a corpus-based study of complementation in albanian

A corpus-based study of complementation in Albanian:

constructions with complementizer që (and beyond)

Maria S. Morozova, Institute for Linguistic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (ILS RAS)

Saint Petersburg State University (SPbSU) Saint Petersburg, Russia

[email protected]

Balkan Languages and Dialects: Corpus-Based and Quantitative Studies October 18–20, 2018

Institute for Linguistic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Saint Petersburg, Russia)

0. Roadmap 1. Introduction

1.1. Complementation in the Balkan languages 1.2. Finite complementation in Albanian 1.3. Construction “që + Subjunctive” in Albanian

2. Material 2.1. Albanian National Corpus (ANC) 2.2. Classification of matrix predicates 2.3. ANC searches

3. Quantitative data 3.1. Use of different finite complements in ANC 3.2. Use of “që + Subjunctive” in subcorpora of ANC 3.3. MPs followed by “që + Subjunctive” in ANC

4. Explanation 4.1. MPs of potential situation: pres ‘to wait’ 4.2. Modal MPs: duhet ‘must, should’, dua ‘to want’ 4.3. MPs of causation: lejoj ‘to allow’ 4.4. MPs of speech: them ‘to say’ 4.5. Mental/potential situation MPs: mendoj ‘to think’

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1.1. Complementation in the Balkan languages • Balkan complementation:

– finite complementation “There is one morphosyntactic parallel shared by all [Balkan]

languages that is particularly striking, and, in the European context, highly unusual as well. In every one of these languages most if not all complementation – by which is meant clausal structures that fill arguments in a sentence – involves finite clauses introduced by a subordinating element of some sort and, significantly, containing verbal forms marked for person and number in all of the languages, for aspect in some of the languages, and for tense as well in some.”

(Joseph B. The semantics and syntax of complementation markers as an areal phenomenon in the Balkans, with special attention to Albanian.In Complementizer Semantics in European Languages / Ed. K. Boye, P. Kehayov. Mouton de Gruyter, 2016, 265–293).

– nonfinite complementation 22.10.2018 3

1.1. Complementation in the Balkan languages

• Subordinating elements: – “dental modal subordinators”, DMS (the term was

coined by Victor Friedman): Alb. të; Bulg., Mac. да; Gr. να; Rom. să

– complementizers: Alb. që, se; Bulg. че, що; Mac. дека; Gr. ὃτι, πώς, πού; Rom. că, cе, dacă, de

(Асенова 1989: 112; Joseph 2016: 266) – Alb. që të = Bulg. че да, SW Bulg. ще да = dial. Mac.

оти да = Gr. ὃτι να = Arom., Megl., dial. Rom. că să (Асенова 1989: 130)

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(1) Dikush u kujtua të më thërriste mua. ‘Someone thought of calling me.’ (A. Gashi. Rrëfim me intrigë. 2001)

(2) Kujtoj se do të mundte me ndjekë fillin e melodis. ‘I remember that he would be able to follow the thread of

melody.’ (Ernest Koliqi)

(3) I vunë prangat, ashtu si qe, në operacion e sipër, pastaj u kujtuan që duhej të lante gjakun...

‘They put him [the surgeon] in irons, as he was, during the operation, and after that it came to their mind that he needed to wash the blood…’ (Ismail Kadare. Darka e gabuar. 2008)

(4) Dhe, vetëm pas paraqitjes, protokollimit të atij raporti, dikush u kujtua që të shënonte mbi të.

‘And only after the presentation and registration of this report someone thought of signing it.’ (Gazeta Shqiptare. 2006)

1.2. Finite complementation in Albanian

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(1) Subjunctive complement u kujtua të thërris-te REFL recall.AOR.3SG SBJV call-SBJV.IPF.3SG

(2) Complementizer se kujto-j se do të mund-te me ndjek-ë recall-PRS.1SG COMPL FUT SBJV can-SBJV.IPF.3SG PTCL follow-PTCP

(3) Complementizer që u kujtua-n që duhe-j të la-nte REFL recall.AOR.3SG COMPL need-PRS.3SG SBJV wash- SBJV.IPF.3SG

(4) Complementizer që followed by subjunctive u kujtua që të shënonte REFL recall.AOR.3SG COMPL SBJV sign-SBJV.IPF.3SG


