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Cosmopolitan Dreams: The Making of ModernUrdu Literary Culture in Colonial South AsiaJennifer Dubrow

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Cosmopolitan Dreams

v

Cosmopolitan Dreams

vThe Making of Modern Urdu Literary Culture

in Colonial South Asia

Jennifer Dubrow

University of Hawai‘i PressHonolulu

© 2018 University of Hawai‘i Press

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

23 22 21 20 19 18 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Dubrow, Jennifer, author.

Title: Cosmopolitan dreams : the making of modern Urdu literary culture in

colonial South Asia / Jennifer Dubrow.

Description: Honolulu : University of Hawai‘i Press, [2018] | Includes

bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018008661 | ISBN 9780824876692 (cloth; alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: Urdu literature—19th century—History and criticism. |

Literature and society—South Asia—History—19th century.

Classification: LCC PK2157.D83 2018 | DDC 891.4/3909954—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018008661

Cover art: Cover of 1961 edition of Fasana-e Azad, edited by Ra’is Ahmad Ja‘fri.

Courtesy of Sheikh Ghulam Ali and Sons.

University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free

paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and

durability of the Council on Library Resources.

Contents

Preface vii

Acknowledgments ix

Note on Transliteration and Translation xv

Introduction: Print, Literary Modernity, and the Urdu Cosmopolis 1

Chapter One: Printing the Cosmopolis 13

Chapter Two: The Novel in Installments 35

Chapter Three: Experiments with Form 62

Chapter Four: Reading the World 82

Conclusion: New Spaces of the Urdu Cosmopolis 109

Notes 121

Bibliography 151

Index 167

vii

Preface

Cosmopolitan Dreams

In his response to Benedict Anderson’s foundational work on nation-alism, the historian Partha Chatterjee remarked, “If nationalisms in the rest of the world have to choose their imagined community from certain ‘modular’ forms already made available to them by Europe and the Americas, what do they have left to imagine? History, it would seem, has decreed that we in the postcolonial world shall only be perpetual consumers of modernity. . . . Even our imaginations must remain forever colonized.”1 This book is about how readers and writers in late nineteenth-century South Asia imagined and dreamed anew—using the very tools that Anderson had isolated as providing “the technical means for ‘re-presenting’ the kind of imag-ined community that is the nation”: the novel and the newspaper.2 In the chapters that follow, I show how the arrival of affordable print technology in the late nineteenth century fostered a flourishing and dynamic literary culture in Urdu. Literature became a site in which modern daily life could be portrayed and satirized, the protocols of modernity challenged, and new futures imagined.

Urdu readers and writers envisioned a particular form of affilia-tion through their participation in print. This is called in this work “the Urdu cosmopolis.” Urdu was a transregional language in the nine-teenth century, spoken across a wide swath of present-day South Asia. It was spoken by the educated classes in northern India and present- day northern Pakistan, and was the language of the princely state of Hyderabad (which comprised parts of present-day Telangana, Karna-taka, Andhra Pradesh, and Maharashtra). As recent scholarship has shown, Urdu was also spoken by migrants to the thriving port city of Bombay, and by Indian settlers in East Africa and Burma. This world of Urdu speakers was brought together by the spread of lithography, a print technology invented and brought to India in the early nineteenth century, and by the proliferating railway and telegraph lines.

viii Preface

The Urdu cosmopolis acted to resist the fractures of religious communalism—political forms that relied on religion as a “hard” marker of identity—and incipient nationalism. Against this back-drop, the actions of members of the Urdu cosmopolis to claim a shared space and affiliation on the basis of language, rather than reli-gion, region, caste, or class, became an act of resistance, the construc-tion of a cosmopolitan ideal that was soon challenged, yet revived in other forms and other locations. Unlike Urdu’s status in the present day, when it is often understood as a language used exclusively by Muslims, this book brings to light a different moment in Urdu’s his-tory, when its users imagined other forms of belonging. It shows how languages can be at the center of nonnational, transregional commu-nities whose borders transcend the modern nation-state, and how they can be tied to ethical practice.

A modern critical ethos developed in the pages of late nineteenth-century Urdu periodicals. In the conclusion, I follow the continuation of this ethos into the present. I close here by citing Mulk Raj Anand’s 1928 novel Untouchable, which follows a day in the life of a young Dalit sweeper named Bakha. As Bakha debates between different forms of modernity, he “dreams of a way to access both ethical and political forms of liberation.”3 Such dreams of liberation began in the late nineteenth century as modern literary forms became the means with which to interrogate the self, critique political and social norms, and model new social relations. Cosmopolitan Dreams suggests not a vision of liberation that went unfulfilled but rather the critical act of dreaming in moving toward freedom.

ix

Acknowledgments

Cosmopolitan Dreams is in part about alternative forms of com-munity based on language and affective bonds. It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge here the academic and Urdu communities without whom this book would not have been possible.

