approaching the viking age (scandinavistica vilnensis, 2)

5/19/2018 Approaching the Viking Age (Scandinavistica Vilnensis, 2)

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Vikingepochostyrinjimai

Vilniaus universitetasSkandinavistikos centras

Vilniaus universiteto leidykla 2009

Tarptautins konferencijos Dialogai su vikingepocha,vykusios 2007m. spalio 1113d. Vilniuje, mediaga

SudarErika Sausverdir Ieva Steponaviit


Approachingthe Viking Age

Centre of Scandinavian StudiesVilnius University

Vilnius University Publishing House 2009

Proceedings of the international conference on Old Norseliterature, mythology, culture, social life and language1113October 2007, Vilnius, Lithuania

Edited by rika Sausverde and Ieva Steponaviit


D/ DC839.6.09(06)Ol-15

Konferencijparm/ Conference sponsored byiaurs ministrtarybos kultros fondas / Nordic Culture FundLietuvos valstybinis mokslo ir studijfondas / Lithuanian State Scienceand Studies Foundation

Knygos leidimparm/ Publication sponsored byiaurs ministrtarybos kultros fondas / Nordic Culture Fund

Serijos Scandinavistica Vilnensisredakcinkolegija / Editorial board forScandinavistica VilnensisseriesDr. habil. Jurij K. Kusmenko (Rusijos mokslakademijos Kalbotyros institutas,

Sankt Peterburgas, ir Humboldtuniversitetas, Vokietija / Institute of LinguisticStudies under the Russian Academy of Sciences, Saint Petersburg, and HumboldtUniversity, Germany)Dr. phil. Anatoly Liberman (Minesotos universitetas,A/ University of Minnesota,A)Dr.rika Sausverde (Vilniaus universitetas / Vilnius University)Dr. Ieva Steponaviit(Vilniaus universitetas / Vilnius University)Dr. Aurelijus Vijnas (Valstybinis Gaoiongo universitetas, Taivanas /National Kaohsiung Normal University, Taiwan)

Recenzentai / Reviewed byDr. Rasa Ruseckien(Mokslo ir enciklopedijleidybos institutas /

Lithuanian Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing Institute)Dr. Aurelijus Vijnas (Valstybinis Gaoiongo universitetas, Taivanas /National Kaohsiung Normal University, Taiwan)

Apsvarstir rekomendavo spaudai Filologijos fakulteto taryba (20081107,protokolas Nr. 41) / Approved for publishing by the Council of the Facultyof Philology (07112008, record No. 41)

Knygos dailininkas / Designer Tomas Mrazauskas

Vilniaus universitetas / Vilnius University, 2009

2029-2112B978-9955-33-492-7

Vilniaus universiteto leidykla / Vilnius University Publishing HouseUniversiteto g. 1, -01122VilniusTel. +37052687260 www.leidykla.eu

Vilniaus universitetas Skandinavistikos centrasCentre of Scandinavian Studies Vilnius UniversityUniversiteto g. 5, -01513VilniusTel. +37052687235 www.skandinavistika.f.vu.lt


Contents

Te Editors Note / 7

EaldasGrigonis, rikaSauserde. Joachim Lelewel, Edda,and Lithuania / 9

Rasa Baranauskien. Reections of Celtic Inuencein Hildinavisen / 15

JanRagnarHagland. On Translating Icelandic Sagas intoModern Norwegian the Case ofBrennu Njls Saga / 41

JonGunnarJrgensen. Norse Kings Sagas Spreadto the World / 55

JurijK. Kusmenko. Smi and Scandinavians inthe Viking Age / 65

AnatolLiberman. jal / 95

UgniusMikuionis. Norwegian Modal Verbs andAitudinal Modality / 117

ElseMundal. Te View of Blood Vengeance in MedievalNorwegian Sources / 139

AgnetaNe. Far och son-motiv i nordisk hjltediktningoch saga / 153

IeaSteponaiit. Saga Reections in Karen BlixensTexts (with Focus On Grjotgard lvesn og Aud) / 163

Vsteinnlason. Scenes from Daily Life in the Sagasof Icelanders: Narrative Function / 179

KristelZilmer. On Some Pragmatic and Symbolic Featuresof Island Representation in Old Norse Literature / 197


In autumn2007, the Centre of Scandinavian Studies at Vilnius Universityhosted an international conference on Old Norse literature, mythology,culture, social life and language, held on the occasion of the 200th anni-versary of the publication in Vilnius ofEdda Skandinawskaby JoachimLelewel. Te title of the conference Dialogues with the Viking Agewas

borrowed from the book by Vsteinn lason, with the authors kind con-sent. Te conference became a momentous event in the history of theCentre, as it gathered together many of our good friends from through-out the years: Professors Tomas Bredsdorff(Denmark), Jan RagnarHagland and Jon Gunnar Jrgensen (Norway), Jurij K. Kusmenko(Russia and Germany), Vsteinn lason (Iceland), Dr. Kristel Zilmer(Estonia) and Dr. Aurelijus Vijnas (Taiwan).

Although, for obvious reasons titled differently, the present book

consists of the proceedings of that conference almost in their entirety,as well as a couple of extra articles by those authors who were not ableto come to Lithuania at that time. We are grateful to all contributors,reviewers and sponsors who made it possible for the conference totake place and for the book to appear. Special thanks go to UgniusMikuionis and Dr. Aurelijus Vijnas for their generous help in, respec-tively, organising the conference and editing the book.

rika SausverdeIeva Steponaviit

Te Editors Note


Joachim Lelewel, Edda, and Lithuania

EaldasGrigonis,rikaSauserdeVilnius University

What is the connection between these three topics? 200years ago,

in 1807, Joachim Lelewel published a small book known as EddaSkandinawska in Vilnius. Te book was writen in Polish, and it wasthe rst retold variant of Eddapublished in Lithuania. It is a signi-cant event, since we have not been spoiled by numerous editions onor of Old Norse literature in Lithuania. Actually, only a few worksof Old Norse literature have been translated into Lithuanian so far.

Among them, there isEgils saga,Te Saga of Knytlings,an anthologyon Old Norse literature, which contains several excerpts ofTe Book of

Icelanders,Te Book of Setlement,Te First Grammatical Treatise, severalfragments from thePoeticand theProse Edda, as well as excerpts fromseveral other sagas.Terefore, every atempt to present this marvellousliterature to the reader the modern or the old days one is worthy ofaention and discussion.

Te precise name of Lelewels book is Edda czyli ksiga religiidawnych Skandynawii miszkacw(Edda or the book on religion ofthe Old Scandinavian inhabitants). It contains a chapter on the OldGermanic, Celtic and other tribes, a short presentation of bothEddasand nally a short paraphrase of the Eddas, rst of all of the Younger

Edda(only Vluspand Hvamlfrom theElder Eddaare briey dis-cussed), supplied by an index of proper names.

1Egilio saga. Isenosios islandkalbos vertSvetlana Steponaviien. Vilnius,Vaga, 1975.

2 Kniutlingsaga. Isenosios islandkalbos vertUgnius Mikuionis. Vilnius,Vaga, 2002.

3Mimiro altinis. Senjislandtekstantologija. Sudarytoja ir vertja RasaRuseckien. Vilnius, Vilniaus universiteto leidykla, 2003. See also Skaldpoezija.ParengRasa Ruseckien, Ugnius Mikuionis. Vilniaus universitetas, 2002.


One should keep in mind that Joachim Lelewel was 21years old atthe time of the publication of this book, and it appeared 11years beforehis contemporary Rasmus Rask published the rst complete edition ofbothEddasin Stockholm in 1818, the laer event having evoked enor-mous interest in the Old Norse literary heritage in Europe.

Tough Lelewels personality has been widely studied and is well-known, we would like to mention several details from his biography,

which may be of interest in the context of our conference. First of all, hewas a well-known, probably the greatest Polish historian of the rst partof the 19th century, a scientist-erudite, bibliophile and polyglot. Fromhis paternal side, he is of Austrian or Swedish ancestry,descended fromearly immigrants to Poland via Prussia and France, where Lelewels grand-father nally seled down in 1732.Wherever Lelewels ancestors camefrom, Lelewel showed himself as a very active Polish public character and

4 See Polski sownik biograczny. Wrocaw [etc.], 1972, t. 17/1, z. 72, s. 25. 5See Pirokinas, A.;idlauskas, A.Mokslas senajame Vilniaus universitete. Vilnius,

1984, p. 270; cf. liwiski A.Joachim Lelewel: Zarys biograczny. Lata 17861831.Warszawa, 1932, s. 34.

Joachim Lelewel(17861861), the

author ofEddaSkandinawska.


11 Joachim Lelewel, Edda, and Lithuania

politician all his life he fought and defended democratic and republicanideals. He was elected deputy of the Polish Parliament in 1829. He enthu-

siastically joined the uprising of 18301831, and was one of its most activeparticipants. He was even a member of the rebel government, responsiblefor faith affairs and education. Appealing to Russian soldiers, he createdthe slogan Za wolnonaszi wasz (For our and your freedom).Nevertheless, it was not only his political activities which made him aprominent gure in the Polish history. In his time, he amazed the aca-demic society with his innovative conceptions and incredible diligence.

