Early Christian Martyrdom and Civil Disobedience

Everett Ferguson

Journal of Early Christian Studies, Volume 1, Number 1, Spring 1993,pp. 73-83 (Article)

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Early Christian Martyrdomand Civil Disobedience

EVERETT FERGUSON

The success of non-violent resistance as employed by Gandhi and Martin LutherKing for political ends prompts an inquiry concerning possible parallels withearly Christian martyrdom. The martyr literature of the early church, in addi-tion to theological motifs, does occasionally take note of practical aspects, suchas "church-state" relations. The two elements of civil disobedience identified byDavid Daube—non-violence and unselfish motivation for the conduct—arepresent in early Christian martyrdom, but not in an unmixed way. Some earlyChristians did aim to convert the Roman Empire, and some noted martyrdom ascontributing to this, but there is no indication that martyrdom was a consciousstrategy to attain this goal.

The tactics of Gandhi in securing independence for India and of MartinLuther King, Jr. in the American civil rights movement have directed atten-tion in the twentieth century to non-violent resistance as an instrument ofpolitical policy. An objection to these tactics has been raised on thegrounds that the methods of Gandhi in India or of Martin Luther King inthe United States would be ineffective against a Nazi Germany or a Com-munist China. According to this reasoning the moral power of Gandhi andKing was in part due to their dealing with governing authorities which wereat least nominally Christian and informed by a Christian conscience. Thisconsideration prompts an examination of the experience of the early Chris-tians with the pagan Roman Empire. Although there are differences be-tween early Christian martyrdom (and the whole tradition of "evangelicalpacifism") and modern strategies of non-violent confrontation, the query

1992 NAPS Presidential Address. Research for this paper was supported in part bythe Research Council of Abilene Christian University through the generosity of theCullen Foundation.

Journal of Early Christian Studies 1:1, 73-83 © 1993 The Johns Hopkins University Press.

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whether elements of the modern practice or an awareness of them is foundamong the early martyrs may cast light on the theme of non-violent resis-tance to persecution and its effectiveness in attaining toleration or otherpolitical goals. George Williams discussed "four modalities of violence" inChristian history: dying for the heavenly homeland, holy violence actu-alized, sublimation of violence in spiritual warfare, and the conversion ofalienation into reconciliation.1 Early Christian martyrdom falls in the firstcategory: dying for the heavenly homeland.

Early Christian martyrdom has been studied from many standpoints:the meaning of the word,2 the persecutions by Rome,3 the concept ofmartyrdom,4 its relation to suicide,5 the theology of martyrdom,6 as anexample of social control,7 and according to the ethical problems raised.8It is proposed here to consider what mutual understanding is gained byexamining early Christian martyrdom in relation to modern concernsabout civil disobedience. David Daube has defined civil disobedience asinvolving non-violence and the motivation that the conduct is right and notselfish.9 He sets a context for our theme but does not himself include theChristian martyrs in his survey.10 The examination here is limited, with few

1. George Huntston Williams, "Four Modalities of Violence, With Special Referenceto the Writings of George Sorel, Parts Two and Three," JChSt 16 (1974):252-254.

2. NorbertBrox, Zeuge und Märtyrer: Untersuchungen zur frühchristlichen Zeugnis-Terminologie (Munich: Kösel, 1961); B. Dehandschutter, "Martyr-Martyrium: Quel-ques observations à propos d'un christianisme sémantique, " Eulogia: Mélanges offerts àAntoon A. R. Bastiaensen, ed. G. J. M. Bartelink et al. (Steenbrugis: Abbatia S. Petri,1991), 33-39.

3. W. H. C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford: BasilBlackwell, 1965).

4. Hans von Campenhausen, Die Idee des Martyriums in der alten Kirche (Göt-tingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1964).

5. Arthur J. Droge and James D. Tabor, A Noble Death: Suicide and MartyrdomAmong Christians and Jews in Antiquity (San Francisco: Harper, 1991).