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• se is used in (1) explicative relative clauses (‘that’); (2) purpose clauses (‘because’); (3) comparative expressions (‘than’)

• që is used in (1) explicative relative clauses (‘that’); (2) purpose clauses (‘because’); (3) time, place, result clauses

(Rushiti 2015: 297)

• The complementizer që is said to follow mainly factive matrix predicates, while se follows the non-factive predicates

• The use of complementizers që / se is subject to variation in Albanian: either of them may occur after the same verb

• “In the literary Gheg variant of Albanian se dominates, while in the literary Tosk që is used more frequently” (Rushiti 2015: 283)


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(5) Dhe, vetëm pas paraqitjes, protokollimit të atij raporti, dikush u kujtua që të shënonte mbi të.

And only after the presentation and registration of this report someone thought of signing it.’ (Gazeta Shqiptare. 2006)

u kujtua që të shënonte REFL recall.AOR.3SG COMPL SBJV sign-SBJV.IPF.3SG

(6) Më ke lënë rrugëve që të më gjejnë njerëzit dhe të më marrin me zor në shtëpitë e tyre...

‘You were leaving me in the streets so that people could find me and take me with difficulty to their houses...’ (Dritero Agolli)

ke lë-në që të më gje-jnë have.PRS.2SG leave-PTCP COMPL SBJV me find-PRS.3PL

1.3. Construction “që + Subjunctive” in Albanian

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2.1. Albanian National Corpus (ANC) • http://web-corpora.net/AlbanianCorpus/search/ • Number of tokens: 19 431 249 • Period: 1960-2010-е • Annotated corpus: morphological annotation, metatext

annotation; non-disambiguated

Subcorpus Tokens % of Corpus Press 12 228 672 62.93% Fiction 3 842 108 19.77% Nonfiction 3 360 469 17.3% Science, official 2 150 535 11.07%

Religion 744 989 3.84%

Memoirs, essays 464 945 2.39% TABLE 1. Contents of the ANC 22.10.2018 11

2.2. Classification of matrix predicates (MPs) • The classification of MPs by Serdobolskaya et al. for their study

of Finno-Ugric languages and dialects (Сердобольская и др. 2012) was developed on the basis of typological studies of complementation (Недялков 1979; Храковский 1985; Noonan 1985, Ransom 1986, Dixon 1995) and language descriptions. –phase: filloj, nis, mbaroj, përfundoj –modal: duhet, dua, di (know how) –emotional: pëlqej, gëzohem, çuditem, mërzitem, frikësohem –mental: di (know), besoj, kuptoj, kujtoj, harroj, dyshoj,

mendoj –perception: dëgjoj, shoh –causation and/or potential situation: ndihmoj, mësoj,

mësohem, pres, përpiqem –speech: them, flas, premtoj, lejoj (TOTAL: 30 predicates)

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• MP + që + të + V (distances from 1 to 1) (7) Prapë, as shkuarja në klinikë nuk i ka ndihmuar që të heqë

varësinë ndaj drogës. ‘Again, even going to the clinic didn’t help him to get rid of

drug addiction.’ (Zëri. 2013)

2.3. ANC searches

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• MP (distance from 2 to 2) + që + të + V (8) Kjo më ndihmoi shumë që të lexoja me lehtësi shumë libra.

‘This helped me a lot to easily read many books.’ (Enver Hoxha. Vite të vegjëlisë. 1962–1976)

2.3. ANC searches

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• MP (distance from 2 to 2) + që + të + V (8) Kjo më ndihmoi shumë që të lexoja me lehtësi shumë libra.