Lelewel studied at Vilnius University (18041808, mostly classi-cal philology under the guidance of Gotfied Ernest Groddeck), wherelater he started to teach history (18151818), and eventually became aprofessor (18221824). He must have been a brilliant lecturer, and hislectures on Polish history were enthusiastically accepted not only byacademic youth, but also by a broader audience. His rst lecture hadto be postponed because of an overcrowded auditorium around1500listeners came to listen to him! His further lectures used to draw

crowds of about 400people.His courses ted a romantic world-viewand had a big inuence on students, especially Adam Mickiewicz andthe Philomath Society (a conspiratorial student organization at VilniusUniversity in 18171823).In 1824, afer the arrest and trial of the mostactive members of the society, Lelewel was expelled from University asapersona non gratafor the Russian Tsarist regime. Aferwards he livedin Warsaw, and later in emigration in Paris and Brussels.

As mentioned, his scientic productivity was imposing up to 1830,he published about 150research works. Te scope of his interests wasimmense from history and historical geography to numismatics, cartog-raphy and bibliography. FromEdda Skandinawska, which is of special inter-est to us, to, for example, Gographie des Arabes(1851). Many of Lelewelsbooks remain as classics in theirelds.Eddawas actually the rst publishedtreatise of the young Lelewel. Tis book, along with several other booksauthored by Lelewel is kept at the Rare Books Department of Vilnius

University library. We would like to mention at least some of them.

6liwiski, A., op. cit., s. 116120. 7 See, e. g., Venclova, T. Vilniaus vardai. Vilnius, 2006, p. 122.


Historyka tudzieo atwem i pozytecznem nauczaniu historyi, Wilno,1815. In this work Lelewel raises a new viewpoint on the historical method,considering the problem of the importance of historical sources. Lelewelscapital work on historical geography isBadania staroytnoci we wzgldziegeograi, Wilno, Warszawa, 1818, widely accepted by leading European geog-raphers of the 19th century, such as Alexander von Humboldt, Karl Rierand others.Dzieje staroytne Indji, Warszawa,1820was the rst and fora long time the only work on Indian culture in Polish. Historiczna parallelaHiszpanii z Polskw wiekuI,II,III, Warszawa,1831was an innovativework, applying the comparative method in history.Numismatique du moy-en-ge, Paris, 1835. Tis is the most signicant of Lelewels work in numis-matics, where he discusses and classies Belgian, French, German, Czech,Swedish, Polish and other early medieval coins. Presumably, the publica-tion laid the foundations of the medieval numismatics. Finally, one should

mention the 5volumes ofLa Gographie du moyen-ge, Bruxelles, 18491857.8Vilnius University professor Gotfried Ernest Groddeck commented on

the publication, that even if Lelewel had not writen anything else this workwould have been enough. (liwiski, A., op. cit., s. 90).

A facsimile ofEddaSkandinawska, 1807


Tis is the largest Lelewels work in historical geography and cartography,which remains classical up to now.Te work was complemented by atlaseswith 177maps, the plates entirely engraved by Lelewel himself (some ofthe maps even tinted in watercolors).

Lelewel died in Paris in 1861. He was buried in Montmartre, but in1929, his remains were moved to the Rascemetery in Vilnius. In hiswill, Lelewel lefhis library to Vilnius University. Te will was imple-mented in 1926. Te University got about 4800books and 397atlasesand maps.Tanks to Lelewel, Vilnius University is proud to have oneof the best atlas collections in Europe.

Joachim Lelewel wrote inEdda, that if somebody would like to getto know more about this, let him read theEddaitself.

With these Lelewels words, let us proceed to theEddasand sagasthemselves.

9Brazinien, A. Senosios kartograjos rinkiniai Lietuvoje. Knygotyra, t. 36, 2000,p.3637. A part of the collection can be seen in the room named in Lelewelsshonor at Vilnius University library.

10Lelewel, J.Edda czyli ksiga religii dawnych Skandynawii miszkacw. Wilno,1807, s. 54.


Reections of Celtic Inuence inHildinavisen

Rasa BaranauskienVilnius University

Te Orkneys seem to have been of particular importance in transmiing

certain Celtic material. Gsli Sigursson argues, however, that it is morelikely that cultural contacts and exchanges which took place in the Orkneysbetween Icelandic and Gaelic-speaking people were limited to single motifs,tales or poems. Tis does not mean that the single features are limited innumber, only that they are found as single items in a tradition which hadto be built up in Iceland from the cultural elements available in the coun-try itself (Gsli Sigursson 1988: 42). Tough the Orkneys were an idealmeeting place where Scandinavian and Celtic cultures could exchange

traditions, the Gaelic custom in question existed in Iceland as well, havingbeen brought there by the Gaelic selers. It is another maer that thesetraditions could be reinforced because of the contacts in the Orkneys (GsliSigursson 1988: 44). Among the most important elements identied astransmited through the contacts via the Orkneys are stories includingHjaningavgTe Batle of Hjadnings. Einar lafur Sveinsson assumesthat Celtic tales played an important part in forming Icelandic ideas aboutthe everlastingght a motif which becomes extremely common in Iceland,relevant right down to the 19th century, but is rare in the Scandinavian tra-dition (Einar lafur Sveinsson 1959: 1718).Htalykill, Clavis metrica orKey to Metres composed in the Orkneys in the 1140by an Icelander andthe Orkney Earl Rognvaldr kali, contains what is believed to be the earliestreference to the Everlasting ght motif in Old Norse / Icelandic literature,the motif being taken over from the Irish 9th century tale Cath Maige TuiredTe Bale of Mag Tuired (Chesnu1968: 132).

Te literary works which are likely to have emerged from the cul-tural mixture in the Orkneys and the Scoish Isles are poems such as

DarraarljandKrkuml(Holtsmark 1939: 82).Konungs Skuggsjcontains a passage on Ireland which shows similarities to Topographia


16 Rasa Baranauskien

Hibernicaof Giraldus Cambrensis (Holtsmark1964:667).Te source mayhave been a wrien one. Michael Chesnugoes further and claims that

Latin may have been the medium of communication (Chesnut1968: 135).Considering the transmission of various motifs, it seems that Orkney wasa channel through which motifs could travel from Scandinavian to Celticareas and vice versa. Celtic material, such as single motifs, tales or poemscould also reach the surrounding areas, above all Shetland Islands.

Te Shetland material has never been discussed before in thisparticular aspect, though the Shetland Islands were clearly on the route

for the transmission of the Celtic material. Ideas from the Orkneyscould be easily transmied to Shetland (the distance between the clus-ters of Orkney and Shetland Islands is not so long). Te Norn balladHildinavisento be discussed in this chapter, which seems to containCeltic elements, has clearly been inuenced by the Orkney tradition,because its main protagonist is Jarlin dOrkneyjar Earl of Orkney.However, we should not imagine that the Orkney Earldom was alwaysan intermediary in the exchange of such tales. Tere was also direct

Gaelic inuence on the Western Scandinavian, especially Icelandicand Faroese, folk tradition, since some of the Scandinavian selers onthese islands came via Ireland and Scotland and had sometimes livedthere and absorbed Gaelic culture (Almqvist 1981: 89).

Language of the Setlers

Te variety of Scandinavian language in Orkney and Shetland came tobe called Norn. Norn is a contracted form of the feminine adjectivenorr n(from Old Norse norr nn, meaning coming from the north),

which in the 13th century came into use in order to differentiate betweenthe western and eastern variety of Norse. Until then, all Scandinavianlanguages were called Donsk tunga, a term which has survived inOrkney dialect till now (Rendboe 1987: 1). Te term Norn, meaning(Western) Norse language, Norwegian language, (Western) Norse orNorwegian was rst recorded in an endorsement in Scots appended

to a Norwegian document from 1485dealing with Shetland maters.Although it was also occasionally applied to Norse speech elsewhere inScotland (Barnes 1996: 21), Norn is in most contexts used exclusively ofthe Northern-Isles variety (Barnes 2000: 179). Norn was not a dialect,


17 Reections of Celtic Inuence in Hildinavisen

since its speakers appear to have considered that they have formed theirown speech community in the same way as the speakers of Faroese

(Barnes 1996: 13). Tese islands retained their Scandinavian characterfor a long time, even afer they had been pledged to King James III ofScotland in 14689(Barnes 2000: 173).