My work in Urdu would never have begun without the early guidance and encouragement of professor Frances W. Pritchett at Columbia University. Her passion for Urdu poetry and tireless work in making visible the many-layered tapestry of Urdu literary culture have served as model and inspiration. Fran has written of the Urdu ustad (teacher/mentor) as “a priceless resource”; I can-not express my intellectual and personal debt to my two ustads at the University of Chicago, C. M. Naim and Muzaffar Alam. From my early days as a student in Naim sahib’s Urdu class, to our later discussions of poetry, literature, and Urdu literary culture in the classroom and over coffee, Naim sahib exemplified how to be a scholar, teacher, and public intellectual. Muzaffar sahib supported and guided my project as it developed over the years; besides serv-ing as dissertation advisor and mentor, his intellectual curiosity and wide-ranging scholarship form models that I admire and hope to emulate. Dr. Aftab Ahmad, now at Columbia University, as di-rector of the AIIS Urdu language program in Lucknow further re-fined my Urdu with humor and patience. He has also been a dear friend. I also thank early Urdu teachers Afroz Taj and John Caldwell, who first taught me the Urdu script.

My thinking and scholarship have been nurtured and sus-tained by a number of intellectual mentors and scholars: Dipesh Chakrabarty, Sheldon Pollock, Ulrike Stark, Priya Joshi, David Lelyveld, Sudipta Kaviraj, Francesca Orsini, Lawrence Rothfield, Vasudha Dalmia, Sanjay Joshi, Swapan Chakraborty and Abhijit

x Acknowledgments

Gupta, Gail Minault, Christina Oesterheld, Nile Green, Farina Mir, Sascha Ebeling, Margrit Pernau, Veena Naregal, Veena Old-enburg, Francis Robinson, Seema Alavi, and Kavita Datla. I thank them for their work, and also for supporting and encouraging me at various stages. Lawrence Rothfield took on my project in the early days and supported my interest in novel theory. Clint Seely asked important questions at the beginning. In the field of Urdu studies, I am grateful for the pioneering and foundational work of Kathryn Hansen, Gail Minault, Barbara Metcalf, Mehr Afshan Farooqi, Syed Akbar Hyder, Christina Oesterheld, Frances Pritch-ett, C. M. Naim, Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, Mike Fisher, David Lelyveld, and Muhammad Umar Memon. At the University of Chicago, Gary Tubb, Yigal Bronner, Sascha Ebeling, Valerie Rit-ter, Whitney Cox, Elena Bashir, Rochona Majumdar, Steven Col-lins, Wendy Doniger, and Ron Inden taught and encouraged me. Their intellectual and personal guidance has been invaluable.

The archives of the Urdu cosmopolis are spread from the United States to South Asia. This book would not exist without the generosity, support, and guidance of the staff of several volu-minous and extraordinary libraries in India, the United Kingdom, and the United States. I thank the staff of the Khuda Bakhsh Ori-ental Public Library in Patna, whose work to preserve and digitize Urdu, Persian, and Arabic manuscripts and printed books ensures that these treasures will be safeguarded for future generations. The staff at the Salar Jung Museum and Andhra Pradesh State Ar-chives provided invaluable assistance in locating hard-to-find peri-odicals and pointing me to new sources.

The British Library is where this project really began, in the sense that it was there that I first became engrossed in the pages of Avadh Akhbar and glimpsed the incredible breadth and depth of Urdu print culture. The library staff’s tireless work to preserve nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Urdu printed material, and their genuine joy at bringing out old materials made the li-brary a truly productive and inspiring place to work. I thank Leena Mitford and Mike Fisher for guiding me through the collections and providing access to material.

The work of James Nye, Bronwen Bledsoe, SAMP (South Asia Materials Project), and the Center for Research Libraries in Chi-cago to disseminate Urdu periodicals and books serves as a guid-

Acknowledgments xi

ing light for the future. I am especially grateful to Jim Nye for al-ways encouraging and facilitating my archival research.

I have been fortunate to be surrounded by several wonderful intellectual communities at the University of Washington. In the department of Asian Languages and Literature, I thank Nandini Abedin, Ian Chapman, Justin Jesty, Tim Lenz, David Knechtges, Amy Ohta, Prem Pahlajrai, Pauli Sandjaja, Wang Ping, and Anne Yue-Hashimoto for many words of encouragement over the years. My colleagues in the South Asia program in the department pro-vided advice, support, and models of how to get things done. I have been joined by three other scholars of print culture in Asia, Chris Hamm, Ted Mack, and Heekyoung Cho, whose work has inspired me. I am especially grateful to Michael C. Shapiro, Da-vinder Bhowmik, Collett Cox, Chris Hamm, Ted Mack, Zev Handel, Heidi Pauwels, Richard Salomon, William Boltz, and Paul Atkins for their mentorship and support over the years.

