women empowerment and panchayati raj in bundelkhand
DESCRIPTION
The report examines the extent of women empowerment in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh in the context of increased participation and role performance of women members in Gram Panchayats. While investigating the relationship of participation and performance of elected women members and that of gender and social equality with women empowerment in the region, it also analyzes socio-economic blocks that inhibit women empowerment, need for capacity building trainings for women members, and value addition by parallel village bodies, such as Women Empowerment Committee (WEC), Village Education Committee (VEC), etc., and community based organizations such as SHGs as enabling factors.TRANSCRIPT
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Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj: A Study of Women Representatives in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh
RAKESH K SINGH
INDIAN SOCIAL INSTITUTE
10, INSTITUTIONAL AREA LODI ROAD, NEW DELHI-110 003
STUDY REPORT MARCH 2014
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page No.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 4
LIST OF TABLES 5
LIST OF FIGURES 6
LIST OF BOXES 6
GLOSSARY 7
Chapter-1 INTRODUCTION 8-19
1.1 Status of Women in Rural India 8-11
1.2 Evolution of Panchayats: An Overview 12-14
1.3 Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 14-15
1.4 Panchayati Raj in Uttar Pradesh 15-17
1.5 Women and Panchayats in Bundelkhand 17-19
1.6 Present Study 19
Chapter-2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY
20-30
2.1 Introduction 20
2.2 Statement of the Problem 20
2.3 Significance of the Study 20-21
2.4 Objectives of the Study 21
2.5 Research Variables 21-22
2.6 Research Questions 22-23
2.7 Methodology 23-29
2.7.1 Instruments Used 23
2.7.2 Process of Study 24
2.7.3 Study Area 24-27
2.7.4 Sample Design 27-29
2.7.5 Data Analysis 29
2.8 Limitations 29-30
Chapter-3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 31-39
3.1 Introduction 31
3.2 Empowerment: The Concept and Definition 31-33
3.3 Women Empowerment 33-36
3.3.1 Measuring Women Empowerment in Rural India 34-36
3.4 Other Operational Frameworks 37-39
Chapter-4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 40-95
4.0 Introduction 40
4.1 Socio-Demographic Profile of Women Representatives 40-47
4.1.1 Age Profile 40-42
4.1.2 Educational Level 42-43
4.1.3 Primary Occupation 43-45
4.1.4 Marital Status and Religious Affiliation 45
4.1.5 Economic Profile 45-47
4.1.6 Profile of Male representatives 47-48
4.1.7 Profile of Community Members 49-50
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4.2 Participation, Awareness and Role Performance 51-67 4.2.1 Introduction 51
4.2.2 Participation of Women Representatives in Gram Panchayats 51-58
4.2.3 Awareness of Women Representatives 58-61
4.2.4 Role Performance of Women Representatives 61-67
4.3 Nature and Extent of Women Empowerment 68-75
4.3.1 Extent of Women Empowerment 68-69
4.3.2 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Demographic Variables
69-71
4.3.3 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Awareness, Participation, Performance and Interface Variables
72
4.3.4 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related Variables
72-75
4.4 Blocks to Women Representatives 76-89
4.4.1 Caste-related Blocks 77-79
4.4.2 Patriarchy-related Blocks 79-82
4.4.3 Socio-economic Blocks 83-84
4.4.4 Proxy-related Blocks 84-86
4.4.5 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Blocks 86-87
4.4.6 Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables
87-89
4.5 Role of Capacity Building Training and Enabling Structures 90-95
4.5.1 Capacity Building Training 90-94
4.5.2 Parallel Village Bodies and Community Based Organisations 94-95
Chapter-5 CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS 96-103
5.1 Conclusions 96-100
5.2 Suggestions 100-103
LIST OF REFERENCES 104-107
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I express my deep sense of gratitude to Dr Joseph Xavier, S.J, Executive Director,
Indian Social Institute for entrusting this study to me and for his ruitful discussions
and support. My thanks are due to Dr. Paul D’Souza, Research Director of the
Institute, for sparing his valuable time and talking to me from time to time on issues
relating to women empowerment and representation of women in Gram Panchayats.
I am grateful to Dr. Marianus Kujur S.J, Joy Karayampuram S.J, Dr. Denzil
Fernandes S.J., Dr. Archana Sinha, Mrs. Renuka Rammanujam, and all past and
present faculty members of the Institute, especially Dr. Christopher Lakra, S.J.,
Former Executive Director and Prof. John Chathanatt, S.J, former Research Director
for the keen interest that they have evinced in this study.
My sincere thanks are also due to the Women Representative and community
members of Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand who gave us their time during the field
work and provided valuable insights and observations.
While the entire team from Vidya Dham Samiti, Atarra deserves special recognition
for their dedicated and efficient field work, I am especially thankful to Raja Bhaiya
and Jainarayanji for helping me with the interviews and data collection from all the
seven districts of Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand.
I also acknowledge Ms Madhuri Paliwal for undertaking the responsibility of data
entry. Many more who have helped during the course of this study directly or
indirectly are duly acknowledged.
Rakesh K Singh Principle Researcher Department of Women’s Studies Indian Social Institute
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LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Brief Profile of Study Area – Bundelkhand (U.P.)
Table 2.2 District/Block-wise Sample Distribution Table 4.1 Respondent Panchayat Representatives Table 4.2 Age of Women representatives by Social Category (%)
Table 4.3 Education of Women Representatives by Social Category Table 4.4 Primary Occupation of Women Representatives by Social Category
Table 4.5 Economic Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category
Table 4.6 Land Ownership Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category (%)
Table 4.7 Socio-demographic Profile of Male Representatives (%)
Table 4.8 Socio-demographic Profile of Community Members (%) Table 4.9 Number of Times Gram Sabha Meetings Held in a Year (%) Table 4.10 Formation of Quorum for Gram Sabha Meetings (%)
Table 4.11 Participation in Gram Sabha Meetings (%) Table 4.12 Participation of Women Representatives in Development Agenda of
Panchayats (%) Table 4.13 Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions (%) Table 4.14 Implementation of Panchayat Raj Development Agenda (%)
Table 4.15 Implementation of Community Development Programmes (%) Table 4.16 Interaction with Government Functionaries (%)
Table 4.17 Interaction with Line Departments (%) Table 4.18 Monitoring of Govt. Schemes/ Functioning of Officials
Table 4.19 Extent of Women Empowerment in Rural Bundelkhand of UP Table 4.20 Correlation of Women Empowerment with Demographic Variables Table 4.21 Social Category and Women Empowerment
Table 4.22 Correlation of Women empowerment with Awareness, participation, Performance and Interface with Government
Table 4.23 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related Variables
Table 4.24 Blocks to Women Representatives (%)
Table 4.25 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Blocks Table 4.26 Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables
Table 4.27 Training Received by Women Representatives (%) Table 4.28 Reasons for Training Not Received (%) Table 4.29 Content of Training Received (%)
Table 4.30 Agenda for Training/ Further Training (%) Table 4.31 Membership in Various Parallel Bodies (%)
Table 4.32 Association with CBOs (%)
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1 Sample Distribution by Respondent Types Figure 2.2 Sample Distribution by Districts/Blocks
Figure 3 Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj: The Study Diagram Figure 4.1 Age of Women Representatives
Figure 4.2 Educational Attainment of WRs Figure 4.3 Primary Occupation on the Basis of Time Spent
Figure 4.4 Participation of WRs in Gram Sabha Meetings Figure 4..4.1 Participation in Panchayat Development Agenda Figure 4.5 Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions
Figure 4.6 WRs and Discussion on Development Issues in Panchayat Meetings Figure 4.7 Role of WRs in Implementation of Community Development
Programmes Figure 4.8 Interface with Government by Social Categories (%) Figure 4.9 Caste Blocks to Women Representatives
Figure 4.10 Patriarchy Blocks to Women empowerment Figure 4.11 Socio-Economic Blocks to Women Representatives
Figure 4.12 Proxy Blocks to Women Representatives
LIST OF BOXES
Box-1 ‘Don’t attend Panchayat meetings, because don’t get information’: Meera
Box-2 Can’t run from pillar to post all the time, no one listens: Meena Box-3 Things would improve only with the passage of time, says
Panchayat Secretary Box-4 Sanjo: Fighting against the Odds and succeeding Box-5 Prevalent gender norms preventing interaction
Box-6 Women Empowerment: The Gulabi Gang Style Box-7 Reasons for low women empowerment level are many: Raja Bhaiya
Box-8 Who will take care of home, asks Rajeshwari Pal
Box-9 Registration of land and properties in women’s name increasing: Bhola Prasad
Box-10 Males don’t let women to come to the forefront Box-11 Household matters are most important for ladies: Indra Pal, a Dalit
Pradhan-Pati Box-12 Gender discrimination still pervasive: Babita Gupta, Asha Bahu Box-13 Gopi: The Story of an abandoned girl Child
Box-14 Munni Devi: a disempowered woman in veil Box-15 Vimala: A Victim of physical abuse and desertion
Box-16 ‘She would only echo what I say’: Shivlal
Box-17 School management Committee and absentee Women Panchayat members
Box-18 Jyoti survives to fight
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GLOSSARY ANM = Auxiliary Nurse Midwife APL = Above Poverty Line BPL = Below Poverty Line CBOs = Community Based Organisations CMs = Community Members CSR= Child Sex Ratio ERs = Elected Representatives EWR = Elected Woman Representative GOI = Government of India GP = Gram Panchayat GS = Gram Sabha ICDS = Integrated Child Development Scheme JMC = Joint Management Committee MDG = Millennium Development Goals MDMS = Mid Day Meal Scheme MMR = Maternal Mortality Rate MNREGA = Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act MR = Male Representative NRHM = National Rural Health Mission OBC = Other Backward Caste PDS = Public Distribution System PRIs =Panchayati Raj Institutions PVBs = Parallel Village Bodies SC = Scheduled Caste SHG = Self Help Group SPSS = Statistical Package for Social Scientists SSA = Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan ST = Scheduled Tribe TSC = Total Sanitation Campaign UEE = Universal Elementary Education UP = Uttar Pradesh VEC = Village Education Committee VWSC = Village Water and Sanitation WCP = Women's Component Plan WEC = Women Empowerment Committee WEC = Women Empowerment Committee WM = Ward Member WR = Woman Representative
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Chapter-1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 STATUS OF WOMEN IN RURAL INDIA
Of the 587 million women in India, more than half of them – 405 million – are in
rural areas, according to Census 2011. Women have been identified as key agents of
sustainable development and women's equality and empowerment are seen as
central to a more holistic approach towards establishing new patterns and processes
of development that are sustainable. Women empowerment is essential for ensuring
not just their personal or household welfare, but also the wellbeing of the entire
society as women are seen to be the primary guardians responsible for altering the
quality and quantity of human resources available in a country to promote
sustainable development in the coming generations (UNFPA, 2005). The importance
of women empowerment on the international development agenda is amply clear
from the policy statements made at such high level international conferences as
Beijing Platform for Action, the Beijing +5 Declaration and Resolution, the Cairo
Programme of Action, the Millennium Declaration and the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. All these forums have
identified gender equality both as a development objective in itself, as well as a
means to promote growth, good governance, and reduce poverty.
Since Independence, the Government has introduced a number of path-breaking
laws relating to women. Some of the important legislative measures include, among
others, the Hindu Marriage Act (1955), The Hindu Succession Act (1956), Dowry
Prohibition Act (1961), Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act (1971), Equal
Remuneration Act (1976), Child Marriage Restraint Act (1976), Immoral Trafficking
(Prevention) Act (1986), Pre-natal Diagnostic Technique (Regulation and Prevention
of Measure) Act (1994), Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (2005),
Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (2006), Protection of Children from Sexual
Offences Act (2012), Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace – Prevention,
Prohibition and Redressal Act (2013) and finally the Anti-Rape or Criminal Law
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(Amendment) Act (2013). Besides, various welfare measures have also been taken up
by the Government from time to time to empower women.
There are however significant gaps between policy advancements and actual
practice at the community level. One key factor for the gap in implementation of
laws and policies to address discrimination and socio-economic disadvantages
against women is largely the patriarchal structure that governs the community and
households in much of India. As such, women and girls have restricted mobility,
access to education, access to health facilities, and lower decision-making power,
and experience higher rates of violence. Moreover, they are, by and large, excluded
from political life, which by its very nature takes place in a public forum. Whatever
whiff of emancipation has blown in Indian society, has been inhaled and enjoyed by
the urban women, their population belonging to the rural areas are still totally
untouched by the wind of changes.
Among rural women, there are further divisions that hinder women's
empowerment. The most notable ones are education levels and caste and class
divisions. Women from socially disadvantaged groups (the scheduled castes, other
backward castes, and tribal communities) are particularly vulnerable to maternal
mortality and infant mortality. They are often unable to access health and
educational services, lack decision-making power, and face higher levels of violence.
Among these groups, however, some level of education has shown to have a positive
impact on women's empowerment indicators.
The status of rural women with respect to various socio-economic conditions in the
country is described below:
Low Sex Ratio
Gender disparity manifests itself in various forms, the most obvious being the low
sex-ratio in the population in the last few decades. The overall sex ratio (number of
women per 1,000 men) improved only marginally in rural areas from 946 to 947
between 2001- 2011. The real improvement was seen in urban areas where the sex
ratio improved from 900 to 926 during the same time. Though the child sex ratio (0-6
10
years) is far worse in urban areas than in rural areas, the fall in rural areas has been
much sharper – from 934 to 919, i.e., a drop of 15 points (Figure1.1). This also goes to
show the higher preference for male child rather than females.
Maternal Mortality Rate
Maternal mortality in India is estimated at 212 per one lakh live births, whereas the
country`s MDG in this respect is 109 per one lakh live births by 2015 (The
Millennium Development Goals Report 2012). As many as 150 women were dying
daily in India, as per 2010 data on maternal deaths. This means one woman is dying
every ten minutes. The states where MMR is still high are Assam, Bihar, Madhya
Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan, besides others. Not surprisingly, higher rates
of maternal mortality are more characteristic of rural and backward caste women
than of urban and forward caste women. This is also a pointer to the poor access of
women to health care in general and maternity facilities in particular, in rural India.
Poverty
Nearly one out of three persons in India's villages - or about 32% of rural population
- lives in abject poverty with income barely enough to buy even basic essentials
(Ministry of Rural Development, GOI, 2013). However, it is women both in rural and
urban areas who face a higher risk of poverty and more limited economic
opportunities than their male counterparts. Women in rural poverty live under the
same harsh conditions as their male counterparts, but experience additional cultural
and policy biases which undervalue their work in both the informal, and if
accessible, formal labor markets (World Survey, 2009). Moreover, women’s
contribution to the rural economy is generally underestimated, as women perform a
disproportionate amount of care work, work that often goes unrecognized because it
is not seen as economically productive.
Educational Deprivation
Educational deprivation is a distinct gender dimension which is most visible in case
of rural women and girl children, especially those belonging to oppressed castes (the
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scheduled castes, tribal communities, and other backward castes). The literacy rate
of women is much lower than men because boys receive more schooling than girls.
However, modest improvement is gradually coming up in the educational level of
women. The overall female literacy rate has gone up by 31% from 224 million in 2001
to 328 million in 2011. Nevertheless, while the literacy rate in rural India has
increased to 58% from 46%, the literacy rate for urban females shows a growth from
73% to 79% in the same time period.
Financial Inclusion
One of the ways in which the government has tried to ensure financial inclusion in
rural areas is through self-help groups (SHGs). The number of women headed SHGs
with saving accounts has increased from 5.3 million to 5.9 million from 2009 to 2013.
As on 31 March 2013, nearly 6 million SHGs have reached 95 million people in the
country. However, SHGs having savings account is only considered the first step to
financial inclusion; the real indicator would be the loans disbursed to SHGs.
Unfortunately, the number of SHGs receiving loans has come down from 1.2 million
in 2009-10 to 1 million in 2012-13. This tends to shows that commercial banks are
cautious while lending to SHGs.
So, rural women in India face battles that begin from their birth – with the declining
child sex ratio – to accessing loans through SHGs. There are, however, a few good
developments like increasing literacy rates and more and more women learning to
read and write. Whenever and whatever opportunities are provided to rural women,
they seem to grab them; for example, the formation of SHGs under Swarnajayanti
Grameen Swarozgar Yojana.
1.2. EVOLUTION OF PANCHAYATS: AN OVERVIEW
Panchayati Raj is not a new phenomenon in the country. It has its roots in ancient
Indian institutions when the villages were little republics governed by their
Panchayats. In modern India, however, the idea of Panchayats was first evoked in
the colonial period. The British through their ruthless method of revenue collection
and the introduction of Zamindari land tenure system almost destroyed these
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ancient republics and also the involvement of women in politics. After
Independence, the idea of the revival of Panchayats was first proposed in the
Balwantrai Mehta Committee Report (1957), which saw democratic decentralisation
as a way of making good the failures of the community development programme.
Subsequently, the National Development Council endorsed the basic principles of
democratic decentralization enunciated in the Balwantrai Mehta report and laid on
States the duty of working out the structures suitable to each State.
By the mid-60s, Panchayats had been established in several States all over India in
accordance with local state legislations. However, these were differentially
empowered by these legislations. Women were not given any special representation
through reservation in Panchayat bodies. Elections to these bodies were not held
regularly and state governments often superseded them prematurely and placed
them under administrators (Committee on Empowerment of Women, 2009-2010).
Two decades later, the Asoka Mehta Committee Report (1978) on Panchayati Raj
Institutions made far-reaching recommendations for the revival of Panchayats,
which also included inclusion in the Constitution.
In keeping with the spirit of the Asoka Mehta Committee recommendations, some
States including West Bengal, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh revisited their
respective Panchayati Raj systems and undertook several new initiatives to endow
local bodies with more powers.The importance of according Constitutional status to
the PRIs subsequently came up in the recommendations of several official
committees reviewing rural development and poverty alleviation programmes (e.g.,
the G.V.K.Rao Committee, 1985; the L.M. Singhvi Committee, 1986). The Sarkaria
Commission on Centre-State relations also noted that panchayats were not
functioning effectively as elections to them were not regularly held, and they were
constantly being superseded on flimsy grounds. At the national level, the initiative
to give Constitutional status to Panchayati Raj was attempted by the Rajiv Gandhi
government in 1989. Eventually, in 1993, Panchayati Raj was incorporated into the
Constitution by the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (Ministry of Panchayat Raj,
2008).
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Notably, until the passage of the 73rd Amendment Act, the suggestion for
strengthening women's representation was only faintly articulated in the
mainstream history of Panchayati Raj. The Balwantrai Mehta Committee report had
suggested only that the 20-member Panchayat Samiti should co-opt or nominate two
women, "interested in work among women and children" (Government of India,
1957). Between Balwantrai Mehta and Asoka Mehta, the Committee for the Status of
Women in India, in its famous report Towards Equality (1974), argued forcefully that
rural women's needs and perspectives had never been given sufficient weightage in
the plans and development policies of the Government of India. The Report
recognised that co-option and nomination were underwritten by the assumption that
women were incapable of contesting elections, and would not permit the
questioning, much less transformation, of power equations in rural society.
The Asoka Mehta Committee Report (1978) recommended a two-tier panchayat
system, in which the two women who polled the highest number of votes in the
panchayat elections would, even if they failed to actually get elected, stand co-opted
into the panchayat. Where no women contested elections, any two women known to
be active community workers, could be co-opted. The issue of the representation of
women and their participation in local-level institutions only came up again in the
parallel stream, with the National Perspective Plan for Women (1988)
recommending 30 percent reservation for women in these bodies. The same
recommendation was also made in the unsuccessful 64th Constitutional Amendment
Bill of 1989, but it was only finally in 1992 that a redesigned three-tier system of
Panchayati Raj - along with the provisions for women's reservation in panchayat
bodies at every level - was incorporated into the Constitution by Amendment, and
subsequently ratified by the states.
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1.3. 73RD CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ACT, 1992
The Amendment Bill, giving Constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj institutions,
was passed by both Houses of Parliament in December 1992. It was ratified by 17
State Assemblies in 1993 and came into force as Constitution 73rd Amendment Act
from the 24th April 1993. The Act provides Constitutional status to the Panchayats
and gives it uniformity by making the three-tier system a permanent feature. The
key features of the Act are the following:
• Panchayats shall be constituted in every State at the village, intermediate and
district level. However, the States with a population not exceeding 20 lakh have
been given the option to not have any intermediate level Panchayat.
• There shall be a Gram Sabha in each village exercising such powers and
performing such functions at the village level as the legislature of a State may
provide by law.
• Members of Panchayats at all levels will be elected through direct elections. The
election of the chairperson at the intermediate and district level will be through
indirect elections and the mode of election of the chairperson of the village
Panchayat has been left to the respective States.
• Seats are reserved for Scheduled Caste (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) at all
level according to their population at each level. Not less than one-third of seats
are reserved for women and these may be allotted by rotation. The office of
chairperson will also be subject to this provision.
• A uniform five-year term has been granted to the Panchayats. In case of
dissolution or supersession, elections should be held within six months of the
date of dissolution.
• State legislatures have the legislative power to confer on the Panchayats such
powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as
institutions of self governance.
• State government has the power to authorise the Panchayats to levy, collect and
appropriate suitable local taxes. The Government can make grant-in-aid to the
Panchayats from the consolidated fund of the concerned State.
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• A State Election Commission shall be constituted to ensure free and fair elections
to the Panchayats.
The 73rd Amendment was inserted in Part IX of the Constitution, containing article
243 to 243-O. Local government is an exclusive State subject under entry 5 of List II
of the 7th Schedule. It was binding on the States that the implementing legislation
should be undertaken within a year of the commencement of the 73rd Amendment
Act.
1.4. PANCHAYATI RAJ IN UTTAR PRADESH
The first Village Panchayat Act in Uttar Pradesh was enacted in 1920. Village level
local bodies were set up to assist in the administration of civil and criminal justice,
sanitation and other common concerns. However, the Panchs of the Panchayats set
up under the Act were to be appointed by the Collector of the district, ruling out any
chances of democratic self-government. Immediately after Independence, Uttar
Pradesh enacted the United Provinces Panchayat Raj Act 1947 (also known as Uttar
Pradesh Panchayat Raj Act, 1947), which was signed by the Governor General on 7th
December, 1947. Under this Act, three bodies were created – Gaon Sabha, Gaon
Panchayat, and Panchayat Adalat or Nyaay Panchayats. To begin with, around
35,000 Gaon Panchayats and 8,000 Nyaay Panchayats started functioning for nearly
5.4 crore (the then) rural population of Uttar Pradesh.