Te Sources in Norn

Te setlers and their descendants have not lefso many writen sources,either in runes or the Roman alphabet, and the few texts that exist tend to

mirror faithfully the contemporary idiom of Norway (Barnes 2000: 179).Tere exist a few runic inscriptions from the 11th century, some olddiplomas the oldest one is from 1299wrien in Old Norse, and someof them are writen in Old Danish. Another coherent text is James

Wallaces Orkney version of the Lords Prayer (source unknown) pub-lished in the second edition ofAn Account of the Islands of Orkney, writ-ten in 1700(Wallace 1700). Probably the most interesting sources havebeen registered by George Low from Edzell in Angus, but resident in

Orkney more an amateur student of natural history than a linguist.He recorded samples of Norn from the Shetland island of Foula duringa visit there in 1774from the 19th of June until the end of August andincluded them in his bookA Tour through the Islands of Orkney andShetland, rst published in 1879. Low has also recorded a Shetlandic ver-sion of the Lords Prayer (source unknown), and a list of thirty English

words translated into Norn, presumably by different informants.Another text is a 35-stanza ballad obtained from an old man

William Henry, a farmer in Gutorm, in Foula. Tis old folk song, neverregistered before, is now popularly called Foulavisenor Hildinavisen,afer the heroine. It has been assumed that the language of this song ismuch older and represents the language from the 1660(Flom 1925: 127).I would argue that its language could be even older, because of itspoetic form, which usually conserves the grammatical form and con-tent. Other material comes from the period when Norn was no longer

a living language. Here the most important are Jakob Jakobsens col-lections. Tis scholar from the Faroe Islands calledJkup doktaricon-tributed signicantly to the understanding of individual Scandinavian

words (Barnes 1996: 1). His dictionary contains ca. 10000items. Hugh



Marwicks glossary of Norn contains ca. 3000items. Te scantiness ofsources is frustrating, especially when it comes to coherent texts.

Te Norn Ballad

Tough the ballad Hildinavisenis recorded in Foula, it does not meanthat it was composed there. Tere were plague epidemics in 1700,1720(when just six inhabitants out of ten survived), 1740, 1760and 1769.So Hildinavisencould have been brought from the mainland of Shetland,because people were moving to the islands, especially to the islands fur-

ther North. Hildinavisenwas sung by William Henry, a farmer in Gutormin Foula. Low writes about the old man who recited Hildinavisenin aleer from 1776, saying that he could neither read nor write, but hadthe most retentive memory I ever heard of (Low 1879: 107). In his bookLow claims that the following song is the most entire I could nd, butthe disorder of some of the stanzas will show that it is not wholly soHere it is worthy to be observed that most of the fragments they haveare old historical Ballads and Romances, this kind of poetry being more

greedily swallowed and retentively preserved by memory than any oth-ers. Low continues that he [William Henry] spoke of three kinds ofpoetry used in Norn, and repeated or sung by the old men; the Ballad (orRomance, I suppose); the Vysieor Vyse, now commonly sung to danc-ers; and the simple Song. By the account he gave of the maer, the rstseems to have been valued here chiey for its subject, and was commonlyrepeated in winter by the reside; the second seems to have been usedin public meetings, now only sung to the dance; and the third at both(Low 1879: 107). He also notes that William Henry repeated and sungthe whole day (Hgstad 1900: 11). Te most peculiar moment of record-ing is that Low did not know any Scandinavian language, i. e. he did notunderstand a word of what he was writing down. He writes: In thisBallad I cannot answer for the orthography. I wrote it as an old manpronounced it; nor could he assist me in this particular (Low 1879: 107).Having in mind the words of William Henry, one can call this ballad a

diffuse continuum of an earlier epic tradition.Te analysis of a ballad is a complicated mater, because the recording

is fault.Te late date of the recording is one factor. But at least we can be surethat when this ballad was recorded, Norn still was a living language.Tis is


indicated not just by Low, but also by other sources, such as Te Descriptionof the Isles of Orkney and Zetland, published in Edinburgh in 1771by Sir

Robert Sibbald. He describes conditions in Shetland around 1680as such:All the Natives can speak the Gothick or Norwegian Language, andseldom speak other among themselves (Sibbald 1771: 4849). It seemsthough that this situation soon changed, and, according to Laurits Rendboe,Norn sang its swansong i. e. lived its last days (Rendboe 1987:6).Tis balladis the only complete ballad in Norn (there are no other complete balladseither from Orkney or from Shetland). Moreover, it was transmited orally

and Low presented what he heard through the medium of English, and toa limited extent French orthography.Tus we have some issues that complicate the analysis of the ballad:

the lack of other similar texts in Norn, the incomplete information onwhich projections are made, as well as the paucity of texts.

Te fact that Low did not understand what he was writing mayindicate that the text, as we have it, reects its pronunciation. Besides,the bound form of the ballad ensures its longevity in an unchanged form.

However, stylistically, one would not expect a (medieval?) balladto reect everyday speech (Hammersheib 1981: 181). At the same time,it is to be expected that the language of this ballad was preserved byits bound form, and since the ballad was sung, the melody must havepreserved the form and contents unchanged.Tis type of conservationallows us to think that the language of the ballad is more or less archaicand its content has been preserved without drastic changes.

Te Sources of Scandinavian Material

Tere is a voluminous tradition related to the names of the two protagonistsof the Shetlandic ballad Hilugeand Hildina in Scandinavian sources.

1) First of all, it goes back toIlluga saga GrarfstraTe Saga ofIllugi, Grids Foster Son which belongs to the bulk of Fornaldarsgur

NorurlandaSagas of Ancient Times. However,Illuga saga Grarfstrais not preserved in any of the collections of Fornaldarsgur from

the Middle Ages. Te oldest manuscript of this saga is AM1238vo, which

1 Te fact that it was sung at the time when it was recorded is known fromthe leter of Low mentioned above.




is on parchment, but hardly much older than 1600(DavErlingsson1975: 11). With regard toIlluga saga Grarfstra, Knut Liestl supports

the traditional opinion that it dates back to about 1300(Liestl 1958: 125).Te writing of Fornaldarsguris generally believed to have started atthe end of the Golden Age of Icelandic literature in the late 13th century.It became increasingly popular in the 14th century, when most of thesesagas are thought to have been wrien down (Sigursson 1988: 48).

Secondly, there are quite a few ballads containing names similarto the protagonists of Hildinavisen:

2) Two versions of the ballad (Aand B) found in the Faroe Islandsare calledKappin Illugi. Te second protagonist is Hilda (in the version A)or Hildur (in the version B). Both versions of the Faroese ballad werepublished by Venceslaus Ulricus Hammersheib in F riske kv der , 2.

3) A version of a ballad which has a similar story is found in Norwayand is called Kappen Illhugin and was published by Magnus BrostrupLandstad in Norske Folkeviser, nr. 2.

4) In Denmark, the ballad is called Herr Hylleland henter sin jomfu.

It was published by Sven Grundtvig inDanmarks gamle Folkeviser, nr. 44.Te difference is that here the male protagonist is called Hyllelandinstead ofIllugi.

5) Finally, there is the Shetlandic ballad called Foulavisenor Hildi-navisenwhich contains protagonists with the same names. However,the content of the Shetland ballad differs greatly from the Faroe,Norwegian and Danish ballads, as well as from the Icelandic saga.

It is of great importance that Hildinavisencontains completelydifferent features and even a different story which accommodatesthe so-called Celtic love triangle and where the new characterJarlindOrkneyaris introduced. Other major aspects that make it specic areHiluges negative character and the female protagonists name Hildina.Te etymology of the name Hiluge(illrill + hugrmind) might indicatethat it was atached to an evil personage or a troublemaker from the verybeginning, similar toBricriuandEfnisienin Celtic medieval literature.

Celtic Motifs inHildinavisen

Comparative literature studies enable us to discover various types ofconnection between the literature of different countries. Motifs and


tales ofen have a wide distribution and it is ofen unsafe to suggestan intimate connection between various tales merely because each

is a complex of similar motifs. A motif can be dened as the simplestform of a basic situation (Carney 1979: 48). Motifs or elements usuallyundergo adaptation. Roland Barthes states that narrative on the levelof the story is translatable into different media and different culturalsetings without fundamental damage. It is the last layer, the discourse,

which resists transference (Barthes 1977: 121). I do not claim thatthe elements I am going to discuss below derive directly from certain

Irish or Welsh stories, but I would like to emphasize that these elementsare unique in Scandinavian balladry and it is not unlikely that they havesources other than Scandinavian. I discovered a number of parallels tothe motifs in Shetlandic ballad in Celtic medieval literature.

Speaking about the transference of literary motifs, or elements, it isnecessary to touch upon another important issue, namely the changeof literary medium, i. e. the difference of genre. Celtic sagas are prose

with some poetic interpolations, whereas Scandinavian ballads are in

verse. It is possible that stories were transmied orally and the balladswere created from their motifs. Be that as it may, the sagas are not con-temporaneous with the composition of the ballads. Prose texts usuallyprovide space for countless details, while the poetic form of the balladdemands compactness and details tend to be obliterated. As Liestl putsit, instead of somewhat complicated content arrangement which iscustomary infornaldarsgur, simpler and more popular fairytale motifsdominate in the ballads with the same subject (Liestl 1910: 272).Besides, in prose there is much less repetition and formula. Comparedwith the verse, dialogue in prose is natural and free in its movement, andis ofen conducted with swif-moving economy and terseness.

