaborate ritual involved in discussing and concluding it among the Sumis had probably made the practice of bride-price a feature most associated with the Sumi tribe then with the rest of other tribes who pales in comparison with the Sumi bride-price in terms of economic value , meaning and rituals involved. Probably the degree of simplicity or complexity involved with the bride-price resulted in the observance/non-observance of an engagement day as well, as the Sumi with the highest and the most distinct form of bride price was the only one who observed the engagement day which actually revolved around the ritual of bride price. In a Christian marriage after acceptance of the proposal among the Angamis the man’s family and relatives visit the woman’s house with some food items to discuss about the marriage day and expenses in the woman’s house, where they partake in a feast. Among the Aos, similar to the Angami, engagement day per se is not obligatory, however, meeting of the man’s side and woman’s side take place at the woman’s house to discuss about the wedding preparations; where they may or may not partake in a feast according to convenience. Among the Angami and Aos it is found that there are some who organize engagement days while some do not. It appears to have become a personal choice these days whether one wants to organize an engagement day or not for the Angamis and Aos. Amongst the Konyaks a meeting between the families is organized in either the man’s house or woman’s house to discuss about the wedding. Soon after that, an engagement day is held by organizing a feast at the woman’s house and relatives from both sides are invited and the Pastor presides over the engagement ritual. For the Sumis, an engagement day (atsa ita) is held after the acceptance of the proposal where family and clans from both side come together and have a feast. Among the Sumis too, a Pastor preside over the formal engagement



programme; however bride price has become a negligible practice in recent times and now only significant family members and relatives stay back after the feast to discuss the wedding date and expenses. Bride price among the Sumis have become almost decadent with the growing understanding not to strain a groom’s economy by the woman’s family, besides educated woman no longer want to be considered ‘sold off’ as other tribes often refer to Sumi women in relation to bride prices. On the other hand, Angami and Ao tribes who traditionally did not observe an engagement day are also found to observe it now by those willing; the Konyaks who traditionally did not observe the engagement day too have acculturated it as their custom now. Abandoning some custom such as bride price among the Sumis and incorporation of new custom such as engagement day by those willing among the Aos and the Angamis reflects individual choice in continuing/discontinuing custom or incorporating new cultural practices. On the other hand, in the case of the Konyak the man’s side continue to provide gifts, however, these are considered as symbols of bonding and are given without being demanded by the woman’s side. As for their observance of an engagement day now it best reflects how they have effectively fused the traditional values of family/clan with the Christian values, i.e., the presence of the priest to bless the betrothal. iii) Wedding Ceremony and Feast: Venues reaffirming Tribal Identity In traditional times, on the wedding day of the Konyaks, a feast was organized in both the bridegroom and the bride’s house as relatives and well wishers dropped in on account of the happy occasion. Gift bearers from the bridegroom’s family visited with gifts of meat, rice and mulang (a circular brass plate) which were distributed among the bride’s’s family and relatives, however the mulang was to be kept only at the bride’s parents’ house. Towards evening the bride’s family escorted the bride to the groom’s house where upon her arrival the priest performed a ritual by taking a rooster and circling the groom. Spokespersons who were usually male from both sides then give speeches on account of the marriage. In Sumi custom on the day of marriage the bridegroom with his relations and friends went to the bride’s house on the specified day. The bride’s relatives, friends and other significant people from the village gather in the bride’s house too. The main ritual of the Sumi marriage day was when spokesperson from both sides who were usually male relatives spoke on behalf of the clans, give advices for proper conduct of married life and pronounce words of blessings for the new couple. A feast followed soon after; the animals slaughtered were provided by the groom, which were as per the specification of the bride’s family. The feast was usually organized in the afternoon, after which the bride was taken away to her new home along-with the gifts which included those that her parents had put together for her such as clothes, ornaments, paddy and other necessities to start a new household and the gifts received from other relatives and well wishers. Among the Aos the bridegroom waited with his clan and friends in the new house, he had constructed, for the bride to arrive from her house. The bride is escorted from her house by her clan and her friends. In the bridegroom’s house rice beer was consumed in celebration of the marriage, when the bridegroom comes from a well-to do family a pig was killed, cooked, and served along-with the rice beer. At the groom’s place the priest who was usually the oldest male member from the groom’s clan or the groom’s father performed a ritual of pronouncing blessings for long life, abundant livestock, plenty off-springs and many heirs.