A brilliant cohort of South Asia scholars at the University of Washington, including Manish Chalana, S. Charusheela, Radhika Govindrajan, Sudhir Mahadevan, Vikram Prakash, Priti Rama-murthy, Cabeiri DeBergh Robinson, K. Sivaramakrishnan (Shivi), and Craig Jeffrey, provided a vibrant intellectual atmosphere for the study of South Asia. I thank Keith Snodgrass and the office staff of the South Asia Center for organizing activities and events that have made the UW such a warm and productive place.

The thriving Textual Studies community at the University of Washington has nourished my research. I thank Jeffrey Todd Knight, Geoff Turnovsky, and Beatrice Arduini for their intellec-tual and material support, and camaraderie. The Simpson Center for the Humanities, especially Kathy Woodward, has provided an intellectually stimulating place to think about and explore the hu-manities.

Friends and colleagues, located both near and far, have moti-vated, challenged, and supported me over many years. From afar, I thank Hajnalka Kovacs, Xi He, Scott Relyea, Anjali Nerlekar, Krupa Shandilya, Preetha Mani, Priti Joshi, Asiya Alam, Rajeev Kinra, Walt Hakala, C. Ryan Perkins, Pasha M. Khan, Richard Del-acy, Jonathan Ripley, Manan Ahmed Asif, Whitney Cox, Blake Wentworth, Sean Pue, Sunit Singh, Atiya Khan, Arnika Fuhrmann, Shreeyash Palshikar, Ed Yazijian, Spencer Leonard, Debali Mookerjea- Leonard, Juned Shaikh, Madhavi Murty, and Daisy

xii Acknowledgments

Rockwell. In Seattle, the support and friendship of Christian Novetzke, Sunila Kale, Maureen Jackson, Nalini Iyer, and Purnima Dhavan have been invaluable.

The South Asia scholarly community lost several wonderful scholars, mentors, and mensch during this project: Norman Cutler, who gently nudged me along; Bernard Bate, with whom I had only a few conversations but who left an indelible impression; Carol Sa-lomon, Bengali specialist and wonderful colleague; Kavita Datla, associate professor of history at Mount Holyoke College and scholar of Urdu; and Aditya Behl, professor of Urdu at the Univer-sity of Pennsylvania. All left us too early. I dedicate this book to the memory of Ram Advani (1920–2016), the owner and proprietor of Ram Advani Booksellers in Lucknow, and bibliophile, intellectual, and Urdu cosmopolitan.

Research and writing of this book was supported by the Roy-alty Research Fund, the Simpson Center for the Humanities, the South Asia Center, and the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Washington. American Institute of Indian Studies and the Foreign Language and Area Studies fellowships supported language study and research. I thank the department of Asian Lan-guages and Literature and the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Washington for their generous support of the publi-cation of this book.

For their help in preparing this manuscript for publication, I thank Corbett Costello, Chris Diamond, Joseph Marino, Nabeeha Chaudhary, and Michael Skinner. Michael Walstrom listened to translations; Shariq Khan assisted with Persian translations. I thank Pamela Kelley and the staff at the University of Hawai‘i Press for smoothly guiding the manuscript through the publication process. Paula Friedman brought her longstanding expertise and critical eye to my prose; I thank her for insightful editing. Bart Wright pro-duced the beautiful map. To illustrate the wide geographical spread of Urdu printing in the nineteenth century, the map shows South Asian cities or towns that housed at least seven Urdu presses be-tween 1850 and 1900, based on the information collected in Nadir ‘Ali Khan, Hindustani Press: 1556 ta 1900 (Lucknow, India: Uttar Pradesh Urdu Akadami, 1990).

Earlier versions of portions of Chapter 2 were previously pub-lished in “A Space for Debate: Fashioning the Urdu Novel in Colo-nial India,” Comparative Literature Studies 53, no. 2 (2016); “ Serial

Acknowledgments xiii

Fictions: Urdu Print Culture and the Novel in Colonial South Asia,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 54, no. 4 Copyright 2017 © The Indian Economic and Social History Association. All rights reserved. Reproduced with the permission of the copyright holders and the publishers, SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi; and “Sharafat and Bhal Mānsī: A New Perspective on Re-spectability in Fasana-e Azad,” South Asian History and Culture 9, no. 2 (2018): https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsac20.

A circle of friends reinvigorated me at every stage of this proj-ect, offering their knowledge, expertise, support, companionship, and cheer. I thank Sonal Khullar, Anand Yang, Susan Gaylard, Beatrice Arduini, and Sareeta Amrute for so many conversations, and for always inspiring and guiding me. My parents, Linda Dubrow- Marshall and Steve Eichel, have exemplified the cosmo-politan impulses discussed in this book. Finally, this book would not have been possible without the support and care of my fellow traveler, Jameel Ahmad.

xv

Note on Transliteration and Translation

I have used minimal diacritical marks to transliterate Urdu words in this book so as hopefully not to distract the reader. I have specified long vowels with a dash above (as in ā) when marking the vowel length helps to clarify the meaning of the word. I have transliterated the Persian izafet as -e, as in the Urdu novel Fasana-e Azad, the Urdu letter che as -ch, and the letter ‘ain (when marked) as ‘. The pen name (takhallus) of Urdu writers has been placed in quotation marks at first mention.

