chikan industry of lucknow -...

Chapter-2 Chikan Industry of Lucknow

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CHAPTER-2

Chikan Industry of Lucknow

2.1) Introduction

India is a land of craftsmen. Indian textiles have been well known in Europe since

Greek and Roman times. From 1600 to 1800 AD, India was the biggest exporter

amongst the textile exporting countries (Arya and Sadhana, 2002). Textiles in India

are beautified by various techniques such as embroidery, brocading, printing, painting

and dyeing; but among all of these, the embroidery craft is ranked at the top.

Lucknow is the capital of the state of Uttar Pradesh, one of the poorest and most

populated states in India. It has a population of 4.58 million according to the 2011

Census, and experienced a 25.79 % growth rate in population over the previous

census decade. According to the 1991 Census, 40% of Lucknow’s population lived in

slums or slum-like conditions (Kantor, 2009:196). Lucknow, like India, has a majority

Hindu population but there is a significant Muslim population, representing about

23% (ibid.) of the city’s residents. Lucknow is primarily an administrative and service

center with relatively little industrial or commercial activity. The occupational

structure of the urban poor in the city reflects this. The economy is mostly informal,

offering low income livelihood opportunities in transport, vending, and daily wage

work, together with a still significant number of people relying on traditional

embroidery skills.

2.2) An Overview of Embroidery Clusters in India

In India there are many popular embroidery clusters such as chikankari of Lucknow,

katha of Bengal, phulkari of Punjab, kutchi embroidery of Gujarat & kashidakari of

Kashmir. Each style of embroidery is different from the other and has its own beauty

and significant value (Arya and Sadhana, 2002:1). The city of Lucknow has a

prominent place in the history of India, particularly for its art, historical monuments

and rich cultural heritage. The rulers of Awadh, specially the Mughals, were very

fond of art and cultural activities such as music, poetry, architecture and handicrafts.

Besides being famous for its hot summers and a glorious past, Lucknow is also known

the world over for its many fine handicrafts. Some of the most popular names in this


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list are chikankari, hand block textile printing, zari/zardozi [gold and silver

embroidery], ivory or bone carving, terracotta and many others that are practiced by

various artisans of Lucknow. Chikankari is the most popular amongst these and is

recognized worldwide.

2.3) The Meaning of Chikan

Chikankari is the name given to the delicate art of hand embroidery traditionally

practiced in the city of Lucknow and its environs (Lucknow City Magazine, 1988). Its

Lucknow origin is the strongest and the simplest element in the definition. Scholars

have been defining and classifying chikan for almost a century. Their efforts span

several changes in the kind of embroidery being produced and the conditions in which

it has been made. Several writers have tried to probe the word itself for clues as to the

origin of chikan. But there is no certainty, and certainly no consensus as to what

chikan means. Some have described chikan as a Bengali word meaning 'very nice

thing'. Some have translated it as 'fine' (Lucknow City Magazine, 1988) while still

others have termed it as a Persian word meaning 'to put in bold relief (Lucknow City

Magazine 1988). Paine (1989) gives a range of Persian possibilities, from the 1651

Burton's classical dictionary definition of ‘a kind of embroidery with gold thread,

quilting’ to ‘embroidery in various kinds of silk on garments and other items’ in later

dictionaries. She also writes of Richardson's 1806 Persian/English dictionary terms

chikan/chikin—‘a kind of cloth worked with the needle in flowers.’ Finally, she notes

that chikan has possible linguistic connection to the physical barriers of purdah

[veiling] through the Persian word for "a blind" (chik/chiq). Other definitions of

chikan include ‘a form of embroidery done on some whitewashing material such as

muslin, calico, linen or silk’ (Gulati and Nayar, 2004:96), and ‘embroidery done by

white cotton threads on colourless muslin’ (Pande, 1968).

The very range of embroidered textiles to which the word 'chikan' has been applied in

the literature no doubt contributes to the difficulty in settling upon its meaning (Watt

1904) The category 'chikan' is essentially the result of British classification of the last

century, and it is unclear at what point the analytic categories of British critics

diverged from names and descriptions given by makers and consumers of embroidery.

