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    Battle of Nicopolis 

    The Battle took place on 22/25 September 1396 and resulted in the rout

    of an allied army of Hungarian, Bulgarian, Wallachian, French, German,

    Burgundian and assorted troops (assisted by the Venetian navy) at the

    hands of an Ottoman force, raising of the siege of the Danubian fortress

    of  Nicopolis and leading to the end of the Second Bulgarian Empire. It is

    often referred to as the Crusade of Nicopolis and was the last large-

    scale crusade of the Middle Ages. 

    Background

    There were many minor crusades in the 14th century, undertaken by

    individual kings or knights. Most recently there had been a failed

    crusade against Tunisia in 1390, and there was ongoing warfare in

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    northern Europe along the Baltic coast. After their victory at the Battle of

    Kosovo in 1389, the Ottomans had conquered most of the Balkans, and

    had reduced the Byzantine Empireto the area immediately surrounding

    Constantinople,  which  they later proceeded to besiege (in 1390, 1395,

    1397, 1400, 1422 and finally conquering the Byzantine capital in 1453).

    In 1393 the Bulgarian tsar  Ivan Shishman had lost Nicopolis —  his

    temporary capital —  to the Ottomans, while his brother, Ivan Stratsimir, 

    still held Vidin but had been reduced to an Ottoman vassal. In the eyes

    of the Bulgarian boyars,  despots and other independent Balkan rulers,

    this was a great chance to reverse the course of the Ottoman conquest

    and free the Balkans from Islamic rule. In addition, the frontline between

    Islam and Christianity had been moving slowly towards the Kingdom ofHungary. The  Kingdom of Hungary was now the frontier between the

    two religions in Eastern Europe, and the Hungarians were in danger of

    being attacked themselves. The Republic of Venice feared that an

    Ottoman control of the Balkan peninsula, which included Venetian

    territories like parts of  Morea and Dalmatia, would reduce their influence

    over the Adriatic Sea,Ionian Sea and Aegean Sea.  The Republic of

    Genoa, on the other hand, feared that if the Ottomans would gain control

    over  River Danube and the Turkish Straits, they would eventually obtaina monopoly over the trade routes between Europe and the Black Sea, 

    where the Genoese had many important colonies like Caffa,

    Sinop and Amasra.  The Genoese also owned the citadel of  Galata, 

    located at the north of the Golden Horn in Constantinople,  to which

    Bayezid had laid siege in 1395.

    In 1394, Pope Boniface IX proclaimed a new crusade against the Turks,

    although the Western Schism had split the papacy in two, with rival

    popes at Avignon and Rome,  and the days when a pope had the

    authority to call a crusade were long past.

    The two decisive factors in the formation of the last crusade were the

    ongoing Hundred Years' War between Richard II's England and Charles

    VI's France and the support of  Philip II, Duke of Burgundy. In 1389, the

    war had ground to one of its periodic truces. Further, in March 1395,

    Richard II proposed a marriage between himself and Charles VI's

    daughter  Isabella in the interests of peace and the two kings met inOctober 1396 on the borders of  Calais to agree to the union and agree

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    to lengthen the Truce of Leulinghem. The support of Burgundy, among

    the most powerful of the French nobles was also vital. In 1391,

    Burgundy, trying to decide between sending a crusade to either Prussia

    or Hungary, sent his envoy Guy de La Trémoille to Venice and Hungary

    to evaluate the situation. Burgundy originally envisioned a crusade led

    by himself and the Dukes of  Orléans and Lancaster, though none would

     join the eventual crusade. It was very unlikely that defense against the

    Turks was considered a particularly important goal of the crusade.

    Burgundy's interest in sponsoring the crusade was in increasing his and

    his house's prestige and power and, historian Barbara Tuchman notes,

    "since he was the prince of self-magnification, the result was that opulent

    display became the dominant theme; plans, logistics, intelligence about

    the enemy came second, if at all." In 1394, Burgundy extracted 120,000

    livres from Flanders, sufficient to begin preparations for a crusade, and

    in January 1395 sent word to Sigismund,  the King of Hungary that an

    official request to the King of France would be accepted. (Sigismund

    became Holy Roman Emperor in 1433).