All translations are mine unless otherwise attributed. In my translations I have followed the strategy of trying to maintain the rhetorical effect of the original. If the original Urdu text was of mid-dling quality, as in the zamanah ashob translated in chapter 3, then my translation attempts to convey that. For all satirical works, I have aimed to express the humor of the original.

Map 1 Major Urdu Publishing Centers of British India until 1900.

1

Introduction

Print, Literary Modernity, and the Urdu Cosmopolis

As soon as it’s morning, our eyes turn toward the mail.

—Sarush Haq, Balrampur, published October 15, 1879

A passion for printed reading materials developed among Urdu readers in South Asia in the second half of the nineteenth cen-

tury. The technology of lithography, a process for reproducing text and image on stone, had made Urdu printing newly affordable, and an explosion of Indian-owned commercial publishing had occurred. Readers eagerly embraced the new technology, creating an interactive and dynamic print culture in South Asia. Newspapers, periodicals, and printed books flooded the market.

Readers’ letters reveal the daily lives of print in the districts and small towns of colonial South Asia; the letters uncover a rich texture of small details and local variations that are often lost in macro-level studies of print culture. The mail might arrive in the morning or in the afternoon, and on this depended whether a person might be able to read it the same day or the next. But this was just the beginning of how people interacted with printed materials. Manalal, the sarrishtahdar-e ijlas (superintendent of the court) for the honorary as-sistant commissioner and ta‘luqdar (landlord) in Pratabgarh (north of Allahabad) seems to have read his newspaper in isolation: “I’m always waiting for the postman. As soon as I open the newspaper, I read the humor section and I’m delighted. When I get to the “to be continued” [baqi a’indah] at the end, my longing starts all over again.”1 Other

2 Introduction

readers spoke of a group experience of print, where newspapers would circulate among neighbors or members of a district, as in Krishan Ra’o’s letter from Muth, in Jhansi district: “Every morning when the mail comes . . . people from the district assemble to listen. First they listen to or read the humor section, then check out the telegraph news or [the news of] the victory at Kabul.”2 Print can be, and seems to have been for these readers, an emotional, affective experience.

These letters come from the Northwestern Provinces and Oudh (later renamed the United Provinces, in 1902), located in the northern part of British India. But readers’ letters to the newspaper Avadh Akhbar (also known as Oudh Ukhbar) originated from all over Brit-ish India, from what I, in this volume, am calling the Urdu cosmopo-lis. In the pages of periodicals, Urdu readers and writers created a distinct form of cosmopolitanism: a form organized around language rather than religion. This transregional community of Urdu speakers stretched across the four corners of colonial South Asia, from Rawal-pindi (in present-day Pakistan) in the north to Madras (now Chennai) in the south, from Bombay on the west coast of India to Calcutta in the east. Through print, Urdu readers and writers created a transre-gional, transnational language community that eschewed identities of religion, caste, and class. Although this community came into being through print only to risk being quickly fractured by the forces of nationalism and communalism in the nineteenth and twentieth centu-ries, it reappears in other forms and other locations, such as twenty-first-century Pakistani telenovelas.

Evident from the names of the letter writers above is the composite religious identity, or rather the lack of importance of reli-gious identity, of members of the Urdu cosmopolis: the letter writers were Hindu and Muslim. This point would not require comment if so much had not changed since 1879. A process of linguistic separation began in the 1860s, in which Urdu was presented as the language of Muslims, whereas Hindi, a closely related language, was portrayed as the language of Hindus. This divide continued with the 1947 parti-tion of British India into the present-day nations of India and Paki-stan, when Urdu was made the national language of Pakistan, and Hindi was made an official language of India, making the division between the two seem more rigid and immovable. In the late nine-teenth century, however, these divisions had not yet taken hold. This book therefore in some ways concerns a historical relic, a time when to be a Hindu writer of Urdu required no comment. Yet it is also

Print, Literary Modernity, and the Urdu Cosmopolis 3

about alternative ways of conceiving of community, language, reli-gious identity, place, and nation.

Literary Modernity in South Asia

This book uses the term “Urdu literary modernity” to describe the ways that literature becomes a key lens for debating modernity in colonial South Asia. One of the central arguments of this book is that literature in colonial South Asia became one of the key sites in which the protocols of modernity were worked out. In this, I draw from Sudipta Kaviraj, who has suggested, “In India, reflection on moder-nity came primarily through literature.”3 In his formulation, the ar-rival of modernity in India produced a conflict between two ethical systems: the moral imagination of classical Indian philosophy, focused on ontology, epistemology, logic, and aesthetics, and the “self-reflexive” nature of modernity, demanding a self-criticalness to construct a new moral order centered on the self, amid the break-down of social norms.4