British and other subsequent writers' own prior ideas about how embroidery was to be


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understood and their familiarity with European styles of needlework were highly

influential in shaping their classifications (e.g. use of terms such as 'satin-stitch',

'buttonholing' and so on). In most lexicographical definitions, chikan appears as a

class of objects, neither connected specifically with Lucknow nor entailing an entirely

distinctive form of embroidery. Watt's (Gulati and Nayar, 2004:97) classification

gives chikan the status of a 'division' of embroidery with subdivisions of chikan-work

proper, satin-stitch on white-washing material, and kamdani or gold and silver

embroidery on white cotton cloth and muslin. Watt, therefore, writes about chikan in

such far-flung places as Peshawar, Madras and Calcutta as well as Lucknow, although

the work differed in each location. Naqvi's 1971 definition is almost the same as

Watt's with the addition of information about the thread that is used--white threads of

bleached raw silks like muga or tasar.

2.4) History and Tradition of Chikankari

The art of chikan embroidery in India is about 400 years old. It is believed that this is

a Persian craft, which came to India with Noorjahan, the queen of Mughal Emperor

Jahangeer being practiced by her and other begams (wives). Chikankari flourished

under the patronage of the rulers of Awadh. Later when the capital of Awadh shifted

to Lucknow from Faizabad, in the year 1722, the knowledge of the craft came to

Lucknow. The Mughals found that hand block printing skills made it easy for them to

practice this embroidery, as earlier the tracing of design was very difficult. This

availability of easy process of drawing of base design encouraged them to teach this

fine embroidery-work to their kaniz (servants), who in turn taught it to their family

members and gradually this embroidery become a part-time earning source for many

women of rural areas (Arya and Sadhana, 2002:1).

William Hoey, writing in 1880 about the trade manufacturers of the United Provinces,

states that chikan was always a favourite employment of women of some castes in the

domestic sphere. Hoey describes two types of workers. On the one hand there were

male professional chikan workers doing the best work and getting paid the highest

piece wages. On the other hand there were women and children working long hours

for little amounts of money, or lesser quality work including Indian style garments,

handkerchiefs, and pieces for inserting into separately prepared articles (Hoey 1880).


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This strongly implies the existence of a division of labour based on sex in chikan

work more than one hundred years ago, in which men's work was elaborate and well

paid and women's work, while detailed, was low-paid. Chikan as an export industry

grew producing goods for populations outside Lucknow, instead of only for the local

elite, with the labour of impoverished women and children desperate even for small

wages (Oldenburg 1984).

The organisation and finance for the chikan industry were provided by members of

the Hindu commercial castes who had transferred their activities from banking to

money lending and manufacturing. Among them were Rastogi, and Sunni and Hindu

Khatri businessmen, who began to set up karkhanas (workshops) to cater to the tastes

of the new elite (Oldenburg 1984). Craft of chikankari is quite distinctive and forms

an integral part of life in Lucknow. The fine needlework adorned the garments made

from gossamer silk fabrics and muslin for the ruling elite. The love and hard work of

the artisans created delicate designs on fabrics and were reminiscent of sheer grace.

They captured the beauty of intricate patterns of marble jali and inlay work of the

Mughal period monuments and developed this indigenous form of artistic embroidery

called chikan. The tradition of chikankari has come down from families who served

the ruling elite. The craftsmen with love and devotion worked on topi-palla or

angarkha, for their masters, creating designs that were unmatched in beauty. With the

decline in patronage, economic compulsions forced the men to look out for more

lucrative employment and the craft passed on to the womenfolk of the community, as

a source of subsidiary earning for the family. Gradually, it became the main source of

earning (Arya and Sadhana, 2002:2).

By the 1950s, women were in majority in the industry. In the 1960s, the chikan

product range widened to include sarees, kurtas, dupattas, women's salwar-qamiz.