‘This helped me a lot to easily read many books.’ (Enver Hoxha. Vite të vegjëlisë. 1962–1976)

• MP + që (distance from 2 to 2) + të + V (9) Ngrohtësia dhe rrezet e diellit po më ndihmojnë që unë

të shërohem. ‘Warmth and sunbeams help me to recover.’ (Jakov Xoxa. Lumi

i vdekur. 1971)

2.3. ANC searches

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Σ(total) QË + SBJV SBJV QË + IND SE + IND

Σ % Σ % Σ % Σ %

dëgjoj 720 5 0,69 213 29,58 159 22,08 343 47,64

premtoj 932 7 0,75 56 6,01 53 5,69 816 87,55

3.1. Use of different finite complements in ANC

TABLE 2. Use of different complements with the MPs dëgjoj ‘to hear, to listen’ and premtoj ‘ to promise’

Σtotal – total number of examples with the selected MP Σ – number of uses of a given type of complement

% – proportion of uses of the given type of complement 22.10.2018 16

QË + SBJV Σ(total)

SUBCORPUS PRESS FICTION NONFICT

Σ ipm Σ ipm Σ ipm

pres ‘wait’ 467 434 35,5 22 5,73 11 3,27

duhet ‘must, should’ 224 214 17,5 2 0,52 8 2,38

lejoj ‘to allow’ 193 159 13 4 1,04 30 8,93

ndihmoj ‘to help’ 109 94 7,69 7 1,82 8 2,38

3.2. Use of “që + Subjunctive” in subcorpora of ANC

TABLE 3. Distribution of examples with «që + Subjunctive» in the subcorpora of ANC

ipm – items per million 22.10.2018 17

3.3. MPs followed by “që + Subjunctive” in ANC

Type of MP MP Number of uses potential situation pres ‘to wait’ 467 modal dua ‘to want’ 365 modal duhet ‘must, should’ 224 causation lejoj ‘to allow’ 193 speech them ‘to say’ 118 causation ndihmoj ‘to help’ 109 cause përpiqem ‘to try’ 109 mental mendoj ‘to think’ 81 phase filloj ‘to begin’ 42 emotion pëlqej ‘to like’ 34

TABLE 4. 10 most frequent MPs used with “që + Subjunctive”

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3.3. MPs followed by “që + Subjunctive” in ANC

Type of MP MP Number of uses potential situation pres ‘to wait’ 467 modal dua ‘to want’ 365 modal duhet ‘must, should’ 224 causation lejoj ‘to allow’ 193 speech/causation them ‘to say’ 118 causation ndihmoj ‘to help’ 109 cause përpiqem ‘to try’ 109 mental mendoj ‘to think’ 81 phase filloj ‘to begin’ 42 emotion pëlqej ‘to like’ 34

TABLE 4. 10 most frequent MPs used with “që + Subjunctive”

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(10) Mezi pres që të nisem në Divjakë. ‘I can hardly wait (PRS.1SG) until I leave (SBJV.PRS.1SG) to Divjaka.’ (Dritero Agolli. Trëndafili në gotë. 1970s) (11) …kemi pritur që të fillonte ndeshja. ‘We were waiting (PF.1PL) for the match to start (SBJV.PRS.3SG). (Ahmet Shqarri. Kujtime të një gazetari sportiv. 1990s) (12) Të dy të arrestuarit janë çuar tek prokurori dhe pritet që të dalin akuzat zyrtare ndaj tyre. ‘The two accused were sent to the prosecutor, and it is expected (INACT.PRS.3SG) that official accuses will be brought (SBJV.PRS.3PL) against them.’ (Gazeta Shqiptare. 2007)

4.1. MPs of potential situation: pres ‘to wait’

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(13) Dua që të varroset me fustanin e nusërisë, me këpucë të bardha dhe me kurorë. ‘I wish (PRS.1SG) her to be buried (SBJV.PRS.3SG) in her wedding dress, with white shoes, and a wreath.’ (Zonja Bovari, përkth. V. Kalemi, 2000-e)

(14) Рo ju them se Zogu është si macja me shtatë shpirtra. Ai do plumb që të ngordhë. ‘I say that Zogu is like a cat with nine lives. He needs (lit.“wants”) (PRS.3SG) a bullet to die (SBJV.PRS.3SG).’ (Enver Hoxha. Kur lindi partia. 1981)

(15) Duhet që të qëndrojmë së bashku dhe të përkrahemi kur është e domosdoshme. ‘It is necessary (PRS.3SG) that we stay (SBJV.PRS.1PL) together and support each other when needed.’ (Koha.mk. 2013)

4.2. Modal MPs: duhet ‘must, should’, dua ‘to want’

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(16) Më lejoni që t’ua uroj 9 Majin – Ditën e Evropës. ‘Let (IMP.PL) me congratulate (SBJV.PRS.1SG) you with 9 May, the Day of Europe.’ (Koha.mk. 2012)