6. Theofrid Baumeister, Die Anfänge der Theologie des Martyriums (Münster: As-chendorf, 1980).

7. Donald W. Riddle, The Martyrs: A Study in Social Control (Chicago: University ofChicago, 1931); Maureen A. Tilley, "Scripture as an Element of Social Control: TwoMartyr Stories of Christian North Africa," 77TR 83 (1990): 383-397.

8. D. Wendebourg, "Das Martyrium in der Alten Kirche als ethische Problem," ZKG98 (1987): 295-320.

9. David Daube, Civil Disobedience in Antiquity (Edinburgh: University Press,1972), 1-4, 43.

10. Cf. Wendebourg, "Martyrium," pp. 297-303 on the philosophical idea of a"beautiful death." Tertullian, apol. 50 and Clement of Alexandria, str. 4.8 list paganexamples of endurance of suffering, but Origen claims that although others may have aheroic death, only the "elect race" dies for religion—mart. 5.

FERGUSON/EARLY CHRISTIAN MARTYRDOM 75

exceptions, to statements in the early Christian literature of martyrdom—the acts and passions of the martyrs and exhortations to martyrdom.

The importance of martyrdom for the early Christians is demonstratedby the way it was interpreted in terms of major theological motifs. Martyr-dom was a baptism of blood, which brought forgiveness of sins to themartyr.11 It was a eucharist, in which one drank the cup of sufferings ofChrist.12 It was an anticipation of the eschaton, an orthodox version of ra-dically realized eschatology, in which the martyr brought the events of thelast days to immediate fruition for himself.13 It was a defeat of Satan andthe demons through identification with the victory of Christ on the cross.14The martyr was filled with the Holy Spirit, who gave words to say to theauthorities, visions of the other world, and supernatural strength to enduresufferings.15 Martyrdom was an imitation of Christ, in which one shared inthe sufferings of Christ and was brought into direct contact with theLord,16 and the glory of Christ himself was manifested in the martyr.17

The importance of martyrdom was further emphasized by relating it todivine election and providence. Martyrdom was not for everyone. Godchose the worthy for martyrdom. Or, as one author put it, he assigned it tosome on account of their worth, and to others he gave it on account of hismercy.18 According to the mainstream teaching, one was not to volunteerfor martyrdom. The church had some unfortunate experiences with thosewho rushed forward to confess their faith and then did not stand up under

U.E. Dassmann, Sundenvergebung durch Taufe, Busse, und Märtyrer für bitte in denZeugnissen frühchristlichen Frömmigkeit und Kunst (Münster: Aschendorf, 1973),153-171.

12. Joachim Kettel, "Martyrium und Eucharistie," GeiLeb 30 (1957): 34-46.13. Robert Wayne Willis, "A Study of Some Eschatological Motifs in the Martyr

Literature of the Early Church" (Thesis, Abilene Christian University, 1966); W. Ror-dorf, "L'espérance des martyrs chrétiens," Forma Futuri: Studi in onore del Card.Michèle Pellegrino (Turin, 1975), 445-461.

14. Eusebius, h.e. 5.1.23 and 27; M. Apoll. 47; M. Fruct. 7.2; M. Agap. 1. 2. 4;Hermas, sim. 8.3.6; Origen, Mart. 42; CeIs. 8.44.

15. M. Viller, "Les Martyrs et l'Esprit," RSR 14 (1924): 544-551; William C.Weinrich, Spirit and Martyrdom: A Study of the Work of the Holy Spirit in Contexts ofPersecution and Martyrdom in the New Testament and Early Christian Literature(Washington: University Press of America, 1981).

16. M. Pellegrino, "L'Imitation du Christ dans les Acts des martyrs," VS 98 (1958):38-54.

17. Denis Farkasfalvy, "Christological Content and its Biblical Basis in the Letter ofthe Martyrs of Gaul," SecCent 9 (1992): 7-12.

18. Ps-Cyprian, laud. mart. 23. Note also M. Polyc. 14; 20; M. Carp. 41; 42; M.Perp. 21.11; M. Cyp. 2.1; M. Mar. 2.3; 3.4; M. hen. 5.2; Clement of Alexandria, str.4.12; Hippolytus, Dan. 111.26; Cyprian, morí. 17.