Following the recommendations of Balwant Rai Mehta Committee a three-tier
system of Panchayats was established through the enactment of the U.P. Kshettra
Samitis and Zila Parishads Act, 1961 (later renamed as UP Kshetra Panchayats and
Zila Panchayats Adhiniyam, 1961). The three tiers (from lowest to the highest)
consisted of Gaon Panchayats, Kshetra Samitis and the Zila Parishad. Ksehtra Samiti
was a block level body headed by a Pramukh. It included the Pradhans of
constituent Gaon Sabhas and all the MPs and MLAs belonging to the area or whose
constituencies fell in the area. The Kshetra Samiti was given functions in the fields of
agricultural development, minor irrigation, animal husbandry, health, education and
cooperatives. On the other hand, Zila Parishad was a body at the district level.
During the year 1972-73, when the fourth general elections was successfully
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completed, there were 72834 Gaon Panchayats and 8792 Nyay Panchayats in force in
Uttar Pradesh.
The Sixth general elections were successfully completed in year 1988 and a 30%
reservation for the women representative was given during the same year.
Following the 73rd Constitutional Amendment) Act, 1992 by the Government of
India, the Government of Uttar Pradesh also amended the UP Kshetra Panchayats
and Zila Panchayats Adhiniyam, 1961 to bring about conformity with the provisions
of the Constitution through the Uttar Pradesh Panchayat Laws (Amendment) Act,
1994. As on March 31st, 2012, there were 51974 Gram Panchayats, 821 Kshettra
Panchayats, and 72 Zila Panchayats established in Uttar Pradesh.
Increasing presence of elected women representatives to the Panchayati Raj
Institutions at various levels has certainly raised hope for women empowerment in
Uttar Pradesh. The 2010 Panchayat elections have resulted in a phenomenally large
number of women elected leaders, much beyond the reserved one-third seats. Areas
where civil society organizations have empowered women at large, the elected
women are found to be very articulate, vigilant and practical. More women in
grassroots organizations will ensure more meaningful engagement of women in
decision making. A more active Gram Sabha which is sensitive to women's issues is
the desirable goal as a woman sarpanch alone in a gender hostile Panchayat may not
be able to accomplish and sustain much for the benefit of women or the village
community at large (Uttar Pradesh Human Development Report, 2007).
The status of women in the State remains a cause of concern. However, women see
effective and efficient functioning of Panchayats closely linked to the issue of active
women's participation (Mahila Samakhya U.P. Annual Report, 2004-05). Entry into
public space, utilization of authority in practice, trainings by government and non-
government agencies are all part of a process of gradual growth of knowledge, self-
esteem and empowerment which gives women the agency to function effectively in
the political process. Even proxy and dummy candidates may experience this
process of empowerment. Having a high participation of women at the local self
17
government level can create an environment which is enabling for other women,
receptive to the idea of gender friendly initiatives and can serve to monitor and
implement government community and gender- based programmes related to
education, nutrition and health.
1.5. WOMEN AND PANCHAYATS IN BUNDELKHAND
The social relations in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh are still based on
feudalism, casteism and rigid patriarchal norms. The harsh realities that unfold for
its women are: they always play second fiddle to men, their caste determines their
social status, they are largely illiterate and their entire existence is confined to the
four walls of the home. If they do to step out, it is either to make endless trips to
fetch water from a distant source or to work as agricultural labour to supplement
their meager household incomes. Quality of life in Bundelkhand is reflected by the
prevalence of diseases, high mortality rate, atrocities against women, poor linkages
by roads, and lack of sanitation at the household level.
The concept of universalisation of education, even at the primary level is far beyond
the reach. The literacy percentage among the SC/ST, and particularly female literacy
among them, shows a very dismal picture. A recent study on development of
elementary education in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh concluded that in
spite of various initiatives taken by the government to achieve the goal of UEE
(Universal Elementary Education) in Bundelkhand region of U.P. vast disparities
were observed in terms of literacy, access, participation, and gender (Narula, 2009).
Backwardness of women is evident from the fact that male literacy is very high in
comparison to females; even lowest level of literacy of male for Lalitpur (75 percent
on overall basis and 73 percent in rural areas) is higher than the highest of female for
any districts.
Bundelkhand also happens to be one of the major contributors to the poor sex ratio
of Uttar Pradesh. While in the 2001 Census, it was the western UP that was red-
marked for killing girls, the 2011 Census figures show that in Bundelkhand, the ratio
has dipped starkly. In 2001, the 0-6 CSR in Jhansi district was 886/1000. But as per
18
the 2011 figures, it has dipped further to 866/1000 with a further difference of 20
girls than the last decade. Similarly the ratio in Chitrakoot, which was known for its
dacoits so far, has fallen from 928 to 907, creating a gap of 21.
Panchayati Raj Institutions in Bundelkhand haven’t so far proved effective because
of interference from bureaucrats and dabangs (dominant/influential individuals).
Due to their disadvantaged social position, the political participation of women,
especially Dalit women in Panchayats seems only a mockery of the constitutional
provisions. Male dominates the political scene, be it the upper caste man of the
village or the husbands of Dalit women Pradhans/ Ward members. According to a
ground assessment, the concept of Gram Sabhas has become nearly redundant.
Pradhans have become the all-important centres of power, as well as repositories of
state and central funding for implementation of all village level schemes. Most of
them are backed by political parties or use the position as a ticket to further their
political ambitions (Times News Network, 2010)
Panchayats in the region are hardly women-friendly, focusing on issues faced by
women and children. On the other hand, assuming the constitutional office does not
mean the end of discrimination. Upper caste men do not like to be ruled by a woman
and that too by one who belongs to a lower caste. Recently it was reported that two
Dalit women Pradhans of the Bundelkhand region were forced to move out of their
villages due to constant threats and oppression from people of upper castes
(Mookerji, 2011).
1.6. PRESENT STUDY
It is in the above context that the present study titled ‘Women Empowerment and
Panchayati Raj: A Study of Women Representatives in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar
Pradesh’ is located. As the above account shows, the human development indicators
of rural women, particularly those belonging to socially disadvantaged groups, are
abysmally poor. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act has given a new dimension
to the process of women's empowerment. Apart from one-third reservation of
women in PRIs, it has given constitutional powers and responsibilities for a range of
19
issues including resource management, family planning, education and health. With
the participation of women in PRIs, interpersonal relations within their families are
expected have changed for the better and this political process would also improve
women's perceptions of their own capabilities.
The present study would examine the extent of women empowerment in
Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh in the context of increased participation and
role performance of women members in Gram Panchayats. While investigating the
relationship of participation and performance of elected women members and that
of gender and social equality with women empowerment in the region, the present
study would also analyze socio-economic blocks that inhibit women empowerment,
need for capacity building trainings for women members, and value addition by
parallel village bodies, such as Women Empowerment Committee (WEC), Village
Education Committee (VEC), etc., and community based organizations such as
SHGs as enabling factors.
20
Chapter-2
RESEARCH PROBLEM, OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY
2.1. INTRODUCTION
Empowerment of women and women leadership in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) is
crucial not only for the development of women themselves, but also for the availability of
their creative potential that is socially important without which country or State cannot
assure sustainable development. The 73rd Amendment Act, 1992 has been a major step
towards women empowerment through Panchayati Raj Institutions. It gave India the unique
distinction of having more number of elected women representatives (EWRs) than the rest of
the world together. What followed over the course of the next two decades or so is a political
and social transformation that has impacted the nature of governance itself. The presence of
more than 1 million elected women representatives in the institutions of local governance in
rural India has rightly been termed as 'silent revolution' within the process of democratic
decentralization. Out of the total 28 lakh elected Panchayat representatives, around 10 lakhs
are estimated to be women (Lok Sabha Secretariat, 2013). With the proposed amendment
in Article 243D of the Constitution of India, which provides 50% reservation for
women in seats and also offices of Chairpersons in all 3 tiers of Panchayats, the
number of EWRs is expected to rise to more than 14 lacs (Ministry of Panchayati Raj,
2011).
2.2. RESEARCH PROBLEM
Despite the presence of women in Panchayats in large numbers through
reservations, empowerment remains elusive. There are still formidable structural,
social and political obstacles to be overcome before women and women leaders,
especially those among socially disadvantaged groups could actually be
empowered.
2.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
Despite several studies on participation and empowerment of women and women
representatives, our understanding of the issue is still deficient. There is need to
have an improved empirical base in the context of low economic development,
21
especially from Bundelkhand region, where no worthwhile study on women
empowerment and participation in Gram Panchayats has so far taken place.
The road to women empowerment through representation of women in PRIs is a long-
drawn process. Therefore, in Bundelkhand region, where social relations are still based on
feudalism, casteism and rigid patriarchal norms; and uneducated, ill-informed and
poor women representatives are subjected to exploitation at the hands of
government machinery and their dominant husbands and family members, it is
important to analyze the nature and extent of women empowerment and the
attitudinal change of family members and society as a whole that is required towards
women and girls.
2.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The objectives of the study are as follows:
1. To map socio-economic profile of women represesentatives (WRs) in Gram
Panchayats
2. To study the participation and role performance of WRs in Gram Panchayats
3. To study the nature and extent of women empowerment in Gram Panchayats,
and
4. To study the blocks to WRs in performing their roles
2.5 RESEARCH VARIABLES
A description of the identified variables for the study is given below:
2.5.1 Dependent Variable: Empowerment of women
2.5.2 Independent Variables:
2.5.2.1 Enhancing variables: i). Participation of WRs
ii). Awareness of WRs
iii). Performance of WRs
22
2.5.2.2 Block variables: i). Socio-economic related
ii). Patriarchy related
iii). Proxy/ surrogate related
iv). Caste related
2.5.2.3 Demographic Variables: i). Age
ii). Marital status
iii). Social category
iv). Education
v). Type of family
vi). Size of family
vii). Occupation
viii). Economic status
ix). Housing type
x). Land ownership status
2.5.2.4 Support variables: i). Capacity building training
ii). Parallel village bodies
2.6. RESEARCH QUESTIONS
In line with the objectives to study socio-economic profile, participation, role
performance, and blocks of/ to women representatives and nature and extent of
women empowerment in Gram Panchayats, the guiding questions for research were
identified as under:
1. What is the nature and extent of participation of women representatives in
Gram Sabha meetings and the development agenda of Gram Panchayats?
2. How aware are women representatives of Panchayat provisions, development
programmes and their role & responsibilities in Gram Panchayats?
3. How do women representatives perform in implementing key areas of
Panchayat development agenda and community development programmes in
Gram Panchayats?
23
4. What is the magnitude of women empowerment after the introduction of
reservation for women in Gram Panchayats?
5. What is the relationship of awareness, participation, performance, and
interface of women representatives with women empowerment?
6. What are the blocks to women representatives inhibiting women
empowerment?
7. How are blocks to women representatives and women empowerment related?
8. How enabling are capacity building trainings and association of women
representatives with parallel village bodies, to their participation and
performance in Gram Panchayats?
2.7. METHODOLOGY
This is mentioned under three sections: instruments used, process of study, and
duration of study.
2.7.1. Instruments used
The word methodology is used to refer to the methods and general approach of a
particular research study. In this study the main instrument for data collection was
interview schedule. A structured integrated interview schedule was used for four (4)
sets of respondents – a). Elected Representatives, b). Defeated Representatives, c).
Former Representatives, and d). Community Members. The objective of taking four
different sets of respondents, further divided into two broad categories of women
and men, was three-fold – i). To add to the richness of the data set, ii). Get a
diversified response on women empowerment and related variables and iii). Avoid
biased response, if any, from ‘women only’ respondents.
A select number of statements concerning women empowerment (gender equality,
social equality, decision making, functional autonomy, etc) and blocks to WRs
(patriarchy-related, proxy/surrogate related, caste-related, etc) statements were
chosen to assess women empowerment and blocks. The statements reflected
situations with which the respondents were asked to either agree or disagree, or to
give know or don’t know type response in five-point Likert Scale. Thus both positive
24
and negative statements were considered for getting a balanced response from the
respondents.
2.7.1. Process of Study
Identifying local partner from the study region/field locations in Bundelkhand
region of Uttar Pradesh was the first step. This was done with the help of
information gathered during preliminary visits to the study region. Accordingly,
Raja Bhaiya (Vidya Dham Samiti, Atarra, Banda, Uttar Pradesh) was taken on board
who was already working with Chingari Sangathan, a vibrant organization of
grassroots women in the region. The discussions with various government and non
government agencies helped to understand in depth as to what are the major issues
confronting women empowerment and participation of women in Gram Panchayats
in the study region.
Duration:
Duration of the study was 12 months, among which six months was the time utilized
for field study. The study was initiated in November 2012 and field study started in
May 2013, which was over by mid-September 2013. This followed analysis of data,
report writing and submission of draft report by mid-February 2014.
2.7.2 Study Area
The study is confined to Bundelkhand
region of Uttar Pradesh. Women,
particularly the elected members of
Panchayati Raj Institutions in all the 7
districts of the Bundelkhnad region of
Uttar Pradesh (Chitrakoot, Banda,
Jhansi, Jalaun, Hamirpur, Mahoba and
Lalitpur) constitute the population
under the study. Bundelkhand is one of the most underdeveloped regions of the
country infamous for its socio-cultural traditions which hardly give any space to
women in public sphere. The purpose of selecting this area was to know the nature
25
and extent of women empowerment and its interplay with participation of elected
women members in Gram Panchayats in a context of low socio-economic
development.
Table 2.1: Brief Profile of Study Area –Bundelkhand (U.P.)
Districts Total Population
Rural (%) Sex Ratio (females per 1000)
SC (%) ST (%) Male Literacy Rate(%)
Female Literacy Rate(%)
Banda 1,799,410 84.68 863 20.83 0 .00 77.78 53.67
Chitrakoot 991,730 90.29 879 26.34 0 .00 75.80 52.74
Mahoba 875,958 78.84 878 24.93 0 .00 75.83 53.22
Jalaun 1,689,974 75.21 865 27.04 0.01 83.48 62.46
Jhansi 1,998,603 58.30 890 22.79 0.02 85.38 63.49
Hamirpur 1,104,285 81.00 861 25.78 0.01 79.76 55.95
Laitpur 1,221,592 85.64 906 28.07 0.06 74.98 50.84
Source: Census 2011 (provisional data) Percentage of SC & ST as per Census 2001
Basic Population Profile
According to Census 2011 (provisional data), the combined population of the 7
districts of Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh was around 9.7 million. The
majority – almost 75 to 90% of them live in rural regions. There is a significant
presence of scheduled caste population which varies between 20 to 28% of the total
population. It is also characterized by highly adverse sex-ratio and high level of
illiteracy – both for men and women. Illiteracy, dowry, backwardness, and land
ownership make the preference for the son stronger. The school drop-out rate is
marginally higher among girls than among boys. In some districts, more than 70% of
the girls enrolled discontinue their studies before completing primary level.
Social Groupings
A significant feature of the Bundelkhand region is high percentage of population
belonging to Scheduled Castes (SCs). The high SC population has some important
implications. Generally, compared to other castes, SC households possess less land,
of lower quality and incidence of landlessness among them is higher. Traditionally
deprived of education, in an under-developed, rural economy, SC households fall
easily into a trap of never-ending, highly exploitative manual labour. Other
Backward Castes (OBCs) form the largest proportion of the population, whereas the
upper cast groups under the 'general' category constitute around 10-15% of the rural
26
population of Bundelkhand (Arya, 2010). Compared to the India average, however,
Bundelkhand has a low percentage of ST population. In Uttar Pradesh as a whole, ST
groups constitute only 0.1% of the population, and the situation is no different in
Bundelkhand districts.
Agriculture and Land Use Pattern
Agriculture is the predominant occupation in the region. According to Census 2001,
percentage of main workers engaged in agriculture, as cultivators or labourers, was
higher than 60, and much higher than state and national averages, in all districts of
Bundelkhand except Jhansi. However, land available and used for cultivation in the
region is considerably lower than in other agriculture zones of the country. Around
a sixth of the total land of the region falls under some or the other category of
wasteland (Arya, 2010). Despite agriculture being the mainstay of the economy,
conditions are unfavourable for growth of cash crops like sugarcane and cotton. For
productivity is affected by the poor water retention ability of the soil, weather
fluctuations and large amount of wasteland. Rising input costs and frequent
incidence of drought are pushing agricultural labourers and small farmers out of
agriculture.
Industry in Bundelkhand
There are no significant traditional industries in Bundelkhand. Till the end of 2008,
there was only one large manufacturing units in the entire region - a unit of the
public sector Bharat Heavy Electricals, set up at Jhansi in the 1970s. Several small
and tiny industrial units are scattered across the region, especially in Jhansi districts
but no modern industry has emerged as a major source of employment across the
region. Trade and transport, stone quarries are the largest source of 'industrial'
employment other than construction, in Lalitpur and Chitrakoot districts. In 2001-02,
Jhansi was one of the districts of UP that contributed 5-10% of the state's industrial
output, while all other districts of UP Bundelkhand belonged to the category of
districts that contributed less than 1% of the state's industrial output (Uttar Pradesh
Human Development Report, 2006).
27
Migration
According to 2002 BPL Survey data, nearly 50 to 70 percent of rural households in
the region have at least one member who migrates annually or has migrated
permanently. It also indicated that apart from permanent or semi-permanent
migrants, working adults of 30 to 50 percent of the region's rural households migrate
every year, seeking casual or seasonal employment. The proportion of casual labour
migrants is much higher than that of migrants seeking seasonal employment in
Bundelkhand. Chitrakoot witnesses all time highest proportion of migration.
2.7.3 Sample Design
A total of 369 samples were drawn
from 7 blocks, one each from all the
seven (7) districts of Bundelkhand
region of Uttar Pradesh. The samples
consisted of four (4) set of
respondents – a). 231 Elected
Representatives (168 Women and 63
Men), b). 39 Defeated
Representatives (34 Women and 5 Men), c). 23 Former Representatives (18 Women
and 5 Men), and d). 76 Community Members (39 Women and 37 Men). Selection of
samples was based on availability and willingness of the respondents to share their
views/ experience during the field survey. The details are given as under:
Jalaun being the largest district of Uttar
Pradesh Bundelkhand in terms of
number of blocks and Gram Panchayats
(9 blocks and 575 Gram Panchayats,
respectively), the largest chunk of
samples consisting of 94 respondents
was drawn from Jalaun (Madhogarh
Block) only, followed by Banda (Naraini Block), Jhansi (Gursarai Block), Lalitpur
Naraini (57)
Madhogarh
Naraini
Gursarai
Kabrai Maudaha
Bar
Manikpur
Table 2.2: Sample Distribution by Districts/Blocks
Figure 2.1: Sample Distribution by Respondent Types Total Samples = 369
28
(Bar Block), Chitrakoot (Manikpur Block), Hamirpur (Maudaha Block) and Mahoba
(Kabrai Block), with 57, 52, 44, 42, 40 and 40 respondents, respectively.
Table 2.2: District/Block-wise Sample Distribution Districts/
Blocks
Respondent Categories Total
Ward Members Pradhans
Other Representatives
Community Members
Banda (Naraini)
40 6 4 7 57
10.8% 1.6% 1.1% 1.9% 15.4%
Chitrakoot (Manikpur)
20 4 7 11 42
5.4% 1.1% 1.9% 3.0% 11.4%
Lalitpur (Bar)
12 14 8 10 44
3.3% 3.8% 2.2% 2.7% 11.9%
Jalaun (Madhogarh)
44 18 16 16 94
11.9% 4.9% 4.3% 4.3% 25.5%
Hamirpur (Maudaha)
12 8 13 7 40
3.3% 2.2% 3.5% 1.9% 10.8%
Mahoba (Kabrai)
20 4 8 8 40
5.4% 1.1% 2.2% 2.2% 10.8%
Jhansi (Gursarai)
23 6 6 17 52
6.2% 1.6% 1.6% 4.6% 14.1%
Total 171 60 62 76 369
46.3% 16.3% 16.8% 20.6% 100.0%
Note: Other Representatives include defeated and former representatives (Ward Members and Pradhans); and figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn.
District/Block-wise distribution of samples by respondent categories is presented in
Table 2.2.
The social category of the respondents reveals that out of 369 respondents, Dalit
respondents (182) comprise 49 percent, followed by OBCs (150), 41% and General
Category respondents (37), 10%. This is in tune with the social categorization of
people in Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand, where Dalits and OBCs outnumber General
Category people. This is also in conformity with the research intending to study
women empowerment and political representation among Dalits vis-à-vis other
caste categories, which has still to overcome formidable structural, social and
political obstacles. On the other hand, women respondents (259), comprising 70
percent of the total, quite naturally outnumbering male respondents (110) were 30
percent of the total.
29
2.7.4 Data Analysis
The Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) was used to make whatever
quantitative analysis felt necessary from the point of view of the study. Accordingly,
tables and charts were also prepared as per the study requirements with adequate
explanation of the same. Special attention was given to the reliability,
comprehensiveness and appropriateness of the responses from the selected
respondents for proper analysis and interpretation of the data so obtained. On the
other hand, qualitative information was synthesized through free listing of
responses to obtain the range of responses. The responses were entered into the
computer database under the specific question. The responses which were
considered irrelevant under a specific question were removed. During this process,
important statements or suggestions were extracted for use in the report as reference
material.
2.8. LIMITATIONS
• Social relations in Bundelkhand are still based on the feudal system. Therefore,
women respondents, both women elected representatives and community
leaders, were initially hesitant to open up and share experiences on women
empowerment and political participation of women in Gram Panchayats
• Because of proxy representation of women elected members by the dominant
male relatives in Gram Panchayats, which is a common feature in the region, it
was difficult to get response from real women representatives. Proxy
representatives often barred women representatives to open up with investigators
and reveal relevant information on participation of women in Gram Panchayats
and the extent of women empowerment in the region. Despite repeated attempts,
many of the proxy representatives only volunteered themselves to respond on
behalf of the women representatives. They would also often try to influence
response from women representatives.
• The study is confined only within the Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. Its
outcomes therefore cannot be generalised for the whole country.