(17) Përshtypje më bënin fjalët e fundit të Dantonit, kur i kërkoi xhelatit ta lejonte që të puthte shokun e tij për herë të fundit. ‘I was impressed by Danton’s words, when he asked the executor to allow (SBJV.IPF.3SG) him to kiss (SBJV.IPF.SG) his friend for the last time.’ (Enver Hoxha. Vite të rinisë. 1970–1979)

4.3. MPs of causation: lejoj ‘to allow’

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(18) Ne nuk ju thamë që të digjnit kryqe në oborrin e Ibrahimit. ‘We did not say (AOR.1PL) you to burn (SBJV.IPF.2PL) crosses in the Ibrahim’s yard.’ (Ben Blushi. Të jetosh në ishull. 2008) (19) U kthye e i foli gruas që të merrte rrugën për në shtëpi. ‘He turned and told (AOR.3SG) his wife to go (SBJV.IPF.3SG) home.’ (Jakov Xoxa. Lumi i vdekur. 1971)

4.4. MPs of speech/causation: them ‘to say’

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(20) Për momentin nuk mendoj që të krijoj familje. ‘At the moment I am not thinking (PRS.1SG) about creating (SBJV.PRS.1SG) a family.’ (Zëri. 2013)

(21) - Më falni, - tha, duke folur sa me mllef, aq edhe me ironi, - por mendoj që të respektojmë ca rregulla. ‘I am sorry, – he said with bitter sarcasm, – but I think (PRS.1SG) that we shall respect (SBJV.PRS.1PL) some rules.’ (Enver Hoxha. Kur lindi partia. 1981)

4.5. Mental/potential situation MPs: mendoj ‘to think’

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References • Buchholz О., Fiedler W. Albanische Grammatik. Leipzig: Verlag Enzyklopädie, 1987. • Gramatika e gjuhës shqipe. Vëll. 1. Morfologjia / Red. M. Domi. Tiranë: Botim i Akademisë së Shkencave, 2002. • Fykias I., Sampanis K. Finite complementation in the synchrony and diachrony of Greek and in other Balkan

languages. In Selected Papers from the 19th ISTAL. 2011, 195-204. • Joseph B. The semantics and syntax of complementation markers as an areal phenomenon in the Balkans, with

special attention to Albanian.In Complementizer Semantics in European Languages / Ed. K. Boye, P. Kehayov. Mouton de Gruyter, 2016, 265–293.

• Noonan M. Complementation. In Shopen T. (ed.) 1985. Language Typology and Syntactic Description, v. 2: Complex Constructions. Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 42–140.

• Mišeska-Tomić O. Balkan Sprachbund Morphosyntactic Features. Netherlands: Springer, 2006. • Асенова П. Балканско езикознание: Основни проблеми на балкански езиков съюз. София: Наука и

изкуство, 1989. • Добрушина Н.Р. Сентенциальные дополнения с союзом чтобы. In: Кибрик А.Е. (ред.). Компьютерная

лингвистика и интеллектуальные технологии: По материалам ежегодной Международной конференции «Диалог» (Бекасово, 30 мая–3 июня 2012 г.). В 2 томах. Т. 1: Основная программа конференции. Вып. 11. М.: Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, 2012, 150-161.

• Летучий А.Б. О некоторых свойствах сентенциальных актантов в русском языке. In Вопросы языкознания, 5, 2012, 57-87.

• Недялков В.П. Заметки по типологии двупредикатных конструкций. Опыт исчисления. In Значение и смысл речевых образований (межвузовский тематический сборник). Калинин: Калининский государственный университет, 1979, 35–47.

• Сердобольская Н.В., Ильевская А.А., Минор С.А., Митева П.С., Файнвейц А.В., Матвеева Н.С. Конструкции с сентенциальными актантами в финно-угорских языках. In Финно-угорские языки: фрагменты грамматического описания. Формальный и функциональный подходы. М.: Языки славянских культур, 2012, 382-476.

• Храковский В.С. (отв. ред.) Типология конструкций с предикатными актантами. Ленинград: Наука, 1985.

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a corpus-based study of complementation in albanian

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