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the pressure.19 The doctrine that God chose his martyrs tempered enthusi-asm for self-chosen martyrdom; it also highlights the self-consciousness ofthe church about the significance of martyrdom. The emphasis on the willof God is pertinent to some of the less theological aspects of martyrdom towhich this paper addresses itself.

Although more attention seems to be given in the early Christian litera-ture about martyrdom to the theological significance of martyrdom, Chris-tians were not unaware of the practical significance of the act. For instance,the missionary motif was noted. Tertullian's declaration that the blood ofthe martyrs is seed and by their deeds the martyrs make other disciples20has become proverbial. Less well known is the claim of Apollonius, "Themore they kill those who believe in God, so much the more will theirnumbers grow by God's aid."21 Justin Martyr, for one, testified to theinfluence of the martyrs on his own conversion.22 The martyrs thus trulylived up to their title as "witnesses." Even when they were not able to speakdirectly to pagan onlookers, as the sources occasionally note occurring,23their deed was a public testimony to unbelievers to the gospel.24 In a worldwithout television spectaculars and Billy Graham campaigns a place on theprogram at the month's spectacles in the amphitheater was the best adver-tising available.25

Ignatius may have dwelled on the personal aspects of martyrdom, butothers were aware of the community dimensions of the deed.26 A faithfulwideness confirmed others in the faith and prepared them to resist under

19. M. Polyc. 4. The emphasis on martyrdom "according to the will of God" isdirected against a Gnostic denial of martyrdom and not Montanist enthusiasm accord-ing to B. Dehandschutter, "Le Martyre de Polycarpe et le développment de la conceptiondu martyre au deuxième siècle," SP 17.2 (Oxford: Pergamon, 1982), 659-668. That theearly Montanists did not differ from their orthodox opponents on voluntary martyrdomis argued by William Tabbernee, "Early Montanism and Voluntary Martyrdom," Co/-loq. 17 (1985): 33-43.

20. Apol. 50; compare Justin, dial. 110; Hippolytus, Dan. 2.38.21. M. Apoll. 24. References and quotations are taken from Herbert Musurillo, The

Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972).22. Justin, 2 apol. 12.23. M. Carp. 40; Eusebius, h.e. 5.2.4 and 5. The author of the M. Mar. makes a direct

address to pagans at 6.1.24. M. Truer. 6.3 for death confirming life and teaching. Reactions by pagan on-

lookers are noted in M. Polyc. 2; 16; M. Carp. 45; Eusebius, h.e. 5.1.56; M. Perp. 17.3.25. A. D. Nock, Conversion (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), 193-202; Adolf von

Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity (New York: Harper, 1962 re-print), 492—493; Hans von Campenhausen, "Das Martyrium in der Mission,"Kirchengeschichte als Missionsgeschichte, Vol. 1, ed. H. Frohnes and U. W. Knorr(Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1974), 71-85.

26. M. Pellegrino, "Le Sense ecclesial du martyre," RevScRel 35 (1961): 152-175.

FERGUSON/EARLY CHRISTIAN MARTYRDOM 77

similar pressure.27 Indeed the annual commemoration of the martyr's"birthday to immortality" served expressly to strengthen and train thosewho would come after.28 The compiler of the Martyrdom of Perpetua andFelicitas in stating the purpose in writing explains that "God alwaysachieves what he promises, as a witness to the non-believer and a blessingto the faithful."29

The doctrine that martyrdom was within God's providence highlightsfurther that martyrdom was a witness to the State of its subordination tothe God of heaven. The Acts of the Martyrs delighted in contrasts oftenformulated in sharp antitheses. These Acts feature the demand made ofChristians to sacrifice to the pagan gods, so the contest is seen principallyin religious terms.30 This demand lent itself to a contrast between theworship of the one God and the worship of the many gods. When Pionius,presbyter of Smyrna, during the Decían persecution was ordered, "Offersacrifice," he replied, "My prayers mut be offered to God." The proconsulinsisted, "We reverence all the gods."31 But for Christians belief in God wasreason not to sacrifice.32 In contrast to the requirement to sacrifice to thegods, the Christian martyrs could interpret their death as a sacrifice toGod.33 Dasius, martyr under Diocletian, said to the soldiers, "Seeing thatyou force me to such a despicable act, better is it for me to become asacrifice to the Lord Christ by my own choice rather than immolate myselfto your idol Saturn."34 Or, the confession of faith itself could be under-stood as a sacrifice to God.35