30
• The findings of the study are based on the qualitative and quantifiable data
responses from the study area. Hence the objectivity of the study is limited to the
abilities of the respondents (mainly women elected representatives and
community leaders in seven field locations in Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand) to
express and also to their honesty in furnishing the required information.
• Panchayats in Bundelkhand are located at a distance from each other and lack
frequent public transport facilities. This often hampered field visits and data
collection/ fieldwork.
31
Chapter-3
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
3.1. INTRODUCTION
Framing this study within the context of empowerment places it directly in terms of
what John Friedmann termed ‘the emerging practice of an alternative development
with its claims to inclusive democracy, appropriate economic growth, gender
equality, and intergenerational equity’ (Friedman 1992). Moving away from top-
down framework of development models, empowerment here places emphasis on
local people, local contexts, and local forms of power and governance. This is not to
suggest that there is no element of top-down facilitation and pressure involved in
the empowerment process, particularly when multilateral agencies such as the
World Bank and international NGOs are adopting the development rhetoric of
empowerment; but the intention is to focus on ‘people as active subjects of their own
history’ (Friedmann, 1992) and also as participatory active voices in their own
development.
3.2. EMPOWERMENT: THE CONCEPT AND DEFINITION
The concept of empowerment has a fascinating history. Its origins and meanings,
could be traced back as early as to the Protestant Reformation in Europe which
echoed through the centuries in Europe and North America through Quakerism,
Jeffersonian democracy, early capitalism, and the black power movement (Gaventa
2002). The concept was rooted in many significant struggles for social justice: in our
own country India, for example, the Veerashaiva movement against caste and
gender repression in 12th and 13th century in Karnataka advocated for relocation of
power and access to spiritual knowledge through demolition of the existing forms of
social stratification. But the term acquired a strongly political overtone in the second
half of the 20th century, when it was embraced by the liberation theorists, black
movement, feminist and other struggles for more inclusive and just forms of social
change and development. The 1990s witnessed an all-pervasive co-option of the term
by corporate management, political movements, and consumer-rights campaigns.
32
3.2.1 Defining Empowerment
Empowerment is a process of change that focuses on expanding the range of choices
that people can make. As such, it cannot be understood as a single dimensional
formula for change, either as process or outcome. It must instead be understood in
particular contexts taking into consideration the specific needs of the people
intended to be empowered (Kabeer 1998).
Providing what is possibly the most comprehensive view of power, the central
concept within empowerment, Rowland (1997) notes that power operates in four
different ways:
Power-over: It involves control or influence over others which is an instrumentation
of domination. It involves creation of simple dualities, threats of violence,
intimidation, and active and passive resistance.
Power-with: It is a collective form of power where people feel empowered by
organizing and uniting around a common purpose or understanding and it involves
a sense of whole greater than the sum of individuals.
Power-within – It involves the spiritual strength and uniqueness that resides in each
one of us and makes us really human. Its basis is self-acceptance and self-respect,
which extend, in turn, respect for and acceptance of others as equals.
Power-to: It is creative, productive, and enabling and considered the essence of
individual empowerment. It involves capacity building, decision-making authority,
leadership, the power to understand how things work, and problem-solving skills.
In the above framework, power-over is the most common, yet most destructive
conceptualization averse to development. Other forms of power therefore need to be
explored within development to engender positive forms of empowerment. It is also
important to note that ‘men also benefit from the results of women's empowerment
with the chance to live in a more equitable society and explore new roles (Oxaal
1997). It is this framework, encouraging a shift from the hierarchical power-over
conceptualization towards equitable individual power-within and power-to
33
conceptualizations of empowerment, which constitutes the theoretical framework
for this study. However, the concept of power-with is also important, particularly
when understanding collective forms of empowerment, which this study also
addresses.
In an extensive exploration of empowerment, Kabeer (1999, 2001) focuses on three
dimensions that define the capacity to exercise strategic life choices: access to
resources, agency, and outcomes. Building on Kabeer's emphasis on choice, Steady
(2006) selects mobilization of political, economic, education, human, social, and
cultural resources as key to empowerment, both within and outside formal political
processes. According to another definition, empowerment is an active, multi-
dimensional process which enables women to realize their full identity and powers
in all spheres of life. Power is not a commodity to be transacted, nor can it be given
as alms. Power has to be acquired and once acquired; it needs to be exercised,
sustained and preserved (Pillai 1995).
3.3. WOMEN EMPOWERMENT
Women empowerment as a concept emerged from several important analyses and
critiques engendered by the women's movement throughout the world during the
1980s, when feminists, particularly in the Third World, were increasingly dissatisfied
with the generally apolitical and economistic 'WID', 'WAD', and 'GAD' models in
existing development interventions (Batliwala 2010). It challenged not only
patriarchy, but also the facilitating structures of class, race, ethnicity, and, in India,
caste and religion, which regulated the nature of women's status and role in
emerging societies. With the commencement of 1990s, empowerment held an
important place in development jargon. And though it was applied in a variety of
social-change processes, the term was most commonly used with reference to
women and gender equality only.
Empowerment being a process and not something that can be given to people, and
empowerment process being both individual and collective, since it is through
involvement in group that people most often begin to develop their awareness and
34
the ability to organize to take action and bring about change, women empowerment
can be viewed as a continuum of several interested and mutually reinforcing
components (Karl 1995). These are as under:
Awareness building about women’s situation, discrimination, and right and
opportunities as a step towards gender equality, collective awareness building
provides a sense of group identity and the power of working as a group.
Capacity building and skills development, especially the ability to plan, make
decisions, organize, manage and carryout activities, to deal with people and
institutions in the world around them.
Participation and greater control and decision-making power in the home,
community and society.
Action to bring about greater equality between men and women.
Women’s empowerment is essential for ensuring not just their personal or
household welfare, but also the wellbeing of the entire society as women are seen to
be the primary guardians responsible for altering the quality and quantity of human
resources available in a country to promote sustainable development in the coming
generations (UNFPA 2005).
3.3.1. MEASURING WOMEN EMPOWERMENT IN RURAL INDIA
One of the challenges is that the behaviors and attributes that signify empowerment
in one context often have different meanings elsewhere. For example, a shift in
women's ability to attend public meetings without a veil may not be a sign of
empowerment in urban India, but it may well be in rural India, especially in
Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. Thus context is also important in determining
the extent to which empowerment at the household or individual level is a
determinant of development outcomes. Moreover, because women's empowerment
and status are multi-dimensional, several measures have to be utilised to gauge
women's status in various settings. Greater power or autonomy in one dimension
and in one community is not expected to amount to the same in another (Sathar and
Kazi 2000).
35
Keeping in view the rural context, the present study has attempted to measure
women empowerment by considering basically five (5) important dimensions of it.
These dimensions are dynamic, interlinked and mutually reinforcing and recognise
the fact that the level of gender equality and empowerment are directly
proportional. These dimensions are as follows:
Gender Equality
Gender equality implies a society in which women and men enjoy the same
opportunities, outcomes, rights and obligations in all spheres of life. Since gender
equality and women empowerment are two sides of the same coin, measuring
gender equality in a way means measuring women empowerment in a specific
context. In the present study, by gender equality we mean equality between women
and men, girls and boys in all aspects of life including child related concerns,
domestic workload, social practices, and marriage and family related issues.
Social Equality
Social equality means that all citizens in a society are treated at par with each other
and there will be no discriminatory treatment on the ground of caste, sex, religion,
etc. In Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh, where casteism and feudal practices
are all pervasive, women empowerment is directly proportional to social equality
and related practices. The present study therefore conceptualizes social equality as
one of the important constituents of women empowerment in the region. The four
(4) contextual indicators of social equality towards women empowerment are:
1. Increased interaction between Dalit girl children and caste-girl children,
2. Dalit girl children no more sitting separately in schools,
3. Equal treatment of Dalit and caste women representatives (WRs) in Panchayat
meetings, and
4. Growing respect of Dalit WRs among the village community.
36
Decision Making
Decision-making in one form or the other is at the heart of some of the best known
attempts to conceptualize power (Kabeer 1999). The present study therefore takes
decision-making power of women is an important indicator of women
empowerment. It examines select decisions by women representatives typically
made in households. Decisions asked about are decisions regarding purchase of
household food items, education of children (when, how much and where), buying
and selling of land and other major household property, how many children the
family should have, and use of family planning methods.
Financial Autonomy
Financial autonomy is one of the direct evidences of women empowerment. In a
rural set up, Self Help Groups (SHGs) with women membership also play an
important role in providing women with financial autonomy, and hence making
women empowered. Therefore, the present study conceptualizes financial autonomy
as a women empowerment tool in terms of the following five (5) indicators:
1. Increased number of SHGs in the village
2. More women in control of their own income (meaning women can spend their
own earned income as per their own wish or understanding without
interference)
3. More women in control of their family or household income, and
4. Increase in assets owned by women or purchased for women members
Personality Development
The process of getting elected to PRIs is expected to enhance elected women
representatives’ personality, thereby resulting in heightened women empowerment
in a rural set-up. The present study, therefore, measures women empowerment in
terms of – a). Increased confidence level or self-esteem of WRs, and b). Increased
dignity or respect of WRs among various stakeholders.
37
3.4 OTHER OPEARAIONAL FRAMEWORKS
As the present study is an attempt to study women empowerment in the context of
participation and performance of Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) in Gram
Panchayats, and also blocks to their participation and performance, a brief
description of the operational framework of these and other related concepts is given
as under:
3.4.1 Participation in Gram Panchayats
Women’s participation in Gram Panchayats could be looked at three levels – at the
level of community at large, at the level of women members of Gram Sabha, and at
the level of EWRs. The present study however attempts to analyze women’s
participation in Gram Panchayats in terms of – a). Participation of EWRs in Gram
Sabha or Panchayat Meetings, and b). Participation of EWRs in the Development
Agenda or Panchayat Activities.
3.4.2 Awareness
Awareness of EWRs has been studied in terms of – a). Basic awareness of Panchayat
provisions, such as awareness around Gram Sabha members, person who can
convene Gram Sabha, frequency/regularity of Gram Sabha, etc. and b). Knowledge
of key Panchayat provisions comprises information on electoral rules for Panchayat
election, roles & responsibilities of ERs, etc.
4.4.3 Performance in Gram Panchayats
The operational framework for performance of EWRs in Gram Panchayats has been
explored in terms of three (3) performance indicators – i). Implementation of key
areas of Panchayati Raj development agenda, ii). Implementation of community
development programmes, and iii). Interface with Government.
In line with participation of EWRs in Gram Sabha, implementation of key areas of
Panchayati Raj development agenda has been measured in terms of their
performance in – a). Making development plans for the Panchayat, b). Preparing
38
budget proposals for the Panchayat, c). Reviewing existing Panchayat Schemes or
activities, and d). Identification of beneficiaries of Government Schemes.
The performance of EWRs in implementation of community development
programmes has also been considered in four (4) dimensions as - i). Undertaking
health-related campaigns, ii). Waging drive against diseases, iii). Implementing
family planning campaigns, and iv). Improving enrollment of girls in schools.
3.4.4 Blocks to Participation and Performance
There are a number of blocks or barriers to participation and performance of WRs in
Panchayat activities, which reflect unequal power relations and poor status of
women in the region. In the present study, the four (4) interrelated dimensions of
these blocks are – a). Socio-economic blocks, b). Patriarchy-related or gender blocks,
c). Proxy or surrogate-related blocks, and d). Caste-related blocks.
3.4.5 Capacity Building Training
An important support mechanism for EWRs towards effective participation and
performance in Gram Panchayats is capacity building training. The study considers
basically four (4) dimensions of capacity building training. These are – i). Is it given?
What are its constituents? ii). Participation of EWRs in training, iii). Usefulness of
training, and iv). Do EWRs need more training? If yes, in what?
3.4.6 Value Addition by Other Structures
In the present study, membership of EWRs of, and participation in parallel village
bodies (Village Education Committee, Village Health Committee, Village Water and
Sanitation Committee, and Women Empowerment Committee) and community
based organizations (Self Help Groups, Mahila Mandals, Joint Management
Committee, and Cooperative Society) in the villages have also been conceptualized
as support mechanisms, enabling them for greater participation and performance in
Gram Panchayats.
The study diagram (Figure 4) reflecting the conceptual framework is given below:
39
Women
Awareness
Participation
Performance
Interface with Government
Basic Awareness of PRI Provisions
Knowledge of Key Areas
Participation in Gram Sabha Meetings
Participation in PR Development Agenda
Works Related to Improving the
Status of Women
In the Implementation of Key Areas of
PR Development Agenda
Interaction with Government
Functionaries and Activities
Monitoring Government Functionaries
and Activities
In the Implementation of Community
Development Programmes
Women Empowerment
Gender Equality
Social Equality
Decision Making
Financial Autonomy
Personality Development
Blocks
Socio-economic related
Patriarchy related
Proxy/ surrogate related
Caste related
Gender related
Training
Value addition by other
structures
Is it given? What is given?
Participation in training?
Usefulness?
More training? In what?
Functioning of parallel bodies
Functioning of CBOs
Figure 3: Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj: A Study of Women Representatives in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh
Background Variables (Age, marital Status, Social Category, Education, Economic Status, etc)
40
Chapter-4
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents the results and discussion of the present study in five sections,
namely, socio-economic profile of women representatives; awareness, participation
and role performance; nature and extent of women empowerment; blocks to women
representatives; and role of capacity building training and enabling structures for
women representatives, by analyzing the data obtained from 369 interview
schedules in 7 blocks, one each from 7 districts of Bundelkhand region of Uttar
Pradesh. The quantitative data is supplemented with data collected from secondary
sources and experiences collated from case studies of select respondents from the
field.
4.1. SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF WOMEN REPRESENTATIVES
Since the focus of the study was
on women empowerment and
participation of elected women
representatives (EWRs) in
Panchayati Raj, the proportion of
women covered in survey was
deliberately kept larger 70.2%
(259) in comparison to men 29.8% (110). Of the total women respondents, 84.5% (220)
were Women Representatives (WRs), while the rest 14.5% (39) were Community
Members. Of the total WRs, however, 129 (58.6%) were Ward Members, followed by
39 (17.7%) Pradhans, and 52 (23.6%) Defeated & Former Representatives, i.e.,
defeated or former women Ward Members or Pradhans (Table 4.1).
4.1.1 Age-Profile of Women Representatives
The age-wise analysis of WRs shows that the majority of them were in the
reproductive age group between 21-40 years (20.9% between 21-30 years, and 44.5%
Table 4.1: Respondent Panchayat Representatives
Description Women Men Total
Ward Members 129 42 171
(58.6 (57.5) (58.4)
Pradhans 39 21 60
(17.7) (28.8) (20.5)
Defeated & Former Representatives
52 10 62
(23.6) (13.7) (21.2)
Total
220 73 293
(100) (100) (100) Note: Defeated & Former Representatives consist of Ward Members and Pradhans; and figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn.
41
between 31-40 years). Another 22.7 percent were in the next bracket, between 41-50
years. Only a small portion, 6.8% were above 50 years (Table 4.2). This trend is
confirmed by a series of studies1. This is also indicative of a progressive change from
prior to the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. One previous study, for example,
found that most elected women were aged 40 years or older, explained on the basis
that older women enjoy greater freedom regarding physical mobility and are
relatively less burdened by household chores and child care (Datta, 1998). Another
study noted that while a slight majority of women were in the older grouping (above
46 years), a significant number of women were elected from the younger age group,
which the author attributed to changing family mindsets and politically ambitious
men seeking to fulfill ambitions through their wives (Singla, 2007).
Compared to Pradhans, Ward Members
were younger (Figure 4.1) as a higher
proportion of the latter (25.6% and 45%)
belonged to the 21-30 and 31-40 age
groups, respectively, than the former
(15.4% and 38.5%). In the middle (41-50
years) and high (Above 50 years) age
groups, the proportion of Ward
Members was less, in comparison to the
Pradhans. Ministry of Panchayat Raj
(2008) also highlights that female Ward Members are younger to their Pradhan
counterparts, as at the all-India level, a higher proportion of female Ward Members
(40%) belonged to the 21-25 age group than female Pradhans (33%).
1 Kaushik, Susheela (1998), Participation of Women in Panchayati Raj in India: A Stock Taking (New
Delhi: National Commission for Women) – which observed that 74% of EWRs belonged to the 20-40 age group; Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWDS) (1999), From Oppression to Assertion: A study of Panchayats and Women in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and S Uttar Pradesh, CWDS, New Delhi – which concluded that 69% of EWRs were below 45 years of age; and Santha, E.K (1999)., Political Participation of Women in Panchayati Raj, Haryana, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu, Occasional Paper Series 24, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi – for which Kerala and Tamil Nadu had drawn a majority of women under 40 years and Haryana a majority over 40 years.
25.6% 15.4% 13.5%
45.0%
38.5% 48.1%
24.0%
38.5% 28.8%
5.4% 7.7% 9.6%
Ward Members Pradhans Defeated & FormerWRs
Figure 4.1: Age of Women Representatives
21-30 Yrs 31-40 Yrs 41-50 Yrs Above 50 Yrs
42
In comparison to OBC (20.2%) and General Category (34.8%) WRs, a lower
proportion of Dalit or SC WRs (18.6%) were from the 21-30 age group and relatively
high from the 31-40 age group (Table 4.2). This reflects the fact that Dalit WRs
tended to be older than their OBC and General Category counterparts in the region.
The reasons being, Dalit women are married and have children at an early age and
usually only after 30 years of age they are somewhat free from child bearing
responsibilities, though not too free from child rearing, household and other
responsibilities.
Table 4.2: Age of Women Representatives by Social Category (%)
Category 21-30 Yrs 31-40 Yrs 41-50 Yrs Above 50 Yrs N
SC 18.6 47.8 23.9 9.7 113
OBC 20.2 41.7 33.3 4.8 84
General 34.8 39.1 26.1 0.0 23
Total 20.9 44.5 27.7 6.8 220
4.1.2. Educational Level of Women Representatives
Education is a central force of
empowerment that can enable
women to exercise real
political power as Panchayat
representatives in multiple
ways. It supports the
acquisition of knowledge and
skills necessary for women to
be able to lead local
development and engender cultural change in values for equality and non-
discrimination (Mangubhai, 2009). As presented in Table 5.3, the majority of WRs in
the region were illiterate (52.7%). Kaushik's study (1998) confirms this finding for
Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, where 25 percent of the EWRs surveyed
were unable to read and write. However, Kaushik's study shows that in Tamil
Nadu, Orissa and the Garhwal region of U.P., there are very few illiterate WRs.
Illiteracy among Dalit or SC WRs (62.8%), in comparison to General Category and
OBC WRs (17.4% and 62.8% respectively), was substantially higher (Table 4.3). As
Table 4.3: Education of Women Representatives by Social Category
Category
Education
Total Illiterate Class
1 to 7 Class
8 to 10 Class
11 & above
SC 71 34 5 3 113
(62.8) (30.1) (4.4) (2.7) (100)
OBC 41 30 9 4 84
(48.8) (35.7) (10.7) (4.8) (100)
General 4 10 6 3 23
(17.4) (43.5) (26.1) (13.0) (100)
Total 116 74 20 10 220
(52.7) (33.6) (9.1) (4.5) (100) Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn.
43
against 43.5% of General Category and 35.7% of OBC WRs, only 30.1% of Dalit WRs
were from Class 1 to 7 education category. Their proportion was also relatively
lower in other higher education groups. Hence, as has been the trend in other parts
of India2, the educational deprivation of Dalit WRs in Bundelkhand region of Uttar
Pradesh was higher than their General Category and OBC counterparts.
Educational attainment was greater for
Pradhans, in comparison to, Ward
Members. Not only was the proportion
that passed ‘Class 8 to 10’ and ‘Class 11 &
above’ higher, but there was also fewer
illiterates among the Pradhans as
compared to Ward Members (Figure 4.2).
As against 27.9% of women Ward
members, around 48.7% of women
Pradhans were in ‘Class 1 to 7’ education
category. Corroborating this trend, Ministry of Panchayat Raj (2008) also observed
that educational attainment of female Pradhans were greater than that of female
Ward members at the all-India level. Among the interviewed female Pradhans, 52.4
percent had, reportedly, passed middle school or higher, as compared to 37.1 percent
of the female Ward Members.
4.1.3. Primary Occupation of Women Representatives
To assess which activity engages WRs most, questions pertaining to their primary
occupation from the point of view of time spent on it was collected through survey.
An analysis of data on primary occupation by position in the Panchayat shows that
WRs spend their time primarily in performing household works (41.4%) and only for
2 Mangubhai, Jayshree et al (2009), Dalit Women’s Right to Political Participation in Rural Panchayati
Raj: A Study of Gujarat and Tamil Nadu, Justitia et Pax Netherlands – pointed out that
61.2%
28.2%
50.0%
27.9%
48.7%
36.5%
7.0% 17.9%
7.7% 2.3% 2.6% 1.9%
1.6% 2.6% 3.8%
Ward Members Pradhans Defeated & FormerWRs
Illiterate Class 1 to 7 Class 8 to10
Class 11 to 12 Above Class 12
Figure 4.2: Educational Attainment of WRs
WRsesentatives
44
a negligible proportion of them (0.9%), Panchayat activities constituted the primary
occupation, engaging most of their time. The primary occupation of the rest of the
WRs was farming (27.7), labour works (27.7%) and small business (2.3%) (Figure
4.3).
A sizable proportion of the Ward Members
reported their primary occupation as labour
works (36.4%), followed by household works
(31.8%) and farming activities (30.2%).
Surprisingly, for none of the Ward Members,
Panchayat work was their prime occupation
with respect to time spent. On the other
hand, reflecting the overall trend, Pradhans
spent their time mostly in performing
household works (64.1%), followed by
farming activities (20.5%), and labour works (10.3%). Only 5.1% of them could spend
time for Panchayat works. This may be accounted for the fact that Pradhans, being
senior Panchayat functionaries, spend more time in executing their role, as
compared to Ward Members.
