west quran scholarship in turkey

The Inuence of Western Quranic Scholarshipin Turkey

Mehmet Akif Ko

ANKARA UNIVERSITY

The title of this essay1 may suggest that only the inuences on Turkish academia (and

in Turkey in general) of orientalist studies conducted on the Quran and exegesis will

be addressed. In fact, we wish to handle the subject from a somewhat different

perspective. It is surely beyond any measure of doubt that orientalist studies will have

a place of tremendous importance in this analysis. However, approaches to the Quran

and its exegesis which have been developed under the inuence of the Western

scientic and cultural world encompass a larger range of literature that includes not

only orientalist studies themselves, but also the criticisms directed against these

studies. As will be appreciated, the situation today is one in which information

resources are nally becoming more widely and easily accessible, so we should not be

overly assertive in determining the inuence of Western works on the Turkish people

prematurely. However, examining works which have been translated into Turkish may

be a good way to illuminate the subject. So, our main purpose in this essay is to

prepare an inventory of resources on the subject by providing a list of translations and

publications which have appeared in the Turkish language. However, within the

boundaries that such research permits, we also intend to showcase particular

arguments by analysing a limited number of specic books, articles and resources.

First of all, we should not forget the fact that the approaches to Quranic studies which

have developed under the inuence of Western methodologies arrive at, and inuence,

Turkish academia through different channels. This article is thus structured under

titles that indicate these channels of transmission. We also believe it would be helpful

to start by giving an overview of the different phases of academic activities

implemented in Turkey in the area of Islamic studies and the institutional processes

involved. This is because those historical processes involve elements that will

Journal of Quranic Studies 14.1 (2012): 944Edinburgh University PressDOI: 10.3366/jqs.2012.0036# Centre of Islamic Studies, SOASwww.eupjournals.com/jqs

contribute to the illumination and understanding of the inuence of Western research

in this eld on Turkey.

A Brief Overview of the History of Higher Religious Educationin Modern Turkey

The Faculty of Divinity at Dr al-Funn, which was established in Istanbul in 1924 for

the purpose of raising competent religious students in the area of various Islamic

disciplines, was closed as part of a general university reform in 1933. Dr al-Funn

was replaced by the establishment of Istanbul University; however, a faculty of

divinity was not included in the University, but rather an Institute of Islamic Studies

was opened within the Faculty of Arts. This institute was also abolished in 1936. As

of this date, despite a provision in the Law of the Unication of Education which

stated that the Board of Education is to establish the Faculty of Divinity at Dr

al-Funn to teach higher-educated religious professionals and civil servants to offer

services in mosques and other religious places as imams and preachers, neither

religious studies at any level of formal education, nor the subject of religion within

academic research was offered until 1946. The absence of a local scholar in the area

of Basic Islamic Disciplines (Temel Islam Bilimleri) to establish the academic cadre

of the Faculty of Divinity which opened at Ankara University in 1949, itself

demonstrates the damage inicted on Turkish higher education by the period of

interregnum. Tayyib Oki (190277), who became head of the Department of Basic

Islamic Disciplines in this newly established Faculty of Divinity, was of Bosnian

origin. Following the German invasion of Belgrade during World War II, many

Turkish high ofcials and ambassadors, including Tayyib Oki, had been taken to

Germany. As a result of Turkish diplomatic efforts, they were repatriated, and Tayyib

Oki arrived back in Turkey on an old boat in 1945. Thus, the academic infrastructure

in the areas of tafsr, adth and qh in Turkey was established by Tayyip Oki, who

had undertaken his undergraduate studies in several faculties in Paris, but

unfortunately had not been able to nalise the ofcial procedure of his PhD thesis,

which he completed in Paris during the period of World War II.

In terms of academic output, even though articles in the Dr al-Funn Ilahiyat

Fakltesi Dergisi (which was published for eight years before the closure of the

Faculty of Divinity at Dr al-Funn in 1933) focused on the inuence of politics

which externalised religion, or looked at it from the outside, the academic level of

the articles are certainly praiseworthy. Until the alphabet reform in 1928, this journal

was published in Ottoman Turkish; after this date it was published in the Republican

Turkish romanised alphabet. In many of these articles, it can be observed that a

specialised subject is treated, with the intention of providing deep analysis, certainly

as much as was possible at the time. If publication had continued until the present day,

Turkey would have had a specialist journal in the various areas of Islamic disciplines

10 Journal of Quranic Studies

for over 80 years. As it is, today, the oldest journal in this eld, which is published by

the Faculty of Divinity at Ankara University, is approximately 60 years old.