    King Sigismund

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    In August, Sigismund's delegation of four knights and a bishop arrived in

    the court of  Paris to paint a description of how "40,000" Turks were

    despoiling and imperiling Christian lands and beg, on Sigismund of

    Hungary's behalf, for help. Charles VI, having secured a peace with

    England through the marriage of his daughter, was able to reply that "as

    chief of the Christian kings" it was his responsibility to protect Christianity

    and punish Sultan Bayezid. French nobility responded enthusiastically to

    the declaration; Philip of Artois, Count of Eu,  the Constable of France, 

    and Jean Le Maingre (Boucicaut), the Marshal of France,  declared

    participation in the crusade the duty of every "man of valor".

    Strength of forces

    The number of combatants is heavily contested in historical accounts.

    Historian Tuchman notes, "Chroniclers habitually matched numbers to

    the awesomeness of the event," and the Battle of Nicopolis was

    considered so significant that the number of combatants given by

    medieval chroniclers ranges as high as 400,000, with each side insisting

    that the enemy outnumbered them two-to-one, which for the crusaders

    offered some solace for their defeat and for the Turks increased the

    glory of their victory. The oft-given figure of 100,000 crusaders is

    dismissed by Tuchman, who notes that 100,000 men would have taken

    a month to cross the Danube at Iron Gate, while the crusaders took eight

    days. The closest record to a first-person account was made by Johann

    Schiltberger, a German follower of a Bavarian noble, who witnessed the

    battle at the age of 16 and was captured and enslaved for 30 years by

    the Turks before returning home, at which time he wrote a narrative of

    the battle estimating the crusader strength at the final battle at 16,000,

    though he also also estimated Turkish forces as a wildly inflated

    200,000. German historians of the 19th century attempting to estimate

    the combatants on each side came to the figures of about 7,500-9000

    Christians and about 12,000-20,000 Turks, while noting that, from the

    point of logistics, it would have been impossible for the countryside

    around Nicopolis to have supplied food and fodder for scores of

    thousands of men and horses. (Medieval armies acquired supplies by

    taking them from the surrounding area as they marched, as opposed to

    using the supply lines of modern armies.)

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    Battle of Nicopolis, as depicted by Turkish miniaturist in 1588

    Composition of crusader forces

    From France, it was said about 2,000 knights and squires joined, and

    were accompanied by 6,000 archers and foot soldiers drawn from the

    best volunteer and mercenary companies. Totaling some 10,000

    men. Next in importance were the Knights Hospitaller of  Rhodes,  whowere the standard bearers of Christianity in the Levantsince the decline

    of  Constantinople and Cyprus. Venice supplied a naval fleet for

    supporting action, while Hungarian envoys encouraged German princes

    of the Rhineland, Bavaria, Saxony and other parts of the empire to join.

    French heralds had proclaimed the crusade in Poland, Bohemia,

    Navarre and Spain, from which individuals came to join.

    The Italian city-states were too much engaged in their customary violent

    rivalries to participate, and the widely reported and acclaimed English

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    Şükrullah who gives the figure of the Crusader army as 130,000 in

    his Behçetu't-Tevârih.

    Composition of Ottoman forces

     Also estimated at about 20-25,000; but inflated figures continue to be

    repeated of up to 60,000 according to numerous sources including the

    15th-century Ottoman historian Şükrullah, who gives the figure of the

    Ottoman army as 60,000 in his Behçetu't-Tevârih; alternately described

    as roughly half of the Crusader army. The Ottoman force also included

    1,500 Serbian heavy cavalry knights under the command of Prince

    Stefan Lazarević,  who was Sultan Bayezid's vassal since the Battle ofKosovo in 1389, as well as his brother-in-law after the Sultan married

    Stefan's sister, Princess Olivera Despina, the daughter of Prince Lazar

    of Serbia (Stefan's father) who had perished at Kosovo.

    Journey

    While Philip, Duke of Burgundy,  had originally planned to lead the

    crusade along with John of Gaunt and Louis of Orleans,  all three

    withdrew, claiming that the peace negotiations with England requiredtheir presence, though perhaps also because none dared leave the

    vicinity of the throne if their chief rivals stayed. However, Burgundy

    retained control of the enterprise he was funding by naming 24-year-

    old John de Nevers,  the Duke's eldest son, for nominal command.

    Burgundy, perhaps recognizing that his son, as well as Constable d'Eu

    and Marshal Boucicaut, who were both under 35, lacked the necessary

    experience, summoned Enguerrand VII, Lord of Coucy,  the most

    experienced warrior and statesman of the realm, and prevailed on him tobe "chief counselor" to Nevers during the crusade. The ambiguity of the

    crusaders' command structure would prove to be crucial in the final

    outcome. While Nevers was given a long list of "counselors", as well as

    another list of prominent French lords on the crusade with whom Nevers

    could consult "when it seemed good to him", the concept of unity

    of  command was not yet understood by medieval warriors. Rules of

    discipline for the crusade were decreed at a War Council on 28 March

    1396, which included the final provision, "Item, that [in battle] the Countand his company claim the avante garde," revealing that the chivalric

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    code continued to require knights to prove their valor by leading the

    charge.