English goods like tablecloths and table linen continued to the produced either for

export or for consumption by upper class Indians. Not coincidentally, this has also

been the period in which the embroidery stage has been totally feminised. With the

fall in demand for superior murri work, men found their productive skills

unrewarding and either gravitated towards agent roles or left the industry altogether.

Women now make the best and the most expensive as well as the coarsest and the

cheapest chikan products. They are both the industry's cheap labour and its master


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crafts-persons, and make up an increasing, if still small, proportion of agents who

subcontract work (Wilkinson-Weber 1999). In the beginning, the Mughals and

Persians who settled in Awadh practiced & patronized the craft, but later on its touch

and style were continued in Dhaka and Bengal, mainly Calcutta where Navab Wajid

Ali Shah of Lucknow remained in captivity of British rulers. Bengali work was

mainly for the European market but no trace of it remains today; neither in Calcutta

nor in Dhaka (Arya and Sadhana, 2002).

Critics and mahajans (traders or sub-contractors) alike see a clear connection in the

development of an exclusively female workforce and the prevalence of poor quality

work - a connection that is based on false perceptions of female skill. In a classic

restatement of how gender stereotypes can influence perceptions of skills, chikan is

now defined as women's work and as such can never be regarded with the respect that

is given to men's work (Wilkinson-Weber 1999). Explanations of decline

notwithstanding, the production of cheap, coarse chikan serves the

mahajans’(traders/sub-contractors’) economic interests. Competition among

mahajans is now intense and value is more intensively extracted in the embroidery

phase, which means that more and more low-skilled women are being employed to

make bakhiya work at very low wages. In Lucknow, embroiderers used to work under

the patronage of local courts. When these declined in the mid- nineteenth century,

chikan work changed from being a professional activity, pursued by men, to a cottage

industry for women. Today, it is mainly in the hands of Muslim women and is still a

significant industry in Lucknow (Arya and Sadhana, 2002:2).

2.5) The Uniqueness of Chikan-craft and the Process

Due to the variety of stitching-styles involved in chikankari, it is claimed to be a

unique kind of hand embroidery that is impossible to imitate in any other part of the

world. The most skilled embroiderers possess a broad repertoire of twelve to seventy

five stitches (Wilkinson-Weber 1999). Although there are major areas of overlap,

there is no consensus among the most skilled over how stitches are named, nor does

knowing more stitches necessarily translate into greater skill. Chikan embroiders

according to Arya and Sadhana (2002:2), claim a repertoire of about thirty-two

stitches to which they give delightfully fancy names: double-star earring, peacock


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feather’s eye etc. Some of the names in their local language are; sidhual, makra,

mandarzi, bulbulchashm, Tajmahal, phooljali, phanda, dhoom, gol murri, zanjeer,

keel, kangan, bakhia, dhania patti, lambi murri, kapkapi, karan phool, bijli, ghaspatti,

rozan, meharki, kaj, chameli, chane ki patti, balda, zora, pachni, tapchim kauri,

hathkati & daraz of various types. Closer analysis reveals that many of these are

different combinations of the same few basic stitches.

Defining chikan in terms of its stitches is complex and does not illuminate how

embroiderers themselves think about their work. A 'complete' list, as Wilkinson-

Weber puts it, is in any case hypothetical, since there is no one who subscribes to such

a list (Wilkinson-Weber, 1999). Most commonly, discrimination is made between the

flat and embossed stitches, amongst which the stitches of bakhiya, katao, and tepchi

are termed flat, and most forms of murri embossed. Jali is always treated separately

as a kind of 'network', in accordance with indigenous discriminations. While the

segregation of jali is well established, there is no evidence that embroiderers make a

distinction between the embossed and flat stitches. Short descriptions tend to pinpoint

a few details of chikan that make it distinct. Bakhiya, katao, and tepchi are invariably

mentioned, grouped together as 'flat' stitches according to Watt's (1904)

categorization. Dhamija (1964) also traces the bakhiya, tepchi and katao triad, but

inserts a discussion of murri and phanda before going on to jali. Chikankari is an art,

which results in the transformation of the plainest cotton and organdie into yards of

flowing magic. The word chikan stems from a Persian word derived from chic, which

referred to the 'jali' work done on marble or wood. It is also famous as shadow work

or white embroidery work, traditionally practiced in the city of Lucknow and its

environs.