Conservative circles in Turkey have always approached the Faculty of Divinity at

Ankara University cautiously. According to them, this Faculty is an institution where

academics have the opportunity to distort religion. This sceptical perspective is not

only the result of the academic staff in the Faculty sharing the secular ideology of the

new Turkish state and thus casting religion aside, but also results from the fact that

some of the academic staff conducted their academic activities in an un-scholarly

manner.2 (At this point, it is pertinent to recall the following words from the

distinguished constitutional professor, Ali Fuat Basgil (18931967), who had a

doctorate degree from the Paris Faculty of Law and whose name also appeared as a

candidate for the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey, in which he said, Please do

not mention the Faculty of Divinity in Ankara or mam-Hatip religious high schools

to me. Faculties within a secular university do not raise religious scholars but only

religious critics.3) It is also important to note that this group of academics, who did

not in essence come from a theological background, had a negative attitude towards

Tayyib Oki and his team. On the other hand, besides their ideological attitudes and

manners, we cannot deny the contribution of these academics in introducing a

questioning and liberal academic tradition to the Faculty of Divinity at Ankara

University which positioned the university in line with Western research techniques

and academic approaches.4

Between 1954 and 1959, Annemarie Schimmel (192293) instructed courses on the

history of religions at the Faculty of Divinity in Ankara University. In addition,

religious experts such as Necati Lugal (18811964), Hilmi Ziya lken (190174) and

Suut Kemal Yetkin (190380), who were either taught or educated in the West,

also undertook roles in establishing the academic structure of this faculty. It is

worth remembering that many early Turkish scholars did their studies in French rather

than English-speaking countries, whereas over the last 20 years, we have seen a

signicant shift from the inuence of French to English-language literatures.

Receiving public support by 1959, the inuence of the opposing/conservative side

saw the establishment of Higher Islamic Institutions (Yksek Islam Enstitleri) which

served as an alternative to the Faculty of Divinity in Ankara, and it was thought that

through these institutions the need for religious scholars equivalent to those produced

by the Ottoman madrasa tradition would be met. By 1971, the Faculty of Islamic

Sciences in Erzurum was also established, to provide higher education at the

secondary-school and undergraduate levels, together with postgraduate education for

graduates of Higher Islamic Institutions. When this faculty was closed in 1982, Higher

Islamic Institutions were converted to faculties of Divinity. However, although the

academic structure of these institutions has survived down until today, the differences

The Inuence of Western Quranic Scholarship in Turkey 11

in approaches between the activities of the faculties of Divinity which originated from

Islamic institutions and the activities of the Faculty of Divinity at Ankara University

requires consideration. Currently, the number of faculties of Divinity, together with

the number of newly established ones, has reached 40.

The Istanbul University Institute for Islamic Studies at the Faculty of Arts, which

was (as mentioned above) closed in 1936, reopened in 1953, largely due to the

contribution of Zeki Velidi Togan (18901970). Togans assumption of the leadership

of preparations for the twenty-second Orientalists Congress held in 1951 in Istanbul

registered the international dimension of his academic identity.5 He persistently drew

attention to orientalist research and related units of Western universities in their use of

fundamental knowledge for everyone; he did this in order to convince anti-religious

authorities at his university that it was not necessary to become religious in order

to open institutions which would undertake academic studies in this eld, or in order

to conduct research in Islamic disciplines.6 This situation is very revealing in terms of

how it reects the non-scientic and ideologically antipathetic attitude towards

religious studies adopted by some people who had a voice in the structuring of higher

education in Turkey during that period. Togan could not convince the university

senate to create a Chair of Islamic Disciplines and Civilisation while he was Professor

at the Institute for Islamic Studies at Istanbul University. After all, it was quite unusual

to pursue research subject areas such as tafsr and adth, which were viewed as

belonging to Basic Islamic Disciplines under the auspices of a Public Chair of Turkish

History. In 1959, Togan stated in amazement that the existence of Islamic studies

within academic research is perceived as fanaticism by progressive Westernists and

as dealing with orientalist issues by conservatives.7 Nevertheless, one of the most

interesting stages of Islamic studies in modern Turkey began with the arrival of

Hellmut Ritter (18921971) on the scene. Ritter worked in the Faculty of Literature

at Istanbul University, rst between 1936 and 1949, and then again between 1959 and

1969. In addition to his valuable contributions to Turkish higher education, he

nurtured the academic commitment of his students such as Ahmet Ates (191761) and

Fuat Sezgin (born in 1924), and guided them.