Table 4.4: Primary Occupation of Women Representatives by Social Category
Category Primary Occupation Total
Farming Labourer Panchayat Work Small Business Housewife
SC 34 44 1 3 31 113
(30.1) (38.9) (0.9) (2.7) (27.4) (100)
OBC 25 16 0 2 41 84
(29.8) (19.0) (0.0) (2.4) (48.8) (100)
General 2 1 1 0 19 23
(8.7) (4.3) (4.3) (0.0) (82.6) (100)
Total 61 61 2 5 91 220
(27.7) (27.7) (0.9) (2.3) (41.4) (100) Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn
To none of the social groups of WRs, Panchayat work was their prime occupation
with respect to time spent (Table 4.4). A sizable proportion of Dalit WRs, however,
reported their primary occupation as labour works (38.9%), followed by farming
activities (30.1%) and household works (27.4). Mangubhai (2009) also found that the
30.2% 20.5%
26.9%
36.4%
10.3%
19.2% 5.1%
1.6%
5.8%
31.8%
64.1%
48.1%
Ward Members Pradhans Defeated &Former WRs
Figure 4.3: Primary Occupation on the Basis of Time Spent
Farming Labourer Panchayat Work
Small Business Housewife
45
majority of Dalit women seeking election to the Panchayats in Gujarat and Tamil
Nadu were from the labour class. This high proportion of WRs engaged in labour
and household works would have implications for their confidence and ability to
move freely in public spaces, as well as capacity to speak and engage with others in
public for a, including fellow Panchayat members, district administration officials,
contractors and others. The high dependency on wage labor employment for
livelihood also leaves Dalit WRs with a poor economic base and a higher under-
employment rate. This results in a higher level of poverty.
4.1.4. Marital Status and Religious Affiliation
As expected, given their age group, most of the WRs interviewed (94.5%) were
married. There was no major difference by position or social category. Thus the vast
majority of the WRs are women of some maturity with family responsibilities of
their own. The implications are that they have to juggle their household
responsibilities alongside their Panchayat responsibilities. This highlights the
importance of family support to leave women free from household responsibilities.
As for religious affiliation, except for Banda, where 2 respondents reported to be
Muslims, entire WRs covered in the survey were Hindu (99.1%).
4.1.5. Economic Profile of Women Representatives
The economic profile of the WRs was understood by collecting information
regarding their ‘economic status’, i.e., Above Poverty Line (APL), Below Poverty
Line (BPL) and under Antyodaya Scheme as per the Village List; their land
ownership status, and house type (Kutcha, Semi-Pucca or Pucca).
4.1.5.1. Economic Status
The economic status of more than half (59.1%) of WRs was above the poverty line
(APL) as per the Village List reported by the respondents. There was a higher
proportion of APL individuals among Pradhans (79.5%) as compared to Ward
Members (51.9%) and Defeated & Former WRs (61.5%) (Table 4.5). Around 25.9% of
46
all WRs were, reportedly, below the poverty line, the majority of this category being
Ward Members (75.4%) rather than Pradhans (5.3%) and Defeated & Former WRs
(19.3%). This indicates, overall that women Pradhans are better off than other WRs.
Table 4.5: Economic Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category APL BPL Antyodaya Not Aware N
By Position
Ward Members 67 43 13 6 129
(51.9) (33.3) (10.1) (4.7) (100)
Pradhans 31 3 4 1 39
(79.5) (7.7) (10.3) (2.6) (100)
Defeated & Former WRs 32 11 6 3 52
(61.5) (21.2) (11.5) (5.8) (100)
By Social Category
SC 53 39 17 4 113
(46.9) (34.5) (15.0) (3.5) (100)
OBC 58 15 6 5 84
(69.0) (17.9) (7.1) (6.0) (100)
General 19 3 0 1 23
(82.6) (13.0) (0.0) (4.3) (100)
Total WRs 130 57 23 10 220
(59.1) (25.9) (10.5) (4.5) (100) Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn
The proportion of APL individuals was highest in case of WRs from General
Category (82.6%), followed by OBC (69%) and SC (46.9%) categories. The majority of
the BPL group consisted of Dalit (68.4%), followed by OBC (26.3%) and General
Category (5.3%) WRs. Around 10.5% of all WRs were, reportedly, under the
Antydaya Scheme, the majority of this group being Dalit WRs, followed by OBC
(26.1%). None of the General Category WRs were part of the Antyodaya group.
4.1.5.2. Land Ownership Status
Land ownership status of WRs shows that more than half (58.6%) were land owners,
while around one-fifths (28.7%) were in landless category. Nearly 10.9% reported as
tenants, followed by 4.5% as both land owner and tenants. Compared to the Ward
Members, land ownership status of the Pradhans was better (Table 4.6) as a higher
proportion of the latter (71.8%) belonged to the landowner group than the former
(56.6%). Out of one-fifths (28.7%) of total WRs reporting as landless, the majority
were Ward Members (64.9%) rather than Pradhans (10.5%) and Defeated & Former
WRs (24.6%). This also indicates that women Pradhans are better off than other WRs.
47
Table 4.6: Land Ownership Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category (%)
Landless
Landowner
Tenant
Landowner & Tenant
N
By Position
Ward Members 37 73 14 5 129
(28.7) (56.6) (10.9) (3.9) (100)
Pradhans 6 28 2 3 39
(15.4) (71.8) (5.1) (7.7) (100)
Defeated & Former WRs
14 28 8 2 52
(26.9) (53.8) (15.4) (3.8) (100)
By Social Category
SC 41 63 7 2 113
(36.3) (55.8) (6.2) (1.8) (100)
OBC 14 51 13 6 84
(16.7) (60.7) (15.5) (7.1) (100)
General 2 15 4 2 23
(8.7) (65.2) (17.4) (8.7) (100)
Total WRs 57 129 24 10 220
(25.9) (58.6) (10.9) (4.5) (100)
In comparison to OBC and General Category WRs (65.2% and 60.7%, respectively),
the proportion of Dalit WRs (55.8%) was lower in the landowner group and
relatively higher in the landless group. This reflects the fact that land ownership
status of Dalit WRs in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh is worse than their OBC
and General Category counterparts.
4.1.5.3. Type of House
The majority of WRs in Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand had either Kachha (35.9%) or
Semi-Pucca (35.0%) houses. The proportion with Pucca houses was 29.1 percent
only. Pucca house type was greater in the case of Pradhans (53.8%), in comparison
to, Ward Members (15.5%) and Defeated & Former WRs (44.2%). The majority of the
Kutchha houses were owned by Dalit (43.4%), followed by OBC (32.1%) and General
Category (13%) WRs. This again indicates towards a greater vulnerability of Dalit
WRs.
4.1.6. PROFILE OF MALE REPRESENTATIVES
As mentioned in Chapter-3, the idea behind selection of male representatives (MRs)
was to get a varied response on issues of women empowerment and participation &
performance of women elected representatives, and to negate any kind of bias that
48
could have resulted otherwise. Interviews of MRs – either current Pradhans or Ward
Members, or former Pradhans or Ward Members were conducted in the sample
Gram Panchayats. However, there was no fixed sampling plan for MRs separately.
Hence, the demographic profile and other aggregate findings have been presented
for them as a whole. Across 7 districts, 73 such MRs were covered under the study,
of which 42 were Ward Members, 21 were Pradhans, and the rest 10 were Former
MRs – either Pradhans or Ward Members.
As observed in the case of serving WRs, 94.5 percent of the MRs were Hindus and
5.5 percent were Muslims. The proportion that had passed ‘Class 11 & above’ was
30.1 percent, but more than one-fifth (21.9%) was illiterate. All the interviewed MRs
were married. The majority of MRs were Dalits (47.9), followed by OBC (43.8%) and
General Category (8.2%) (Table 4.7).
Table 4.7: Socio-Demographic Profile of Male Representatives (%) Male Representatives (N=73) Position Ward Members 57.5 (58.6)
Pradhans 28.8 (17.7) Former MRs 13.7 (23.6)
Social category SC 47.9 (51.4)
OBC 43.8 (38.2) General 8.2 (10.5)
Religion Hindu 94.5 (99.1)
Muslim 5.5 (0.9) Age-Group 21-30 yrs 15.1 (20.9) 31-40 yrs 45.2 (44.5)
41-50 yrs 19.2 (27.7) Above 50 yrs 20.5 (6.8)
Educational Level Illiterate 21.9 (52.7) Class 1 to7 26.0 (33.6)
Class 8 to 10 21.9 (9.1) Class 11 & above 30.1 (4.5)
Note: Figures in brackets represent comparable data for women representatives (N=220) in percentage terms
The economic status of the MRs, according to the Village List, shows that 72.3
percent had APL status, followed by 19.2 percent with BPL status and 8.2 percent
under Antyodaya Scheme. When occupations were considered, 50% of MRs were
found to be engaged in farming, 19% in labour works, 2 percent in small business,
while 2 percent were engaged in Panchayat-related work.
49
4.1.7. PROFILE OF COMMUNITY MEMBERS
The objective of interviews with community members (CMs) was to understand
their perceptions about women empowerment, participation & performance of
women Pradhans and Ward Members, and other related issues. CMs consisted of
village leaders (other than Panchayat representatives), social workers and ordinary
individuals. They were interviewed irrespective of gender. Hence, no proportion
was fixed for men or women respondents in this segment of the survey. On the
whole, across 7 districts of Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand, 76 such CMs were covered
under the study, of which 39 (51.3%) were women CMs and 37 (48.7%) were male
CMs.
As for social background, both SC and OBC categories had equal share among the
total respondents (44.7%), while General Category made up about 10.5 percent. As
with the cases of women and male representatives, 98.7 percent of the CMs were
Hindus, while only 1.3% of them were Muslims.
Table 4.8: Socio-Demographic Profile of Community Members (%) Community Members (N=76)
Gender Women 51.3 Men 48.7
Social Category SC 44.7 OBC 44.7 General 10.5
Age-Group 21-30 yrs 13.2 31-40 yrs 52.6 41-50 yrs 23.7 Above 50 yrs 10.5 Marital Status Married 90.8 Single 6.6 Widow/widower 2.6
Education Illiterate 47.4 Class 1 to7 11.8 Class 8 to 10 22.4 Class 11 & above 18.4
In terms of their age profile, 13.2 percent, 52.6 percent, and 23.7 percent, respectively,
fell within the 21-30, 31-40 and 41-50 age brackets. Only 10.5% of the CMs were
above 50 years of age. About 90.8 percent of them were married (Table 4.8).
50
The economic status of the CMs shows that 63.2 percent of the respondents had APL
status while 31.6 percent were BPL. On the other hand, while 48.7 percent reported
farming as their primary occupation, 21.2 percent of respondent CMs were primarily
engaged in labour works. In terms of land ownership, more 60.5 percent were
landowner, while 23.7 percent were in the landless category.
51
4.2. PARTICIPATION, AWARENESS AND ROLE PERFORMANCE
4.2.1 Introduction
Meaningful participation in Gram Panchayats; awareness of Panchayat provisions;
and effective role performance in implementation of key areas of Panchayati Raj
agenda are some of the basic interrelated attributes of Panchayat representatives that
are critical to women empowerment and the functioning of a healthy democratic
local self governance system. As elected representatives, and therefore as ‘duty
bearers’, WRs have an obligation to exercise their constitutional rights to
participation in order to fulfill their responsibilities towards ‘claim holders’, that is,
their constituencies. It is only through adequate information and quality
participation and role performance in the Panchayats that they would be able to
fulfill the obligations to the people, who elected them. Given the unequal position
women are placed in caste-class-gender hierarchy, however, whether they as
democratically elected representatives vested with political authority are actually
able to enjoy their right to participate and perform in PRIs and contribute towards
women empowerment at the grassroots level becomes a matter of enquiry.
4.2.2 Participation of Women Representatives in Gram Panchayats
The point of reference for participation of WRs in Panchayati Raj is generally their
representation in term of numbers or percentages. This does not help in adequate
understanding, because representation does not, in itself, constitute evidence of
participation. Therefore, instead of resorting to broad-brush inference based on data
on representation, this study sought to gather evidence about participation in terms
of three basic indicators – i). Organization and frequency of Gram Sabha, ii).
Participation in Gram Sabha, and ii). Participation in development agenda of
Panchayats. This is based on the assumption that representation is a necessary, but
by no means sufficient, condition for participation. As such, we start by recording
the number of Gram Sabha organized in villages, in which WRs, by virtue of their
special responsibilities, are expected to participate.
52
4.2.2.1 Gram Sabha: Organization and Frequency
One of the manifestations of participation of ERs in Gram Panchayats is organization
and frequency of Gram Sabha (GS) in the villages. Out of the contacted 369
respondents, 319 (86.4%) reported organization of GS meetings in their villages.
Among them, ERs (Ward Members and Pradhans together) in general reported
higher frequency of Gram Sabha meetings than ‘Non-Elected Respondents’
(Community Members and Defeated & Former Representatives).
Table 4.9: Number of Times Gram Sabha Meetings held in a year (%)
Respondents Frequency of Gram Sabha meetings
Once Twice Thrice Four times & above
N
Elected Representatives (ERs) 5.4 37.9 29.6 27.1 203
Non-Elected Respondents 16.4 33.6 32.8 17.2 116
Total 9.4 36.4 30.7 23.5 319
As Table 4.9 shows, over two-third (76.5%) of the total respondents (72.9% of elected
representatives and 82.8% of non-elected respondents) reporting organization of
Gram Sabha said that the frequency of Gram Sabha varied only between one (1) to
three (3) meetings per year. This is contrast to the findings of the Ministry of
Panchayati Raj study (2008), where elected representatives (at the all-India level)
reported that on an average six Gram Sabha were organized in each village during
their current term. The average was seven with Pradhans and six in the case of Ward
Members. One of the reasons for less number of Gram Sabha reported from Uttar
Pradesh Bundelkhand could be attributed to the fact that the duration of the current
terms of Panchayats varied from state to state. Therefore, the all-India figure for
Gram Sabha is not comparable to that for the region. The other reasons are
administrative in nature (e.g. Pradhan indisposed, quorum not met, etc) and ‘non-
awareness’ of the respondents, so far as the organization and frequency of Gram
Sabha are concerned.
Maintaining a quorum3 for the Gram Sabha is an important norm, and therefore an
important yardstick to assess quality of participation of ERs in Gram Sabhhas. The
3 The quorum is the minimum number of registered voters or representatives of households required
to be present in order to hold a Gram Sabha meeting. In Uttar Pradesh, it is one-fifth of the total
member.
53
data presented in Table 4.10 show that nearly 34.5 percent of the ERs (Ward
Members and Pradhans) reporting organization of Gram Sabhas said that quorum
was not formed, while the majority (43.3%) was not even aware of quorum
formation at Gram Sabhas. This was stated more often in the case of Ward Members
than Pradhans and more by Dalit than Non-Dalit representatives.
Table 4.10: Formation of Quorum for Gram Sabha Meetings
Gram Sabha Quorum formed? N No Not aware Occasionally Yes
Ward Members 37.9 48.3 9.0 4.8 145
Dalit 46.4 49.3 4.3 0.0 69
Non-Dalit 30.3 47.4 13.2 9.2 76
Pradhans 25.9 31.0 20.7 22.4 58
Dalit 21.4 50.0 21.4 7.1 28
Non-Dalit 30.0 13.3 20.0 36.7 30
Total ERS 34.5 43.3 12.3 9.9 203
Dalit 39.2 49.5 9.3 2.1 97
Non-Dalit 30.2 37.7 15.1 17.0 106
A typical Gram Sabha (2013) in Jhandu Ka Purva, Banda. Look at the back seat women members take in the region.
4.2.2.2 Participation in Gram Sabha
To study the extent of participation of women representatives in Gram Sabha, five
(5) distinct questions related to participation (in Gram Sabha) were asked from the
respondents. Using the Likert scale in the interview schedule, these questions were
mainly concerning the frequency and punctuality of WRs in attending Gram Sabha,
their speaking habits, and making prior preparations and exercise of voting rights in
Gram Sabha.
54
Table 4.11 shows a moderate level of
participation of WRs in Gram Sabha
meetings. Apart from 31.9 percent of
the WRs never participating in
Gram Sabhas and 35.1 percent being
unaware of their participation,
around 33 percent of WRs did
participate in Gram Sabhas in one
way or the other. Participation was reported more by Pradhans than Ward Members
and by Non-Dalit representatives than Dalit representatives.
Compared to low attendance, non-
punctuality, and lack of eloquence,
poor prior preparedness and non-
exercise of voting rights by WRs
emerged as main reasons for the
moderate participation level of WRs.
For the proportion of ‘no’ and ‘don’t know’ response categories, 95 (66 plus 29)
percent and 84 (38 plus 46) percent, respectively, were highest for questions relating
to prior preparation and exercise of voting rights by WRs in Gram Sabha (Figure
4.4). Thus participation of WRs in Gram Sabha appears to be more symbolic and less
substantive in nature.
Lower participation of WRs in Panchayat meetings has been supported by many
earlier studies. Sarkar (2004) observed that the participation level of the respondent
elected women members in Panchayat meetings in two backward districts of
northern part of West Bengal was also quite low – only 21 percent respondents
participated fully and a considerable number did not participate at all.
Sukhdev Singh and Verminder Kaur (2007) revealed that majority of the women
Panchayat members (51.7%) never participated even in case of invitation, largely due
to pre-occupation in domestic chores and social obstacles. The level of participation
Table 4.11: Participation in Gram Sabha Meetings
No Don’t know Yes N
Ward Members 33.9 33.7 32.4 171
Dalit 39.3 32.6 28.0 87
Non-Dalit 28.3 34.8 36.9 84
Pradhans 26.3 39.0 34.7 60
Dalit 33.6 35.0 31.4 28
Non-Dalit 20.0 42.5 37.5 32
Total ERs 31.9 35.1 33.0 231
Dalit 37.9 33.2 28.9 115
Non-Dalit 26.0 36.9 37.1 116
19%
22%
16%
66%
38%
33%
34%
33%
29%
46%
48%
44%
51%
5%
16%
How often?
How punctual?
Speak up?
Prior preparation?
Exercise voting rights?
Figure 4.4: Participation of WRs in Gram Sabha Meetings
No Don't know Yes
55
was also not very encouraging as only one-fifth of the total respondent women
members held that they “fully” participated in the decision making process. About
half of them did not give any time at all towards the Panchayat work.
Kumari and Singh (2012) reported that only 40 percent of the women members in
Bihar made prior preparations during meetings, while only 18 percent exercised
voting rights. The number of women who spoke during the meetings was 48
percent. According to a study undertaken by Bal Vikas Social Service Society in
Andhra Pradesh (2009), elected women members were reluctant to participate in the
meetings due to their lack of communication and public speaking skills. This has
been a deterrent in their participation in decision making in the local bodies, despite
the provision of reservation.
Box-1 ‘Don’t attend Panchayat meetings, because don’t get
information’: Meera
Meera, 44, is a Dalit Ward Member from Piprahari Gram Panchayat. She fought election because her husband asked her so. Ever since she was elected, she has only once attended a Panchayat meeting, because, in her own words, “I don’t get information of any such meetings. The Pradhan and other Dabang (upper caste) members have vested interest. They think if women, especially Dalit women start attending meetings, then what will happen to them, how can they do what they want to do?” She is also peeved at the fact that the Government has not provided her with any sort of training so far. “Unless I know what is my role and responsibilities, and how much money has arrived for the Panchayat and for what schemes, how do I confront the Pradhan”, she asks.
Lower participation level of Dalit representatives in Gram Sabha meetings, most of
which are illiterate and engaged in labour works or farming for livelihood, is also a
reflection of the fact that their experiences are still governed by dominant caste male
control over Panchayat resources and ingrained discriminatory attitudes toward
them. Many of the WRs, especially Dalit WRs, function either as proxies or face
strong opposition and obstructions while attempting to work for the benefit of their
community. Vested interests don’t enable them to participate. Often, they are not
even informed about meetings (Box-1).
Meera, a Dalit Ward Member from Piprahari
56
4.2.2.3 Participation in Development Agenda of Panchayats
Substantive participation of WRs is limited not only to participation in Gram Sabhas,
but also in the development agenda of the Panchayats, which include among others,
preparation of development plans, making budget proposals, review of the
implementation of existing schemes, attending community meetings to discuss local
community issues, and identification or selection of beneficiaries of the Government
schemes in Panchayati Raj.
In comparison to the moderate
participation level of WRs in Gram
Sabha, participation in the
development agenda of
Panchayats was lower. This is
quite natural because participation
in the development agenda of
Panchayats requires many other
attributes on the part of the ERs
and goes beyond simple representation in Panchayats. Apart from a high 47.8
percent of the WRs not participating and an equally high 43.6 percent quite unaware
of their participation, nearly 8.5 percent reported as active participants in the
development agenda of Panchayats. Participation was again reported more by
Pradhans than Ward Members and by Non-Dalit representatives than Dalit
representatives (Table 4.12).
All the constituents of participation in the development agenda of Panchayats,
namely, preparation of development plans, making budget proposals, review of the
implementation of existing schemes, attending community meetings to discuss local
community issues, and identification or selection of beneficiaries of the Government
schemes in Panchayati Raj seem to have played equal role in low value for the WRs.
For the combined proportion of ‘no’ and ‘don’t know’ response categories (ranging
between 87. 5% to 96.1%) and that of ‘yes’ (ranging between 3.9% to 12.5%) is more
or less similar (Figure 4.4).
Table 4.12: Participation of Women Representatives in Development Agenda of Panchayats (%)
No Don't know Yes N
Ward Members 48.1 44.3 7.7 171
Dalit 58.2 35.4 6.4 87
Non-Dalit 37.6 53.6 8.8 84
Pradhans 47.0 41.7 11.4 60
Dalit 65.7 26.4 7.8 28
Non-Dalit 30.6 55.0 14.4 32
Total ERs 47.8 43.6 8.5 231
Dalit 60.0 33.2 6.8 115
Non-Dalit 35.7 54.0 10.4 116
57
Assessing the participation of
women in PRIs and the factors
affecting it in the states of Gujarat
and Himachal Pradesh, Centre for
Social Research (2009) contended
that most women remained only
figurative members of the
Panchayat, with actual
responsibilities being shouldered by male family members. Sarkar (204) also
observed that nearly 30% of the total women respondents at the Panchayat and
Panchayat Samiti levels had never contributed towards any development issues of
their respective villages/ constituencies.