Among the Angamis in the pre Christian marriage, in the simplest case the bride could leave for the groom’s place escorted by only a young woman and ‘the messenger’ who interacted between the woman’s and man’s side for the marriage ,this was found to be more typical for marriages when the couple were from the same village. In inter- village marriages on a fixed day the groom and his clan go to the bride’s house and bring back the bride. In more elaborate weddings a feast was usually organized at the groom’s house to mark the occasion. Irrespective of all tribes the conduct of a marriage ceremony, after Christianity, has certain commonalities now, for instance it is the groom who arrives few minutes earlier then the bride and wait for her at the place designated for the couple to occupy for the marriage ceremony. The bride enters soon after led by her father (paternal uncle or brother in absence of the father), these days the ‘bridal march’ is sometimes joined by the bride’s families and friends as well. For the marriage ceremony, two types of dressing are now observed by all the tribes. Either a complete western style i.e. tuxedo for the groom and a white dress for the bride, or a blend of ethnic wear where the bride wears a traditional mekhala (a woven wrap-aroubd) . The difference is observed that in wearing mekhala the tribes wear their own ethnic ones, in Changki village among the Aos a specific set of mekhala could worn by their village damsels when they opt to wear traditional wear on their wedding day. Among the Konyaks there is also a specific set of mekhala recognized as the formal wear of all Konyak women, apart from the white wedding dress, a Konyak woman could marry attired in it. The marriage ceremony for all tribes begins now with a prayer which is followed by a song presentation, a reading of the scripture and the declaration of the legibility of the ‘holy matrimonial’ status (when an individual is to to marry he/she informs his/her church, the church officials after thorough examination of the moral character and the church membership status of the person will confirm whether he/she is legible for a holy matrimony this is also declared during the marriage ceremony that the party concerned is ‘pure’ by the deacon of each church). The solemnization follows after which the priest gives a sermon on marriage. A hymn is sung and a prayer usually concludes the formal ceremony. After which the bride and groom stand on their feet while their parents stand close by too as the congregation queue to shake the hands of the couple and the parents as well, in case the wedding reception is held at another venue the bride and groom leaves first and the ‘shaking of hands’ takes place in the reception. In a Christian marriage an important ritual is the solemnization which is administered by a priest. During the solemnization the priest asks the bride and groom one after the other whether they accept the other as ‘husband’ and ‘wife’ after they confirm he asks each to repeat a vow of commitments which includes ‘to not depart till death’ thereafter he announces “in the presence of God and in the eyes of everyone present and by the power vested in me by the church I now pronounce you as husband and wife.” After the vows, for those willing rings are exchanged, in recent times the exchange of rings has increased while earlier Christian marriages did not involve exchange of rings. Similarly nowadays a cake is sometimes cut during the marriage ceremony in the church or most often in the reception venue and distributed to the congregation however ‘cake cutting’ is not necessary and it is observed only by those who want to include it. Despite the Christian norms of a wedding ceremony which as stated above is followed by all the tribes there are slight differences related to the venue of the wedding and the feast which