Quite prominent in the martyr and apologetic literature is the identifica-tion of the gods to whom sacrifice was required with demons36 and the

27. M. Polyc. 1; 19; Eusebius, h.e. 5.1.23, 41-42; M. Apoll. 47; M. Pion. 22.4;Eusebius, h.e. 8.10.11; M. Mar. 3.5; 9.2-4; 12.8; Origen, CeIs. 8.8.

28. M. Polyc. 18.29. M. Perp. 1.5. Compare Clement of Alexandria, str. 4.9 for the church confirmed

and heathen led to faith by the martyr's confession. Other references for strengtheningChristians as the purpose of preserving accounts of martyrdom include M. Mar. 1.3 andM. Pion. 1.

30. M. Polyc. 12; Mart. Scill. 3-4; Tertullian, apol. 10 says that the chief chargeagainst Christians was religious, that is the refusal to sacrifice.

31. M. Pion. 19.

32. M. Agap. 3.4.33. R. Jacob, "Le Martyre, épanouissement du sacerdoce des Chrétiens, dans la

littérature patristique jusqu' en 258," MScRe/ 24 (1967): 57-83, 153-172, 177-209;E. Ferguson, "Spiritual Sacrifice in Early Christianity and its Environment," ANRW,11.23.1 (Berlin: DeGruyter, 1980), 1169-70, 1180, 1186.

34. M. Das. 5.2; see also M. Polyc. 14; M. Con. 6.7; M. FeI. 30.35. M. Iren. 2.4.

36. M. Carp. 6; M. Crisp. 1.7; Justin, 1 apol. 5; Tertullian, sped. 13; Origen, CeIs.7.69.

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assertion that the demons or the devil were responsible for the persecu-tions.37 Hence, to sacrifice to demons was to deny God.38 It was impossiblefor Christians "to sacrifice to these demons with their deceptive appear-ances, for those who sacrifice to them are like them." The gods are dead,and "The living do not offer sacrifice to the dead."39

The threat of torture for failure to sacrifice and the promise of rewardsfor sacrifice set up a quite natural antithesis between temporal and eternalpunishments and between present and future rewards. Those who worshipGod are said to take on his image and become immortal with him, butthose who worship the gods take on the image of demons and perish alongwith them in Gehenna.40 The Martyrdom of Poly carp 2 speaks of thosewho despised the tortures of this world "buying themselves an exemptionfrom the eternal fire." Christians "despise death because of the faith theyhave in God."41 On the other hand, eternal punishment was for the per-secutors. "You have condemned us, but God will condemn you."42 Al-though reference to punishment of persecutors is more frequent, as mightbe expected, there is also much said about the reward of perseverance.43Perhaps in response to criticism of the readiness for martyrdom, it was saidthat the martyrs were not "rushing toward death but toward life."44 It waseasy for the keen, rhetorical mind of Tertullian to contrast judgment beforethe proconsul with judgment before God,45 but the more pedestrian Car-pus of Pergamum too looked to the "judgment seat of truth."46 Es-chatological sanctions are a constant feature of the literature about martyr-dom. Of the "four modalities of violence" in Christian history identified byGeorge Williams, the martyrs' threats of eschatological punishments are

37. M. Carp. 17; Eusebius,/7.£. 5.1.5 and 25; M.Mar. 2.2 and5; Justin, 1 apol. 57; 2apol. 1; Tertullian, fuga 2; Origen, CeIs. 8.43. E. Ferguson, Demonology of the EarlyChristian World (New York: Edwin Mellen, 1984), 121-122.