Traditional chikankari was embroidered on muslin with a white thread. Gradually the

work was begun on other fabrics like organdie, malmal, tanzeeb, cotton and silk. At

present all types of fabrics including voil, chiffon, lenin, rubia, khadi, handloom cloth,

terry cotton, polyester, georgette, terry voil etc. are used in chikan embroidery. The

pattern is block printed on de-starched fabric using temporary (not fast) dyes.

Chikankari is something like unity in diversity, that is, it includes some simple and

complex stitches giving it an effect which is simple, gentle, delicate and yet elegant.

These days Chikan work is being done on variety of items such as saris, suits, kurtas,


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table covers, bed sheets, and cushion covers etc. The following flowchart (Figure-1)

shows the process through which the final chikan product is achieved.

Figure-1: Chikankari Process Flow Chart

PROCESS FLOW CHART

FOR LADIES & GENTS SUITS FOR SARIS & SUIT LENGTHS

CLOTH

CUTTING

STITCHING

PRINTING

EMBROIDERY

JALI WORK

FINAL STITCHING

WASHING

PRESSING

FINAL PRODUCT FOR SALE

CLOTH

CUTTING

PRINTING

EMBROIDERY

JALI WORK

PICO (in saris only)

WASHING

PRESSING

FINAL PRODUCT FOR SALE

Source: Arya and Sadhana, 2002

2.6) Biggest Artisan- based Cluster

Chikan embroidery in Lucknow is the biggest artisan-based cluster of India. As noted

earlier, there are about 250,000 artisans of hand embroidery associated with this


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cluster. Apart from this, artisans from other fields such as cutting, stitching, hand

block textile printing, jali work and washer men are also a part of this cluster. The

total number of artisans, thus, associated with chikan embroidery cluster, other than

chikankari artisans, are about 5000 (Arya and Sadhana, 2002). A detailed map of the

chikan embroidery cluster is given in Figure-2.

Figure-2: Cluster Map of Chikan Embroidery

Source: op cit.:10


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2.7) The Value Chain

The concept of global commodity chains was introduced into the literature by Gereffi

(in Mehrotra and Biggeri, 2007:64) during the mid-1990s. Value chain is the set of

value-adding activities through which a product passes from the design to the

consumption stages. The worth of the product increases at each point of the process,

hence the term value chain. This commodity chain can be local, national, regional or

global with increased globalization. A value chain is ‘global’ when different activities

are carried out in different countries (McCormick and Schmitz, 2002). In other words

The value chain describes the full range of activities which are required to bring a

product or service from conception, through the different phases of production

(involving a combination of physical transformation and the input of various producer

services), delivery to final consumers, and final disposal after use. (Kaplinsky et al.,

2001, p. 4)

Traditionally, home workers were analyzed in their local context, but local conditions

are increasingly affected by global forces. Value chain analysis helps us to understand

the connection to other actors in the chain. The unequal distribution of revenue across

the value chain indicates the existence of economic exploitation in the labour process.

Value chain analysis can help to identify winners and losers resulting from the

globalization of product markets, and can help to find ways of spreading the gains of

globalization (Kaplinsky, 2000; McCormick and Schmitz, 2002). It also helps to

identify the market power, profits share, the governance (Giuliani et al., 2004, cited in

Mehrotra and Biggeri, 2007:64) and structure of the networks and informal/formal

links.

In general the value chain takes shape as described in Figure-3. The diagram indicates

different steps of the value chain.