The preceding commentary is not to suggest that modernity originated in the West and moved outward to non-European periph-eries, nor that South Asian literary modernity represents a form of “vernacular” or “alternative” modernity, as has been suggested by many scholars.5 Recent theories of artistic modernism have stressed exchange and translation as central to modernist projects around the world. As Iftikhar Dadi demonstrated in his study of modernist art in Muslim South Asia, “Modernism [is] inherently transnational.”6 Sonal Khullar in her work on modernism in the visual arts in colonial and postcolonial India also highlighted the transactional nature of modernism: “Modernism represented a creative and critical exchange between Western and non-Western cultures, albeit one freighted with risks and constrained by asymmetries.”7

Studies of modernism in both the visual and literary arts in South Asia have tended to begin in the early twentieth century and continue onward. The 1930s and 1940s are seen as the decades of the begin-nings of modernism in South Asia, with modernism continuing into the 1970s and 1980s. The formation of the all-India Progressive Writers’ Association in 1936, which proposed art for the goal of so-cial uplift and practiced modernist literary techniques, often stands at the beginning of the genealogies of modernism in South Asia. Yet, as literary scholar Aparna Dharwadker has pointed out, the roots of

4 Introduction

modernism lie in the late nineteenth century, with what she describes as the “initial moment of rupture from indigenous tradition brought about by colonialism, one that contains all subsequent disjunctions as extensions of the original breach.”8 But despite scholarly recognition of literary modernity’s origin in the nineteenth century, work on that period’s literature has focused on other aspects of its production, aes-thetics, or concerns.9 The late nineteenth century is often seen as tran-sitional, lacking in artistic quality, or—to cite Dipesh Chakrabarty’s well-known phrase to describe historical accounts of Indian moder-nity—“not yet” modern.10

I use the term “literary modernity” to describe a constellation of large-scale developments. The most important change to take place in the late nineteenth century in South Asian literatures was the devel-opment and dominance of what various scholars have called a self-critical, ironic, more distant, and self-reflexive narrative perspective.11 To put it simply, modern South Asian literature became that litera-ture that laughs at itself, and indeed at the moral structure of the world of the (colonial) present. This is not to suggest that premodern literatures in South Asia could not be parodic or engage in irony, but rather to point out that in the second half of the nineteenth century, this particular narrative consciousness started to dominate.12 Further, that consciousness was stylized into the narrative form itself, so that self-critique became central to choice of form, genre, characteriza-tion, narrative voice, style, and so on.

A second feature of literary modernity in South Asia has been a rhetorical break with the past. The colonial critique of South Asian literatures, summarized in British politician and historian Thomas Babington Macaulay’s iconic statement that all of South Asian litera-tures were not worth a single shelf of a European library, led to a wide-scale rejection of tradition by late nineteenth-century writers. Premodern literatures were recast as “unnecessarily difficult,” infe-rior, decadent, and obscene.13 Modern writers declared their break from this tradition, as in the statement by Urdu novelist Ratan Nath “Sarshar” (1846/1847–190314) in 1879 about his novel Fasana-e Azad, “I do take pride in the fact that I have done something that no one else has done—and what is that? I’ve written the novel of all nov-els” (discussed in chapter 2).15 Yet such statements were often more rhetoric than reality, as modern writers drew deeply from, reinvented, and reinvigorated premodern traditions in the process of crafting a

Print, Literary Modernity, and the Urdu Cosmopolis 5

modern art.16 Dharwadker refers to this feature of literary modernity as its “paradoxical relation to tradition.”17

South Asian literary modernity is also characterized by the in-creased use of prose.18 Prior to the mid-nineteenth century, to be a writer was to be a master of verse. The development of prose as a literary and scientific means of expression led to the creation and de-velopment of modern vernacular languages in South Asia.19 This fact has often led to a false dichotomy between poetry and prose in liter-ary study. Yet identifying the divide between prose and poetry with the divide between modernity and premodernity does not apply in Urdu. Strong traditions of both modern Urdu poetry and prose flour-ished in the late nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. One has only to think of the convention-breaking, Marxist, secular, and protest verses of the great twentieth-century Urdu poet Faiz Ahmad “Faiz” (1911–1984), who was nominated four times for the Nobel Prize for literature, or of the modernist poets “Miraji” (1912–1949) and N. M. Rashid (1910–1975), who reworked the vocabulary of classical Urdu poetics, and who used poetry to critique ideologies such as na-tionalism and create new forms of belonging.20 As I have already noted, in classical poetry the self-critical mode was indeed there, al-though not dominant; thus, a prose/poetry, modern/premodern di-chotomy artificially bifurcates Urdu literature in a way that obscures more than it shows.