38. M. hen. 2.2.

39. M. Carp. 6 and 12.40. Ibid., 7.41. M. 7re«. 4.12; compare M. Con. 5.42. M. Perp. 18.8.43. For threats of punishment: M. Polyc. 11; Eusebius, h.e. 5.1.26; M. Pion. 4.24;

7.4; M. lui. 2.4; M. Agap. 5.2; M. Crisp. 2.2; Ps-Cyprian, laud. mart. 19-20. Forrewards of perseverance: M. Just. (A) 5; M. Apollon. 42; M. Pion. 7.5; M. Fruct. 3.3;4.3; 7.2; M. Moni. 22.2; Ps-Cyprian, laud. mart. 7; 9; 11; 21.

44. M. Pion. 20.5 and 21.4; for eternal life as the martyr's reward see also M. Polyc.14; M. IuI. 3.4; M. Das. 4; Hippolytus, Dan. 3.24.

45. Mart. 2.

46. M. Carp. 40.

FERGUSON/EARLY CHRISTIAN MARTYRDOM 79

expressions of the category of dying for the heavenly homeland, in whichviolence is eschatologically postponed.47

Although the contest was viewed by Christians as between God andidolatry48 and not between church and state, there were political implica-tions and these are sometime explicitly noted. The sacrifices were "for thewelfare of the emperors"49 or were directed to the gods and the image ofthe emperor,50 and the decrees to offer sacrifice came from the emperor.51The refusal to "obey the gods and submit to the orders of the emperors"52was "to blaspheme the gods and the august emperors."53 The Christianposition, however, was, "A divine decree cannot be quelled by a decree ofman."54 The emperor's command to sacrifice to the gods could not replaceGod's command to worship him alone.55 Christians would obey only theedict of Christ.56 Although the words of Acts 5:29, "We must obey Godrather than man," are quoted only once in the Acts of the Martyrs, thedescription of God in Acts 4:24 as the one "who made heaven and earthand the sea and all that is in them" is frequent and carries the same force inindicating the one who must be obeyed.57 He is the "Father and king ofheaven," to whom the martyr goes at death.58 God or Christ are oftenasserted to be king or emperor; in the Acts of the Martyrs this terminologymust be in conscious contrast to the earthly ruler.59 God dispenses king-doms and sets up kings.60 Christians claimed for themselves a higher

47. George Huntston Williams, "Four Modalities of Violence, With Special Refer-ence to the Writings of George Sorel: Part One," JChSt 16 (1974): 11-30, esp. 15-18.

48. This is clear in Origen, mart, and Cyprian, Dem. Tertullian, apol. 28 considersthe political charge secondary to the religious charge (see note 26). Robert M. Grant,"Sacrifices and Oaths as Required of Early Christians," Kyriakon: Festschrift JohannesQuasten, ed. P. Granfield andJ. A. Jungmann, Vol. 1 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1970), Π-Ι 7 points out that the requirement of sacrifices and oaths was secondary to the charge ofbeing a Christian.

49. M. Perp. 6.3; M. Crisp. 1.50. M. Apoll. 7; M. Fruct. 2.6.51. M. Carp. 4; M. Agap. 3.4.52. M. Just. (B) 2.1.53. M. Carp. 21.54. M. Apoll. 24.55. M. Pion. 3.2-3; M. lui. 3.3; Origen, mart. 34-35; CeIs. 8.26; 55.56. M. Crisp. 1.6.57. Musurillo, Acts, p. 378. The quotation of Acts 5:29 occurs in M. FeI. 15-17. For

the use of Acts 4:19 in such a context, see Hippolytus, Dan. 3.23.58. Justin, 2 apol. 2.59. M. Polyc. 9; 17; Eusebius, h.e. 5.1.55; Mart. Scill. 6; M. Con. 3-4.60. Tertullian, apol. 26; Hippolytus, Dan. 3.4; Origen, CeIs. 8.68.