Orientalist literature has been used more frequently by a group of academics at the

Faculty of Divinity at Ankara University as suggested above who had a poor

image and negative reputation in many religious circles. This is because these

academics were competent in Western languages, and, more signicantly, they used

their writings to provide reasons for their own attitudes and as a justication of

their political attitude of casting religion aside. This situation strengthened the

opposition towards potential/natural orientalism from those on the conservative side

who were, at this time, becoming familiar with academic works questioning certain

elds of religion; they then took their arguments into the political arena. Thus, the

orientalist literature in question, which needed to be evaluated in unbiased scientic


environments, became material for political disputes. For example, smail Hmi

Dnismend (18991967), who had an active role in forming the modern republic and

undertook many studies on Turkish-Islamic history, while referring to orientalist

works, evaluated the need for publishing the Quran in the Republican Turkish

alphabet. Although he was not against this idea in principle, he did not look upon

it warmly, because of the problems of compatibility that arise between the current

Turkish alphabet and the Arabic alphabet. However, he praised the transcription and

transliteration invented by the orientalists and he did not refrain from stating that this

may be very useful.8 Dnismend also quoted references to the orientalists while

writing about the long-discussed inuence of Turkish on other languages including

Arabic, even citing claims regarding the existence of Turkish words in the Quran.9 It

is surely beyond doubt that all these issues were entrenched in the lively political

disputes which deeply affected Turkish society during the 1950s.

Translations of Western Literature on the Quran and its Exegetical Content

Before getting to the translations which are directly related to our subject, I would like

to touch on a few translations which have deeply inuenced Turkish thought and

culture since the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1908, Abdullah Cevdet (1869

1932) translated Reinhard Dozys (182083) Essai sur lhistoire de lIslamisme and

published it under the title of Trh-i slmiyet (The History of Islam) in Ottoman

Turkish.10 The publication and sale of this work, which was deemed to involve

slanders concerning Muammad, was forbidden as it caused indignation among the

Ottoman public. Likewise, approximately half of Annali dellIslam by Leone Caetani

(18691935) was translated into Turkish by Hseyin Cahit (18741957) and

published in ten volumes under the title of slam Tarihi (Islamic History).11 There

were no difculties in regards to orientalism in areas which extended well beyond

these translations. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, which was translated by the Ministry

of National Education, gave the Turkish public an explicit idea about the range and

power of orientalism. It was recognised that this encyclopaedia of the Islamic religion

had been written by non-Muslims. In the preface to the Encyclopaedia, the translators

quite successfully summarise the history of the orientalist endeavour and the phase it

had reached.12 Furthermore, the preface also includes the justications for the Turkish

translation, drawing attention to the amendments, corrections and additions made to

the items of the Encyclopaedia.

Orientalisms reach to the most conservative regions within Turkey was undoubtedly

a painful challenge for many people. Anti-Western religious groups tried to forget

who the writers of the Concordance13 were, while recognising at the same time that

they had to use it frequently. This actually meant that Muslims depended on

orientalists to nd sections of adth in the adth collections. Even today, very few

people are aware of the fact that the number of the verses in the muaf was set down


for the rst time by Gustav Flgel (180270). I remember the surprise of one graduate

of the Faculty of Divinity, and the difculty he had believing this information upon

hearing it for the very rst time.

Ignaz Goldziher (18501921), the most accomplished orientalist of the nineteenth

and twentieth centuries, was introduced to the Turkish public by Tayyib Oki.14

Goldzihers book Muhammadanische Studien, in which he explains the origin of

Islamic sciences and the process of forming the complete collections of adth, was

translated into Turkish by Cihat Tun and Mehmet Said Hatibolu many years ago

but it has not been possible to publish it. It is good to hear that this translation will, in

fact, be published soon.15 An unsuccessful Turkish translation of Goldzihers Die

Richtungen der islamischen Koranauslegung16 in which he analyses exegetical

procedures, was published earlier.17 Many other books of Western origin which are

directly concerned with the Quran and its exegesis have been translated into Turkish

and a list of these can be found in Appendix I, below. Articles of Western origin

which directly relate to the Quran and its exegesis that have been translated into

Turkish are listed in Appendix II.