Urdu as a Language of Modernity

Urdu occupies a particularly intriguing and fraught location within multilingual South Asia. Because of its history as a language that was split off from Hindi in the late nineteenth century, rebranded as the language of Muslims, and consequently made the national language of Pakistan at the time of that nation’s independence in 1947, early twenty-first-century conceptions of Urdu remain intimately tied to historical and contemporary concerns.21

On the one hand, Urdu is seen as a language of loss, death, mourning, and nostalgia. This perception is best summed up in Anita Desai’s 1984 English novel In Custody, which follows a Hindi lec-turer’s attempt to interview a prominent Urdu poet in Delhi. The poet says, “ ‘Urdu poetry?’ he finally sighed, turning a little to one side . . . ‘How can there be Urdu poetry when there is no Urdu language left? It is dead, finished.’ ”22 This narrative of the death of Urdu in India

6 Introduction

has been repeated in present-day news accounts in India, academic conferences, and literary histories.23 It is often linked to the traumas of Partition and the migration of many of India’s Muslims into Paki-stan. As Anita Desai elaborated in an interview, “Although there is such a reverence for Urdu poetry, the fact that most Muslims left In-dia to go to Pakistan meant that most schools and universities of Urdu were closed. So that it’s a language I don’t think is going to survive in India.”24 On the other hand, Urdu scholar Amina Yaqin points out that Desai sees Urdu as connected only to one regional set-ting, that of north India, and cannot account for its persistence in other locations; such a view elides the survival of Urdu in many insti-tutional settings, including Osmania University, the most important university of Urdu, located in Hyderabad.25

A second, particularly poignant, example of this feeling of loss can be found in Intizar Husain’s 1979 Urdu novel Basti. Written in the aftermath of the 1971 Bangladesh War of Independence, the novel details the narrator’s memories of his childhood growing up in the (fictional) town of Rupnagar, clearly located in present-day Uttar Pradesh, before the narrator’s migration to Pakistan during Partition. The narrator’s account of the pleasures and pains of growing up in a syncretic culture that spans both Hindu and Muslim cultural legacies of north India before Independence and Partition makes clear that the novel is in part an elegy for this ganga-jamuni way of life.26 As Hu-sain detailed in an interview about the novel, he viewed Indian Mus-lims as having a particular history: “We’re not the same as Arab Muslims, nor are we Iranian Muslims. We’re Muslims of the Subcon-tinent, of India [hind].”27 The loss of Urdu in India—in particular, north India—becomes connected to this sense of loss of a historical identity, an identity viewed as syncretistic, worldly (even cosmopoli-tan), and multifaceted. There is a sense that with Partition, this mo-ment has been lost.

Another dominant narrative concerning Urdu paints it as the language of bureaucracy, the imperial courts, and commercial trans-actions. From 1836, when the lieutenant governor of the Northwest-ern Provinces replaced Persian with Hindustani, a language that later became known as Urdu, as the language of government administra-tion, the merits and demerits of Urdu as a language of bureaucracy were regularly debated. The issue of its suitability continued to be central to the campaign to recognize Hindi as a language of govern-ment administration. This debate over language and register reached

Print, Literary Modernity, and the Urdu Cosmopolis 7

a turning point in 1882 with the Hunter Education Commission, ap-pointed by the government of India and under the supervision of Sir William Hunter, to report on the progress of education in India. For this commission’s hearings, twenty-eight witnesses testified or sent written testimony. Some of the reports complained that the use of Persian and Urdu in land records meant that a wrong placement of dots above or below the letters could change the meaning of a record. These examples show the second dominant narrative concerning Urdu; in this narrative, Urdu appears as the language of transaction and bureaucracy, its worthiness tied to everyday matters of property, business, and government affairs.

Neither of these dominant narratives leaves much room for the kind of genres covered in this book. Turning to the rich archive of newspapers, literary journals, cartoons, readers’ letters, and satire presents a new picture of Urdu literature. Ask any Urdu speaker what his or her language is known for, and the answer will be sha‘iri (po-etry). Such a concept binds Urdu to its classical (and modern) heri-tage. It defines Urdu as a language of refined sensibility and verbal elegance. These are traits to be treasured, but it is precisely not this vision of Urdu that I present in this book. Rather, this book uncovers Urdu as a language of modernity; it reveals the dynamic world of Urdu print, the deep engagement with and debates on modernity in journals, newspapers, novels, et cetera, and correspondence between writers and readers. Urdu was central to both the experience and the critique of colonial modernity in South Asia; it was a language in which modern life was lived, satirized, disputed, and challenged.

The Urdu Cosmopolis

A central concern of this book is the ways that print helped to create an Urdu cosmopolis in late nineteenth-century South Asia. I have used the word “cosmopolis” to indicate how Urdu readers and writ-ers imagined themselves as citizens of an Urdu-speaking, transre-gional, yet nonnational community that was global in outlook and consciously resisted national borders or religious identities. Pheng Cheah defines cosmopolitanism as “primarily . . . viewing oneself as part of a world, a circle of belonging that transcends the limited ties of kinship and country to embrace the whole of humanity.”28 For Urdu readers and writers of the late nineteenth century, the world was both real and imagined. It was made real, for access to the

8 Introduction

modern newspaper, and to the global and globalizing infrastructure on which it relied (the telegraph, the railroad, the postal network, the steamship), brought the world to one’s fingertips. As South Asia be-came part of the imperial information network, the events of far-flung locations were available to read, to hear, to view, and to touch. Access to the newspaper collapsed geographical distance, as readers in such disparate locations as Lucknow, Hyderabad, and Rawalpindi consumed the news almost simultaneously.