often follows the wedding ceremony . For the Sumis a wedding ceremony is to be held in the bride’s church or bride’s home. These days a feast maybe organized in the vicinity of the church otherwise the feast is organized at the bride’s parents’ home. In urban areas where venues can be hired for wedding events one can opt for such places, the choice of the location being decided by the girl’s side. Likewise, it may be pointed that for the other tribes too in the villages the wedding ceremony is usually held in the church however in urban areas other venues such as hotels, resorts etc were hired for use, this is found to be mainly because in urban areas there are space constraints. For the Konyaks the location of whether to observe the marriage ceremony in the bride’s church or groom’s church depends on the convenience and agreement of both parties. But the Konyak marriage feasts are organised at the groom’s house. Amongst the Aos the marriage ceremony takes place in the groom’s church and feast organized in the groom’s house. Among the Angamis the marriage ceremony is preferred to be held at the bride’s church, however the feast is organized in groom’s house. Unlike earlier times, there are more inter –tribal and inter-village marriages now. In inter-tribal marriages and inter- village marriages certain negotiations related to the venues between concerned parties are noted with the final decision often left with the bride’s family. In a marriage a woman is expected to leave her family and clan and start a new life with a new family and clan, hence in respect of the woman’s sentiment and her family most decisions with regard to the marriage preparation are left at the hands of girl’s family. However, when the groom is from a very influential family their decisions become more respected, this may also be because the groom does the majority of the marriage expenses, if not all. Hence, an observance of negotiating custom is visible when in contact with other’s who practice different customs here personal level of emotional understanding and influential position appears to be major determinants in choosing which custom to observe. On the other hand this reflects what Turner (cited in Baxter & Braithwaite 2002: 46) refers to as ‘a state of liminality’ where ritual performance separate cultural members from everyday life for the period of the performance, Baxter & Braithwaite (2002:46) expanding on Turner’s liminality referred to ritual performance as occasions to observe cultural reflexivity at work ; the negotiating of customs likewise depicts how members of a tribe or village may incorporate other tribe’s or village’s ritual customs in inter-tribe and inter-village marriages suggesting that cultural reflexivity is more dynamic when in contact with others. The distinct difference between the pre Christian and Christian marriage ritual is the role of the Church now, the deacons declaring the ‘purity’ of the marrying couple not only serves to identify their ritual status but identifies the membership to their respective churches. The solemnization by a Christian priest has replaced the earlier ritual roles played by clan priests and the fathers of the brides or grooms in initiating the ‘incorporation rites’, the role of family is therefore partly replaced by the Church in solemnizing marriage rituals. However, the role of family is still prominent in the wedding feast with the groom’s family looking after all or major part of the expenses as earlier. The tradition of selecting a venue for wedding and wedding feast reflects pre -Christian norms influenced by concerned tribal customs, which affirm and renews tribal identities. The exchange of ring is a pure Christian custom however this was noticed to be more in practice only in the last few decades and though it is not mandatory it was found many opt for exchange of rings these days. The wedding ring has no social or ritual significance of its own in the Naga context however during exchange of rings



if some mishaps such as dropping it take place it is believed to be a bad omen. Thus the western Christian custom of exchanging rings appears to be indigenized by traditional beliefs of interpreting mishaps during a ceremonial event as bad omen and hence a subtle display of traditional worldview can be discerned. iv)The Bridal Procession: Rite of Separation from Clan Marriage procession is significant in Naga marriages since all Nagas practice patrilocal residence and after marriage the bride leaves for the house provided by the groom. As it is always the bride who leaves for the groom’s house the rite of the bride leaving for the groom’s place is a significant marriage ritual among the Nagas. In traditional times when a wedding was more elaborate the Angami bride left for the groom’s house in the evening , a young woman was chosen to be her companion during the procession, even as she was accompanied by others i.e., her peer groups and her clans but never by her parents. In a Sumi bridal procession the bride is led by the aunt (paternal) while her friends, her clans and the groom and his relations join the procession too, however, the father of the bride cannot participate in the procession. Amongst the Konyaks the bride was lead by a married female clan member who has both her parents alive they are accompanied by the mother of the bride and other female relatives only. The Ao bride was led by an elderly clan woman to the groom’s house with her family, friends and relations as well. Similar to the Angami bridal procession the Sumi, Konyak and Ao all observed the bridal procession in the evenings. The bridal procession was a classic ‘transitional rite’ it symbolized the departure of the bride from her family and her parent clan and with it the abandonment of her previous status and role. The parents of the Angami bride who cannot join the procession and the absence of the father in the Sumi’s bride’s departure procession from her parents’ home, reflects the notion that the bride was no longer a ward of her parents but that she now belonged to the groom’s clan and that her protection and her needs were no longer the responsibility of her parents. In the case of the Ao bride the parents join the procession , however, the groom and his relations do not ,hence,for the Aos during the bridal procession the bride appears to be still under the care and protection of the parents this was because for the Aos the bridal procession precedes the marriage ceremony in this context the complete ‘separation rite’ had not culminated as the complete ‘incorporation rite’ (marriage ceremony) was yet to be done . The bride was, thus, still under the responsibility and guardian of her parents. In the case of the Konyaks an all female band escorting the bride may be understood against the background that a Konyak bride continues to live in her parents’ house for sometime even after her marriage ,hence, a Konyak bridal procession does not represent a separation rite rather it appears to form a part of the incorporation rite (marriage ceremony). The reason why the bride‘s male kins do not participate in it maybe because the marital status of the woman may have been regarded only as a woman’s initiation rite to womanhood ,rather then a clean break away from the clan as the woman returns to live in her natal home after the marriage ceremony. Overall, in the bridal procession true to its patriarch structure of society, gender roles are distinct with women from the bride’s clan playing prominent roles in the bridal procession. A young woman in the Angami bridal procession symbolizes the vitality of youth and hence the suppleness of life and fertility .The paternal aunt and elderly clan women in Sumi and Ao bridal procession represented their lineage and from whom the wisdom and skills of life the