Hurling of the Head

As indicated, there is some evidence of strong links between Celticsources and Scandinavian balladry in general. I would like to note some

motifs that are especially prominent in Celtic literature and that alsoappear (certainly transformed) in this only ballad found in Shetland.

Te rst one is the episode in Hildinavisenwhere, according tothe summary of the ballad given by Low the Earl is killed by Hiluge,




who cut offhis head and threw it at his lady, which, she says, vexed (!)her even more than his death, that he should add cruelty to revenge

(Low 1879: 113). Te translation given by Low can be compared withthe same lines from the ballad Hildinavisen:

Hildinavisen

Nu fac an Iarlin dahugeDar min de an engin groAn cast ans huge ei

Fong ednar u vaxhedne mere mo.

Now the Earl got a deathblow nobody could help / save him.He (Hiluge) cast his head into her (Hildinas) lap (embrace, chest)and she was angered (Hgstad 1900: 6).

Two Irish sagas have episodes connected with beheading. Oneof them is Fled BricrennBricrius Feast, the other is Scla Muicce Meic

Da T Te Story of Mac D Ts Pig which are reminiscent ofthe beheading episode in our ballad. Both these sagas have the con-stellation of concepts that may be conveyed by headings such as con-tention at the Celtic feast, the Celtic cult of the head, and others ofthis type (Koch 2000: 2325). Tis feature was earlier described byKenneth Hurlstone Jackson as the head hunting and the beheadinggame ( Jackson 1964: 1920, 3537). Te beheading motif can be calleda stock motif and it is counted among the ones that belong to the earli-est Celtic tradition.

Te earliest version of Fledd Bricrennis found in the oldest Irishmanuscript Leabhar na h-Uidre Te Book of the Dun Cow, writ-ten at Clonmacnoise about 1100yet containing interpolations from12501300. As it was proved in 1912by the Irish palaeographer R. I. Best,the manuscript had been wrien by three different scribes.Te story

was rst commied to writing in the 8th century to judge by the lan-

guage (OBrien 1968: 6869). Fledd Bricrenncontains the so calledbeheading game episode, where C Roi is beheaded three times, only

2 One of them was Maelmuire murdered in 1106by a marauder, probably a Viking.


to recover instantly. Concerning the sources of the beheading gameepisode in the Icelandic Sveins rmur Mkssonar, Einar lafur Sveinsson

rejects the idea that the motif in the Icelandic version could have beentaken over from English or French sources (Sveinsson 1975: 134).

Te Irish story is closest to the Icelandic one, but the inuence fromArthurian works indicates that the rmurcould not have derived directlyfrom the Irish tradition. A now lost source, possibly writen in England,might therefore have served as an intermediary (Sveinsson 1975: 134).

Orgain Mic Da TMac D Ts Slaughter is included in the list

ofprm-scla(primary stories) even before the period of our earliestmanuscript text in the Book of Leinster. Te list itself probably datesfrom the 10th century; but the tale is also mentioned in a poem byFlannacn Mac Cellaich who is said to have been slain by Norsemenin 896(Chadwick 1968: 90). Scla Muicce Meic DaTis also a very earlystory, probably composed in its present form about 800AD. Te setingof the story, and its link to Kildare, suggest that the author belonged toLeinster, and had inherited its ne heroic tradition.

Scla Muicce Meic Da T is highly sophisticated story whichbelongs to the early period of the Viking regime, and this may havedone something to substitute laconic humour and a spirit of ripe bur-lesque for dignity and poetical beauty.Te story is preserved in at leastsix manuscripts. Te Book of Leinster, wrien about 1160is the earliest.Te text of the story is also found in Harley5280, a manuscript wrienin the rst half of the 16th century and now kept at the British Museum.Tese texts of the story are independent. Tey seem to be derived froma common source, which was a transcript of a previous version, believedfrom its language to date from about 800.

Nora Chadwick assumed that Scla Muicce Meic DaTalso showscertain parallels with the Icelandic Bandamanna sagaTe Story ofthe Banded Men (Chadwick 1957: 172), but these parallels are consid-ered dubious by other scholars (Gsli Sigursson 1988: 93). Anotherepisode from the same Irish story is paralleled inNjls saga.Njls saga

has a description (Chapter 70) of an Irish dog Smr, brought fromIreland as a gifby lafr P to Gunnar Hmundarson. Te descrip-tions of legendary dogs in Irish stories are frequent, as for examplethe description of a dog brought from Spain in the opening lines of




the above mentioned Scla Muicce Meic Da T. If these two episodesin different family sagas are really connected with Scla Muicce Meic Da

T, then it seems that material of this Irish saga in one or other formwas well known not just in Shetland, but also in Iceland. If Chadwickssuggestion about these motifs is correct then it proves that the materialof this particular Irish saga was well known in the area.

Scla Muicce Meic Da T refers to the so-called curadmr Heros Portion. Diodorus Siculus, who already wrote about the Celtsc. 6030BC, describing the behaviour of the Celts during feasts, men-

tions the choicest portion: Tey honour the brave warriors withthe choicest portion, just as Homer says that the chiefains honouredAjax when he returned having defeated Hector in single combat. Teyalso invite strangers to their feasts, inquiring of their identity and busi-ness only afer the meal. During feasts it is their custom to be provokedby idle comments into heated disputes, followed by challenges andsingle combat to death (Koch 1997: 11).

Te story Scla Muicce Meic Da Ttells about the rivalry of two

heroes Cet Mac Mgach of Connacht and Conall Cernach of Ulster.Conall and Cet argue about the champions portion at the feast. Atthe end of the dialogue, Cet reluctantly acknowledges Conall to be agreater hero, regretfully adding that if a certain Anlan were present,he would have challenged Conall:

He is present though, cries Conall, who at this point takes the head ofAnlanwhich is hanging at his belt, and ings it at the opponent.

It is true, Cet said, you are even a beer warrior than I. If Anlanmac Mgach were in the house, said Cet, he would match you contest,and it is a shame that he is not in the house tonight. But he is, saidConall, taking Anlans head out of his belt and throwing it at Cetschest, so that a gush of blood broke over his lips (Koch 1997: 62).

Chadwick claims that terse and humorous, with laconic brevity,it (the story) reminds us of the Icelandic sagas at their best. Te dia-logue in particular is masterly in its understatement and crisp repartee(Chadwick 1968: 87).


Te element with the head in the story was certainly capturingand probably used to make an indelible impression on the listeners

of the story. Te narrative aims at arousing and riveting aention andexciting interest, not at stimulating thought. Te story-teller makesuse of the element of surprise, of quick developments and dramaticmoments. He seeks to impress by rapid crescendo to a startling climax,and a shock, when Cet reluctantly gives precedence to Conall Cernachin the absence of Anlan. Tere is more than a touch of humoroushyperbole in Conalls throwing the head of Anlan at Cet (Chadwick

1968: 8788).Te story was evidently much liked in later times also, for it formsthe subject of a number of independent poems. None of these seem to be

based directly on the text of our saga. Chadwick suspects that the poemswere inspired by a different version of the story (Chadwick 1968: 90).

Te motif is reused in Hildinavisen, but it is transformed andemployed in a completely different context. Te head of the dead hus-band is thrown at his wife. Te motif occurs in a very dramatic and

crucial moment of the story and perfectly serves its function to surpriseand awaken interest and horror.

Tis element is so particular that it is used twice the second timeat the very end of the ballad when Hiluge asks Hildina for mercy butshe reminds him of having thrown the earls head at her and how muchit had vexed her:

Hildinavisen

Du tuchtada lide undocht yachSwo et sa ans bugin bleo

Dogh casta ans hugeI mit fung u vexmir mire mo

You thought I suffered not yet enough to see his body bleed, still youthrew his head to my lap and I was vexed (Hgstad 1900: 9).

It is impossible to know how this motif penetrated into Hildinavisen,but it might have come through the Viking contacts with the aboriginalpopulation in Shetland and Orkney, to whom the contents of the Irish




sagas were known, because the story Scla Muicce Meic Da Twas com-ing into shape at the period of Viking invasions. It is clear that this motif

in Hildinavisenis of Celtic origin, because in the Scandinavian balladry,except for Hildinavisen, it is used only in one more instance and is oncemore transformed and used in yet another different context.

Te severed head at the feast has a strong emotional effect (andthe position of the episodes within the respective tales conrms thatmedieval authors felt the power of the device, much as we do now).Its currency may, therefore, be purely literary. Storytellers and writers

knew an effective episode when they encountered it and simply reusedthe devise (Koch 2000: 35).As Marius Hgstad was the rst to notice, we nd fundamentally

the same incident in the Faroese ballad Frgvin Margareta(Hgstad1900: 11). But in this ballad, it is not a full-grown mans head, but a lit-tle childs. Decapitation and throwing of the head are present just inShetlandic Hildinavisenand Faroese Frgvin Margareta(Hammersheib1981: 93120). Te motif is Celtic, but the context is different. Tis ele-

ment in the Faroese ballad might have been inuenced by the Shetlandicballad and reused in Frgvin Margareta later this time related tothe killing of a child. Te Faroese ballad is very likely to be much later,because it is clearly dominated by the Christian element.