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Figure-3: Example of Input-Output Structure of Value Chain

Source: Mehrota and Biggeri, 2007:65

The figure represents a simplified structure of a value chain. Indeed, if information is

available it can be represented also as a map, giving all sorts of information regarding

the chain, such as network structure, geographical spread, power relationships –

control and governance. This can be represented graphically by using, for instance,

the share of chain value added, share of chain sales, share of chain profits relative rate

of profit, share of chain buying power (Kaplinsky et al., 2001; McCormick and

Schmitz, 2002). In other words, chain mapping can be used to complement the value

added information with other relevant aspects of the chain, such as indicating a

control over a key technology or a distinctive competence and holder of chain ‘market

identity’ (e.g. brandname) (Kaplinsky et al., 2001:66.)

A significant segment of the value chain often is in the informal economy. The link,

between working in the informal economy and being poor, is strong; and stronger for

women than for men. This is partly because more women than men work in the

informal economy, and partly because women have lower representation in the higher

income employment status (employer and self-employed) and higher representation in


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the lower income statuses (casual wage worker and industrial outworker) (Carr and

Chen, 2001).

2.8) Geographical Coverage of Lucknow

The artisans of chikan embroidery are scattered in and around Lucknow within a

radius of about 125 K.M. The districts covered are Unnao, Barabanki, Lakhimpur,

Hardoi etc. Some other villages where one can find few artisans of chikankari are in

Raibareilly, Sultanpur and Faizabad (Arya and Sadhana, 2002:4). The women are

mostly housewives and in most cases this work is their only source of personal

income.

2.9) Providing Employment to Many Non-Artisans

Chikan embroidery not only provides employment to about 250,000 artisans of

different crafts, but people from non-craft base also earn their livelihood by

associating themselves with this craft. Expected number of non-artisans earning their

bread and butter from this craft is about one million (ibid.). They may be contractors,

manufacturers, retailers, raw material providers or employees with manufacturers.

2.10) Key Milestones and Performances of the Chikan Embroidery Cluster at

Lucknow

Till 1860, this artistic embroidery was the craftsmanship of the ladies of royal Mughal

families. The products were used by royal family members only. From 1860 till 1947,

the only commercial product was topi palla. The main buyers were Muslims and the

main markets were Dhaka (now in Bangladesh), and some areas that are now in

Pakistan, Hyderabad and Lucknow. In these decades the business was good and few

manufacturers catered to the entire market. After partition, the main markets of topi

palla of chikan embroidery were not easily accessible because they became foreign

markets for Indians. This forced the manufacturers to develop new products such as

gents kurta and sarees. Some manufacturers started manufacturing ladies suits (with

or without dupattas) and even luncheon sets. But this period is also seen as the worst

period of chikan embroidery. Due to production of only lower value products,

consumers started using the products as night wear. The period from 1990 to 1999 can

be referred to as the golden period of this cluster. New products, such as suit lengths


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were developed and manufacturers started producing high value products. New

entrepreneurs with high ambitions entered the field and started manufacturing good

quality products. Some reputed fashion designers also included chikan embroidery in

their samples and catalogues which highlighted chikankari at national and

international levels. Chikankari products got good publicity through media, especially

T.V serials and films.

2.11) Analysis of Business Operations

The basic raw material for manufacturing of chikan embroidery products is cloth,

which is easily available in India. Availability of a variety of cloth in the market

provides manufacturers with opportunity to produce many products. In manufacturing

of chikan embroidery goods, the usual procedure followed is of subcontracting the

work. Job workers are hired on per piece basis (Mehrotra andBiggeri, 2007) who then

usually work from their own place and complete the process of production such as

cutting, stitching, printing, embroidery and washing. Some manufacturers have also

started in-house process of manufacturing. Chikan embroidery dresses are now treated

as fashion garments but manufacturers do not use designers for product designing or

for development of new products. Very few manufacturers use design experts. The

designing work isusually carried out by the manufacturer himself, either by copying

designs from fashion catalogues or by ideas imparted by buyers. Normally about 3-5

months time is required for production of chikan embroidery products (field

observation). Sometimes it even extends up to 7-8 months depending on the intricacy

of the design. The embroidery artisans are not directly associated with the

manufacturers. A contractor of the area procures the work from the manufacturers and

distributes it to the artisans. Artisans are dependent on the contractor, who usually

exploits them. They also do not get regular work and payment from the contractor. As

job distribution is done by the contractor, artisans who are the actual masters of the art

do not get their due wages, earning paltry sums. The workplace conditions of the

artisans are quite poor. Usually they do work at home along with their regular

household work. Kutcha homesteads tend to soil the cloth to be embroidered, and

poor light and hygienic conditions adversely affect the health of the artisan. Most of

the artisans in the cluster specialize only in 4-5 stitching styles of chikankari. It is

easy to find products with embroidery forms of bhakiya, murri, phunda, tepchi and