    To Buda (Budapest)

    The crusade set forth from Dijon on 30 April 1396, heading across

    Bavaria by way of  Strasbourg to the upper  Danube,  from where they

    used river transport to join with Sigismund in Buda.  From there the

    crusader goals, though lacking details of planning, were to expel the

    Turks from the Balkans and then go to the aid of Constantinople, cross

    the Hellespont,  and march through Turkey and Syria to liberate

    Palestine and the Holy Sepulchre, before returning in triumph to Europeby sea. Arrangements were made for a fleet of Venetian vessels to

    blockade the Turks in the Sea of Marmara and for the Venetians to sail

    up the Danube to meet the crusaders in Wallachia in July.

    Map of Europe with the Danube marked

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    Enguerrand de Coucy was not with the crusader body as it traveled,

    having been detached on a diplomatic mission to Gian Galeazzo

    Visconti, the Duke of  Milan. Furious at French political maneuvering that

    had removed Genoa from his influence, Gian Galeazzo had been

    attempting to stop the transfer of Genoese sovereignty to France and

    Coucy was dispatched to warn him that France would consider further

    interference a hostile act. The quarrel was more than political. Valentina

    Visconti,  the wife of the Duke of Orleans and Gian Galeazzo's beloved

    daughter, had been exiled from Paris due the machinations of

    Queen Isabeau the same month as the departure of the crusade. The

    Duke of Milan threatened to send knights to defend his daughter's honor

    but, in the wake of the disaster at Nicopolis, it was widely believed that

    he had relayed intelligence to Bayezid I of crusader troop movements.

    There is no firm evidence of this and it is likely that Gian Galeazzo

    became a scapegoat after the fact due the existing animosity with

    France, though there remains the possibility that the Duke of Milan, who

    had murdered his own uncle to ensure his own power, did in fact betray

    the crusaders. Enguerrand de Coucy, his diplomatic mission completed

    and accompanied by Henry of Bar and their followers, left Milan for

    Venice, from where he requisitioned a ship on 17 May to take him

    across the Adriatic Sea,  landing in the Croatian port of  Senj on 30 May

    before making his way overland to the rendezvous in Buda.

    Coucy arrived before Nevers, who had stopped in the upper Danube for

    receptions and festivities thrown by German princes. Nevers did not

    arrive inVienna until 24 June, a full month behind the crusader vanguard

    led by d'Eu and Boucicaut. A fleet of 70 Venetian vessels loaded with

    provisions was sent down the Danube, while Nevers enjoyed yet more

    parties thrown by his brother in law Leopold IV, Duke of Austria. Neversthen asked his brother in law for a staggering loan of 100,000 ducats, 

    which took time to arrange, and eventually arrived in Buda in July.

    Buda to Nicopolis

    Once the leaders had arrived, strategy had to be coordinated with

    Philibert de, Master of the Knights Hospitaller, and representatives of the

    Venetian fleet. Forty-four Venetian ships had carried the Hospitallers

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    The crusaders took eight days to cross the Danube at the Iron Gate

     At Orşova,  where the Danube narrows at the Iron Gates gorge, the

    column crossed to the right bank using pontoons and boats over eight

    days. Their first target was Vidin,  previously an important town of

    westernBulgaria and then under Turkish control. The prince of Vidin,

    having no desire to fight for his Turkish conquerors against anoverwhelming force of crusaders, promptly surrendered. The only

    bloodshed was the execution of Turkish officers in the defending

    garrison, though the incident served to further convince the French that

    Turks were incapable of challenging the crusaders in the field.

    The next target was Oryahovo (Rachowa), a strong fortress located 75

    miles from Vidin. Frustrated by the lack of opportunity to show their

    bravery in deeds of arms, the French carried out a forced march at night

    to reach the castle before their allies, arriving in the morning just as the

    Turkish forces had come out to destroy the bridge across the moat. In

    fierce combat the French secured the bridge but were unable to push

    forward until Sigismund arrived. The forces combined and managed to

    reach the walls before night forced the combatants to retire. The next

    morning the inhabitants of Oryahovo agreed to surrender to Sigismund

    on the assurance that their lives and property would be spared. The

    French promptly broke Sigismund's agreement, pillaging and

    massacring the town after the gates were open, and later claiming that

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    they had taken the town by conquest because their men-at-arms had

    topped the walls the night before. A thousand residents, both Turkish

    and Bulgarian, were taken hostage and the town set ablaze. The

    Hungarians took the French action as a grave insult to their king, while

    the French accused the Hungarians of trying to rob them of the glory of

    victory through combat.