Before moving onto the written criticisms of the academic community in Turkey

concerning these studies, I would like to bring specic attention to the general impact

of the translation of the Quran by Muhammad Asad (190092).18 Asad was a Polish-

Austrian convert to Islam who looked at the Quran through the eyes of a Westerner,

and he embraced and interpreted it in this way. His rational approach to the prophetic

miracles in the Quran, and the metaphoric explanations of the afterlife contained in

his interpretation, have affected the Turkish public in many respects.19

Many studies have been carried out that critically re-evaluate Western academic works

which directly concern the Quran and its exegesis. These are listed in Appendix III.

These translations and evaluations reveal a number of points. Both the translations and

the critical evaluations are, for the most part, not written by those occupied with

Islamic studies in tertiary educational establishments, nor by amateur intellectuals.

This area is clearly on the agenda of academics who work in divinity faculties. As

well, until the mid-1990s, an extensive number of studies directly related to the

Quran have been brought out in the Turkish language. Turkish academics became

aware of Western works on exegesis (as compared to studies of the Quran itself)

that started to emerge in the 1950s, gained speed in the 1960s, further increased in

the 1970s, and were impossible to deny in the following years. However, the

preoccupation of Turkish academics with responding to orientalists scepticism and

criticisms of the Quran has led to the expansive studies of exegesis written by

orientalists being overlooked. For instance, through translations, there is an

opportunity to present to the relevant community in Turkey studies of how the

exegesis of al-abar (d. 310/923) and al-Rz (d. 604/1207) have been analysed by


Western experts. However, as of today, there are no works in the Turkish language

from, for example, Claude Gilliot, who has set aside the last thirty years of his

academic life to the exegesis of al-abar. Again, the experience of Michel Lagarde,

the indisputable expert in the eld with regard to al-Rzs exegesis, is unknown to the

Turkish public.20 The vast majority of manuscripts on exegesis, variant readings, and

articles about the structure of the Quranic text, and so forth, which have been

continually published in the West for the last 150, or indeed close to 200 years, have

not become a major topic of the discipline in Turkey.

Here I wish to relate my own personal experience. I experienced a serious problem

while studying the evaluation of exegetical reports in the exegesis of Ibn Ab tim

(d. 327/939) at the end of the 1990s and into the 2000s. The previous research carried

out in Turkey could not guide me sufciently in terms of how these ndings could

be presented and commented upon within a doctoral thesis. I remember feeling more

comfortable, and being able to place my study on a more meaningful basis, after

discovering the doctoral thesis of Heribert Horst on the exegesis of al-abar.21 I can

clearly say that Horsts thesis provided me with a type of supervisory service.

Speaking as an academic who was doing his doctorate at that time, there should have

been an environment in which these types of studies were known, evaluated, and

criticised, and where meaningful interactive routes could be found in Turkish

academia. But there was not.

It must also be pointed out that the command of French of the theological scholars in

the rst period led those writers to generally use resources in that language. With

English becoming more important over time, the effect of Anglo-American

orientalism on Turkey has increased and, today, with the considerably reduced

numbers of academics who speak a second language other than English, this has led to

works published in languages other than English being ignored.

Fazlur Rahman (191988)

Turkish academics were introduced to Fazlur Rahman and his ideas starting in the

mid-1980s, and this drew them into a never-ending debate. While these debates,

which can be encapsulated under the headings of the historicity of the Quran and

living sunna, were prevalent in the 1990s, they have not lost their topicality even

today. This is because these topics did not just open the door to a wide-ranging

academic debate about the world, but they also proposed radical changes to the

established, traditional understanding by Muslims of the Quran and the sunna. The

rst topic prescribed the separation of the verses of the Quran into two parts

universal and historical in a way that Muslims were not at all accustomed to.

According to this idea, the social and legal rulings in the Quran can change along

with history and changing conditions. The important element thus resides not in how


these rulings were realised during the period of revelation, but in their purpose and the

general principles brought by the Quran. The idea suggests that the same objectives

can be reached today through different routes. Indeed, the letter-by-letter

implementation of the verses of the Quran today may even serve a purpose which

could be deemed unacceptable to the Quran itself. What is appropriate in relation to

the Quran is not to deviate from its aims.22 The second topic was making sunna, the

most prominent source of the Islamic religion after the Quran, gain functionality.

According to this idea, the living sunna was, in short, to point the way to solutions

which a signicant majority of modern-day Muslims could reach through reason,

subject to the conclusions of those deductions not being contradictory to the general

principles of Islam.23 Of course, this made those who followed the traditional

approach of searching for sunna solely in the adth collections very anxious. The

translation of Fazlur Rahmans works into Turkish spread his ideas very widely;

Appendix IV lists those translations.