Box-2 Can’t run from pillar to post all the time, no one listens: Meena
Meena, 30, married and educated upto Class-V, is a 30 year-old Dalit Ward Member from Sukaura Gram Panchayat of Kabrai, Mahoba. She was initially very enthusiastic about attending Panchayat meetings, understanding Panchayat procedures and trying to solve problems of her community, but not anymore. These days she hardly attends any, because ‘first of all, there is hardly any meetings organized, and even if organized, they don’t serve any purpose’. She says, “Pradhan never attends Panchayat meetings. All the time it is Pradhan’s husband who works on her behalf. Therefore, as a Ward Member, I have to deal with her husband only. My husband doesn’t like me to talk to him. He is so crooked that in connivance with the Panchayat Secretary he takes all the decisions unilaterally. We are not even asked to sign on the Panchayat decisions. Maybe someone else does it on my behalf and for other Panchayat members as well. Who would I complain to? Who is there to listen to me? Last time when I asked the Panchayat Secretary as to why decisions
were taken without informing community members and even Ward Members, he asked me to keep quiet and send my husband instead to know”. Having faced continuous problems with the Pradhan-Pati and Panchayat officials, Meena seems to have developed a growing sense of cynicism about participating in the Panchayat development agenda.
Lower participation of WRs, especially Dalit WRs in Panchayat development agenda
is again a reflection of the multiple disabilities of gender, caste and poverty in the
region, and perhaps much of India. In most of the cases, the positions occupied by
them are actually managed by members of the family or even dominant community
Meena, a Dalit Ward Member from Sukaura Pipahari
45.5%
49.4%
55.0%
35.5%
53.7%
42.0%
44.6%
41.1%
55.8%
34.6%
12.5%
6.1%
3.9%
8.7%
11.7%
Prepare developmentplans?
Prepare budget?
Review existingschemes?
Attend communitymeetings?
Identify beneficiaries
Figure 4.4: Participation in Panchayat Development Agenda
No Don''t know Yes
58
members. Many women claimed ‘no’ participation also because their plans and
demands were not considered, and everything was decided by the Pradhan, officials
and dominant personality of major castes and communities. Thus they considered it
wastage of time (Box-2).
4.2.3 Awareness of Women Representatives
A pre-requisite to effective participation and role performance in Gram Panchayats
is the enjoyment of the rights to information and capacitation. This enables the
women to fulfill their responsibilities in accessing ‘development processes,
institutions, information and redress or complaint mechanisms’ (Mangubhai et al
2009). Therefore, the study enquired about the awareness of women representatives
on basic as well as key Panchayat provisions relevant to effective participation and
role performance as Panchayat leaders.
4.2.3.1 Awareness of Panchayat Provisions
Basic awareness of WRs
about Panchayat provisions
was assessed in terms of
five (5) basic awareness-
related questions – i). Who
the members of Gram Sabha
are, ii) Who can convene
Gram Sabha, iii). How many times Gram Sabha should at least be held in a year, iv).
How to call a special Gram Sabha, and v). Percentage of seats reserved for women in
Panchayati Raj. The results emerging from the composite awareness variable is
presented in Table 4.13.
An overwhelming majority (76.7%) of the WRs were either unaware or they didn’t
know about the basic Panchayat provisions. Only 24.2% reported in the ‘aware’
category. Unawareness of basic Panchayat provisions of WRs thus renders their
representation and participation in Gram Panchayats inconsequential. Significantly,
the low awareness of WRs of basic Panchayat provisions was reported both across
position and social category.
Table 4.13: Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions (%)
No Don't know Yes N
Ward Members 28.9 47.5 23.6 171 Dalit 31.0 46.9 22.1 87
Non-Dalit 26.7 48.1 25.2 84
Pradhans 26.0 48.0 26.0 60 Dalit 28.6 47.1 24.3 28
Non-Dalit 23.8 48.8 27.5 32
Total ERs 28.1 47.6 24.2 231 Dalit 30.4 47.0 22.6 115
Non-Dalit 25.9 48.3 25.9 116
59
The Centre for Social Research
(2009) observed that the
awareness level of Panchayat
members is very poor regarding
the importance of women’s
reservation in PRIs, as well as
regarding laws pertaining to
women, financial aspects of the Panchayat and issues to be addressed by PRI, and
this is also corroborated by the findings of the present study. The awareness of WRs
was found particularly low regarding how to call a special Gram Sabha and
provisions of women’s reservation in PRIs. A mere 4 percent of the WRs were aware
as to how to call a special Gram Sabha. However, a good 40 percent said they knew
who the members of Gram Sabha are (Figure 4.5).
Not surprisingly, knowledge of WRs on key Panchayat provisions, such as, electoral
rules for Panchayat elections, roles & responsibilities of ERs in Gram Panchayat,
development schemes at Panchayat level, Government officials dealing with such
development schemes, and sources of funds available to implement development
schemes have also been found utterly inadequate. A whopping 93.1 percent of WRs
were either unaware or they didn’t have full knowledge of ‘Key Panchayat
Provisions’ in a composite mode. In fact, the proportion of WRs having knowledge
of any of these key Panchayat provisions ranged between 5 to 11 percent only.
The main reasons behind such pathetically low awareness level of WRs on basic as
well as key Panchayat provisions lie with the low education level, especially
functional education and abysmally low participation level in Panchayat meetings
and Panchayat development agenda, coupled preoccupation of WRs with household
or livelihood earning activities. Poor educational status of WRs contributing to their
overall poor awareness level is reflected from correlation value (0.215) between
education and overall awareness of WRs, which is significant at the 0.01 level. On
the other hand, proxy representation by husbands and other male relatives, which is
10%
17%
26%
50%
38%
50%
42%
53%
45%
47%
40%
41%
21%
4%
15%
Know GS members?
Know GS convenor?
No. of GSmeetings/yr.?
How to call special GS?
Women's reservation(%) in PRI?
Figure 4.5: Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions
No Don't know Yes
60
more a rule than exception in the region, by obstructing the formal engagement of
WRs with Panchayat processes, such as attending and taking part in meetings, is not
helping WRs to improve their awareness even through ‘learning by doing’ routines
(Box-3).
Box-3
Things would improve only with the passage of time, says Panchayat Secretary
Dharmendra K Singh, Panchayat Secretary, Naugavaan Gram Panchayat, Naraini says that low level of education of WRs poses problem for them at various stages in their functioning. This problem is at both Gram Panchayat and block level. If WRs are educated their awareness would be higher and they will be less hesitant while interacting with different officials for necessary works. “Expecting uneducated WRs with rural background, especially the first timers to be aware of Panchayat rules & regulations and procedures is asking for too much. Most of these women are hapless poor housewives struggling with their daily lives. Their world is mostly limited to cooking, washing clothes, doing dishes, taking care of children, working in fields, and things like that. They are not even
aware of their rights as women. How do we expect them come to the forefront, and start interacting with Government officials without knowing much about the structures and function of Panchayats, the issues involved and procedures to be followed? Most of the WRs are apprehensive, fearful, and remain silent during Panchayat or Gram Sabha meetings; many even avoid attending Panchayat meetings. Things would improve only with the passage of time, when they become increasingly aware about procedures, rules and programmes and keen to attend meetings and become bold enough to express them and without hesitation”.
Several studies have reported on poor awareness level of WRs in other parts of the
country as well. Observing that the knowledge of WRs about PRIs was limited to
their traditional functions only, a study in Haryana (MARG, 1998) said WRs were
unaware of the new Haryana Panchayati Raj Act and the functions assigned to
Panchayats under it and also completely ignorant of the procedural aspects of
welfare schemes, and the financial powers of Panchayat bodies. Benke (2011) also
maintained that WRs in Maharashtra were unaware of their functions, duties and
responsibilities. In fact, they did not know what role they have to play in the
functioning of local government. The CWDS study (1999) however revealed a high
level of awareness about reservations, but low levels of awareness about the powers
and responsibilities of Panchayats. It also found literacy and education to be
correlated with higher levels of awareness. The positive correlation between literacy
Dharmendra K Singh, Panchayat Secretary, Naugavaan
61
and education, on the one hand, and awareness, on the other, is reinforced by data
from Tamil Nadu (Athreya, 1998) and the Garhwal region of Uttar Pradesh (Verma,
1998).
4.2.4 Role Performance of Women Representatives
Role performance of WRs is a broad concept, encapsulating various dimensions that
were analyzed in this study. The indicators used to assess the role performance of
WRs were: their role in implementation of Panchayati Raj development agenda,
community development programmes, and their interface with the Government.
These issues were further triangulated with response from the community members,
the data related to which are presented in the following sections.
5.2.4.1 Implementation of Panchayati Raj Development Agenda
Gram Panchayats are empowered as institutions of local-self-government for
planning and executing village level public works and their maintenance, ensuring
the welfare of the people of the village including health, education, communal
harmony, etc. As political functionaries, women representatives are also expected to
perform these roles.
Figure 4.6 shows the perception of the
respondents on WRs discussing
development issues in Panchayat
meetings. Nearly half (50%) of the
respondents, cutting across positions,
reported that WRs did discuss
development issues in Panchayat
meetings upon participation. The main
development issues discussed by WRs in Panchayat meetings included The main
development issues discussed by WRs included drinking water supply or repair &
maintenance of handpumps, construction/ repair of drainage, roads and school
buildings; welfare schemes such as MNREGA, old age pension, PDS; and social
issues like domestic violence, closure of liquor shops, etc.
31.6%
25.0%
35.5%
42.1%
23.4%
25.0%
17.7%
21.1%
45.0%
50.0%
46.8%
36.8%
Ward Members
Pradhans
Defeated & FormerRepresentatives
Community Members
Figure 4.6: WRs and Discussion on Development Issues in Panchayat Meetings
No Don't know Yes
62
Mangubhai et al (2009) in their study of Gujarat and Tamil Nadu observed that the
most common issues raised by women members in Panchayat meetings were
development or economic issues – inclusion in BPL lists, increasing facilities, need to
focus on the poor and Dalits or women, focus on common lands and usage by Dalits,
etc. Linked to this was neglect in the implementation of various Panchayat
programmes or services.
Implementation of key areas of Panchayati Raj development agenda was assessed in
terms of performance of WRs in – i) Making development plans for the Panchayat,
ii). Making budget proposals for the Panchayats, iii). Reviewing the existing
Panchayat schemes, and iv). Identification of beneficiaries of Government schemes.
As it appears from Table 4.14, a very
high proportion (93.4%) of the total
ERs either don’t know what the
performance of WRs is or they
perceive it as poor. Only a tiny 6.6
percent reported that performance of
WRs was good, so far as
implementation of key areas of
Panchayati Raj development agenda
is concerned. Among those who reported good performance, the proportion of
Pradhans, especially Dalit Pradhans, was more, in comparison to Ward Members.
4.2.4.2 Implementation of Community Development Programmes
One of the objectives of women empowerment through Panchayati Raj has been to
broaden the focus of development to include issues that directly concern women and
the community at large. The initiatives taken by ERs at the community level involve
providing an enabling environment for ordinary citizens, especially women, both
within and outside the household environment. To assess the constructive efforts
undertaken by WRs for the development of the village community, their perceptions
on various indicators was captured. As Figure 4.7 shows, as against 36.8 percent of
Table 4.14: Implementation of Panchayati Raj Development Agenda (%)
Poor Don't know Good N
Ward Members 51.0 43.9 5.1 171
Dalit 46.8 47.4 5.7 87
Non-Dalit 55.4 40.2 4.5 84
Pradhans 36.7 52.5 10.8 60
Dalit 42.9 43.8 13.4 28
Non-Dalit 31.3 60.2 8.6 32
Total ERs 47.3 46.1 6.6 231
Dalit 45.9 46.5 7.6 115
Non-Dalit 48.7 45.7 5.6 116
63
Community Members, nearly half
(50%) of the Pradhans and 45 percent
of the Ward Members perceived WRs
playing a role in implementation of
community development programmes.
The data on gender and social
categories also revealed a similar
trend.
The four main community development programmes in which WRs do play a role in
the region are: undertaking health-related campaigns, waging drive against diseases,
implementing family planning campaigns, and improving the enrolment of girls in
schools. To study the role performance of WRs in implementation of community
development programmes, therefore, respondents were asked four (4) distinct
questions concerning such efforts from WRs.
The results show that a quarter (25%)
of the respondent ERs, which is quite
an impressive proportion, reported
WRs to have played a ‘good’ role in
implementation of community
development programmes (Table
4.15). The proportion of WRs playing
a ‘good’ role was reported lower
(23.9%) by Dalit ERs than by Non-
Dalit ERs (26.1%). This reflects the fact that compared to Non-Dalit caste groups;
Dalits have so far been unable to reap the benefits of community development
programmes. It also calls for special arrangements to be made so that everyone
benefits from development.
Amidst the current hopelessness around role performance of WRs in the region - be
it implementation of development agenda of Panchayats or community
development programmes, there are amazing stories of success and hope as well.
Table 4.15: Implementation of Community Development Programmes (%)
Poor Don't know Good N
Ward Members 33.5 43.1 23.4 171
Dalit 36.5 40.2 23.3 87
Non-Dalit 30.4 46.1 23.5 84
Pradhans 30.0 40.4 29.6 60
Dalit 33.9 40.2 25.9 28
Non-Dalit 26.6 40.6 32.8 32
Total ERs 32.6 42.4 25.0 231
Dalit 35.9 40.2 23.9 115
Non-Dalit 29.3 44.6 26.1 116
31.6%
25.0%
35.5%
42.1%
23.4%
25.0%
17.7%
21.1%
45.0%
50.0%
46.8%
36.8%
Ward Members
Pradhans
Defeated & FormerRepresentatives
Community Members
Figure 4.7: Role of WRs in Implementation of Community Development Programmes
No Don't know Yes
64
Breaking the gender, caste, illiteracy and poverty blocks, some of the WRs have
made impressive contributions to the cause of development in their respective
Panchayats (Box-4).
Box-4
Sanjo: Fighting against the Odds and Succeeding
Born into a poor Kol tribal family in Chitrakoot district of Bundelkhand, Sanjo has toiled hard to map a better life for herself and her family. Voluntary organizations in the region helped her to make the best use of the government’s laws for the landless. Impressed with Sanjo’s courage and selfless service, the poorest families in her village wanted her to contest for the post of Pradhan in the Panchayat elections of 2005. Being a key member of the Patha Kol Adhikar Manch since 1994, she was certain to win the elections. Sanjo agreed to file her nomination from Girudha Panchayat, but feudal interests conspired with officials to get her name deleted from the electoral rolls. She had to struggle till the last moment to get her name re-entered. Sanjo won the elections with a big margin. Living and working in a feudal, dacoit-infested area, she overcame strong blocks and speeded up development work.
As Pradhan, Sanjo has paid special attention to distribution of land and housing plots for the weaker sections. Helped by other Panchayat members, she has taken up check dam projects and ensured pension to the elderly. During Panchayat elections in 2010, this seat was no longer reserved for women and several feudal interests had ganged up to defeat her. However, in the face of such heavy odds, Sanjo managed to win the election for the post of Pradhan once again.
But Sanjo is an exception. Her life has been one of courageous and determined struggle against adverse circumstances. ‘I have been working since the day I was conscious’, she says. Along with her brothers she used to work for eight months in a year in stone quarries, returning home during Holi. After she got married and her husband left her to live with another woman, Sanjo brought up her daughter on her own. She helped set up self help groups, and along the way, learnt to ride a motorcycle and a tractor.’ Today, Sanjo thanks the local voluntary organisation ABSSS for helping her in difficult times and adds, ‘Now our village is threatened by displacement in the name of wildlife protection. We need to establish wider unity to protect our villages’
4.2.4.3 Interface with the Government
Interaction with Govt. Functionaries
An attempt was also made to investigate the extent to which WRs interact with the
local bureaucracy, line departments, and how much do they monitor Government
schemes and functioning of officials while carrying out their duties as intermediaries
between the people and the Government.
Data shows that nearly 49 percent of the Ward Members and 46.7 percent of the
Pradhans believe that WRs interact with Government functionaries, such as ANMs,
Anganwadis, block officials, police and the local leaders (MLA, MP, etc), given the
Sanjo, Pradhan, Girudhan
65
executive powers vested with
them, especially with Pradhans.
Significantly, both at the Pradhan
and Ward Member level, Dalit ERs
reported a higher interaction with
Government functionaries than
their Non-Dalit counterparts
(Table 4.16). A higher proportion
of Dalit WRs approaching Govt. functionaries indicates they are gradually
establishing networks to increase their information on Panchayat schemes and
administration, obtain advice and help on issues, and negotiate for schemes and
funds to implement development schemes for their constituencies.
Box-5
Prevalent gender norms preventing interaction
Mrs. Reena, 45, a social activist from Banda, says that WRs are still hesitant to interact with government officials and line departments due to a large number of proxy representation and prevalent gender norms. Usually, it is their husbands or male relatives who speak on their behalf and their role, if at all, is merely to deliver petitions drafted by other to the officials or the concerned line departments. Almost all WRs are escorted by husbands or male relatives, or other Panchayat members to meet with officials and line departments. WRs feel they should not or cannot go just because they do not feel comfortable or confident enough to interact with government officials and line departments, and because officials are mostly men.
Compared to Non-Dalit WRs, according to Mrs. Reena, Dalit WRs are not so much bothered by the patriarchal obstacles in the region, and this reflects not only in their comparatively higher participation in Panchayat meetings, but also in higher interaction level with Government officials and line departments. The trend is partly also due to the fact that most of the rural development programs have special provisions for Dalits. Compared to Dalit WRs, Non-Dalit WRs don’t know much about the government schemes and the procedures to get them implemented.
Among the five categories of Government functionaries, WRs interacted most
frequently with ANMs (89%), followed by Anganwadi Workers (84%) and block
officials (32%). Interestingly, it was lowest in the case of local police (10%), followed
by local leaders (21%) and blocks officials (32%). Corroborating the trend, the
Panchayati Raj study (2008) also observed that almost 70 percent of the ERs regularly
Table 4.16: Interaction with Government Functionaries (%)
No Don't know Yes N
Ward Members 40.6 10.4 49.0 171
Dalit 25.3 15.4 59.3 87
Non-Dalit 56.4 5.2 38.3 84
Pradhans 46.7 6.7 46.7 60
Dalit 35.0 8.6 56.4 28
Non-Dalit 56.9 5.0 38.1 32
Total ERs 42.2 9.4 48.4 231
Dalit 27.7 13.7 58.6 115
Non-Dalit 56.6 5.2 38.3 116
66
interacted with ANMs in one way or the other. There was however a significant
difference between the Pradhan and the Ward Members in terms of interaction, with
a much higher proportion of Pradhans (88%) reporting that they interacted with the
ANM as compared to 65 percent of Ward Members.
Interaction with Line Departments
Besides the Government functionaries,
WRs also need to interact with local line
departments for various departmental
issues. But WRs are often shy and lack
confidence. Not surprisingly, therefore,
only 15 percent of the WRs have been
reported to have interaction with line
departments. The proportion of Dalit WRs
(both Ward Members and Pradhans)
interacting with line departments was much higher than that of their Non-Dalit
counterparts, suggesting that Dalit WRs are more proactive in these matters.
Patriarchy and associated stereotypes in the region don’t haunt Dalit WRs as much
as they do Non-Dalit WRs (Box-5).
Lower interaction of WRs with line departments is not confined to any particular
department, but it appears to be an all pervasive or a department neutral
phenomenon. The highest interaction was reported from Animal Husbandry
Department (19%), followed by Electricity Department (16%), Irrigation Department
(13%) and Forest Department (12%).
Monitoring of Govt. Schemes/ Functioning of Officials
WRs are expected to play the role of change agents and facilitate the development
processes in their villages through effective monitoring of Government schemes and
functioning of Government officials as well. Data reveals that nearly 31.8 percent of
the respondents perceived WRs were engaged in monitoring of govt. schemes and
Table 4.17: Interaction with Line Departments (%)
No Don't know
Yes N
Ward Members 77.3 7.6 15.1 171
Dalit 64.1 11.2 24.7 87
Non-Dalit 91.1 3.9 5.1 84
Pradhans 74.2 10.8 15.0 60
Dalit 64.3 10.7 25.0 28
Non-Dalit 82.8 10.9 6.3 32
Total ERs 76.5 8.4 15.0 231
Dalit 64.1 11.1 24.8 115
Non-Dalit 88.8 5.8 5.4 116
67
functioning of government officials at
Panchayat level. Dalit ERs, both at the
Pradhan and Ward Members level,
reported a higher (35.7%) monitoring of
Government schemes and functioning of
Government officials by WRs than their
Non-Dalit counterparts. Among the
studied Government Schemes,
monitoring was reportedly highest in
case of Mid-day Meal Scheme (49%), followed by the functioning of school teachers
(35%), PDS (25%) and MNREGA (19%).
A higher proportion of Dalit WRs (as compared to Non-Dalit WRs) interacted with
the Government in the region in respect of all three interface variables, namely,
interaction with Government functionaries, interaction with line departments, and
monitoring of Government schemes/ functioning of officials definitely gives the
hope that these interactions would strengthen participation of Dalit WRs in
Panchayats, and their responsiveness to people’s needs.
Table 4.18: Monitoring of Govt. Schemes/ Functioning of Officials (%)
No Don't know
Yes N
Ward Members 57.6 9.1 33.3 171 Dalit 50.0 12.4 37.6 87 Non-Dalit 65.5 5.7 28.9 84 Pradhans 58.8 13.8 27.5 60 Dalit 53.6 17.0 29.5 28 Non-Dalit 63.3 10.9 25.8 32 Total ERs 57.9 10.3 31.8 231 Dalit 50.9 13.5 35.7 115
Non-Dalit 64.9 7.1 28.0 116
58
25
36 38
5
28
48
15
32
Interaction with Govt. functionaries Interaction with line Depts. Monitoring of Govt. schemes
Figure 4.8: Interface with Government by Social Categories (%)
Dalits Non-Dalit Total
68
4.3. NATURE AND EXTENT OF WOMEN EMPOWERMENT
Representation in political decision-making bodies and the empowerment of
marginalized groups are two quite distinct concepts and so is the specific nature of
political representation and political participation (Hust 2004). However, there is no
denying the fact that women’s reservation under PRI has opened up the spaces
where women can acquire the necessary expertise that historically has been denied
to them. It is important therefore to focus on the effect the representation through
reservation on the extent of women empowerment in the region.
4.3.1 Extent of Women Empowerment
To study the extent of women empowerment in rural Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh,
Likert scale was used in the interview schedule under five (5) key empowerment
variables - i). Gender equality, ii). Social equality, iii). Decision making ability, iv).