    Leaving a garrison to hold Oryahovo, the crusaders continued

    towards Nicopolis,  assaulting one or two forts or settlements along the

    way, but bypassing one citadel from which messengers escaped to

    inform Bayezid of the Christian army. On 12 September the crusaders

    came within view of the fortress of Nicopolis on its limestone cliff.

    Siege of Nicopolis

    Nicopolis, located in a natural defensive position, was a key stronghold

    controlling the lower Danube and lines of communication to the interior.

     A small road ran between the cliff and river, while the fortress was

    actually two walled towns, the larger one on the heights on the cliff and

    the smaller below. Further inland from the fortified walls, the cliff sloped

    steeply down to the plain. Well-defended and well-supplied, the Turkish

    governor of Nicopolis, Doğan Bey, was certain that Bayezid would have

    to come to the aid of the town and was prepared to endure a long siege.

    The crusaders had brought no siege machines with them, but Boucicaut

    optimistically stated that ladders were easily made and worth more than

    catapults when used by courageous men. However, the lack of siege

    weapons, the steep slope up to the walls and the formidable fortifications

    made taking the castle by force impossible. The crusaders set uppositions around the town to block the exits, and with the naval blockade

    of the river, settled in for a siege to starve out the defenders.

    Nevertheless they were convinced that the siege of the fortress would be

    a mere prelude to a major thrust into relieving Constantinople and did

    not believe that Bayezid I would arrive so speedily to give them a real

    battle.

    Two weeks passed as the bored crusaders entertained themselves with

    feasts, games and insulting the martial prowess of their enemy. Whether

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    through drunkenness or carelessness, the crusaders posted no sentries,

    though foragers venturing away from the camps brought word of the

    Turks' approach. Bayezid was at this time already through Adrianople

    and on a forced march through the Shipka Pass toTirnovo. His alls

    Stefan Lazarević of  Serbia joined him on the way. Sigismund had sent

    500 horsemen to carry out reconnaissance in force around Tirnovo, 70

    miles to the south, and they brought word back that the Turks were

    indeed coming. Word reached the besieged inhabitants of Nicopolis who

    blew horns and cheered. Boucicaut claimed the noise of their celebration

    was a ruse as he believed that the Sultan would never attack; he further

    threatened to cut off the ears of anyone who discussed rumors of the

    Turks' approach as being damaging to the morale of the crusaders.

    One of the few to concern himself with scouting the situation was Coucy,

    who took a group of 500 knights and 500 mounted archers south.

    Learning of a large group of Turks approaching through a nearby pass,

    he separated 100 horsemen to carry out a  feint retreat,  drawing the

    pursuing Turks into an ambush where the rest of his men, waiting

    concealed, attacked their rear. Giving no quarter, Coucy's men killed as

    many as they could and returned to the camp where his action shook the

    camp from its lethargy and drew the admiration of the other crusaders.Tuchman argues that it also increased the overconfidence of the French

    and again drew the jealousy of D'Eu, who accused Coucy of risking the

    army out of recklessness and attempting to steal glory and authority

    from Nevers.

    Sigismund called a war council on the 24th, in which he and Mircea of

    Wallachia suggested a battle plan in which the Wallachian foot soldiers

    with experience in battles with Turks, would be sent in the first attack to

    meet the Turk vanguard, which was usually a poorly armed militia

    normally used for pillage but was used in battles to tire opponents before

    they met better quality Turkish forces. Sigismund claimed that this

    vanguard was not worthy of the attention of knights. Sigismund

    proposed that, once the shock of first clash had passed, the French form

    the front line to rush in, while the Hungarians and the other allies

    followed to support the attack and keep the sipahis (Turkish cavalry)

    from sweeping around the crusaders' flanks. D'Eu denounced the

    proposal as a demeaning to the knights, who would be forced to follow

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    peasant footmen into battle. He reportedly stated, "To take up the rear is

    to dishonor us, and expose us to the contempt of all" and declared that

    he would claim front place as Constable and anyone in front of him

    would do him mortal insult. In this he was supported by Boucicaut;

    Nevers, reassured by the confidence of the younger French lords, was

    easily convinced.