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citizenship.61 After the author of the Martyrdom ofPolycarp appended tohis formula dating the death of Polycarp the phrase, "while Jesus Christwas reigning eternally,"62 it became a regular feature of this literature tosupplement dates with a reference to the reign or kingship of Christ.63

This defiance of imperial decrees made Christians guilty of civil disobe-dience, or even of treason.64 Nevertheless, the authorities were not desirousof making martyrs, so the accounts of martyrdom are full of the efforts todissuade Christians from their defiance.65 In view of modern ethical dis-cussions, note may be taken that the prefect Maximus made the argumentto Julius the Veteran that since a higher authority was forcing him tosacrifice he was not responsible for the act, but Julius rejected the argu-ment.66 Christians, for their part, insisted that they were taught to respectthe authorities.67 They honored the emperor68 and prayed for him.69 Asdiverse personalities as Tertullian and Origen could argue that the Chris-tians respected the emperor and empire and that Christian prayers weremore help than soldiers to the welfare of the empire.70 By putting theemperor in his proper place, under God and over the gods, Christianscommended him to divine favor.71 Christian teaching trained good citi-zens.72

The Christians' obedience to the emperor was limited by their under-standing of the divine law. Thus their refusal to obey the decrees concern-ing sacrifice corresponds to Daube's requirement that civil disobedience bemotivated by a higher conviction of what is right. The absence of selfish-ness, as it pertains to this world, is also evident. The appeal to conscience issometimes made explicit. The martyr Agape declared, "I refuse to destroymy conscience."73 Phileas insisted, "Our conscience with respect to God isprior to all."74 Religion, therefore, is not a matter of compulsion. In re-

61. M. Just. (C) 1. The sense of contest is heightened in recension C.62. M. Polyc. 21.63. M. Pion. 23; M. Marcell. (N) 5.2; M. hen. 6.64. M. Agap. 5.3.65. For example, M. Polyc. 9-12; M. Carp, passim; M. Perp. 6; M. Pion. 4-5; 12;

20; M. Co«. 3-4; M. Agap. 5.2.66. M. 7m/. 2.5-6.67. M. Polyc. 10; compare Origen, CeIs. 8.65.68. M. Apollon. 6; 9.69. M. Cypr. 1.2.70. Tertullian, apol. 30-33; Origen, CeIs. 7.73; compare Cyprian, Dem. 20 and

Hippolytus, Dan. 3.24.71. Tertullian, apol. 30; 33-34.72. Origen, CeIs. 8.74.73. M. Agap. 3.3.74. M. Phil. col. 9, as restored.

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sponse to a proconsul's threat to force respect for the gods, Crispina af-firmed, "That piety is worthless which forces persons to be crushed againsttheir will."75 Thus the Christians claimed "freedom of religion."76 Thetheme of freedom of religion was reiterated by the apologists.77

The other feature of civil disobedience noted by Daube is its non-violence. Martyrdom was certainly a violent act by those who caused it,but the disobedience which provoked it was non-violent. It is true thatChristians sometimes were guilty of deliberate provocation.78 But the mod-el which was commended as normative Christian conduct showed a moresubmissive demeanor in its resistance.79 Tertullian insisted that Christianshad not and would not revolt.80 A fairly frequent theme in the exhortationsto martyrdom and in the apologies is that Christians do not take revenge.This insistence is balanced by the assurance that although Christians donot offer resistance, God will avenge.81 Christians injure nobody, Tertullianaffirms. He countered the charge that Christians hated the human race82 bysaying that they were enemies not of the human race but of human error.83In fact, he goes so far as to renounce any form of resistance, even non-violent.84 This insistence for some authors took the form of completepacifism—non-participation in military service and avoidance of politicaloffice.85 In the Acts of the military martyrs the refusal of governmentaldemands takes the form of a choice between the military and the church.86The soldier Marinus was confronted by bishop Theotecnus of Caesareawith a choice of the Gospels or the sword, and he chose the Gospels.87 The

75. M. Crisp. 2.1.76. Cyprian, Dem. 14.77. E. Ferguson, "Voices of Religious Liberty in the Early Church," RestQ 19 (1976):

13-22.

78. As in M. Eupl. 1. See Bernhard Körting, "Martyrium und Provokation," Keryg-ma und Logos, ed. A. M. Ritter (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1979), 329-336.