Tis motif was certainly very impressive and it does not appearin other Scandinavian ballads. As a result, an interesting amalgam oftwo cultures that merge together is achieved, since the Irish Sea zoneis hardly a culturally sterile environment (Koch 2000: 27). Te motifof the severed heads is well known in Iceland. When Gsli Sigurssondeals with the nature of contacts on the Orkneys between Iceland andthe Gaelic world afer the age of selement, he claims that the motifof the severed head comes into Icelandic from the Celtic world (GsliSigursson 1988: 12). Tere are numerous references in Icelandic sourcesabout a head-cult of some sort and related folk beliefs. Many of these arebelieved to be due to the Gaelic inuence and some are so well estab-

lished that they are most likely to have developed within Iceland.Tus, in the Norse context, there is a group of motifs, atypical

as they are of the Norse tradition and familiar from Celtic sources.Decapitation, the preservation of the severed head, its association with


a well, its powers of prophecy as well as otherworldly knowledge areall features which recur in the Celtic tradition and belief. All the evi-

dence suggests that this episode in Norse mythology, if not a directborrowing from a Celtic source, at least owes its presence in the Norsetradition to detailed knowledge on the part of the story-teller of such

beliefs amongst the Celts (Ross 1962: 41). Severed talking heads at feastsappear in many Irish stories, particularly in the Finn Cycle. Bruiden

tha Te Quarrel at the Ford of the Yew Tree (Meyer 1893: 24),Aided FindTe Death of Finn mac Cumaill (Meyer 1897: 4645) and

Sanas CormaicCormacs glossary (the glossary of Bishop Cormac macCuillenin, year 908) (Meyer 1912: xixxx) contain episodes where asevered head demands its share of food.

Severed talking heads in Old Icelandic material are to be foundinEyrbyggja saga, ch. 43and orsteinstr b jarmagns, ch. 9. Severedheads of enemies appear in Gretis saga, ch.82.,Bjarnar saga Htd laka-

ppa, ch. 32, Fstbr ra saga, ch. 18, and Ljsvetinga saga, (rarinstr). Supernatural qualities are also aached to heads in lafs saga

Tryggvasonar, ch. 28/19,Eyrbyggja saga, ch. 27, andNjls saga, ch. 157(i. e. the head of King Brjnn) (Gsli Sigursson 1988: 81).

It is important to point out that a similar tradition of severed headsis also found in Orkney, but here it is slightly different, though there arecertain parallels even with Scla Muicce Meic Da T. In Orkneyinga saga(chapter 5), Sigurr, the rst Earl of Orkney, defeats the Scoish EarlMelbrikta nicknamed tnntooth in a bale, cuts his and his followersheads off, aaches them to the saddle and gallops triumphantly away.Unfortunately for Sigurr, Melbriktas tooth, sticking out of the severedheads mouth, wounds Sigurrs calf, causing a deadly infection. Notethat both the Shetlandic ballad and Orkneyinga sagainvolve the Earlof Orkney. Besides, Melbrikta is an Irish name, meaning devotee toSt. Brigit.

Te very custom of using heads as a token of triumph and evenhanging them on horses was common enough among the Celts, exam-

ples of which can be found in numerous sources (Chadwick 1970: 4950;Coch and Carey 1997: 12). One of the most famous Irish sagas Tin BCailngeTe Catle-Raid of Cooley contains numerous episodes aboutC Chulainn galloping away with a bunch of heads tied to his horse.




Te distinctive element in Orkneyinga saga, however, is that the head-episode is connected with revenge. An Old Irish parallel to this com-

bination of motifs can be found inAided ChonchobuirTe Death ofConchobhar ( Jackson 1971: 5356), dated in the 9th century.AidedChonchobuir also describes a feast with disputes and contentionsamong the Ulstermen. In this story, a ball made out of the LeinsterKing Mesgegras brain and used by the Ulstermen to boast about the vic-tory, is stolen by a Connachtman, Cet: He snatched the brain fromthe hand of one of them [buffoons] and carried it offwith him, for Cet

knew that it was foretold that Meis-Geghra would avenge himself aferhis death (Jackson 1971: 54). Eventually, this particular brain is thrownat the Ulster King, Conchobhar Mac Nessa: Cet ed Meis-Geghras

brain into the sling, and slung it so that it struck Conchobhar on the topof his skull, so that two-thirds of it were in his head, and he fell headlongon the ground (Jackson 1971: 54). Te ball enters his head but doesnot cause his death until several years later, when Conchobhar receivesthe news of Christs crucixion. Ten the ball falls out of his head, leav-

ing a hole for the blood to gush forth, whereupon Conchobhar dies, isbaptized in his own blood and becomes the rst Irishman to go straightto Heaven.

Te patern of revenge is quite complicated in the Irish story and notas straightforward as in Orkneyingasaga where the full-sized head killsthe actual killer, soon afer having been separated from the body (GsliSigursson 1988: 4546). Te similarities nevertheless lead Bo Almqvistto conclude: One need not assume that the tale about Mesgegras brain isthe direct source of the Melbrikta episode in Orkneyinga saga, but somesuch Gaelic story, perhaps in a more primitive form and without hagi-ographic ingredients, seems likely to lie behind it (Almqvist 1981: 99).

In the above mentioned Irish sagaAided Chonchobuirwe also have ahurling episode, but it is not a whole head that is thrown, but a ball madeout of the brain. However the similarity of the motifs and the motivationof this action, i. e. revenge, are obvious. It is also worth mentioning that

the very same Cet plays a crucial role in causing the King Conchobharsdeath, i. e. he is the thrower. In Scla Muicce Meic Da T, the head isthrown at him. It is also very important that Cets rival, Conall, men-tioned in Scla Muicce Meic Da Tacts as one of Cets rivals also in


Aided Chonchobuir. It might happen that some Old Irish stories aboutthe rivalry between the Ulstermen and Connachtmen and Cets destiny,

where severed heads (alternatively balls made of brain) appear and arebeing hurled forth in order to cause the rivals death or in revenge, werewell known in Orkney and Shetland and thus were paralleled in variousScandinavian texts.

King and Goddess Teme inHildinavisen

Te narrative of Hildinavisenis particular and divergent compared to

other heroic Scandinavian ballads. Te story evolves around a woman,who takes revenge for her husband in a very particular way.Tis Shetlandic ballad, or rather its framework, is reminiscent of an

adaptation of the Celtic King and goddess theme. Te Celtic worldshared with many other ancient cultures the mythic model of the royalrule hieros gamos, or sacred marriage. According to this model, suc-cessful and prosperous government of society was the outcome ofthe union between female and male elements, between the goddess

of the land and its sovereign (Herbert 1992: 264). In the universe ofearly Irish mythology, the female deity was the embodiment both ofthe physical land and of its dominion (Herbert 1992: 56). Te feminisa-tion of the land is amply in evidence in the sovereignty myth (Herbert1992: 57).

In its Celtic seting, the myth is represented primarily in sources fromboth Gaul and Ireland.Te abundance of the stories containing the Kingand goddess theme in both Irish and Welsh medieval literature is a well-known fact and sacred marriage imagery has been a constantly recurringtheme in Irish literature throughout the ages (Breatnach 1953: 32136).

Te durability of the theme as a literary toposis surprising. Everytime the motif appears, the story is different, but we still can notice anon-going continuity which inevitably implies the transformation ofeach and every story.

Te Gaulish epigraphic and iconographic evidence belongs to

the period between ca. 500BCand 400AD. Wrien sources referringto the Gaulish society were produced by Greek and Roman observ-ers (Mac Cana 1970: 1617). In Ireland literary evidence belongs tothe period from about the 7th century ADonward. In the case of early




Irish narrative, the hypothesis is that we are dealing with mythologyrefracted through literature ( Cathasaigh 1993: 128). What is remark-

able, however, is the persistence and vigour of these concepts in the tra-dition of the only Celtic society which remained relatively untouchedby the Roman civilization (Mac Cana 1970: 121).

Te iconographic imagery of a foreign consort of the goddess ofthe land nds a literary reex in the story of the foundation of Massilia(Marseilles). It relates that the Gaulish kings daughter, in the act ofproffering a symbolic marriage libation to her intended spouse, bestows

the drink on the newly-arrived foreigner (Herbert 1971: 265).We nd very similar stories in early Ireland where a goddess vali-dates the ruler through the act of marriage. In medieval Irish literature,

we have narratives relating to two Medbs Medb of Cruachu andMedb Lethderg of Leinster both of them select and validate theirroyal spouses through marriage.

Te theme persisted in Celtic territories almost unchanged inits lineament and in its inuence. Te concept of a female bestowing

the right to rule on male sovereigns remained as a rather stable and yetshifing phenomenon, so the preservation of the myth in the literarysources of the early Christian period seem to trace the survival of itsnarrative realization.