    With the French set on a charge, Sigismund left to make a battle plan for

    his own forces. Apparently within hours, he sent word to the camp that

    Bayezid was only six hours away. The crusaders, said to be drunk over

    dinner, reacted in confusion - some refusing to believe the report, some

    rising in panic, and some hastily preparing for battle. At this point,

    supposedly because of a lack of spare guards, the prisoners taken atRachowa were massacred. Even European chroniclers would later dub

    this an act of "barbarism".

    Battle Map

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     At daybreak on 25 September the combatants began to organize

    themselves under the banners of their leaders. At this point, Sigismund

    sent his Grand Marshal to Nevers to report that his scouts had sighted

    the Turkish vanguard and asked for the offensive to be postponed for

    two hours, when his scouts would have returned with intelligence as to

    the numbers and disposition of the enemy. Nevers summoned a hasty

    council of advisors, in which Coucy and Jean de Vienne, Admiral of

    France and the eldest French knight on the crusade, advised obeying

    the wishes of the Hungarian king, which seemed wise to them. At this,

    D'Eu declared that Sigismund simply wished to hoard the battle honors

    for himself and declared his willingness to lead the charge. Coucy, who

    declared D'Eu's words to be a "presumption," asked for the council of

    Vienne, who noted, "When truth and reason cannot be heard, then must

    rule presumption." Vienne commented that if D'Eu wished to advance,

    the army must follow, but that it would be wiser to advance in concert

    with the Hungarians and other allies. D'Eu rejected any wait and the

    council fell into a fierce dispute, with the younger hawks charging that

    the elder knights were not prudent, but fearful. The argument seems to

    have been settled when D'Eu decided to advance.

    D'Eu took control of the vanguard of the French knights, while Count deNevers and de Coucy commanded the main body. The French knights,

    accompanied by their mounted archers, rode out with their backs to

    Nicopolis to meet the Turks, who were descending the hills to the south.

    The Knights Hospitaler, Germans and other allies stayed with the

    Hungarian forces under Sigismund. The subsequent events are

    obscured by conflicting accounts. Tuchman notes, "Out of the welter of

    different versions, a coherent account of the movements and fortunes of

    the battlefield is not to be had; there is only a tossing kaleidoscope."

    Depiction of the French charge

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    The French charge crushed the untrained conscripts in the Turkish front

    line and advanced into the lines of trained infantry, though the knights

    came under heavy fire from archers and were hampered by rows of

    sharpened stakes designed to skewer the stomachs of their horses.

    Chroniclers write of horses impaled on stakes, riders dismounting,

    stakes being pulled up to allow horses through, and the eventual rout of

    the Turkish infantry, who fled behind the relative safety of the sipahis.

    Coucy and Vienne recommended that the French pause to reform their

    ranks, give themselves some rest and allow the Hungarians time to

    advance to a position where they could support the French. They were

    overruled by the younger knights who, having no idea of the size of the

    Turkish force, believed that they had just defeated Bayezid's entire army

    and insisted on pursuit.

    The French knights thus continued up the hill, though accounts state that

    more than half were on foot by this point, either because they had been

    unhorsed by the lines of sharpened stakes or had dismounted to pull up

    stakes. Struggling in their heavy armor, they reached the plateau on the

    top of the slope, where they had expected to find fleeing Turkish forces,

    but instead found themselves facing a fresh corps of sipahis, whom

    Bayezid had kept in reserve.  As the sipahis surged forward in thecounterattack sounding trumpets, banging kettle drums and yelling "God

    is great!", the desperation of their situation was readily apparent to the

    French and some knights broke and fled back down the slope. The rest

    fought on "no frothing boar nor enraged wolf more fiercely", in the words

    of one contemporary chronicler. Admiral de Vienne, to whom was

    granted the honor as the eldest knight of carrying the French standard

    into battle, was wounded many times as he attempted to rally the morale

    of his countrymen, before being struck down dead. Other notable knightswho were slain include Jean de Carrouges, Philippe de Bar and Odard

    de Chasseron. The Turks threatened to overwhelm the Count de Nevers

    and his bodyguard threw themselves to the ground in silent submission

    to plead for the life of their liege lord. Notwithstanding the declaration

    of  jihad, the Turks were as interested in the riches that could be gained

    by ransoming noble captives as anyone else, and took Nevers prisoner.

    Seeing Nevers taken, the rest of the French yielded.