79. See Clement of Alexandria, str. 4.10 on not provoking martyrdom or persecu-tion.

80. Tertullian, apol. 37.81. Cyprian, Dem. 17; Tertullian, apol. 37; 41; Origen, CeIs. 3.7—8.82. Tacitus, Ann. 15.44.2-8.83. Tertullian, apol. 39; 41; 37.84. Ibid., 37.85. Michel Spanneut, "La non-violence chez les Pères africains avant Constantin,"

Kyriakon 1:36-39.86. Texts in translations inj. Helgeland, R.J. Daly, and J. P. Burns, Christians and the

Military: The Early Experience (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), 56-66; pacifist inter-pretation by J.-M. Hornus, 7r 7s Nor Lawful for Me to Fight: Early Christian AttitudesToward War, Violence, and the State (Scottdale: Herald, 1980).

87. Eusebius, h.e. 7.15.4.

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recruit Maximilian refused military service because he was a Christian: "Iwill not serve this world, but only my God."88 The centurion Marcellusrenounced military service seemingly because of the pagan religious prac-tices involved, but then he also refused to fight.89 The soldier Dasius said,"I do not fight for any earthly king but for the king of heaven,"90 but it isnot clear what kind of fighting he meant. The veteran Julius was a Christianfor the twenty-seven years of his military service, but he became a martyrunder Diocletian on the grounds that a Christian could not obey the lawsto sacrifice.91 By the time of the persecution under Diocletian there weremany Christians in the army and in high positions in the government.Some were already there nearly a century earlier when Origen was justify-ing Christians not taking civil offices because those who were qualifiedchose to rule the church under the great King and because Christians bytheir moral influence preserved the order of society.92 Tertullian had gonefurther in this direction by affirming that affairs of state were foreign toChristians and they did not aspire to public office.93 Christians could notbe emperors, he indicates, but perhaps because of the idolatrous nature ofthe office.94 Such views were a concrete expression of the hatred of theworld and separation from the world voiced in the exhortations to martyr-dom.95 Capable of a more positive development was Tertullian's implicitseparation of religion and government, anticipating Augustine's City ofGod.96

The Acts of the Martyrs and related literature belong to the history ofcivil disobedience, and perhaps few exercises of non-violent resistance forthe sake of higher law have accomplished as much. Daube states that civildisobedience may be in order to put the government on the right path or tobring it down.97 In spite of the occasional extreme language against Romanauthorities, the implicit purpose of the Christian martyrs seems to havebeen to set the government on the right path. What is missing from theliterature of martyrdom is the conviction that massive civil disobediencewould in fact change the laws. The apologists did say that they aimed toachieve this by their arguments. There is not voiced expressly, however, the

88. M. Maxima. 2.1 and 8.89. M. Marcell. (M) 1.1; 4.3.90. M. Das. 7.2.91. M. ¡ul. 1.3-4; 2.1.92. Origen, CeIs. 8.75; 70; 73.93. Tertullian, apol. 38; 41.94. Ibid. 21.95. Tertullian, mart. 2; Ps-Cyprian, laud. mart, passim.96. Tertullian, apol. 25.97. Daube, Civil Disobedience, 64.

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view that passive resistance was an instrument for political ends. Yet I haveno reason to doubt that the steadfastness of the martyrs contributed to therecognition of Christianity and the profound change in political policyeffected by Constantine. And the church was clearly not totally innocent ofthe social and political implications of martyrdom. Polycarp, called uponto curse Christ replied, "For eighty-six years I have been his servant and hehas done me no wrong. How can I blaspheme against my king and sav-ior?"98 He and the host of faithful witnesses before and after him gave atestimony to the supreme claims of God and the limitations of the State.The fruition of the implications of their testimony was long time in coming,but the early Christian witness was an important step in desacralizing theState, elevating the individual conscience, and asserting the value of princi-ples on which religious toleration rests.

Everett Ferguson is Professor of Religion at Abilene Christian University

98. M. Polyc. 9.