Te most famous textBaile in Scil, Phantoms frenzy, dated fromthe early 11th century AD(Gerard Murphy holds that there is an earlierstratum in the text, possibly from the ninth century [Murphy 1937: 143])portrays a vision of the pan-Celtic god-king Lug enthroned in icon-ic fashion beside his female consort. She is instructed to bestowthe drink of sovereignty on a succession of rulers destined to be kings.Te imagery is strongly reminiscent of the Gaulish representations(Herbert 1971: 267). Here the signicance of the drink is prominent.

Tere are many other Irish equivalents where the goddess destroysthe unrighteous and conrms the right one as a king. Te underlyingpaern of the stories is the same.

Tere are special elements constitutive of the account, i. e. broth-ers claiming kingship, a hunt in the wilderness, a disguised queenand an apparently repugnant sexual union, which have been noted by

J. de Vries. According to J. Carey, there are some recurring elements


like hunt and / or wandering, woman dispensing a drink, womanwho appears in different forms. Tese elements (not necessarily all

of them) recur in the famous legends told of Niall Nogiallach andLugaid Lagde (De Vries 1961: 120). Another similar story is the leg-end of Macha Mongruad. In the legends of Niall and Lugaid, the trueclaimant is united with the goddess and in the case of Mongruad shesubjugates the unworthy (Carey 1983: 69). Mongruad is an example ofthe terrible aspect of the Sovereignty goddess (Carey 1983: 26375).

Not all encounters with the Sovereignty goddess are equally benev-

olent. A notable feature of the system was the dual aspect of the goddess.Te gure of the sovereignty could appear repulsive or beautiful. Deathand slaughter were the reverse sides of the personications of growthand fertility (Carey 1983: 268).

Tere is a wide range of Gaulish and Irish narratives, where insteadof being conrmed as a king by the female divinity, the unsuitable ruleris destroyed. In some occasions Sovereignty goddess displays her two-fold character: sinister and aggressive on the one hand, beautiful and

prosperous on the other (Carey 1983: 268).Te tale which is of great importance to the investigation of

Hildinavisenis one of the earliest Celtic tales containing the King andgoddess theme with a negative outcome where the goddess acts asterrifying and malevolent. Te seing of the story is similar to that ofthe above-mentioned foundation story of Masillia. But almost the samescenario can lead to two different consequences. One version of the sto-ry comes from Asia Minor (around modern Ankara, Turkey).Te storyis registered by Mestrius Plutarchus (Plutarch c. 46127) in section XXof hisMoraliain the chapterDe Mulierum Virtutibus, On the Braveryof Women, 2578, called Te Poisoned libation: the Love Triangle ofSinatus, Sinorx, and the High Priestess Camma. Tis work of Plutarchappears in pp. 471581of Vol. IIIof the Loeb Classical Librarys edi-tion of the Moralia, rst published in 1931. Polyaenus (the middle ofthe 2nd century AD) drew freely from PlutarchsMoraliato embellish

his Strategemata. Sinorx means old king, Camma probably means evilwoman and Sintus means the one with good ancestry. Galatia heremeans the Celtic domain founded in Hellenistic times in central AsiaMinor. Features of the narrative including a queen closely connected




with a goddess, a honey drink that proves poisonous, an unnatural deathinstead of a wedding feast, a chiefain set in a chariot as his relatives

prepare his tomb, a love triangle terminating in a fateful chariot rideand kinslaying as the prelude to the downfall of the king, a woman who

brings great evil to those close to her through no fault of her own reso-nate widely through the Celtic literary traditions and may be viewed aselements in its inherited preliterary substance (Koch 1997: 34).

In order to compare the story about Camma and Hildina I givehere the Plutarchs story in full. Translation is made by John Carey in

Te Celtic Heroic Age.

. Camma

Sintus and Sinorx, distant kinsmen, were the most powerful ofthe tetrarchs of Galatia. Sintus had a young wife named Camm,much admired for her youth and beauty, but still more remarkablefor her virtues. For she was not only modest and affectionate, butalso shrewd and courageous, and fervently beloved by her servants

on account of her compassion and her kindness. She was further dis-tinguished by her office as priestess of Artemis, the goddess whomthe Galatae most revere, and was always to be seen at the solemn pro-cessions and sacrices, magnicently aired.

Sinorx fell in love with her. Unable to possess her either by persua-sion or by force while her husband lived, he did a dreadful deed:he killed Sintus treacherously. Not long thereafer he proposed toCamm, who was now living in the temple. She was biding her time,and bore Sinorxs crime not with pathetic weakness but with a keenand foreseeing spirit.

He was importunate in his entreaties, and proffered arguments notentirely implausible: he claimed that he was a beer man than Sintusand had killed him for no reason except his love for Camm. Even at

rst, her refusals were not too harsh, and in a lile while she seemedto sofen. (Her relatives and friends were also pressuring and seek-ing to force her to accept him, hoping themselves for the favour ofthe mighty Sinorx.)


At last she yielded, and sent for him so that the compact and the vowsmight be made in the presence of the goddess. When he arrived she

received him affectionately. She led him to the altar, poured a liba-tion from a drinking-bowl, drank some herself, and told him to drinkthe rest. It was a drink of milk and honey [melikraton], with poisonin it. When she saw that he had drunk, she cried aloud and fell downbefore the goddess. I bear witness to you, most glorious spirit, shesaid, that it is for the sake of this day that I have lived since Sintussmurder, in all that time taking pleasure in none of the good things of

life, but only in the hope of justice. Having aained this, I go down tomy husband. As for you, most impious of men, your relatives can pre-pare your tomb, instead of your wedding and bridal chamber.

When the Galatians heard this, and felt the poison at work in himand penetrating his body, he mounted his chariot as if the tossing andshaking might do him good; but forthwith he desisted, got into a lier,and died in the evening. Cammsurvived through the night: learning

of his death, she passed away cheerfully and gladly.

Te scenario is almost the same as in the Shetlandic ballad. However,it is clear that Celtic motifs reused in the ballad have nothing to do withtheir mythological aspect, it is not rationalisation of the myth. In case ofHildinavisen, it is just a borrowing of the narrative. In the story Cammais depicted as a mortal female, though she is connected with the god-dess Artemis, goddess of hunting, (whom the Galatae most revere)being her priestess.

In Hildinavisenand in the story of Camma we have a typical Celticlove triangle, where the heroines husband is killed by a jealous rival

who discloses his intentions to marry the widow straightaway. Compareto Hildinavisen:

Hildinavisen

Di lava mir gugnaYibal yagh fur o landiGipt mir nufuan HildinaVath godle u fasta bande.




You let me get married if she will follow me from the country, give menow lady Hildina with gold and betrothal (Hgstad 1900: 6).

With regard to marriage, women in both stories seem to act on theirown free will. In Hildinavisen, Hildinas father asks Hilugi to wait untilthe child is a bit older and then leaves to Hildina the right to decide.In the story of Camma though Camma seems to be urged to marrySinorx by her relatives, she can nally decide herself.

Hiluge as Sinorx is clearly a wrongful king, not destined for king-

ship.Te scenario of the story is the same as in the stories with the Kingand Goddess theme that have a positive outcome, but the drink turnsout to be poisoned. Te symbolism of the sacred drink is absolutelytransparent in the story of Camma. An emphasis on the drink is also

very lucid in the Shetlandic ballad.Hildina concedes to marry Hiluge, but asks to be allowed to serve

the wine. Her father allows her on condition that she will not thinkabout the Earl. Hildina answers that even if she thought about the Earl,

she would not serve any harmful drink to her father:

Hildinavisen , ,

Nu Hildina on askar feyrinSien di gava mier liveOu skinka vinOu guida vin.

Duska skinka vin, u guida vinTinka dogh eke woIarlin an gougha here din.

Watha skilde tinkaWo Iarlin gouga her minHien mindi yagh inga forlskona

Bera fare kera fyrin min.

Now Hildina asks her father Give me permission to dispensethe wine, to pour the wine.


You shall dispense the wine and pour the wine, though do not thinkabout the earl, your good lord.

Tough I will think about the earl, my good lord, for that I wouldnot serve any harmful drink to my dear father (Hgstad 1900: 7).

Hgstad takes the wordforlskonaas a compound in genitive case *frskonnu, composed of the wordfr, meaning harm and kanna, ves-sel. Later on, Hildina serves a drink to her father and everybody else.In this case, the drink is called mien. It corresponds to the Old Norse

word mjora drink made out of milk and honey. In the Celtic story,the drink is called melicatronand is made of milk and honey. It is clearfrom the text that Hildina infuses a drug, but it is not clear what kindof drug it is:

Hildinavisen

Hildina liger wo chaldonaU o dukrar u groth

Min du buga till bridleusinBonlothir u duka dogha.

Hildina lies in the tent, her eyes are dark of crying, and before she iscalled to the wedding ceremony, she infuses poison into the drink(Hgstad 1900: 7).