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    Depiction of the battle (1540)

    The timeline of events is hazy, but it appears that as the French were

    advancing up the slope, sipahis were sweeping down along the flanks in

    an envelopment. Accounts tell of the Hungarians and other nationalities

    in confused combat on the plain and of a stampede of riderless horses,

    which Tuchman speculates pulled free from their tethers, at the sight of

    which the Transylvanians and the Wallachians concluded that the day

    was lost and abandoned the field. Sigismund, the Master of Rhodes, and

    the Germans fought to prevent the envelopment with "unspeakable

    massacre" on both sides. At this point, a reinforcement of 1,500 Serbian

    knights under the command of  Stefan Lazarević proved critical.

    Sigismund's force was overwhelmed. Convinced to flee, Sigismund and

    the Master of Rhodes managed to escape by a fisherman's boat to the

    Venetian ships in the Danube. Hermann, a soldier in Sigismund's army

    led the force that allowed the escape and was later rewarded by being

    named a count.

    Sultan Bayezid and his ally Stefan Lazarevic recognized the Nikola II

    Gorjanski,  Lazarevic's brother-in-law, fighting on Sigismund's side. A

    deal was made, and Sigismund's army surrendered, completing their

    defeat in detail. 

    >>>

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    The rest, thought to number several thousand, were bound together in

    groups of three or four and had their hands tied to be marched naked

    before the Sultan. Ordered to proceed, a group of strong executioners

    proceeded to kill each group in turn, either by decapitation or by

    severing their limbs from the body. Nevers and the rest of the noble

    captives were forced to stand beside Bayezid and watch the terrible

    executions. Jean Le Maingre, called "Boucicaut", was recognized in the

    line, and Nevers fell to his knees before the Sultan and indicated with

    intertwined fingers that they were like brothers. Thus convinced that

    Boucicaut was worth a noble ransom, he was spared and grouped with

    the other high nobles. The killing continued from early morning until late

    afternoon, at which point Bayezid, either himself sickened by the

    bloodshed or convinced by his ministers that he was unnecessarily

    enraging Christendom against him, called off the executioners. Leaving

    aside the more hyperbolic account, the number of dead is said to have

    ranged from 300 to 3000, though the number of dead on the battlefield

    was much more.

    The execution of the prisoners in retaliation

    for the Rahovo massacre of Ottoman prisoners

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    Jacques de Helly, the knight who had identified the nobles after the

    battle, had been charged by Bayezid, under his vow to return, to inform

    the King of France and Duke of Burgundy of his victory and demands for

    ransom. On Christmas, de Helly rode into Paris and, kneeling before the

    king, recounted the expedition, the battle, defeat and Sultan Bayezid's

    massacre of the prisoners. He also carried letters from Nevers and the

    other noble captives. Those for whom he did not carry letters were

    assumed to be dead, and weeping members of the court gathered

    around de Helly to seek more information about loved ones. According

    to the Monk of St. Denis, "affliction reigned in all hearts" and Deschamps

    wrote of "funerals from morning to eve." 9 January was declared a day of

    mourning throughout France and that day "it was piteous to hear the

    bells toiling in all the churches in Paris."

     A delegation with rich gifts for Bayezid left Paris on 20 January 1397 to

    negotiate the ransoms. Jaques de Helly, bound by his oath to return,

    had already departed with letters for the captives. Gian Galeazzo's help

    became vital, as he had extensive contacts in the Ottoman court.

    Envoys were sent informing him of belated approval by the King allowing

    the fleur-de-lis to be added to the Visconti escutcheon,  Galeazzo's first

    wife having been from the French royal house, and to make every effortto gain his assistance. Meanwhile, those envoys sent in early December

    had reached Venice and, having learned of the fate of the captives, were

    attempting to make their way to Brusa. Venice, which was the French

    conduit to the Muslim east due to her trade network, became the center

    for exchange of news, cash and ransomed captives.

    On 13 February 1397, de Coucy, ill and perhaps suffering from battle

    wounds, died. Boucicaut and Guy de Tremoille released on their own

    accord to seek funds in the Levant reached Rhodes where de Tremoille

    fell ill and died around Easter. French negotiators in the Sultan's court

    finally reached agreement on a ransom of 200,000 gold florins in June.

    Comte d'Eu died on 15 June. With a down payment of 75,000, the

    prisoners were released on 24 June on their promise to stay in Venice

    until the rest of the ransom was paid. However, the nobles found it

    unthinkable to travel in less than their accustomed splendor and

    borrowed nearly as much as the ransom amount in reprovisioning

    themselves. Arriving in Venice in October after stopping in various

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