55

sidouli jail, but very difficult to get the other styles. In this cluster the manufacturer

usually has specialization in manufacturing one or two products. Some only

manufacture ladies suits while some produce saris. Specialized manufacturing of

value wise products is also present. Manufacturers can be differentiated as producers

of low range, medium range or high range products. A majority of manufacturers are

involved in producing low priced products, so that they make quick profits. As a

result, they compromise on the quality of chikankari work and indulge in unhealthy

practice of undercutting. Some manufacturers have established their embroidery

centers in villages, where they provide work to a group of artisans and pay on

monthly basis instead of the regular job work pattern. Here they have a good control

on the quality of embroidery.

There is no proper coordination or link among manufacturers. Due to fear of

duplication of product design, they avoid discussing their ideas with each other. No

consortium or network activity is in practice in the cluster. Artisans of chikan

embroidery mostly reside in rural areas and are unorganised, therefore they are not

directly related to the manufacturers. The contractors of the area come to Lucknow

and contact the manufacturer for work. Afterwards they sublet the work to rural

artisans. Manufacturers feel ease in this process as they have to deal only with one

person i.e. the contractor and not with a group of artisans.

SWOT Analysis of Chikan Embroidery

STRENGHTS WEAKNESSES

Ø Large domestic market

Ø Traditional handicraft

Ø Huge artisan base

Ø Can be done on a variety of cloths

Ø Availability of skilled artisans

Ø High competition among

manufacturers

Ø Low-price hand-made garments

Ø Available in all price ranges

Ø Customised products can be made

Ø Exemption of Excise Duty, Trade

Ø No technological upgradation

Ø Lengthy production time

Ø No designer input

Ø Over production of low quality

goods

Ø Manufacturers do not have

technical qualifications

Ø Very less export

Ø No association among

manufacturers

Ø No fixed time for return of goods

from embroidery


56

Tax

Ø A brand name in itself

Ø Easy availability of raw material

Ø Availability of transport facilities

Ø Unorganised artisans cluster

Ø Very less fund flow from

financial institutions

Ø Very less advertisement in

Foreign markets

Ø Very less use of modernised

facilities such as computer, CAD,

internet and e-mail etc.

Ø Products mainly treated as

seasonal summer garments

Ø Undercutting practiced among

manufacturers

OPPORTUNITIES THREATS

Ø Big scope in domestic market

Ø Big scope in foreign market

Ø Scope for development of new

products

Ø Scope for selling low price goods in

Latin America (e.g Beach wear in

Brazil, Chile)

Ø Various Central and State

government schemes for benefit of

artisans

Ø Schemes for benefit of Artisans

Ø Implementation of Baba Saheb

Ambedkar Hastshilp Vikas Yojna

under Office of the Development

Commissioner (Handicrafts) for

welfare of artisans

Ø Competition with printed &

machine embroidered items

Ø Globalisation might bring

Pakistani embroidery or other

similar products in India

Ø Change in government policies

such as imposition of excise duty

and trade tax

Figure-4: Strengths-Weaknesses-Opportunities-Threats Analysis

Source: Arya and Sadhana, 2002:14

The contemporary chikan industry thrives on an informal organisation of labour, in

which artisans work for piece-wages from the mahajans (traders or sub-contractors).

The flexibility, abundance and effectiveness of hand-powered labour is more

beneficial for the chikan traders. The weak bargaining power of these workers, and

potential workers, means that low wages persist.


57

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