bride has been trained under. A married woman with both parents in Konyak case symbolizes the aspiration for the couple to be blessed with children and longevity of the couple. As for the rituals taking place in the evenings this was probably because on one hand the preparation and and gathering of clans required time moreover it ensured that the bride could stay a while longer at her parent’s home until the end of the day when her leaving could no longer be delayed. The end of the day is symbolic moreover signifying the end of an old life this is constructed correlating to their belief of observing a marriage at the beginning of a new moon and never at the end of the month; the notion of ‘new’ in Naga marriage is symbolically observed in the construction of a new house for the newlywed, new clothes they marry in, and new household items prepared and gifted to the marrying couple from parents, relatives and their acquaintances. Hence the transition rite of a bride from a daughter to a daughter-in-law takes place in the dying of a day as the mark of an end of an old life while a new day would lead to the start of a new life as a married woman. These days among the Angamis most parents accompany their daughters when she leaves for the groom’s house reasoning that they love their daughter and as an expression of their affection they go along to her ‘new house’. Initially ,even after coming of Christianity the taboo of parents joining the bridal procession was observed.However, over the years a certain change came where one parent could accompany the daughter and one remained at home and in recent times both parents accompanying their daughter has become quite common. It was found that the older generation particularly observed it more. Thus, we observe an evolution of a custom according to generations where affections and personal bonds can be seen overriding traditional customs.

Amongst the Sumi even today the father of the bride does not accompany the bride when she leaves for the groom’s house. However, the procession being led by the paternal aunt per se is no longer followed. On the other hand amongst the Konyaks only the female relations of the bride continues to escort her to the groom’s house. In the case of the Sumi the continuity of regard for patriarchal superiority are evident, men’s stronger attachment to clan and their role as a guardian of their family/house is reflected; the separation rite i.e., the bridal procession where a member of a clan is separating from a clan, a family member separating from a family or a house the father (Sumi) do not leave the house to escort the bride to her new home. Thus, a family symbolizes and reaffirms the distinctness of clans here one is where the bride came from and the other where the bride is marrying into. As for the Konyaks the male kins not participating in the bridal procession reaffirms the gender differences.

v) The Wedding Night Ritual: Continuing Expressions of Gender differences

The bridegroom in traditional Angami custom spends the night at the morung, the bride was kept company at the bridegroom’s house by her peer-mates or a young woman who accompanied her in the bridal procession. Similarly among the Aos, too, the bridegroom spent the night at the Ariju (morung) and the bride’s female relatives and friends spent the night with her. The Sumi bridegroom also spent the night away from his own house and the bride’s relations (women) and friends stayed with her. Amongst the Konyaks it was upto the