Here the ending of the story is different in the Celtic tradition,the man dies, but in this story the main hero is burned alive as in somany different Icelandic sagas. In general, the serving of ale and meadin Scandinavian ballads is traditional, but here the tradition is modi-ed with poisoned libation and combined with a typical Celtic trian-gle. Te burning, on the contrary, seems to be in itself a particularlyScandinavian motif, which ofen appears in various Icelandic sagas.In the end, when Hilugeasks Hildina to pity him, she again reminds him

of the throwing of the earls head at her. Again, this seemingly Celticmotif is exploited here with a new strength.

Te motif of a king receiving a drink from a beautiful woman inScandinavian literature is not unique to Hildinavisen. Generally stories




with this motif are held to be closely connected with the Irish traditionlike for example stories about the Norwegian King Haraldr hrfagri,

found in Hlfdanar saga svarta(chapter 8) (Aalbjarnarson 1941: 8493)and Flateyjarbk(Flateyjarbk, 18601862, 56466). Te King as a

young man follows Finn or Dofri into a supernatural fosterage wherehe receives a cup of mead from his fosterers beautiful daughter andis promised a sovereignty on his departure. Chadwick also maintainsthat the appearance of a Finn, a famous Irish hero, in the Icelandic ver-sion is signicant (Chadwick 1957: 192) and demonstrates Celtic and

Scandinavian contacts. Close relationship of Haralds supernatural expe-riences to those of the Irish High-King Conn Ctchathach, and still moreto those of Conns descendant, Niall Nogiallach, as well as their relations

with the maiden calling herself theaithiusa h-Erennthe Sovereigntyof Ireland are already well established (Chadwick 1957: 192).

Conclusions

Te presence of Celtic elements in the only surviving ballad in Norn

language Hildinavisen, which have been created in continually chang-ing linguistic, social and cultural conditions, indicates a certaindegree of contact with the Celtic population. Te marine societies ofShetland and Orkney Islands generated various stories, where motifsand elements travelled in various directions. Hildinavisenis certainlyof Western Scandinavian origin, but it contains or rather is adorned

with Celtic motifs. Te meeting of these two traditions Celtic andScandinavian gave a peculiar and productive treatment of certainnarratives. Te analysis of the text of Hildinavisenindicates that onthe level of the story Hildinavisenborrows substantially from the Celticnarrative tradition. Various motifs are externally imposed and later onadapted in Scandinavian material. Especially prominent is the appeal ofthe King and Goddess theme. But if it is a borrowing, it is by no meansdirect, because Celtic motifs and elements are adapted, transformedand melted in the text of the Scandinavian ballad. Te presence of some

Celtic motifs, such as throwing of the head, which is one of the favouritedevices in the Irish sagas, or the King and goddess theme have wideramications in Celtic literature and were probably particularly promi-nent in the oral tradition.


It is possible that there was some kind of Orkney version of the sto-ry later on transmited to Shetland, since the main hero is the Earl

of Orkney. Tis story might have served as an intermediary betweenHildinavisenand the Celtic tradition, since Orkney have been one ofthe important channels for the transmission of the Celtic elementsand Shetland must have been on the route of these contacts. Bearingin mind the historical modes of habitation, as the sea was worn deep

with boats, the favourite pastimes and working activities were con-nected with sailing and rowing, usually accompanied by ballads. Tus

the ballad was preserved in the bound language for a long time. Tisrowing and singing together catalysed the appearance of new motifs,which were designated to address issues specic to the unique condi-tions of this region.

Appendix . Contents ofHildinavisenafer Low

Low wrote about the content of the ballad (Anders. page 113): A literaltranslation of the above (the ballad) I could not procure, but the sub-

stance is this:

An Earl of Orkney, in some of his rambles on the coast of Norway,saw and fell in love with the Kings daughter of the country. As theirpassion happened to be reciprocal, he carried her offin her fathersabsence, who was engaged in war with some of his distant neigh-bours (v. 13). On his return, he followed the fugitives to Orkney,accompanied by his army, to revenge on the Earl the rape of his daugh-ter (v. 7). On his arrival there, Hildina (which was her name), rst (!)spied him, and advised her now husband to go an aempt to pacifythe King (v. 9). He did so, and by his appearance and promises broughtthe King so over as to be satised with the match (v. 12). Tis, however,

was of no long standing, for as soon as the Earls back was turned (!)a courtier, called Hiluge, took great pains to change the Kings mind,for it seems Hiluge had formerly hoped to succeed with the daugh-

ter himself (v. 1516). His project took, and the maer came to

3 Te mark for something that Low says, but which is actually not found inthe ballad.




blows (v. 1618); the Earl is killed by Hiluge, who cut offhis head andthrew it at his lady, which, she says, vexed (!) her even more than his

death, that he should add cruelty to revenge (v. 22). Upon the Earlsdeath, Hildina is forced to follow her father to Norway, and in a liletime Hiluge makes his demand to have her in marriage of her father; heconsents, and takes every method to persuade Hildina, who with greatreluctance, agrees upon condition that she is allowed to ll the wine ather wedding (v. 26). Tis is easily permied (v. 27), and Hildina infusesa drug (v. 25) which soon throws the company into a dead sleep, and

afer ordering her father to be removed, set the house on re (v. 2930).Te ame soon rouses Hiluge, who piteously cries for mercy, butthe taunts he had bestowed at the death of the Earl of Orkney are nowbierly returned, and he is lefto perish in the ames (v. 3134).

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for Advanced Studies.Chadwick, Nora K. 19531957. Literary Tradition in the Old Norse and Celtic World.

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Hgstad, Marius. 1900. Hildinakvadet med utgreiding um det norske maalpaa Shetland i elder tid. Videnskabsselskabets Skrifer. IIHistorisk-lososkeKlasse. No. 2. Christiania, IKommission hos Jacob Dybwad: Grndahl & Sns

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Wallace, James. 1700.An Account of the Islands of Orkney. London: Jacob Tonson.


On Translating Icelandic Sagas into Modern Norwegian the Case ofBrennu Njls Saga

JanRagnarHaglandNorwegian University of Science and Technology

Gathered as we are here in Vilnius, on the splendid occasion of the 200th

anniversary for the publication of professor Joachim Lelewels EddaSkandinawska, it might be pertinent to look at parallel instances of medi-ating Old Icelandic literature by way of translation elsewhere. It is, as

we all know, a fact that the speaker of any language modern Icelandicexcepted who is not specializing in Old Norse, has to resort to trans-lations in order to appreciate the literature handed down to us in thatparticular language. As this literature contains some of the masterpiecesof medieval European literature, translations are, of course, important.

Tis is so, needless to say, also when translations into a quite closelyrelated language such as modern Norwegian are concerned.

I shall, then, try to look at some aspects of Norwegian saga transla-tions. In order not to exceed all reasonable time limits, I shall connethe present exposition and discussion to the translation history of oneof the major works in Old Icelandic literature theBrennu Njls Saga.Te translation history of a text such as this, is of course, closely relatedto its historical reception, as is, no doubt, the edition we are celebrat-ing in the present seminar. TeNjls Sagahas a fairly long translationhistory in Norway a history which each individual translated versionunveils, I think it is fair to say, aspects of the historical reception ofthe saga, as well as aspects of the state of the art where saga researchin general is concerned. We will return to the former of these twopoints the later shall be lefat that here, even if this is something

which may be argued.

Te rst to make a point of having made a translation intoNorwegianrather than into Danish the common writen language usedin Denmark and Norway at the time was Karl L[inn]. Sommerfelt,

who made a translation into Dano-Norwegian, which he published as


42 Jan Ragnar Hagland

an appendix to a periodical for the enlightenment of the people calledFolkevennenin 1871. As a translation into Danish had been re-published

only nine years earlier (Petersen 1862), the reasons given by Sommerfeltfor publishing a new version are interesting both ideologically andlinguistically. Sommerfelt seems compelled to excuse himself for pub-lishing a new translation so soon afer Petersen he had done so, hesays, because professor Petersens translation, in spite of its indisput-able qualities, could not really satisfy the tastes of a Norwegian readingpublic. Tis was no fault of the translator it had to do with the Danish

language. Danish and Norwegian, Sommerfelt says, are, even if close,two different languages representing two different nationalities. In con-sequence, he goes on to say, I do not think that a Norwegian readerin general will be satised if he has to make the acquaintance of thisparticular literature through the medium of the Danish language. Even ifhe does not know the original language, the reader will easily be struckby the impression that the Danish language is too weak to mediatethe force and vigour, the exuberance of expression, the magnicence

and boldness of characters and scenes typical for the saga.A modern reader would most certainly experience difficulties in

nding support in the translated text for this programmatic statementof linguistic difference between Dano-Norwegian and Danish, even ifdifferences may, of course, be observed on closer investigation. What ismore important in this context is, in my opinion, Sommerfelts obviousintention to associate the sagas the literature of the Golden Medieval

Age with theNorwegianlanguage rather than Danish. Tis is indeedan expression of a growing awareness of a specic Norwegian identity,

1 Professor Petersens Overstelse vil, hvilke Fortjenester den end uimod-sigelig besidder, neppe ret kunne tilfredsstille en norsk Lser. Dete er ikkeOversterens Feil, men det danske Sprogs. Dansk og Norsk vise sig, hvor nrde end staa hinanden, dog i visse Henseender at vre to forskjellige Sprog,ligesom de representerer forskjellige Nationaliteter [] Jeg tror derfor, aten norsk Lser i Almindelighed ikke vil fle sig tilfredsstillet ved at gjreBekjendtskab med denne Literatur gjennem det danske Sprog. Selv om hanikke kjender Originalen, vil det let paatrnge sig ham, at det danske Sproger for vegt til at gjengive den Kraf, Fynd og Kjernefylde i Udtrykket, denStorslagenhed og Djrvhed i Karakterer og Scener, som er Sagaen egen(Sommerfelt 1871, IIIV.).