At the same time, for Urdu readers and writers the world could also be imagined—through what Pheng Cheah has called the “world-making activity” of literature. As Cheah notes, world literature is “an important aspect of cosmopolitanism because it is a type of world-making activity that enables us to imagine a world.”29 In the late nineteenth century, Urdu speakers looked to England, France, Russia, Persia, and Arabia, and, within South Asia, to Bengal, for cultural and literary models. Thus they created a global imaginative space, in which models could circulate freely and be readapted, mixed, and drawn upon in developing new ways of thinking, similar to what Partha Mitter has called virtual cosmopolitanism.30 By this creation, Urdu writers resisted the cultural models offered by colo-nialism, in which power relations between colonizer and colonized, West and East, foreign and native, were clearly and sometimes rig-idly defined.31 Literature became an arena of agency, a site of resis-tance to British hegemony.32 This project was later taken up by pro-gressive and modernist artists and writers in South Asia, who were committed to a vision of art that would awake India’s masses and “create the forms of the future,” as modernist painter Amrita Sher-Gil wrote in 1936.33

The Urdu cosmopolis changed the geography of Urdu literature, democratizing it away from the precolonial literary and cultural cen-ters of Delhi and Lucknow to the large cities and small towns of the railway lines. As evident in the map at the beginning of this chapter, the major Urdu publishing centers of British India comprised metrop-olises such as Lahore, Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras, but also the towns on the Oudh-Rohilkhand Railway (formed in 1872) such as Moradabad, Bareilly, and Badaun. The Urdu cosmopolis was con-nected by the railway lines, built in the late nineteenth century to move troops, labor, and, eventually, commodities.34 It was not neces-sary to be a major cultural center or even a big city to be part of the network of Urdu publishing.

Print, Literary Modernity, and the Urdu Cosmopolis 9

In stressing affiliations beyond region, religion, caste, and na-tion, the Urdu cosmopolis acted to resist the fractures of communal-ism and nationalism that increasingly operated upon it in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Gyan Pandey and others have traced how British colonial ways of counting and codifying identities through mechanisms like the census and anthropological survey served to harden what were previously more permeable and fluid religious identities.35 As the present book notes, the Urdu cos-mopolis threatened to be fragmented in the late nineteenth century: as Urdu and Hindi were redefined along religious lines in the second half of the nineteenth century, the constellation by which a high-caste Hindu author such as Ratan Nath Sarshar, author of the Urdu novel Fasana-e Azad (discussed in chapter 2), can produce a novel in that language, without feeling any need to comment on this fact, was pried apart. This fracturing reflected the growing divide between Hindi and Urdu in the 1860s and 1870s. This divide continued into the twentieth century, when nationalists debated what should be the status of Urdu in independent India. The politics of Hindi and Urdu proved problematic for nationalist figures such as Gandhi, who advo-cated in 1925 for the use of “Hindustani,” which he saw as a shared language among Hindus and Muslims. Yet as Kavita Datla has con-vincingly argued, early twentieth-century Urdu “advocates, educa-tors, and literary critics” used Urdu to envision “the shape and future of a secular national culture.”36 She showed that “the Urdu language in the early twentieth century became a means not only of asserting difference but also of imagining a common secular future.”37 Despite this, the identifications of Urdu with Muslims and Hindi with Hindus has continued into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, and con-tinues to shape present-day language policy in India and Pakistan.

The Urdu cosmopolis is different from other translocal cosmop-olises identified by scholars, such as the Sanskrit cosmopolis, and Per-sian, Muslim, and Arabic cosmopolitanisms. Sheldon Pollock used the term “Sanskrit cosmopolis” to describe the nexus of cultural and political power exercised in Sanskrit across South and Southeast Asia in the first millennium CE. Pollock identified how a transregional lan-guage (in this case, Sanskrit, an elite language to which access was restricted to male upper-caste Hindus) could unite diverse polities—that is, through their very usage of this shared language. Such a model clarifies the interplay among language, culture, literature, and power in the vastly multilingual space of South Asia. As Muzaffar Alam and

10 Introduction

others have traced, Persian similarly, through the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries under the Mughal Empire (1526–1857), became a language of power, literary prowess, and kingship, patronized by Mughal kings and functioning as a way of securing alliances with “heterogeneous social and religious groups.”38

The formation of the Urdu cosmopolis in the late nineteenth century built on this tradition. When the British changed the language of administration of the Northwestern Provinces to Hindustani in 1837, this language that later became known as Urdu took over the position of Persian. Urdu became a language necessary to grasp if one would have access to political power. Urdu’s position was soon chal-lenged, however; beginning in the 1860s, when a movement to estab-lish Hindi, written in the Devanagari script and drawing more on the literary and linguistic heritage of Sanskrit, took hold in the North-western Provinces and Oudh, resulting in the addition of Hindi, in 1900, as a language of administration.