Financial autonomy and v). Personality development. While gender equality had
nineteen (19) distinct questions related to empowerment – four (4) child-related
concerns and five (5) each for domestic workload, social practices, and marriage &
family life issues; social equality had four (4), decision making had five (5), financial
autonomy had four (4), and personality development had eight (8) distinct questions
related to women empowerment. Altogether 40 questions were used to measure
women empowerment in the study region. Each question had a ranking of 1 to 5.
The score value of the respondents to consider their perception on women
empowerment in rural Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh was - 40 to 94 (low
empowerment level), 95 to 147 (moderate empowerment level), and 148 to 200 (high
empowerment level).
As shown in Table 4.19, the majority of the respondents (63.1%) reported low
women empowerment level, while the rest, 36.6 and 0.3 percent, reported medium
and high women empowerment level, respectively. As compared to 68.3 percent of
the interviewed Pradhans, only 61.4 percent of the Ward Members thought that
women empowerment was low. An analysis of the gender differences vis-à-vis
women empowerment shows that male respondents perceived women to be slightly
69
less empowered than their female counterparts. The proportion of male respondents
who perceived low women empowerment level was 60 percent, in comparison to
64.5 percent for women respondents. Moreover, in comparison to literate
respondents (ranging between 57.8% to 60.9%), a higher proportion of illiterate
respondents (69%) reported low women empowerment level in the region.
Table 4.19: Extent of Women Empowerment in Rural Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh (%)
Low Moderate High Total
By Gender
Women 64.5 35.1 0.4 259
Men 60.0 40.0 0.0 110
By Position
Ward Members 61.4 38.0 0.6 171
Pradhans 68.3 31.7 0.0 60
Defeated & Former Representatives
66.1 33.9 0.0 62
Community Members 60.5 39.5 0.0 76
By Education
Illiterate 69.0 31.0 0.0 168
Class 1 to7 57.8 41.2 1.0 102
Class 8 to 10 56.6 43.4 0.0 53
Class 11 & above 60.9 39.1 0.0 46
Total 63.1 36.6 0.3 369
4.3.2 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Demographic Variables
Table 4.20 shows the correlation between demographic variables, age, education,
and annual income of the respondents. The correlation value (r) between age and
women empowerment is -.023, and it is statistically non-significant.
Table 4.20: Correlation of Women Empowerment with Demographic Variables
Age Education Annual Income Women Empowerment
Age 1
Education -.062 1
Annual Income .094 .186** 1
Women Empowerment -.023 .165** .107* 1 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
The correlation value between education of the respondents and women
empowerment in rural Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh is 0.165, and it is significant at
the 0.01 level. In other words, across higher educational level, women empowerment
70
increases. On the other hand, the correlation value between monthly income of the
respondents and women empowerment is 0.107 and it is significant at 0.05 level. In
other words, when income increases, women empowerment also increases. This is
understandable, because when income increases, the status of the respondents, the
vast majority of which are women, moves higher on the ladder, and consequently
women empowerment also goes up.
4.3.2.1 Association between Social Category and Women Empowerment
Table 4.21 brings out the association between social category and women
empowerment. Here the null hypothesis is that there is no association between social
category and women empowerment. As the p value is 0.00 which is less than <0.01,
the null hypothesis is rejected and it is concluded that there is statistically significant
relationship between social category and women empowerment.
Table 4.21: Social Category and Women Empowerment Low Moderate High N
SC 137 (75.3%) 45 (24.7%) 0 (0.0%) 182 (100%) 37.1% 12.2% 0.0% 49.3%
OBC 79 (52.7%) 70 (46.7%) 1 (0.7%) 150 (100%) 21.4% 19.0% 0.3% 40.7%
General 17 (45.9%) 20 (54.1%) 0 (0.0%) 37 (100%) 4.6% 5.4% 0.0% 10.0%
Total 233 (63.1%) 135 (36.6%) 1 (0.3%) 369 (100%) 2 = 24.293, df = 4 and p = .000
The proportion of Dalit or SC respondents who reported low level of women
empowerment in the region was higher (75.3%) than that of OBC (52.7%) and
General Category (45.9%) respondents. On the other hand, the proportion of Dalits
who reported women empowerment level as moderate was substantially lower
(24.7%) than that of OBC (46.7%) and General Category (54.1%) respondents. This
means that the sense of disempowerment among Dalit women is more pronounced.
While women empowerment was hardly viewed cutting across social categories,
almost half of the OBC and General Category respondents somehow felt women to
be moderately empowered in the overall rural set-up.
71
Box-6
Women Empowerment: The Gulabi Gang Style
As one travels deeper into Bundelkhad region of Uttar Pradesh, the much hyped figures of the growing Indian economy become meaningless. Bundelkhand is a highly caste ridden and male dominated society which refuses to educate its women, suppresses them, and marries them off too early. Marginalized, exploited, often victims of violence and abuse, these women bear the brunt of poverty and discrimination. But there is hope too. In this invisible corner of our country, women have taken their cause into their own hands. The Gulabi Gang (Pink Gang) is an outfit of more than 40,000 women who fight injustice and corruption at a grassroots level. Sampal Pal is the leader of the Gulabi (Pink) Gang. This feisty crusader for the poor and the downtrodden believes in speaking loudly and carrying a big stick to fight against corrupt official and men who abuse women. Sampat Pal says, “Ï salute Gandhiji. He was the father of our nation. But times have changed and my style is different. I am Sampat Pal. I do what I think is right”. Gang members seem to relish the chance to hit back.
The Gang’s vigilante tactics have included attacking police and publicly humiliating a district magistrate. “Why do I have to take laws into my hands? I will tell you. Because the Government doesn’t obey its own laws. Police and Government officials take bribes. Now people look up to me and don’t go to police. Sampat can do what police can’t. That is why people respect me”, she says. Perhaps it is no surprise that a women’s vigilante group has sprung up in Banda district of Uttar Pradesh, which is one of the poorest and most feudal parts of India. Around 20 percent of the population in Banda is born into the bottom of the caste ladder which dictates where they can work, who they can marry and even, where they can bathe. Above all, it’s women who bear the brunt of the discrimination. Sampat Pal herself is an illiterate and low caste. She was married of at 12 and had her first child at 15. She says, she was angered by a world in which people are considered untouchable. She says, “It makes me angry. How can people hate another human being? They don’t even hate dog piss. If a dog pisses near the water where they are worshipping, they still drink the water. But they hate touching a human being. That’s why I had to do this. I have always argues and fought since childhood”. This former health worker spent years working quietly behind the scene with local women. It was only when they adopted a uniform and threatened violence in 2006 that they were finally taken seriously.
The Gulabi Gang has only resorted to violence on a handful of occasions. Sampat says, “Most people now see reason. It’s quite straightforward. First, we simply approach people with our requests. Please do what we ask. If that’s wrong, don’t do it. If it’s right, then do what I ask. But those who have been dishonest and are taking bribes, they are not able to help us. So, when I know that my request has not been considered, I go there once, twice. If they still don’t listen, I hit them with lathi”. Tackling corruption is just a small part of what Sampat Pal does. Everyday
women come to her for help. Sometimes they are victims of domestic violence. Sampat takes up their case with local police. Others are mostly victims of their in-laws. Sampat frequently steps in to sort out such quarrels, acting as the judge, the jury and sometimes also as a property surveyor. Although she has fought with the police and still faces criminal charges for her vigilante attacks, Sampat tries to stay on the good side of the law. She figures “it is more effective to shame the authority in doing the right thing than to make headlines by beating them up”. But the headlines have also helped. As time passes by, many more women in this backward region of India are joining the ranks of Gulabi Gang, hoping that someday life will be a little better, that there would be food, water, employment and equality. One is not sure if this would ever be achieved in totality or how long it will take. But realized or unrealized, this is a cause worth fighting for!
Sampat Pal, Leader of Gulabi Gang
72
4.3.3 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Awareness, Participation,
Performance and Interface Variables
The correlation value (r) between women empowerment and awareness of
Panchayat provisions is 0.113, and it is statistically significant at 0.05 level (Table
4.22). On the other hand, the correlation values of women empowerment with
participation in Gram Panchayat, performance in Gram Panchayat and interface
with Government variables are 0.153, 0.279 and 0.270, respectively, and these are all
statistically significant at the 0.01 level. It is also to be noted that all these four
variables have positive correlation with women empowerment. Therefore, it is
interpreted that as the awareness of Panchayat provisions of women representatives;
their participation and performance in Gram Panchayats; and interaction with
Government functionaries & departments increase, women empowerment in the
region also increases.
Table 4.22: Correlation of Women Empowerment with Awareness, Participation, Performance and Interface with Government
Awareness of Panchayat
Provisions
Participation in Gram
Panchayat
Performance in Gram
Panchayat
Interface with
Govt.
Women Empowerment
Awareness of Panchayat Provisions
1
Participation in Gram Panchayat
.082 1
Performance in Gram Panchayat
.402** -.018 1
Interface with Government
.021 -.139** .298** 1
Women Empowerment
.113* .153** .279** .270** 1
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
4.3.4 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related
Variables
Table 4.23 brings out the correlation between women empowerment and
empowerment related variables. Five empowerment related variables, namely,
gender equality, social equality, decision making, financial autonomy, and
personality development have been identified and studied. Women empowerment is
the combined variable resulting from the interplay of these variables.
73
Box-7
Reasons for low women empowerment level are many: Raja Bhaiya
Based in Ataraa, Banda, Raja Bhaiya, 45 year, is a tireless social activist fighting for the rights of the poor and the downtrodden, including women in Bundelkhand. He says, a woman giving birth to baby girls is considered a curse in the region. She is invariably ridiculed and teased by the society as ‘nipurti’, i.e., a woman incapable to bear a son, the ‘actual inheritor’ of the family traditions and property. The overall environment is quite hostile to women and girls. Women and girls are still considered a weaker sex. They are uneducated, insecure, and bereft of dignity and self-esteem. There are restrictions on their movement. They are not free to go to schools and colleges and be educated and independent. As a result, women are still confined within the four walls of their homes. Gender equality is a distant dream. Women
and girls have been allocated specialized work and duties. They simply need to cook food, do dishes, wash clothes and be in home.
There is hardly any change noticeable in the traditional roles and responsibilities of girls and women. The mental make-up of the people is still traditional and highly patriarchal. The rampant crimes against women and girls make the situation even worse. There are frequent incidences of abduction, rapes and a host of other crimes reported in the region, which further force women to remain within the confines of their home. Recently, a 17 year girl studying in Class-XI in one of the villages of Atarra (Gramin), Panchayat, was enticed by a group of people and taken away, never to return back and heard. The parents of the girl ran from pillar to post, made repeated visits to the police station and to all those who mattered, but to no avail. The girl still remains untraced since the last six months or so. In another instance, a girl from Naugavan Gram Panchayat, who was going to her field early in the morning carrying breakfast for her father, was forcibly abducted and serially raped by a group of boys in one of the nearby fields. A lot of hue and cry was made; some killings also took place but the police refused to register a case against the accused as they were influential, belonging to the upper caste. On the contrary, the parents of the girl are still languishing in the jail. These kinds of episodes in the region, wherein school going girls become either untraceable on her way to school or abducted and raped, play badly with the minds of the people in sending their daughters to schools and colleges and giving them the space they deserve.
As expected, all the five empowerment related variables have high positive
correlation with women empowerment. In all the cases, the value of correction
coefficient is more than 0.9, which is very high. This is mainly because – these are the
very factors which make up women empowerment. Among the five variables,
gender equality has the highest correlation with women empowerment (r=0.991),
followed by decision making (r=0.954), financial autonomy (r=0.954), social equality
(r=0.942), and personality development (r=0.902), and these are all statistically
significant at the 0.01 level.
Raja Bhaiya, Secretary, Vidya Dham Samiti
74
Table 4.23: Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related Variables
Gender Equality
Social
Equality Decision Making
Financial Autonomy
Personality Development
Women Empowerment
Gender Equality
1
Social Equality
.926** 1
Decision Making
.928** .904** 1
Financial Autonomy
.934** .882** .930** 1
Personality Development
.871** .801** .816** .839** 1
Women Empowerment
.991** .942** .954** .954** .902** 1
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)
Box-8
Who will take care of home, asks Rajeshwari Pal
Rajeshwari Pal is a 45 year old OBC Mahila (Women) Pradhan from Palhari Gram Panchayat. It is in Naraini Block, Banda. She is one of the very few Mahila Pradhans who has at least no hesitation in talking about Panchayat issues. As one arrived at her house, all the onlookers, including her daughter told that Pradhan was away – had gone to the Block. Only when told that we actually wanted to meet her mother, the real Pradhan, one was allowed to get in and have conversation with her. Rajeshwari clearly told that when meetings were held in the village, it was her husband who attended them. Only when meetings are held at Block or district
headquarters, she attends them, though always accompanied by her husband, who is a two-time former Pradhan from the same Panchayat. “He (her husband) understands Panchayat matters better, so what is wrong in taking help? If I attend all meetings, who will take care of home”, she asks.
One of the most important reasons of the low women empowerment level in rural
Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh is the widespread gender inequality practiced in the
region or rather lack of gender equality. Despite the increased representation of
women in Gram Panchayats, gender equality – be it child-related concerns, domestic
workload, social practices or marriage and family life issues, still remains a dream
(Box-7 & 8). The subordinate position of women to men in Bundelkhand, which
manifests itself in the deeply unequal sharing of the burden of adversities between
women and men, restricts their financial autonomy and decision making ability as
well, which turn further disempowers them.
Rajeshwari Pal, Pradhan, Palhari
75
Box-9
Registration of land and properties in women’s name increasing: Bhola Prasad
Mr. Bhola Prasad, a Dalit Lekhpal with over 40 years of experience, operates in Turra Gram Panchayat,. He too blames WRs - their illiteracy and ignorance of Panchayat issues for their predicament. When asked what positive changes has he witnessed in the status of women over the last 40 years or so in the region, he says – now a days, more and more land and properties are being registered in the names of women members of the family in place of male members in villages – just to avail concession in registration charges, which is good for rural women. It has helped in breaking down the gender barrier, allowing women to enjoy property rights more and more. It has provided an enormous opportunity for women from marginalized communities to bargain for their rights and those of their fellow women.
Unless a concerted effort is made to get rid of traditional values & norms, and
address the all pervasive problem of gender inequality, women empowerment
through representation and participation of women in Panchayati Raj would remain
elusive. The required reforms must recognize that empowerment cannot be viewed
in isolation; efforts to realize other enabling rights – especially the rights to
education and information, alongside the right to equality within the family and in
society – must be integrated with efforts to ensure women’s enjoyment of their right
to participation.
Bhola Prasad, Lekhpal, Turra Gram Panchayat
76
4.4. BLOCKS TO WOMEN REPRESENTATIVES
There are a variety of reasons as to why women, despite their representation
through quotas, do not effectively participate and perform in Gram Panchayats.
Therefore, while analyzing women empowerment in Bundelkhand region of Uttar
Pradesh, it is important to understand the factors that blocks WRs, either as Ward
Members or Pradhans, in effectively participating and performing in Gram
Panchayats. It would enable us to observe the broader trend at the Gram Panchayat
level.
Box-10
Males don’t let women to come to the forefront
“The main reason for low women empowerment level is the overwhelming dominance of males in the society, who don’t let women to come to the forefront. It’s always males who are at the forefront in taking all decisions at
the village and family levels”, says Suresh Kumar, a young grassroots social activist aspiring to be a Pradhan from the Atrarra (Rural) Gram Panchayat someday. Atarra (Rural) Gram Panchayat has a total 30,000 population and 20,000 voters. Nine (9) out of fifteen (15) Ward Members are women here. Currently, it has a woman Pradhan as well. “But except once, I have never been able to either see or meet her. She is always confined within home. It is her husband, who himself has been a two-time former Pradhan, who is addressed as Pradhan and does all Panchayat work on her behalf. If you ask, she herself would say – Pradhanji is not home or has gone to Banda or somewhere else, as the case may be. Pradhanji (her husband) had never worked for the villagers, nor does he work for the benefit of the villagers now. A Dabang belonging to the OBC community, he has all along been feudal in nature and manages votes in the name of the community. His main
aim is to exploit the fellow villagers and make money for him. Therefore, the social welfare schemes earmarked for the poor and the needy have been unable to reach and benefit them. For instance, electricity, a public good, which should be available to all cutting across communities and castes, is not available to Dalits in the village. Only Dabangs have the exclusive electricity connections here. Pradhanji believes, if Dalits start getting all the benefits, including electricity connections, he would lose his overall grip and Dalits wouldn’t bow down to Dabangs anymore. By not allowing Dalits the benefits of development, he wants to continue his hegemony over the poor and Dalits. The same is the case with the status of women in the village”. Thus despite the presence of women representatives in Panchayats through mandatory women’s reservation, women empowerment has not taken place in the region. Their condition remains the same as before.
The study asked a range of questions in Likert scale format on blocks or obstacles
faced by women to act as Panchayat representatives. These could be classified into
four (4) broad categories – i). Socio-economic blocks, ii). Patriarchy-related blocks,
iii). Proxy or surrogate related blocks, and iv). Caste-related blocks. While socio-
economic blocks contained five (5) socio-economic-related questions; patriarchy or
gender-related blocks had nine (9); proxy or surrogate-related blocks had five (5);
Suresh Kumar, social activist
77
and caste-related blocks contained four (4) distinct questions. Altogether twenty-
three (23) questions were used to study blocks to WRs in the region.
Data shows that women are perceived to have been facing formidable blocks in
terms of all the above cited categories of blocks – socio-economic, patriarchy-related,
proxy-related and caste-related blocks in effective participation and performance as
Panchayat representatives. Whatever be the category, more than 87 percent of the
respondents, cutting across gender, position and social category, said these blocks
played the serious spoil sport.
Table 4.24: Blocks to Women Representatives (%)
Proxy Socio-Economic Patriarchy Caste N
Ward Members 87.7 90.8 96.1 98.1 171
Dalit 87.6 89.7 95.1 99.1 87
Non-Dalit 87.8 92.0 97.0 97.0 84
Pradhans 87.5 93.3 93.8 97.5 60
Dalit 87.5 88.4 90.2 97.3 28
Non-Dalit 87.5 97.7 96.9 97.7 32
Total ERs 87.7 91.5 95.5 97.9 231
Dalit 87.6 89.3 93.9 98.7 115
Non-Dalit 87.7 93.5 97.0 97.2 116
Caste-related blocks emerged as the most formidable block (97.9%), followed by
patriarchy-related (95.5%), socio-economic-related (91.5%), and proxy-related blocks
(87.7%) to the emergence and advancement of women as Panchayat representatives
(Table 4.24). There was not much disparity in the perceptions of Pradhans and Ward
Members, and Dalit and Non-Dalit ERs on the gravity of the blocks faced by WRs.
4.4.1 Caste-related Blocks
Any study of participation and performance of WRs and women empowerment
cannot be separated from caste and class considerations. Different Indian women are
subordinated in different ways, with caste and class being key factors which transect
gender. Moreover, caste and class are commonly acknowledged to coverage as a
result of historical systemic discrimination against ‘lower’ caste groups and denial of
economic and knowledge resources to them (Verma 2002). In other words, in a
hierarchical society, where the social structure is itself based on social exclusion
arising from caste inequality, caste becomes a key factor in understanding how
78
participation and performance of WRs, especially those from the marginalized
sections, results in women empowerment.
The modern democratic system of governance rests upon a social system in which
caste, kinship and community relationships are given high value, and where the
exercise of power on behalf, and for the benefit of one’s caste group is expected
(Kumar, N and Rai, M 2006). Any change to socio-political structures and
transformation of governance is resisted, even to the point of violence. This
opposition has manifested itself in terms of a sharp increase in violent manifestations
of casteism in local communities ever since the local government system was
strengthened through the Constitutional Amendments. When the PRIs have been
seen by the upper castes as the tool for the lower castes to assert their rights as
individuals living in a democratic polity, the latter have become targets of caste
based discrimination and violence (Mathew 2002).
As Table 4.24 shows, an overwhelming 97.9 percent of the respondents admitted
WRs faced caste-related blocks in Gram Panchayats. Only a marginal gap was
noticed in the perceptions of Pradhans and Ward Members and those of Dalit and
Non-Dalit respondents on this issue, with more Ward Members (98.1%) and Dalit
ERs (98.7%) reporting caste-related blocks to WRs than Pradhans (97.5%) and Non-
Dalit ERs (97.2%), respectively. This suggests that the all pervasive nature of caste-
related blocks is acknowledged by one and all, including Non-Dalits.
Caste-related blocks were analyzed in terms of questions on use of caste offensive
language against Dalit WRs, prohibition on sitting on chairs alongside non-Dalit
representatives and drinking water or tea from the vessels used by dominant caste
representatives. Among these, the first and the fourth blocks, namely, caste offensive
language and prohibition on drinking water from the vessel used by dominant caste
representatives, with hundred percent acceptance, appear to be the most important
blocks or constraints, followed closely by prohibition on sitting chairs alongside non-
Dalit representatives and physical violence against them (Figure 4.9).
79
Caste-related blocks throw up a
number of challenges before
Dalit WRs. The first challenge
relates to the legal ambiguity in
respect of powers and functions
given to the Panchayats as they
have not been clearly demarcated
and defined in the Uttar Pradesh
Panchayat Laws (Amendment) Act, 1994. This ambiguity has created confusion
among the ERs about their powers and functions. Second, caste prejudices have
become a stumbling block for Dalit women to exert effectively as Panchayat
representatives. There have been instances of not allowing Dalit women
representatives to discharge their legitimate functions. A number of such cases have
come to light from Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh as well.
Box-11
Household matters are most important for ladies: Indra Pal, a Dalit Pradhan-Pati
Indra Pal, 33 yrs, is a Dalit Pradhan Pati (husband of the women Pradhan) from Sukaura Gram Panchayat, which is in Kabrai Block of Mahoba district. His wife, 30 yrs old Prabha Pal is a first time Pradhan. She is very much willing to deal with Panchayat issues, learn how Pradhans function and what functions he performs. In fact, this is something which came out very strongly in our first round interaction with her during the initial data collection period. Unfortunately, Indra Pal, her husband, doesn’t approve of her interest in Panchayat matters. We could clearly sense that she was very much there in home, but Indra Pal would say, she had gone out for a wedding and would return next day only. In his words, “She would love to move around and do things she likes to do. But as a husband, I don’t think it proper that ’mehraaroos’ (wives) should be allowed to deviate away from household chores. A woman has many constrains in a village set-up. She cannot talk freely and she has to be under veil in front of the elders. Besides, household matters are most important for ladies”.