43 On Translating Icelandic Sagas into Modern Norwegian

nourished no doubt by the ideas of romanticism an ideological basisalso, and perhaps even more so, for the activity of translating sagas into

the alternative writen language in Norway the then newly coinedLandsmaal. We will return to this later on. It is suffice here just topoint out the fact that the rst saga to be translated into Ivar Aasens

Landsmaal (by himself) the Fridtjovs Saga was published onthe initiative of Folkevennen, the very same periodical that publishedSommerfelts translation of theNjls saga.

Afer Sommerfelts translation, a quarter of a century passed before

the next translation of Njls Sagaappeared in Norway. As vaguelyindicated above, a project of translating sagas into Ivar Aasens thenrecently established Landsmaal, can be observed through the laerhalf of the 19th century. Ideologically this was, it appears, part of alarger process of language planning in which the translating of sagasconstituted, it seems fair to say, a retrospective dimension in the mak-ing of a new literary language (cf. Hagland 2003, 4445). Afer Ivar

Aasens translation of Fridtjovs Sagain 1858, some others had tried to

forge translated saga texts into the new writen idiom. Te translationsof saga texts into this new wrien standard should be looked upon, inmy opinion, as a conscious search for linguistic and literary models, orpaterns perhaps, in the process of making it a literary language. As such,the translations of sagas and biblical texts for that mater representedan archaizing element on which we shall not elaborate in the presentcontext (cf. though Hagland 2003, 4547). Anyway in this process ofmaking a literary language, a certain number of aempts at translatingsagas had already been undertaken when Olav Torsson Aasmundsstadin the mid 1890s ventured the difficult task of translatingNjls sagaintothe new Landsmaal:Njaala eller Soga um Njaal Torgeirsson og snernehanspublished in 189697.

Since then a parallel course of translations and re-editions ofthis particular saga has been a distinct feature in the history of liter-ary translations into Norwegian one into Dano-Norwegian, later

Riksml and Bokml the other into Landsmaal, later Nynorsk.It should be added here that Jn Karl Helgason in his interestingstudy Te Rewriting of Njls sagaseems to overlook the importance ofthe translations into Landsmaal in his discussion ofNjls Sagaand



Norwegian liberation language and nationality (Jn Karl Helgason1999, 101116).

Before proceeding any further we shall briey recapitulate the mainstages in the subsequent history ofNjls Sagatranslations into the twoNorwegian writen standards: Sommerfelts translation into Dano-Norwegian was replaced if we may use an expression like that inthis context by Fredrik Paasches translation into Riksml in 1922(cf. bibliography), an inuential version of the text which was reissuedin 1986and again in 1999. Te next step along this line was Hallvard

Lies translation of 1941. Tis is the most complete version of the existingtranslations into modern Norwegian only very minor omissions canbe observed in the genealogies. Tis translation was, however, reeditedand reworked into a much abbreviated version (see below) in 1951,published in the popular series of Hjemmenes boksamling. A some-

what more comprehensive version was published in 1954, in the seriesIslandske esagaer edited by Hallvard Lie. Te former of the twois probably the most widely distributed version of Njls Sagaamong

the reading public in Norway ever (exact numbers of printed copiesare, however, not available).

Aasmundstads translation appears to have been out of print andseems, for linguistic reasons, to have been somewhat out of date bythe mid 1920s. To cover up for this Knut Liestl, the famous saga scholar,published a linguistically revised version in 1928. Even if this revised

version was based upon an edition of the saga in the source languagemore updated than the one Aasmundsstad had at his disposal, nomajor changes in the text as a whole were made.A third revision orretranslation rather was made by Knut Liestls son Aslak in 1961,a version that as far as the extent of the text is concerned deviatessomewhat from the 1928version. It was reprinted in 1975, in the series

Norrne bokverk. As we shall see in more detail below, none of these

2Published by Den norske Bokklubben together with Gisla Saga SrssonarandLaxdla Saga in one volume under the common title Saga: norrne sagaer iutvalg.

3Aasmundsstad had used Konrur Gislason and Eirkur Jnssons editionfrom 187589whereas Liestl could use Finnur Jnssons edition in the series

Altnordische Sagabibliothek from 1908(cf. bibliography).


versions in Landsml / Nynorsk were complete. For this reasona new edition with the missing parts lled in was commissioned and

published in 1996and again in 2003. Even if these versions claim tobe translations of the entire textthey are not. Due to editorial inac-curacy, the publishers (Det Norske Samlaget) have, incredibly enough,failed to ll in missing genealogical information in seven chapters ofthe saga.Te laer version was republished this year, in 2007, by DenNorske Bokklubben. Tis publication and the one from 1999(Paaschestranslation) are, it seems, versions of Njls sagawidely distributed in

present-day Norway (an impression of about 4000copies each accord-ing to the publisher).Translations of Icelandic sagas in general should rely on the best

editions published in the source language available at any moment.Tis is so, we must assume, when the translations ofBrennu Njls sagainto Norwegian are concerned. I say we must assume because someof them do not make this point explicit. Te textual variation that canbe observed between the various translated versions cannot, however,

be accounted for, just by assuming that different editions of the sourcelanguage text have been used. Here is not the time to go into detailabout philological problems concerning the editing of a reliable text ofthe saga in its original language. As the editions upon which the varioustranslations are based do not vary dramatically, we will just for the sakeof convenience use the edition in the series slenzk fornrit (1954) asa point of reference in the following when comparing the translatedtexts, the overall impression of which displays textual variation betweenthe different versions to a degree that may, somehow, remind us ofthe medieval manuscript transmission of saga texts.

4 Ny og fullstendig utgve ved Jan Ragnar Hagland (New and complete edi-tion byJRH ).

5 Chapters 20, 25(two sequences), 26, 46, 95, 114, and 138. Tis is more thanunfortunate as the preface to this version underscores the importance of com-pleteness on this particular point in the narrative: Utelating av slike delar avforteljinga kan difor bde ta bort kulturhistorisk informasjon (jf. note 6tilkapitel 19i soga) og erna literre verkemiddel som skulle vera med og gjesamanheng i teksten (2003, s. 21). It is, for instance, not just a trivial detail toomit Ragnar Lodbrok from the genealogy of Snorri goi in ch. 114and so on.

45 On Translating Icelandic Sagas into Modern Norwegian



It seems fair to say, then, that the Brennu Njls sagaoffered tothe Norwegian reading public in modern and post-modern times var-

ies to the extent that it is, in a certain sense, possible to see them as anumber of differentNjls sagas. We will in the following try to lookcloser at the nature of textual differences that can be observed betweenthe translated versions sketched above.

Te most important point of difference, it seems fair to say, is causedby abbreviation or excisionin Grard Genees terms the leavingout of various parts of the text in the source language, whatever edition

has been used as basis for the translation. Tis, more than anything else,should in my opinion, be traced back to the translators ideas about trans-lation and what a saga such as this should look like. As from Sommerfeltonwards all translations for a long time to some extent abbreviatedthe text on various points. Apart from Hallvard Lies 1941version thisis the case when all the translations into Riksml / Bokml are con-cerned and, unfortunately, also the ones into Landsml / Nynorsk,the 19962007versions included even if the omissions there are

due to editorial inaccuracy rather than deliberate choices made bythe translator.

Te most important points of difference between the versionstranslated into Norwegian relate to the following aspects of the text:a. skaldic verse. b. introductory genealogical information. c. legal pro-cedure. d. supernatural phenomena. We will take a quick look at eachof these features in order to see how they are treated in the existing

versions ofBrennu Njls Sagatranslated into Norwegian.Te difficulties involved when trying to translate skaldic verse

into any language are, to say the least, considerable.Brennu Njls sagarepresents no exception in this respect. Te translated versions of thissaga into modern Norwegian have, as a whole, solved these problemsin a variety of ways so as to create considerable variation between them.

Again the most striking point of variation is created by the variousomissions. As for the translation itself of the stanzas quoted in the saga,

there is also much to be said. Tis is, however, a huge and generalproblem, that might ll a conference of its own, so we shall leave it at

6See Genete 1997, 229f.


that for the moment. For the present purpose we shall just ask to whatextent the translators have chosen to include the stanzas in the dif-

ferent translated versions. A total of 23stanzas or parts of stanzas

approaching the viking age (scandinavistica vilnensis, 2)

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