The views put forward by Fazlur Rahman were very important to Muslims, especially

those who took seriously the expression of religious factors by a thinker who had

spent all his life researching how Islam should be implemented in the present day, and

who was aware of the traditional Islamic disciplines. A notable reminder of this point

may be seen in the special issue of the Journal of Islamic Research in 1990, based

on the Symposium on the Problem of Historicity in Understanding the Quran

organised by the Foundation of Quranic Research in 1996, and Islam and

Modernism: The Symposium on the Fazlur Rahman Experience, which took place in

Istanbul in 1997.24 These ideas were a new source of hope for a segment of Muslims

who felt themselves stied and pessimistic due to the changes experienced in modern

times, and the unpleasant image of the Muslim world in the view of those outside

Islam. However, the limited number of examples provided by Fazlur Rahman from

the past, and even from the generation of the Companions of the Prophet, was not, in

terms of quantity and quality, at a level to be able to support the radical changes that

he put forth.25 Nevertheless, his frequent references when making these proposals to

the fact that life had changed to an extent that previous generations of Muslims could

not have ever experienced nor, indeed, even dreamed about, strengthened the

acceptability of his ideas. Thus, Fazlur Rahman was proposing an Islamic methodology

that consisted of radical changes proportional to the unprecedented scale of changes to

the life of present-day Muslims. This is why those who only comprehended the

implementation of the Quran in a word-by-word manner became very uneasy with

Fazlur Rahmans ideas. For them, these proposals were a clear distortion of Islam and

the Quran. Because he did not lean towards the principle of secularism,26 which is

something that cannot be relinquished in the development of the modern state, he was

not rejected by those who prioritised religion, unlike the pro-Western scholars and

scholars who were wary of religion in Islamic countries and were rejected. He was a


Muslim, and he was convincing. That is why those who opposed him felt that his views

needed to be disproven urgently. The criticisms of Fazlur Rahman by his opponents

coalesce around two points. One, they assert that there is no basis for the radical changes

proposed by Fazlur Rahman, either in the Quran or in the implementations of it by

previous generations of Muslims; no clear statement or hidden indication within the

Quran mentions that a part of it is only temporarily binding. Two, the methodology

proposed by Fazlur Rahman is not internally consistent. It is not clear why the approach

brought by this methodology would not render many other verses within the Quran

historically contingent or invalid, as with, for example, the statements to do with

rituals.27 Additionally, Fazlur Rahman has also been subjected to ideological criticism

due to the close relationship he formed with the Western world of learning. Rahman

undoubtedly was highly affected by the methods developed by the West concerning the

evaluation of social sciences and scripture, as well as Western philosophy. The impact

of the West on the methodology he was trying to develop cannot be denied. However,

while the evaluations of orientalists were considered to be external, and possessed

only a limited impact on Muslims, those of Fazlur Rahman were seen as internal. It

would not be an exaggeration to say that certain Western approaches to the Quran and

its exegesis have reached Turkish people in more effective ways through Fazlur

Rahman. All of these positive and negative views of Fazlur Rahman have been reected

in both undergraduate and graduate level studies, as well as in books and articles. The

works where the views of Fazlur Rahman, in particular those about the Quran, are

evaluated, are listed in Appendix V.

Arab Scholars who Embrace Western-based Text Evaluation Methods

The literary exegetical method, which was studied by Amn al-Khl (18951966) in

order to provide an objective meaning to the Quran, has proven inuential in

theological circles.28 It is very clear that the methods of interpreting the Bible with

which al-Khl acquainted himself while living in Germany and Italy between 1923

and 1927 lie behind this method.29 However, perhaps because he did not make

reference to the West, this background has not been extensively discussed. On the

other hand, because he did not clearly provide a practical example of this method,

even though he continuously emphasised and idealised it, the method is still

something of an enigma today. Overall, it would seem that al-Khls wife, isha

Abd al-Ramn (191397), beneted the most from his method.30

As representatives of modern Islamic thought within the Arab world, Hassan Hana

(b. 1935), Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (19362010) and Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd

(19432010) were fully appreciated by those who viewed Fazlur Rahman positively;

at the same time, these scholars were highly censured by those who criticised Fazlur

Rahman. This is not surprising. Clearly, the perceptions of these Arab thinkers and

Fazlur Rahman concerning Islam and their stance in the face of contemporary Muslim


problems were very similar.31 Our purpose here is not to explore the views of these

scholars, but the relevant element is the route they provided for Western approaches to

the Quran to reach the Turkish public.32 Like Fazlur Rahman, because of their

Muslim identity, they were from the inside, and were, therefore, taken seriously.