bride whether she wanted a female friend to spend the night with her or she wished to spend it with the groom. Among the Angamis and the Aos an unmarried woman did not have restriction to receiving the attention of man and an Ao girl could receive a man’s company in the girl’s dormitories too. The Sumis were particularly strict with regard to this as the value of a girl was higher when she was devoid of any romantic relation, a relation with a man decreases the value of her character and hence the bride price, therefore a Sumi girl was restrained from cultivating pre-marital relationship with a man. For the Konyaks pre- marital sex was not taboo and though it was often conducted discreetly, it was prevalent nevertheless. Except for the Sumis the virginity of a woman appear to be not of much ritual consequences, hence the rite of sleeping separately as a symbol of sexual purity may not suffice here; instead the companions who accompanied the bride on her first night and where the groom usually goes to spend his first night may be noted – in the case of the Angamis a young woman , which represent the youthful life, also the female relatives and friends in other tribes as well are all reflective of the bride’s specific sex group (Van-Gennep 1960:125) similarly the groom sleeping in the male dormitory points to the same factor as well . Therefore , the rite of sleeping separately appears to be more of gender differences rather than of sexual purity besides the rite appears to symbolize the end of life as a young woman or man as unmarried and a break-way from their earlier companions (such as friends, peer groups and families) .The Konyaks on the other hand had choice to spend the night either with the groom or not, because the Konyak bride stayed back at her parents’ home for a certain period of time in some cases until she was ready to give birth, and this way her life does not change drastically immediately after marriage. In Christian marriage there is no restriction for the groom and bride to spend the wedding night together, however among all tribes it was found that most brides were accompanied by female relatives of the same age group and friends the first night, the groom meanwhile may sleep in the same house but in different rooms. Amongst the Konyaks the brides are still at liberty to choose who they spend the first night, however the Konyak bride now stay only some few days at her parents’ home and unlike earlier they join the husband soon after without much extended period of staying separately after marriage, this ensures that promiscuity which is strictly against Christian principle is restrained effectively. 1.6. Conclusion A change in marriage rituals among the Nagas now is the visibility of individualism, which appears more distinct when factors such as education, economic independence and exposure/interaction with other culture are associated with the individuals who are marrying. It is also in marriage rituals where the acculturation of westernization such as exchange of rings, cake cutting, wearing of white wedding dress etc appears most prominent. A major change in marriage rituals after coming of Christianity is the prominent role of the church – while the priest solemnizing the marriage ceremony can be considered a continuity of the indigenous custom where the indigenous priests played significant role in performing marriage rituals, marrying in the church is actually a western Christian tradition. The continuities can further be found in patriarchal dominance, gender differences, maintenance of a social structure where family and clan are identified; besides tribal distinction are most visible.



Because of the room for individualism and inter-tribal marriages Naga marriages are now characterized by multi-culturalism. Hence, despite adhering to the same religion i.e. Christianity differences in many aspects of marriage rituals are still observed among the tribes. In-fact more differences in marriage rituals are now noted even within the same tribe. Acknowledgment This paper is a part of my ongoing Ph.D research entitled “A Study on Socio- Cultural Impact of Christianity in Naga Society”. The author sincerely acknowledges Prof. Toshimenla Jamir under whose able supervision, the aforementioned study is being carried out and this article too, has taken the form it is. The author , moreover, acknowledges the ICSSR (Indian Council of Social Science and Research) for awarding of Doctoral Fellowship w.e.f January 2019.



References

Achumi, Piketo. [1992] 2012. British Policy and Administration in Nagaland 1881-1947, 3rd edn. New Delhi. Scholar Publishing House.

Aier, I.T.Apok & I. Bendangangshi .1997. The Religion of the Ao Nagas , 2nd edn. Guwahati Assam: Saraighat Offset Press

Ajawaila, J.W. 1990. ‘Marriage Rituals of the Galela People’ in Rituals and Socio-Cosmic Order in Eastern Indonesian Societies Part 2. Maluku : Brill

Bell, Catherine. 2006. ‘Ritual’ in Robert A. Segal (ed) The Blackwell Companion to the Study of Religion. USA, Uk, Australia : Blackwell.

Baxter, L.A & D. Braithwaite .2002. ‘Performing Marriage: Marriage Renewal Rituals as Cultural Performance’in Southern Journal Of Communication.

Brahma, Kameswar. 1992. A Study of Socio-Religious Beliefs , Practices and Ceremonies of the Bodos . Calcutta, Punth Pustak.

Chasie, C. (2005). ‘Nagaland in Transition’. India International Centre Quarterly Vol 32(2/3), Where the Sun Rises When Shadows Fall: The North East , 253-264. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23006032

Dele, Razeeko. 2007. ‘Marriage Practices in Idu Mishmi Society’, in Tamo Mibang and M.C.Behera (eds.), Marriage in tribal Societies . New Delhi . Blackwell.

Durkheim, Emile [1915] 2008. The Elementary Forms of religious Life. New York. Dover Publications.

Furer- Haimendorf, C.V. [1939] 2004. The Naked Nagas. Guwahati Assam: Spectrum Publications.