4.4.2 Patriarchy-related Blocks
Among many constraints, the socio-structural parameters of the ideology of
patriarchy continue to serve to block and control the thoughts, movements, and live
of WRs. Being a heavily patriarchal - male-dominated, male-identified, and male-
Physical violence
Prohibition on same chair sitting
Caste offensive language
Prohibition on drinking water fromsame vessel
93%
99%
100%
100%
Figure 4.9: Caste Blocks to Women Representatives
Indra Pal, a Dalit Pradhan-Pati from Sukaura, Mahoba
80
centered- society that Bundelkhand region is, women’s lives, including those of WRs
are rather harsh. They are often denied to participate in the public life and important
issues associated with Panchayat politics have been an area of men. Nearly 95.5
percent of the respondent ERs reported patriarchy-related factors as stumbling
blocks to WRs. Interestingly; this was reported more by Ward Members (96.1%) than
Pradhans (93.8%) and Non-Dalit representatives (97%) than Dalit representatives
(93.9%).
Box-12
Gender discrimination still pervasive: Babita Gupta, Asha Bahu
Babita Gupta is a 30 year old Asha Bahu from the OBC category, working in Mahotra Gram Panchayat. Asha Bhaus ( are usually employed from the same village, and they are expected to take care of the health of women and children, especially that of pregnant women and their kids, giving them advice, nutrients, supplements, admitting them to nearby Government hospitals for safe delivery and things like that. “Frequent interaction with women Panchayat representatives and other village women is part of my job-profile. I do go out and inform them about pregnancy, child care, immunization, sanitation, diseases, and a whole lot of other things. Most of the parents have started to understand the importance of immunizing their kids, so immunization has picked up. But gender discrimination is still pervasive. Ladkan sab bimaar pad jaihan to jyaada chintaa hot hai. Ladkiyan to fhir bhee chal jaat hai (people are still more concerned about the health of a male child, as compared to that of a girl child)”, she shares. Describing vividly how the preference for son is still predominant in rural Bundelkhand, she says “Sometimes even ANMs (Auxiliary Nurse Midwife) help women to abort their fetus, if they fear that the next child would still be a daughter. Last year, a five month-old pregnant woman died when one
of the ANMs in a nearby village tried to abort the five month old-fetus of a woman in home and landed up in jail. The incident was widely reported in news papers as well”.
Patriarchy-related blocks to WRs
were examined by putting out
nine (9) questions on need to take
permission of husbands or family
members to attend meetings,
talking to unrelated persons, be
accompanied by husbands or
family members to meetings, dual
responsibility (child, family and home care), and unequal gender norms and practices at
play, such as, minor presence of women in Panchayat meetings, unwillingness of
Babita Gupta, Asha Bahu, Mahrotra
Character assassination
Dominating MRs
Talking to unrelated persons
Unwilling govt. officials
Minor presence of women in meetings
Permission to attend meetings
Veil in meetings
Dual responsibility
Accompanied to meetings
55%
70%
92%
92%
94%
95%
97%
98%
99%
Figure 4.10: Patriarchy Blocks to Women Representatives
81
Government officials to listen to WRs, their character assassination, and dominating
presence of MRs. Out of these, the requirement of WRs to be accompanied in
meetings by their husbands or family members was reported as the most important
block. Nearly 99 percent of the respondents replied in affirmative, when asked if it
was indeed a block to WRs in Bundelkhand. In fact, travelling long distances to
attend Panchayat meetings is still perceived as something women cannot do
unescorted. Hence, it is not unusual to find WRs being accompanied by husbands or
other family members, usually male.
Dual responsibility also emerged as an equally important patriarchal block, as
reported by almost 98 percent of the respondents. This means that WRs do have
heavy work load with dual responsibility for child/family/home care and
Panchayat work. They have to face frequent questions as to ‘who will make the
chapatis?’ and ‘who will look after the children? Co-operative arrangements within
the home, with domestic responsibilities being cheerfully shared by husbands or
family members are not common in the region.
Box-13
Gopi: The story of an abandoned girl child
One of the ugliest forms of discrimination against girl child in the region is to abandon her after birth. Gopi, an 18 year old girl from Atarra, Banda, is a living example of this horrible, yet widespread crime. On a chilly night of September 1996, Bimla (name changed), a lady with three grown up children, two daughters and a son, woke-up from the heart-rending screams of a baby coming from a marshy area not far away from her home. When the screams became louder, she made her son wake-up and asked to see what the matter was. Her son, not wanting to be disturbed at mid-night, opined that it must be the handiwork of some ghost! Otherwise, who could cry in such a manner at such an odd hour, when there was no baby around in the neighbourhood? Not convinced with the response, Bimla decided to venture out and check on her own. As she came out and followed the screams, she quickly found Gopi - then a newborn baby girl wrapped in a piece of
muddy cloth in a sewerage line behind her house and crying for help. The body bore bruised marks all over. There was also mud all around the body. Guided by her motherly instinct, Bimla took the baby girl to her home, gave her the much needed warmth and got her treated against some serious forms of infections and cold she had caught. Despite her modest means, and opposition from family members, Bimla took it upon her to raise Gopi as one of her own daughters. Today, Gopi is a healthy, 18 year old beautiful girl with lots of hope and dreams in her eyes. She is in Class-10 and wants to continue her studies. She is indeed fortunate to have had a mother like Bimla, who has taken such a good care of her. But thousands of other abandoned girl children in Bundelkhand are not so fortunate, who almost invariably either die or end up vagabonds.
Gopi with her foster mother
82
The adverse impact of patriarchy-related blocks also gets reflected in lack of
information, negotiating skills and self-confidence of WRs as compared to that of
MRs. These are the factors which obstruct their active participation and role
performance in Gram Panchayats. This enables men, with better education and
understanding of the Panchayat process, to dominate Panchayat proceedings, garner
support for themselves and direct decision-making to their advantage. Much of this
is an outcome of discrimination coupled with women’s lack of education, previous
Panchayat experience and social capital. Needless to say, education and literacy link
to women’s access to information and understanding of Panchayat functions and
resources. This could be further bolstered by capacity building training programmes,
which facilitate women’s awareness of their rights and duties in the Panchayats, and
equip them with skills to participate in decision making. Social capital – that is,
associational activity in the public sphere among women – serves as another
enabling factor in women’s active citizenship, access to information and effective
participation and role performance. Building social capital is pertinent for rural
women in particular, as they generally have less social capital than men due to social
norms that restrict their associational activity outside of their family.
Box-14
Munni Devi: a disempowered woman in veil
A number of women standing from reserved seats in the region get elected unopposed. Munni Devi, 40 years of age, is one of the many such ’elected unopposed’ Ward Members. Belonging to the OBC community from Kachhiyan Purva Gram Panchayat, she has 5 children, all sons. She is totally illiterate, cannot even sign. Throughout the interaction with her, she kept herself wrapped under the veil, and did not utter a word. It was her 12 year old son, who did all the talking. “My father attends Panchayat meetings whenever required. Mother stays home and cooks food for us. She remains ill most of the time. How can she be expected to go to the meetings”, he asked.
Munni Devi,, Ward Member, Kachhiyan Purva
83
4.4.3 Socio-Economic Blocks
Of all the respondent ERs interviewed 91.5 percent said WRs faced socio-economic
problems in participating and performing in Gram Panchayats. However, this was
stated more often in the case of Pradhans than Ward Members and by Non-Dalit
representatives than Dalit representatives. Perhaps this indicates towards the fact
that Non-Dalit women in a feudal rural set up in Bundelkhand have also formidable
blocks to overcome as they are always expected to act and behave in a certain
manner, both before and after marriage, in conformity with well-established family and
social norms.
Box-15 Vimala: A victim of physical abuse and desertion
Because of the widespread poverty and undernourishment in the region, the average life span of people doesn’t cross beyond 55 to 60 years. In many cases, people even die after 40 or 45 years’ of age. This is exactly what happened to Vimala’s husband, who died 10 years back. Vimala, currently 40 years of age, was an educated woman with good looks and household skills from Naraini, Atarra. After the sudden death of husband, as her economic condition deteriorated, she started to work with a local organization to sustain her. There she was hounded and accosted by a co-worker who found her loneliness and beauty easy to be exploited. Making tall false claims to marry and take care of her, he virtually trapped her and started living with her in his home. For the next five years or so, he continued physically exploiting and befooling her unabated.
Once she lost her youthful beauty, Vimala was unceremoniously thrown out of his home to fend for herself. With no money, land, and support, and also her physical beauty and self-respect gone, she now has nowhere to go. These days she is barely sustaining her by somehow opening a petty shop on the footpaths of Nariani. Vimala is just one of the many cases where women are treated just as commodities in the region. There are innumerable counts of hapless women trapped, used, raped, blackmailed, thrown and sometimes even murdered in Bundelkhand.
To study socio-economic blocks,
the five questions asked from the
respondents were concerning
illiteracy or low education level,
lack of financial support,
inexperience of WRs, resistance
from family members, and
resistance from other caste groups. It appears that out of these concerns,
inexperience emerged as the most important socio-economic block as nearly cent
Illiteracy
Lack of finance
Inexperience
family resistance
Caste-groupresistance
84%
93%
100%
90%
76%
Figure: 4.11: Socio-Economic Blocks to Women Representatives
Vimala at a public function at Naraini
84
percent replied in affirmative in this case, followed by lack of financial resources
(93%), resistance from family (90%), and illiteracy (84%) (Figure 4.11).
4.4.4 Proxy-related Blocks
A widespread malpractice in Uttar Pradesh, more so in Bundelkhand is that
husbands and other male relatives of WRs act as their proxies and interfere in the
functioning of Panchayats. The Government of Uttar Pradesh has issued orders
intended to help women Pradhans to keep their husbands away from interfering in
their work. Husbands, according to this order, will not be allowed to enter their
wives’ offices (except for urgent work or to take part in Panchayat meetings); to
accept memoranda from villagers; and to travel in official vehicles. Nevertheless,
proxy or surrogate representation is still the order of the day. Husbands of women
Pradhans are all too frequently referred to as the Pradhans, as they assume the
authority of the Pradhan and discharge the functions of the office.
Box-16
’She would only echo what I say’: Shivlal
Sixty (60) year old Shivlal is the husband of Champa Devi, a Dalit Ward Member from Chaukin Purva. He unabashedly says there is no need to talk to Champa, as ‘’she would only echo what I say. Yadi main haan kahtaa hoon to vah haan bolegee aur yadi main naa bolataa hoon to vah naa bolege. Hamase baahar thodee he naa hain ve (if I said yes, she will she yes. If I say no, she would say no. She wouldn’t go beyond my wishes)”. He also admits that fighting election was his decision and not of his wife, and that it is he who performs all the Panchayat related works, his wife only signs, whenever required. On being asked why doesn’t he allow his wife, the real Ward Member, to be active on her own, he has a readymade answer – “My purva (village) hasn’t seen much development. Over the years, no Pradhan has done any development work for it. One needs to fight against the misdeeds of the Pradhan, who does nothing. This requires lots of time, courage and thinking. If she starts getting into all this, who will do jhadu-chauka (home care) and who will look after gaay-goru (cattles)”? Mind you; he seemed very unpopular among the fellow villagers, as a lot of them blamed him for some of the recent problems that they were encountering.
Nearly 87.7 percent of WRs have been reported facing proxy-related blocks to
participation and performance in Gram Panchayats (Table 4.24). The response was,
more or less, the same among Pradhans and Ward Members, and Dalit and Non-
Shivlal, husband of Champa Devi, Ward Member, Chaukin Purva
85
Dalit ERs. Needless to say, this malpractice by male family members acting as proxy
for WRs is not only in violation of the law, but also in direct hindrance in the path of
empowerment of women and defeats the very purpose of providing reservations to
women.
Box-17
School Management Committee and absentee Women Panchayat members
Panchayat members, especially women members, have an important role to play in the overall development of a school in their area though participation in SMC meetings as active, vigilant members. However, despite the large presence of women Panchayat members, many of which are SMC members as well, they are mostly absent from SMC meetings. A conversation with teachers of an Upper Primary School at Fauzdar Ka Purva in Atarra Rural Gram Panchayat
also revealed that the Pradhan-pati of the Panchayat (i.e., the husband of the actual Mahila Pradhan) was doing nothing to improve things related to the school, despite repeated requests. Panchayat members, including women members, who are part of the SMC or School Management Committee, never participated in any of the SMC meetings. “Each time the Pradhan-pati would meet me, he would inquire - what is there for him in school funds? So you can understand where things stand”, said Mrs. Kaushalya, the Head Teacher.
Proxy or surrogate representation of WRs takes many forms. It takes place in the
form of proxy attendance (family members or husbands of WRs presiding over or
attending Panchayat meetings), proxy control (family members or husbands trying
to influence WRs, and through them Panchayat decisions), proxy signature (family
members or husbands of WRs signing Panchayat documents or papers in official
capacity), proxy interaction (family members or husbands meeting citizens and
Panchayat or Govt. officials in official capacity), or manipulation (members of
dominant group(s) influencing Panchayat decisions). Data suggests that out of these
modes, proxy attendance was reported as the most important proxy-related block,
followed by proxy interaction, manipulation, proxy signature, and proxy control.
Nearly 97 percent respondent ERs replied in affirmative, when asked if it was indeed
a block to WRs (Figure 4.12). This is quite contrary to the results of some other
In conversation with Ramlakhann Sen, Kaushalya Devi and Neelam Singh, teachers at Upper Primary School, Fauzdar Ka Purva, Atarra Grameen
86
studies. A six-State study, for instance, shows that WRs are fairly regular in
attending meetings, and that the phenomenon of proxy attendance – by husbands or
other male relatives – is actually on the decline (Kaushik 1998).
Some of the women Ward Members even did not know that they were a Panchayat
representative. The women who at least knew that they were Ward Members very
rarely went to the meetings. If they did, then they only did so in order to put their
thumb impression or to sign and then came back. Most of the time, they are not even
required to put their thumb impression on the required documents. It is taken care
of by their husbands or male relatives.
4.4.5 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Blocks
Table 4.25: Correlation between Blocks and Women Empowerment Caste
Blocks Patriarchy
Blocks Socio-Eco
Blocks Proxy
Blocks Women
Empowerment Caste Blocks 1
Patriarchy Blocks .306** 1
Socio-Eco Blocks .248** .411** 1
Proxy Blocks .431** .431** .375** 1
Women Empowerment
-.692** -.632** -.515** -.783** 1
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)
Table 4.25 shows the correlation
between blocks to WRs – caste
blocks, patriarchy blocks, socio-
economic blocks, proxy blocks,
and women empowerment. The
correlation value (r) between
women empowerment and caste
blocks is -.692, and it is
statistically significant at the 0.01 level. On the other hand, the correlation values of
women empowerment with patriarchy blocks, socio-economic blocks, and proxy
blocks are -.632, -.515, and -.783, respectively, and these all are also statistically
significant at the 0.01 level. It is also to be noted that these four variables have
Proxy control
Proxy signature
Proxymanipulation
Proxy interaction
Proxy presence
80%
81%
84%
92%
97%
Figure 4.12: Proxy Blocks to Women Representatives
87
negative correlation with women empowerment. In other words, there is inverse
relation between blocks and women empowerment. Therefore, it is interpreted that
as blocks to WRs – be it caste, patriarchy, socio-economic, or proxy blocks; women
empowerment in the region decreases. It also means that low woman empowerment
in the region is possibly a reflection of the high blocks to women and their
representatives that prevail out there.
Box-18
Jyoti survives to fight
The story of Jyoti, 30 yrs, from Banda is one of the many instances of domestic violence and prevalence of conservative practices such as dowry and desire for son, which obstruct women empowerment in the region. Despite spending a hefty amount of money on marriage as dowry by her parents, Jyoti could not satisfy the desires of her husband and in-laws. For about two years, she continuously suffered at their hands in terms of daily taunts, torture and abuse. It was not that her in-laws didn’t have money. They had in fact, a lot of money with them. But then greed knows no limits. They started demanding more and more from Jyoti’s parents. When parents were unable to meet with their growing demands, Jyoti was stopped to call or meet them. She was forcibly confined in her in-law’s house. As she was unable to conceive even after two years of her marriage, she was also abused as ‘baanjh’ (a lady who can’t bear any child) and ‘dayan’ (witch). When atrocities became unbearable, Jyoti decided to end her life by shooting herself with her father-in-law’s revolver. Fortunately, despite having three shots at her life, the revolver didn’t fire and her life was saved. Knowing the travails of her daughter, Jyoti’s mother called for the help of a local organisation which stepped in and Jyoti was rescued away from her in-laws’s clutches. With the help of the local organisation Jyoti soon started to piece together her miserably broken life. She began studying, did a computer course, and also finished her B.Ed. course. Currently, she is perusing her Ph.D. degree and simultaneously working at the Social Welfare Office, Vikas Bhawan at Banda.
4.4.5.1 Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables
Table 4.26: Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables
Caste Blocks
Patriarchy Blocks
Socio-Eco Blocks
Proxy Blocks
Overall Blocks
Caste Blocks 1
Patriarchy Blocks .306** 1
Socio-Eco Blocks .248** .411** 1
Proxy Blocks .431** .431** .375** 1
Overall Blocks .601** .794** .658** .792** 1 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
Table 4.26 brings out the correlation between overall blocks to WRs and block-
related variables. Four block-related variables, namely, caste blocks, patriarchy
blocks, socio-economic blocks, and proxy blocks have been identified and studied.
Overall blocks to WRs is the combined variable resulting from the interplay of these
variables.
88
As expected, all the four block-related variables have high positive correlation with
blocks to WRs in Gram Panchayats. In all the cases, the value of correction coefficient
is more than 0.6, which is high enough. This is mainly because – these are the very
factors which add up to the overall blocks to WRs. Among the four variables,
patriarchy blocks has the highest correlation with overall blocks (r=0.794), followed
by proxy blocks (r=0.792), socio-economic blocks (r=0.658) and caste blocks (r=0.601),
and these are all statistically significant at the 0.01 level.
The emergence of patriarchy-related factors as the most important blocks or
constraint to WRs and the overall cause of women empowerment in the context of
low economic development is not surprising. Patriarchy, including gender
inequality is an endemic problem in Bundelkhand and calls for institutional
overhauling at all levels to deal with. These are directly affecting women’s abilities
to generate gender responsive development outcomes or to introduce changes into
the power structures in the Panchayats. The orientation of Panchayat development
activities towards male priorities and lack of capacity-building training programmes
for WRs also make this more difficult. The process of political inclusion has opened
up new spaces for discrimination and subordination of women which remain
inadequately addressed.
It is only by addressing the patriarchy and gender issues that women can be enabled
to utilise the benefits of representation and participation in Gram Panchayats to
generate greater development and social change impact. Serious efforts are required
to change the traditional gender patterns in most parts of India, more so in
Bundelkhand, with lower sex-ratio of born girls, patrilocal marriages, patrilineal
inheritance, and denial of access to the public sphere to women. We must
understand that it would be difficult for WRs, elected or otherwise, to be able to
effectively participate and perform in Gram Panchayats, otherwise.
The phenomenon of proxy or surrogate representation is again an all-pervasive
problem in Bundelkhand, as also in the rest of Uttar Pradesh. Women are nominated by
their husbands, fathers and father-in law to take advantage of the quota, which
89
made it difficult for the man to contest the election himself. In some cases, election
materials – banners, posters, etc. are also made in the name of the man rather than
the woman who is the official candidate.
The dynamics of proxy or surrogate politics plays out like this: The first helping
hand to women representatives in Panchayat elections is almost always their family
members or husbands. They are at the same time a stumbling block to them, for if
women are uneducated or less educated, they make use of them to earn money. The
exception is only when the women have the capacity to act independently. The
relatives of WRs are the next stumbling block to them. The third group is the
dominant castes. If Dalit WRs are able to dance to their tunes, they use them
indirectly for their own benefit and needs. If they act freely and independently, they
will directly confront and go against them.
90
4.5. ROLE OF CAPACITY BUILDING TRAINING AND ENABLING
STRUCTURES
Capacity building training programmes and value addition by enabling structures
such as membership of and participation in parallel village bodies (Village
Education Committee, Village Health Committee, Village Water and Sanitation
Committee, etc.) and community based organizations like Self Help Groups, Mahila
Mandals, Joint Management Committee, etc. have all along been considered helpful
in improving the performance of EWRs in office and their ability to contribute
meaningfully to village development flow with better knowledge of laws and rules
and improved social capital. Therefore, an attempt has been made in this chapter to
evaluate the role of capacity building training and enabling structures on
empowerment of women and EWRs. It brings forth answers to questions like: do
WRs in Bundelkhand receive training, what are they being trained on, what is the
extent of their participation in such trainings, how do they perceive usefulness of
trainings, and do they need more training to hone up their skills and knowledge
base? It also analyses the functioning of parallel village bodies and CBOs as
enabling structures for WRs.
4.5.1 Capacity Building Training
The preceding chapters have analysed how women, despite their representation
through quotas, are finding it difficult to effectively participate and perform in Gram
Panchayats. Women still face a number of blocks to their engagement in political
spaces such as inadequate education, lack of financial independence, burden of
productive and reproductive roles and opposition stemming from entrenched
patriarchal views. Training, therefore, has emerged as a critical concern to prepare
women to discharge multiple roles, facilitating their effective participation and role
performance in Panchayats, and enabling them to link local priorities to the planning
process.
91
4.5.1.1 Training Received
Nearly half (49.4%) of the WRs
interviewed said they had
received training or orientation
after being elected. Ward
Members are, on the whole, more
likely to have undergone training
(51.2%) than Pradhans (43.6%).
On the other hand, the proportion
of Dalit WRs received training was higher (62.7%) than that of Non-Dalit WRs
(36.5%). Perhaps this indicates that Dalit WRs, with marked socio-economic
deprivation, are more inclined to receive training than Non-Dalit counterparts.
Of those who received training, 92.8 percent viewed that training was useful in one
way or the other. This was viewed more often in the case of Ward Members than
Pradhans and more by Dalit than Non-Dalit WRs. All those who said they did not
receive training were further asked the reason for their not receiving any training or
orientation. Nearly 73.2 percent of such respondent WRs gave ‘training not held’ as
the main reason for their non-attendance. Among Ward Members, 11.9 percent, and
among women Pradhans, 14.3 percent, cited their ‘not called for training’ as the
other important reason. Only a small proportion of WRs cited their personal
preoccupations and priorities as the reason for not attending the training
programme (Table 4.28).