However, the same cannot be said of Muammad Arkoun (19282010) who was

never seen as being fully an insider. As a result, his inuence has never been the

same as that of the other Arab scholars. It seems that Arkoun was seen to represent

the other, and was situated somewhere between these Arab scholars and the

orientalists.

All of these scholars were activists; they aimed to transform Muslim communities.

They saw mistakes in the perception of the Quran by Muslims as among the things

chiey responsible for a negative atmosphere in these communities. Therefore, the

verses of the Quran played an important part in almost every work they wrote. This,

of course, provides a challenge for our current task in that it is nearly impossible to

differentiate within the works of these scholars between those which are related to the

Quran, and those which are not. Be that as it may, we have listed in Appendix VI the

works of these scholars which we consider to be relevant to our subject matter, and

which have been translated into Turkish.

Turkish Academics who have Undertaken Graduate and Doctorate Degrees inthe West on the Subjects of the Quran and its Interpretation

In present day Turkey, about ten lecturers employed in the sub-departments33 of

Quranic studies of the various faculties of Divinity in Turkish universities have

completed their doctorates in Western universities. If we take into account that there

are more than twenty sub-departments in each faculty of Theology, the proportion of

lecturers employed in the Quranic studies in the faculties of Theology who undertook

their doctorates in the West must be considered substantial.

So, what is the aim of the project which has led academics from these theology

faculties to undertake their doctoral education in the West? Has a theoretical study

been prepared on this matter?34 It would have been a source of pleasure to have been

able to answer this question with a Yes; however, we lack eld studies concerning

what types of contributions are being made by the academics who are returning from

the West to the faculties of Theology in Turkey.

Selahattin Snmezsoy, who completed his doctorate in France, began in the prologue

to his book Kuran ve Oryantalistler (The Quran and the Orientalists)35 with a

reference to the expeditions of Mta and Tabk which took place during the time of

the Prophet; he established a direct relationship between the refusal of the rst

Christians to be subjected to the Quran and to accept its divine roots, and modern-day

orientalism.36 He states his views before even introducing the orientalists who have


worked on the Quran; he says, When the studies that they have undertaken are

examined, they can be seen to spew malice, spite, hostility and dissent.37 On the other

hand, when looking at the actual content of his work, we are surprised to see that the

author has not consulted orientalist work that has been produced in the present day.

Orientalists who lived during the nineteenth and rst half of the twentieth centuries

predominate in his study. As the author of the book, he seems unaware that he has

a responsibility to show his readers the point at which Western study of the Quran

has arrived today. In his conclusions, the author is excessively occupied with the

intentions and aspirations of orientalists. The author speaks of this matter by saying,

The reason why orientalists attempt to translate the Quran is, in general, to contradict

it, go against its judgement, and to show its rhetoric and declarations to be different

than what they actually are, even after becoming acquainted with it, and thus they only

achieve certain religious objectives.38

In particular, Snmezsoy always generalises in sentences which convey a judgement,

using templates such as the orientalist views about or the orientalist aspirations

about , and this makes his work lack an academic, persuasive thrust.39 In fact, we

do not actually believe he cares about this. The mission that he has set himself is

simply to defend Islam, or, more accurately, to engage in apologetics. His method of

defence is primarily romantic rather than being based on the foundation of the

principles of scientic plausibility. For example, if he had only looked at the book

review sections of journals published in the West, he would have seen the difculties

he faces as a result of these generalisations; there he would have seen the serious

differences of opinion among Western scholars themselves. Clearly, Snmezsoy has

been left behind in the discussions concerning the point that academic studies in

Turkey have reached on this subject. Indeed, about 10 years ago, smail Cerraholu

was able to accomplish a more accurate and persuasive analysis.40 Cerraholu says,

As the centuries pass, the task of translating of the Quran also shows positive

developments. Undoubtedly, the more Western scholars are freed from the bigoted

pressure of the Church of the Middle Ages, the more they have appreciated the

importance of understanding the Quran correctly, and, as a result, they have been

able to produce more serious studies aimed at minimising errors. When comparing the

translations undertaken today with those undertaken half a century ago, we can

observe the presence of an undeniable difference.41 Cerraholu specically praised

the translation of the Quran by Rudi Paret:42 he tried to understand the minds of

the orientalists, and openly commended some of their studies.43 However, like

Selahattin Snmezsoy, smail Cerraholu did also make some subjective evaluations

of orientalist studies.44 The difference between him and Snmezsoy is that he saw

Western orientalists as his professional colleagues, and viewed their work as

something he was able to benet from. Indeed, Cerraholu, an expert in the history of