Other scholars have used the terms “Islamicate” and “Persian-ate” to denote the complex of social and cultural practices associated with Muslims and Islam, though not necessarily with the religion of Islam, which arose out of Arab and Persian literate traditions. These practices were transnational and cosmopolitan, traveling beyond the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Empire to influence a wide range of artistic and cultural practices in the fourteenth to nineteenth centu-ries. In South Asia, deep links between the Indian subcontinent and West Asia led to a particularly interconnected relationship between India and Iran through the early twentieth century, prompting one scholar to define a “Persianate modern” selfhood that was the prod-uct of a shared Indian and Iranian modernity.39

The Urdu cosmopolis stands at the intersection between these earlier Islamicate modes and what we now think of as modern, reified religious identities of Hindu and Muslim. Urdu cosmopolitanism drew upon the networks and cultural modes of being that were com-mon to both the Islamicate and Persianate idioms, yet in its use of the modern technology of print, Urdu cosmopolitanism imagined itself anew. Writers and readers formed a language community that was transregional. This was not a national unifying, uniform commu-nity,40 nor was it a community rooted in a particular place or region. Quite the contrary, the writers and readers consciously envisioned a world, unified by Urdu, that was larger than region and country. Drawing on the idioms of the Persianate cultural world, the members

Print, Literary Modernity, and the Urdu Cosmopolis 11

of the Urdu cosmopolis saw themselves as participating in a shared cultural idiom that, rather than be geographically delimited, traveled along telegraph lines and rail tracks, and was carried by the modern newspaper. This was a culture centered in what historian Seema Alavi has called the “imperial assemblage,” the constellation of the British and Ottoman Empires connected by the circulation of information and networks of travel, as concerned with the daily goings-on of the Ottoman Pasha as with French theater actresses or as with the par-ticular conundrums of employment, family relations, comportment, and self-fashioning in the modern world. The Urdu cosmopolis was distinctly not organized around religion, as the participation of many high-caste Hindus attests.

The Urdu cosmopolitanism that I discuss in this volume is differ-ent from the Muslim cosmopolitanism identified by Seema Alavi in her 2015 book Muslim Cosmopolitanism in the Age of Empire. Alavi identified a Muslim cosmopolitanism practiced by South Asian Mus-lims after the Mutiny of 1857.41 In her study of five Indian Muslim scholars who fled India to resettle in parts of the imperial Muslim world (such as Cairo, Mecca, and Istanbul), Alavi locates the forma-tion of Muslim cosmopolitanism at the nexus of the British and Otto-man Empires. She delineates how Muslim cosmopolitans resisted both the nation and the Caliphate, instead forming a “cultural and civilizational view: a universalist Muslim public conduct based on consensus in matters of belief, ritual, and forms of devotion.”42 The Urdu cosmopolis, by contrast, was not based on religion, and should not be confused with the Muslim ummah, the global community of Muslims. It should also be understood as distinct from the Arabic cosmopolis described by Ronit Ricci, which Ricci defined as “a translocal Islamic sphere constituted and defined by language, litera-ture, and religion” that developed in South and Southeast Asia in the sixteenth to twentieth centuries.43 On the contrary, the Urdu cosmop-olis acts to resist the identification of identity with religion, stressing instead a shared critical idiom and bonds of affection created through language.

A Reader-Centric Approach to Print

In this book, I highlight the role of readers in creating print culture in South Asia. As the French book historian Roger Chartier pointed out in 1992, reading is a practice that “rarely leaves traces.”44 Yet

12 Introduction

understanding readership remains central to understanding the ways that people make meaning of texts, and indeed, how texts are con-structed through the practice of reading. Readership has been a focus of book history, but remains understudied in South Asia. In his influ-ential essay “Forms of Time and Chronotope in the Novel,” Bakhtin pointed out that readers and listeners comprise the world “that cre-ates the text, for all its aspects—the reality reflected in the text, the authors creating the text, the performers of the text (if they exist) and finally the listeners or readers who recreate and in so doing renew the text—participate equally in the creation of the represented world in the text.”45 This is particularly true in the case of South Asia, where readers were intensely involved in early print culture. The reason for this intense participation may derive from the prevalence of oral and performative genres and entertainment forms through the nineteenth century—what Francesca Orsini has called “a society habituated to oral and visual entertainment.”46 Despite low literacy rates, readers took to the new medium of print with incomparable enthusiasm. Their role in making sense of print, and shaping the course of late nineteenth-century Urdu literature, is central to this book.

151

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About the Author

Jennifer Dubrow is assistant professor of Urdu in the Department of Asian Languages and Literature at the University of Washington, Seattle.