Gough, E. Kathleen. 1999. ‘The Nayars and the Definition of Marriage’, in Patricia Uberoi (ed), Family, Kinship and Marriage. New Delhi. Oxford University Press. Herskovits , Melville. 1967. Cultural Dynamics. New York: Alfred A.Knopf

Imchen, Panger .1993. Ancient Ao Naga Religion and Culture. New Delhi. Har- Anand.

Jamir , N. Talitemjen & A. Lanunungsang. 2005. Naga Society and Culture . Lumami. Nagaland University Tribal Research Centre.

Jimo, Lovitoli .2008. ‘Marriage Prestations and “Ame” bridewealth in the Sumi Naga Society’ in Indian Anthropologist Vol.38, No.2 (July-Dec): 43-60.

Koley, R.N.2007. ‘A Study of Marriage Practices in the Aka Community’, in Tamo Mibang and M.C. Behera (eds.), Marriage in Tribal Societies. New Delhi. Blackwell.



Lanunungsang , A. & Athungo Ovung. 2012. Nagaland the Land of Festivals. Dimapur. Heritage Publishing House.

Leach , Edmund. R. 1961. Rethinking Anthropology. London School of Economics and Political Science. Monographs on Social Anthropology. No.22. Lotha , Abraham. 2016. The Hornbill Spirit . Dimapur. Heritage Publishing House.

Mehrotra, Nilika. 1992. ‘Angami Naga Women: Some Reflections on Their Status’ in Subhadra Mitra Channa (ed) , Nagaland : A Contemporary Ethnography , New Delhi : Cosmo Publication.

Mibang, Tabang. 2007. ‘Significance of Rituals in Marriage Ceremonies of the Adis’, in Tamo Mibang and M.C.Behera (eds.), Marriage in Tribal Societies. New Delhi. Blackwell.

Miji, Pachang. 2007. ‘Marriage in Miji (Sajolang) Culture’, in Tamo Mibang and M.C.Behera (eds), Marriage in Tribal Societies . New Delhi. Blackwell.

Mills, J.P. [1962] 2003. The Ao Nagas, 3rd edn. Kohima. Directorate of Art and Culture.

Nuh , V.K. 2002. The Origin of Naga. Kohima . Vision Press.

Nshoga , A.2009. Traditional Naga Village System and its Transformation . Delhi. Anshah Publishing House.

Olson , C. (2015 Indian ed). Religious Studies: The Key Concepts. Routledge .

Oommen , T.K. 2009 . ‘Culture Change among the Tribes of Northeast India’, in Puthenpurakal, Joseph et al (eds), Christianity and Change in North East India. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company:

Raha , Manis Kumar. 2007. ‘ Marriage in India with special reference to Arunachal Pradesh’, in Tamo Mibang and M.C.Behera (eds), Marriage in Tribal Societies. New Delhi. Blackwell. Radcliffe -Brown, A.R. 1964. Structure and Function in Primitive Society. London. The English Language Book Society.

Robbins, Joel. 2007. ‘Continuity Thinking and the Problem of Christian Culture: Belief, Time and the Anthropology of Christianity’ in Current Anthropology , Vol 48, No 1.

Sarei, A.H. 1974. ‘Traditional Marriage and the Impact of Christianity on the Solos of Buka Island’ in New Guinea Research Bulletin no.57. Australian National University.

Tiẽnou, Tite. 1991. ‘Which Way for African Christianity: Westernisation or Indigenous Authencity’ in African Journal of Evangelical Theology .Vol. 10. No.2.

Van Gennep, A. [1909] 1960. The Rites of Passage. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Volti ,Rudi. 2004. ‘Review:William F.Ogburn “Social Change with Respect to Culture and Original Nature” ’ in Technology and Culture. The Johns Hopkins University Press.



Zwissler , Laurel. 2018. ‘Changing Rituals, Changing Worlds’, in Laurel Zwissler , James Bielo and Carrie Lane (eds), Religious , Feminist , Activist : Cosmologies of Interconnection. University of Nebraska. DOI : 10.2307/j.ctt20q229t https://www.jstor.org.stable/j.ctt20q229

Loina Shohe Research Scholar

Nagaland University, Lumami, Nagaland [email protected]

change and continuity of marriage rituals

Documents