exegesis, did not see any problem in constructing his vision of the formative period


of exegesis on the basis of what Carra de Vaux (18671953),45 had stated in his entry

on tafsr in the rst edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam, such that, this discipline

known as the sciences of the Quran and its exegesis, constitutes an important part of

the adths.46 This approach has been repeated by most academics in Turkey after

Cerraholu.47

In a contradictory way, the most bizarre opposition to orientalist studies of Islam (with

defensive, apologetic, aggressive and/or sentimental reexes) can be seen in some

academics who have either been educated in the West or who have had close contact

with the West. They believe that many lines of thought and Islamic approaches in

Muslim countries have been changed to suit the interests of the West, and they hold

orientalism responsible for this. According to them, if orientalism had not inuenced

the direction of Islamic studies, Muslims could have invented a research model that

would have been completely different in essence to those seen in todays academic

studies. This model would, in contrast to current studies, be in keeping with the

madrasa-based style and the encyclopaedic-scholar image of Muslims. I would like to

relate a personal experience on this matter. I took part in the summer meetings

organised by Journal of slamiyat in Bursa/Uluda in 2005. The subject of the

meeting was The Islamic Identity Problem in the face of Modernisation and

Globalisation. During this meeting, an academic who had undertaken his doctorate in

the West stated that orientalism was primarily responsible for the identity crisis that

was being suffered by the Muslim world, as well as for creating a universe for Islamic

studies in which it kept stumbling in a direction which did not suit it or was foreign to

it. I asked to respond to this, and I reminded him of the successful orientalist studies

which had left the Muslim world wanting to learn even more. Then I asked him why

he had remained within an organisation which he found so harmful for ten years, and

why he had undertaken a doctorate on the subjects of Islamic Jurisprudence and

Philosophy. Instead of answering my question, the person in question was content

simply to say that I should be reproached for feeling uncomfortable with the criticisms

he had brought upon the orientalists. He did not wish to see that what I was

uncomfortable with was the fact that Turkish academics, who had had the opportunity

to get to know Western academics and their intellectual accomplishments, believed

that they had carried out their duty by making such a supercial criticism of

orientalism, a criticism that even an ordinary Turkish citizen or layman could see

through.

Why is it so difcult to see the common endeavour, experience and success of

humanity behind the modern educational model? Of course, at this point, we should

remember that it is not difcult to gain a reputation by cursing orientalism in the

presence of traditional, established religious organisations. As can easily be surmised,

this is because the natural reex of those organisations in the face of orientalism is an

ideological opposition. In present-day Turkey, therefore, a price must be paid by those


who try to benet from orientalism, rather than being opposed to it; this is true for

those who simply take an interest in it. I do wonder whether these Turkish academics

are aware of the extent of the pessimism they are instilling in the younger Muslim

generations who are particularly interested in Islamic studies, in the face of the

continued competition concerning Islamic disciplines between the West and the East.

Above all else, falling for the delusion that orientalism determines the direction of

scholarly activities in the Islamic world (especially when presenting that in an

exaggerated way) leads to the deepening of the already existing problem of the lack of

self-condence among scholars in the Islamic world. Some phases of history clearly

refute this exaggerated manner of presentation. It simply cannot be asserted that all

orientalists have, throughout history, always carried out their research under the

inuence of a dominant state bestowed by the ruling culture. In twelfth-century Paris,

the Dominican priest Albertus Magnus (d. 679/1280), was lecturing from the podium

dressed in Arab clothing while his students read the works of Muslim philosophers

and imitated the civilisation he was exploring.48 William Bidwell (d. 1042/1632), who

has an important place in the studies of Arabic history, stated that Arabic was the only

language of diplomacy and religion from the Canary Islands to China;49 he was

probably undertaking his studies in a similar frame of mind as the one held by present-

day Muslims in the face of the globalisation of English. On the other hand, the

continued elevation of the past by Turkish academics who are in close contact with

the West points to an imaginary scholarly vision and a nostalgia that cannot extend to

the present day, and presents an unattainable target. For instance, would it motivate

Muslims to think that al-abar (d. 310/923), who was able to talk about everything

that the accumulated knowledge of his period allowed, would be able to embrace all of

the knowledge that has been accumulated by the Islamic disciplines today, were he

alive today? Or would it incite them towards pessimism? In fact, since this

anachronistic view, which is not symmetrical with human capacity, proposes and

idealises the impossible, it forcefully imposes an idea that Islamic civilisation will

never be able to return to those stellar periods. However, it would be just as

motivating as it is realistic to introduce the present-day al-abar as an academic

whom all of the relevant communities in the world would respect and try to emulate.