Table 4.28: Reasons for Training Not Received (%)
Training not held
Not called for training
Busy with other priorities
Trainings don’t prove useful
Was not allowed
to attend
N
Ward Members 76.2 11.9 4.8 2.4 4.8 42
Dalit 75.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 12
Non-Dalit 76.7 6.7 6.7 3.3 6.7 30 Pradhans 64.3 14.3 21.4 0.0 0.0 14
Dalit 42.9 28.6 28.6 0.0 0.0 7
Non-Dalit 85.7 0.0 14.3 0.0 0.0 7
Total WRs 73.2 12.5 8.9 1.8% 3.6 56
Dalit 63.2 26.3 10.5 0.0% 0.0 19
Non-Dalit 78.4 5.4 8.1 2.7% 5.4 37
Table 4.27: Training Received by Women Representatives (%)
No Don't know Yes N
Ward Members 32.6 16.3 51.2 129
Dalit 18.5 13.8 67.7 65
Non-Dalit 46.9 18.8 34.4 64
Pradhans 35.9 20.5 43.6 39
Dalit 38.9 16.7 44.4 18
Non-Dalit 33.3 23.8 42.9 21
Total WRs 33.3 17.3 49.4 168
Dalit 22.9 14.5 62.7 83
Non-Dalit 43.5 20.0 36.5 85
92
4.5.1.2 Content of Training Received
The study also attempted to analyse the perception of WRs on the content of training
received. These questions were asked only to those who had said they received some
form of training.
Table 4.29: Content of Training Received (%)
Rules & regulations
of Panchayat
Roles & responsibilities
of Panchayat representatives
Preparation of village
action plans
Preparation of Panchayat
budget
Information on Govt. schemes/
programmes
Other N
Ward Members 50.0 40.9 24.2 18.2 33.3 12.1 66
Dalit 47.7 38.6 25.0 36.4 31.8 11.4 44
Non-Dalit 54.5 45.5 22.7 24.2 36.4 13.6 22
Pradhans 76.5 58.8 52.9 25.0 41.2 23.5 17
Dalit 62.5 62.5 37.5 44.4 25.0 12.5 8
Non-Dalit 88.9 55.6 66.7 35.3 55.6 33.3 9
Total WRs 55.4 44.6 30.1 19.2 34.9 14.5 83
Dalit 50.0 42.3 26.9 38.7 30.8 11.5 52
Non-Dalit 64.5 48.4 35.5 26.5 41.9 19.4 31
Training on rules and regulations of Panchayat as also the responsibilities of ERs are
the most fundamental requirements that WRs need to assert themselves as efficient
elected Panchayat representatives. The proportion of Pradhans reported to have
learnt about these from the training programmes was higher (76.5% and 58.8%) than
Ward Members (50% and 40.9%). Perhaps this is indicative of the fact that Pradhans
are more likely to attend training programmes than Ward Members. Training on
preparation of village action plans and Panchayat budget are also directly related to
the functioning of ERs. But such training was available to a very small proportion
(19.2 – 30.1%) of WRs who received any form of training. However, training related
to information on Government schemes/ programmes was attended by 34.9 percent
of WRs, with noticeable difference by social category (Table 4.29).
4.5.1.3 Need for Training/ Further Training
In view of the low awareness level and dissatisfactory participation & performance
of WRs, all elected respondents, whether they received training or not, were also
asked if there was need for training or further training to WRs or not. To this, an
overwhelming majority (212 out of 231 respondents, i.e., 91.8%) replied in
93
affirmative. This only shows the importance of capacity building of the current lot of
WRs to enable them for effective participation and performance in Gram Panchayats.
4.5.1.4 Agenda for Training/ Further Training
More than four-fifths of the respondent Pradhans feel the need for training in the
rules and regulations pertaining to Panchayati Raj (89.1%) and roles &
responsibilities of Panchayat representatives (81.8%). This proportion is slightly
higher in the case of Dalit members (Table 4.30). Preparation of village action plans
and Panchayat budget, two other important functions of ERs, were also
recommended by 63.6 and 52.7 percent of the Pradhans as agenda for training/
further training to WRs.
Table 4.30: Agenda for Training/ Further Training (%)
Rules & regulations of
Panchayat
Roles & responsibilities of
Panchayat representatives
Preparation of village
action plans
Preparation of Panchayat
budget
Information on Govt. schemes/
programmes
N
Ward Members 91.1 83.4 66.9 59.9 84.7 157
Dalit 88.8 82.5 67.5 63.8 83.8 80
Non-Dalit 93.5 84.4 66.2 55.8 85.7 77
Pradhans 89.1 81.8 63.6 52.7 83.6 55
Dalit 96.3 85.2 70.4 59.3 88.9 27
Non-Dalit 82.1 78.6 57.1 46.4 78.6 28
Total ERs 90.6 83.0 66.0 58.0 84.4 212
Dalit 90.7 83.2 68.2 62.6 85.0 107
Non-Dalit 90.5 82.9 63.8 53.3 83.8 105
Getting elected as Pradhans or a Ward Member brings with it the responsibility for
taking significant initiatives for ensuring the development of the village community.
A supportive mechanism in the form of capacity building training programmes is
therefore a must for Panchayat representatives, especially uneducated WRs within a
feudal and rural patriarchal set up. It would also enable them to remain committed
to their cause over a longer period of time. Unfortunately, however, as the above
analysis shows, WRs in Bundelkhand have not yet been provided adequate training
and orientation in handling their roles and responsibilities. The high proportion of
WRs not to have received any sort of training after being elected is a testimony to
this fact.
94
4.5.2 Parallel Village Bodies and Community Based Organisations
PRIs are only one among the various bodies existing at the local level. The other
forms of institutional set ups are Parallel Village Bodies (PVBs) and Community
Based Organisations (CBOs). PVBs such as the Village Education Committee (VEC),
Village Health Committees (VHC), Village Water and Sanitation Committees
(VWSC) and Women Empowerment Committee (WEC) and CBOs like Self Help
Groups, Mahila Mandals, etc could also have positive implications on the
functioning of WRs. The study therefore sought to examine the membership and
participation of WRs in these institutions.
4.5.2.1 Membership of and Participation in Parallel Village Bodies
There are mandatory provisions for involvement of Panchayat members, especially
the Pradhan and the woman, in parallel village bodies like VEC, VHC, VWSC and
WEC. In Uttar Pradesh also, these bodies have to have a Panchayat member,
preferably a woman. No wonder, compared to Ward Members (26.2%) Pradhans
reported more involvement of WRs in parallel bodies (45.8%). However, Dalit WRs
reported lesser involvement than their Non-Dalit counterparts. Perhaps this has to
do more with the greater ignorance and non-familiarity of Ward Members, and Dalit
ERs about the existence of parallel village bodies.
VEC was reported as the
most common parallel body
in the region. About 64.1
percent of Pradhans and
43.4 percent of Ward
Members said WRs were its
members. However, this
was said more often by
Non-Dalit WRs than Dalit WRs. The VHC and VWSC were the next two most
common parallel bodies (Table 4.31).
Table 4.31: Membership in Various Parallel Bodies (%)
VEC VHC VWSC WEC N
Ward Members 43.4 28.7 16.3 16.3 129
Dalit 30.8 26.2 10.8 12.3 65
Non-Dalit 56.3 31.3 21.9 20.3 64
Pradhans 64.1 43.6 38.5 35.9 39
Dalit 44.4 44.4 27.8 33.3 18
Non-Dalit 81.0 42.9 47.6 38.1 21
Total WRs 48.2 32.1 21.4 20.8 168
Dalit 33.7 30.1 14.5 16.9 83
Non-Dalit 62.4 34.1 28.2 24.7 85
95
The compulsory formation of VEC under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and the
provision of having at least one Panchayat member in these, seem to have been
instrumental in bringing a substantial number of WRs into the VECs. Similarly, the
National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), Integrated Child Development Scheme
(ICDS) and Total Sanitation Campaigns (TSC) envisage the formation of committees
with the involvement of women Panchayat representatives. This perhaps explains
their robust membership of such bodies.
4.5.2.2 Association with Community Based Organisations
The respondents were asked about the association or membership of WRs in CBOs
in their villages. The instances of CBOs are: Self Help Groups (SHG), Women’s
Groups or Mahila Mandals, Joint Forest Management Committees, Cooperative
Societies, etc. Of the total respondents who reported the association of WRs in
CBOs, 31 percent were Ward Members, 35.9 percent Pradhans. Compared to Non-
Dalit WRs, the proportion was again higher among Dalit WRs.
Table 4.32 shows that there
were instances of WRs’
association with one or more
types of CBOs, with SHGs
emerging as the most
popular among them,
followed by Mahila Mandals
and Cooperative Societies.
Respondents were asked about the type of CBOs WRs were involved with, before
being elected. About 55 percent of Ward Members and 53.8 percent of Pradhans
before being elected were associated with SHGs. This underlines the role of CBOs as
enabling institutions to the functioning of WRs in Gram Panchayats in Bundelkhand
as well.
Table 4.32: Association with CBOs (%) SHG
Mahila
Mandal JMC
Cooperative
Society N
Ward Members 55.0 32.6 10.1 26.4 129
Dalit 63.1 38.5 16.9 29.2 65
Non-Dalit 46.9 26.6 3.1 23.4 64
Pradhans 53.8 41.0 17.9 30.8 39
Dalit 44.4 38.9 16.7 27.8 18
Non-Dalit 61.9 42.9 19.0 33.3 21
Total WRs 54.8 34.5 11.9 27.4 168
Dalit 59.0 38.6 16.9 28.9 83
Non-Dalit 50.6 30.6 7.1 25.9 85
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Chapter-5
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The study analysed various issues related to women empowerment through
representation of women in PRIs in the context of low economic development. It
investigated socio-economic characteristics of WRs; looked into their participation,
awareness and role performance in Gram Panchayats; measured the nature and
extent of women empowerment; and investigated blocks to WRs, role of capacity
building trainings, and interaction of WRs with the parallel village bodies and
community based organizations as enabling structures. The study examined the
correlation of women empowerment with awareness, participation and performance
(of WRs) variables; association of social category with women empowerment; and
correlation between women empowerment and block variables in Bundelkhand
region of Uttar Pradesh.
5.1. CONCLUSIONS
Socio-Economic Profile of WRs
Data on age showed that the majority of the WRs were in the reproductive age
group between 21-40 years. Ward Members were generally younger than
Pradhans. However, Dalit WRs tended to be older than their OBC and General
Category counterparts.
There was widespread illiteracy (52.7%) among the WRs in the region. As
expected, illiteracy among the Ward Members was higher than among the
Pradhans. Dalit WRs had substantially lower levels of educational attainment
than the Non-Dalit WRs.
WRs spent their time primarily in performing household works (41.4%), followed
by farming (27.7) and labour works (27.7%). The time spent on Panchayat
activities was negligible. A sizable proportion of Dalit WRs, however reported
their primary occupation as labour works (38.9%), followed by farming activities
(30.1%) and household works (27.4).
97
The economic status of more than half of the WRs was above the poverty line
(APL) as per the Village List. The proportion of APL individuals was higher
among Pradhans than Ward Members, and among Non-Dalit WRs than Dalit
WRs, neither of which is a surprising finding.
Participation, Awareness and Role Performance of WRs
Participation, awareness and role performance of WRs in Gram Panchayats
assessed across various dimensions have so far not been impressive and effective
in Uttar Pradesh region of Bundelkhand. Nevertheless, nearly one third (33%)
WRs were reported to be participating in Gram Sabha meetings in one way or the
other. This was stated more often in the case of Pradhans than Ward Members
and by Non-Dalit representatives than Dalit representatives.
Compared to low attendance, non-punctuality, and lack of eloquence, poor prior
preparedness and non-exercise of voting rights by WRs emerged as main reasons
for moderate participation level of WRs. Thus participation of WRs in Gram
Sabha appeared to be more symbolic and less substantive in nature.
Participation of WRs in the development agenda of Panchayats was rather low,
reflecting the multiple disabilities of gender, caste and poverty in the region, and
perhaps much of India. Only 8.5 percent were reported as active participants in
the development agenda of Panchayats.
Basic awareness of WRs about Panchayat provisions assessed in terms of five
basic awareness-related questions is quite low and so is their knowledge of key
Panchayat provisions, also assessed in terms of assessed in terms of five (5) key
awareness-related information. Only 24.2 percent and 7 percent of the WRs were
reported aware of basic Panchayat provisions and having knowledge of key
Panchayat provisions, respectively.
Nearly half (50%) of the WRs was reported to have discussed development issues
in Panchayat meetings upon participation. The main development issues
discussed included drinking water supply/repair & maintenance of handpumps,
construction/ repair of drainage, roads and school buildings; welfare schemes
98
such as MNREGA, old age pension, PDS; and social issues like domestic violence,
closure of liquor shops, etc.
Except for their role in implementation of Panchayati Raj development agenda
(make development plans, prepare budget proposals, reviewing existing schemes
and identify beneficiaries) which remain low, the role performance of WRs in
community development programmes and interface with the Government
turned out to be reasonably good.
Nearly a quarter (25%) of the WRs reported to have played a ‘good’ role in
implementing community development programmes (undertaking health-related
campaigns, waging drive against diseases, implementing family planning
campaigns, and improving the enrolment of girls in schools) in their region,
which is quite an impressive proportion, considering their low participation level
in Panchayat activities.
Interaction of WRs with Government functionaries, such as, ANMs, Anganwadi
Workers, block officials, police and the local leaders (MLA, MP, etc), was fairly
good (49 percent for Ward Members, and 46.7 percent for Pradhans).
Significantly, both at the Pradhan and Ward Member level, Dalit WRs reported a
higher interaction than their Non-Dalit counterparts.
A higher proportion of Dalit WRs approaching Govt. functionaries indicates they
are gradually establishing networks to increase their information on Panchayat
schemes and administration, obtain advice and help on issues, and negotiate for
schemes and funds to implement development schemes for their constituencies.
Nature and Extent of Women Empowerment
Despite the reservation of women in Panchayati Raj over the years, the majority
of the respondents (63.1%) reported low women empowerment level, while the
rest, 36.6 and 0.3 percent, reported medium and high women empowerment
level, respectively. The proportion of male respondents who perceived low
women empowerment level was 60 percent, in comparison to 64.5 percent for
women respondents.
99
There was high association between social category and women empowerment in
the region. The proportion of Dalit respondents (75%) reporting low level of
women empowerment was higher than that of OBC (53%) and General Category
respondents (46%). On the other hand, the proportion of Dalits who reported
women empowerment level as moderate was substantially lower than that of
their OBC and General Category counterparts. This means that the sense of
disempowerment among Dalit women is more pronounced.
Blocks to Women Representatives
Of all the blocks, caste-related blocks was reported as the most constricting factors (97.9%) to WRs
and the cause of women empowerment in the region, closely followed by patriarchy (95.5%),
socio-economic (91.5%) and proxy blocks (87.7%). Statistics however showed that among
the four block variables, proxy blocks had the highest correlation with women
empowerment (r=-0.783), followed by caste blocks (r=-0.692) and patriarchy
blocks (r=-0.632). Socio-economic blocks had the lowest correlation (r=-0.515),
and these were all statistically significant at the 0.01 level.
Caste prejudices have become a stumbling block for Dalit women to emerge
effectively as Panchayat representatives. Caste offensive language, prohibition on
drinking water from the same vessel, prohibition on sitting of the same chair and
physical violence all emerged as important constituents of such prejudices
against Dalit WRs. There were also instances of not allowing Dalit WRs to
discharge their legitimate functions.
The socio-structural parameters of the ideology of patriarchy also continue to
serve to block and control the thoughts, movements, and live of WRs.
Interestingly; this was reported more by Ward Members (96.1%) than Pradhans
(93.8%) and Non-Dalit representatives (97%) than Dalit representatives (93.9%).
The requirement of WRs to be accompanied in meetings by their husbands or
family members was reported as the most important patriarchy-related block,
followed by the dual responsibility for child/family/home care and Panchayat
work.
100
Role of Capacity Building Training and Enabling Structures
Nearly half (49.4%) of the WRs interviewed said they had received training or
orientation after being elected. Ward Members were, on the whole, more likely to
have undergone training (51.2%) than Pradhans (43.6%). On the other hand, the
proportion of Dalit WRs receiving training was higher (62.7%) than that of Non-
Dalit WRs (36.5%). Perhaps this indicates that Dalit WRs are more inclined to
receive training than their Non-Dalit counterparts.
The main reason for not receiving any training or orientation was simple –
‘training not held’ (73.2%), followed by ‘not called for training’ (12.5%).
Training in ‘Rules and Regulations of Panchayats’ and ‘Roles and
Responsibilities’ are very critical for better performance, but these were attended
only by 55.4 percent of and 44.6 percent of the WRs, respectively. Irrespective of
position and social category, more than four-fifths apparently felt the need for
further training on the ‘Rules and Regulations of Panchayats’.
The findings also indicate that WERs functioned more or less within an enabling
environment, both at the level of the parallel village bodies and community
based organizations.
Compared to Ward Members, Pradhans reported more involvement of WRs in
parallel bodies and CBOs. However, compared to Dalit WRs, Non-Dalit WRs
reported lesser involvement with CBOs. Perhaps this has to do more with the
greater ignorance and non-familiarity of Ward Members, and Dalit ERs about the
existence of parallel village bodies.
5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS
Sustained systematic change requires multiple government and non-government
actors, both at the state and national levels working together to influence formal
and non-formal local institutions of power and to strengthen women’s sense of
power with, power to and power within. Creative ways must be explored to,
with women as well as men, to capitalize on the success stories of women’s
101
leadership in PRIs, and cultivate their growth. Efforts must lead to women’s
access to and control over key resources and benefits in society as well as
emerging societal culture of human rights that itself demands accountable
governance and equality for all.
The level of educational attainment plays an important role in determining the
awareness level and the subsequent role performance of EWRs. Those educated
showed a significant positive correlation with the overall awareness around
Panchchayat rules and regulations. Therefore, efforts are required to educate or
literate EWRs by reviving adult education centres and making them
knowledgeable through information sharing process in such a way that they
could perform their duties confidently and efficiently.
In view of the low educational attainment level and limited exposure of EWRs to
public affairs, there is need to enhance training facilities and capacity building
programmes to enable them to discharge their duties efficiently. A separate and
exclusive training programme based on the principle of continuous and
comprehensive training for WRs should be devised. The Government needs to
impress upon the State Government to make it compulsory for EWRs to attend
all such training programmes. It is also desired that the infrastructure for training
programmes is considerably improved and resource centres for capacity building
be established at every district, block and if required for each cluster of village
Panchayats. Exchange programmes and study tours must also form an important
component of capacity building.
In addition to regular Panchayat trainings for all Panchayat trainings, special
trainings need to be devised and conducted for WRs, especially Dalit WRs, as
closely as possible to the start of their term of office, in order to specifically
capacitate them on rules & regulations of Panchayats, roles & responsibilities of
Panchayat representatives, government schemes and procedures involved to
access them, management and local development planning, budget planning,
and how to overcome blocks to their participation and role performance.
All trainings should include a gender and caste perspective, as well as legal
sanctions which apply to those who block women’s participation in PRIs. These
102
trainings should further specifically focus on promoting a culture of inclusive
development, accountability and transparency in the Panchayat administration.
Trainings should be conducted in close proximity to women’s residences so as to
facilitate their participation.
Civil society groups need to complement government training programmes with
regular, periodic need-based trainings, which equip separately WERs and those
aspiring to become ERs with technical knowledge of the Panchayat
administration, knowledge of their roles and responsibilities, etc. Specific
training methods should also be created to teach illiterate women, especially
Dalit women. Specific trainings for women could be initiated on gender and caste
social norms and practices, and their legal rights. Efforts are also desired to
strengthen child and adult literacy programmes for women with adequate follow
up, including establishing village literacy committees.
Addressing the female burden of lack of household support, economic insecurity,
inequality in family life, burden of dual responsibility between Panchayats and
households through greater education and economic programmes targeting
women, as well as lobbying the government to implement or directly providing
support mechanism such as child care facilities are also important for civil society
groups, and so is to initiate gender sensitization programmes specifically aimed
at men, to encourage them to extend greater freedom to women in their families
and to support WERs both within and outside the Panchayats.
All officials concerned with Panchayati Raj, including election officers, rural
extension officers and particularly lower government officers (Panchayat
Secretary, Lekhpal, etc.) dealing with the Panchayats should also be capacitated
to understand and respond to issues of caste and gender discrimination,
encourage greater information sharing and less bureaucratic control over
Panchayat development schemes, so that these officials are able to better monitor
and support WERs in the Panchayats to ensure others do not coerce them into
relinquishing their powers.
The answer to proxy participation of male members related to EWRs in
Panchayat meetings perhaps lies in changing the mindsets, particularly of men
103
through counseling and promoting the confidence of women in negotiating the
space and independence they need in their official tasks. At the same time, the
officials of the Panchayats may be made responsible for preventing proxy
participation and strict action may be initiated against them for violations in this
regard.
Reservation of seats alone cannot ensure the effective participation of women in
PRIs and their empowerment. To help them overcome the caste-patriarchy-
socioeconomic-proxy-related blocks, including illiteracy, inexperience, dual
responsibilities, lack of access and control over income and other resources,
restrictions to public spaces, etc, and carry the concept of empowerment forward,
the Government needs to make necessary amendments in the law to provide for
special quorum for women in the Panchayat meetings, especially Gram Sabhas.
Such acts of positive discrimination will help women to change their perceptions
about themselves and to gain a sense of empowerment.
A major constraint of women from Dalit/ poor families in devoting time to
Panchayat activities is lack of time as they have to work for long hours as wage
earners. It may not be fair to expect them to devote time to the Panchayat
activities sacrificing their income earning opportunities. To encourage active
participation of women in Panchayat activities, WRs needs be given special
additional honorarium equal to minimum daily wages.
There should be regular dialogue between women’s movements, women’s
groups such as SHGs and Mahila Mandals, and WERs, to foster understanding
and support for WERs to independently function in the Panchayats. This could
greater formal linkages between Panchayat institutions and SHGs, in order to
facilitate women’s greater role in the Panchayat administration.
104
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