That is because this last depiction does not point to a superhuman objective, but, at

most, turns al-abar into a role model due to his traits of industriousness, self-

sacrice, clarity of mind, curiosity, love for knowledge and perseverance, all of which

can be attained if desired.

The Republic of Turkey has sent a sufcient number of researchers to the West to

undertake academic studies in the eld of Islamic disciplines. Could not at least some

of these researchers endeavour to compensate for the academic deciencies of the

theological faculties in Turkey? Would it not be more productive for them to carry

their academic experience of the West into the elds of the social sciences, rather than


spend their time and energy expounding their reactive and romantic obsessions with

orientalism? They have not even been able to use their linguistic advantage; by 2007,

more than 400 MA and PhD theses had been completed in Turkey in the area of tafsr,

yet few of these have been drawn to the attention of Western scholarship. Or, is it that

a large number of these academics who were sent to the West were not, in fact, ready

to benet from what the West had to offer, or ready to agree with the West on a

common platform in their studies, or even prepared to accept a lower degree of

academic interaction with the West by promoting the academic accomplishments of

their own country? Perhaps we need to answer Yes to this last question and then

consider it carefully. One of our colleagues, who is still employed as a professor at the

Faculty of Divinity of Ankara University, conveyed to me that, when he was

preparing his doctoral thesis in the 1980s, he desperately needed information on

hermeneutics and semantics, which were subjects that had not even been heard of

within our faculty at that time. This was so even though many lecturers had earned

doctorates in Paris but still did not know much about these concepts.50 The conclusion

must be that the orientalist accomplishments in the eld of Islamic studies have only

been brought to Turkey in an unreliable and very limited manner. This outcome is not

actually very surprising. The root cause of this is that the Turkish state has not made

the necessary arrangements to prepare the people it was sending to the West for these

academic studies, nor has it evaluated knowledge of those people with objective

criteria.

General Evaluation

The diversication of Western research in the elds of the Quran and its exegesis,

especially after World War II, is ignored by most Turkish academics. This situation is

reected in the written and verbal statements of those academics with generalised

formulations such as orientalists think such-and-such on this matter. For example,

the variety clearly observed in the rst part of Development of Exegesis in Early

Islam51 by Herbert Berg has been overlooked. Still, there have been studies

undertaken with the purpose of getting to know orientalism and the relevant literature.

Among these we can mention the First Islamic Research Symposium organised by

the Faculty of Divinity of Dokuz Eyll University in 1985; Re-reading

Orientalism Western Islamic Studies Symposium, which took place at the

Faculty of Divinity of Sakarya University in 2002;52 The International Orientalism

Symposium, organised by the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality in 2006, with the

aim of dealing more with the artistic dimensions of orientalism; the Orientalism

issue of the journal Marife;53 the Orientalist Islamic Lawyers issue of the Journal of

Islamic Legal Research; and the Orientalism issue of the journal Dou Bat

(Eastern-Western).54 Given that, why is it still impossible to evaluate orientalist

studies reliably?


Political concerns appear to inhibit the fair appraisal of orientalism. The perception is

that, in the situation where we are dependent on the West in almost every respect,

benetting also from orientalism means that we are even going to be learning our own

religion from the West; that, it is suggested, will bring about a feeling of degradation.

Within the organisational structures where these visions are shaped and in the course

of his or her own studies, the average theology student will be faced with direct

statements in which orientalist studies are severely attacked far more frequently than

they will have encountered via scientic evaluations whereby the studies are

introduced and criticised.55 However, like one of the most successful Arab editors of

the twentieth century, Amad Muammad Shkir (18911957), we can both evaluate

the activities of the orientalists within the boundaries of reason, and we can learn from

these activities on behalf of the Muslim world. Shkir says:56

If only we had been able to treat the works of our predecessors

(al-salaf al-li) in the same way as the qawm [by which he means

the orientalists] were. They [the orientalists] opened the way for us to

be able to benet from these works. While we were asleep, unaware of

the treasures near at hand, wherever there was a valuable book, its rst

publication was ensured by the European orientalists.

Would it have been natural for Western thinkers, who study almost every detail

concerning life notice the strong curiosity which leads scientic researchers to give

up years of their lives in order to examine a rare life form to not pay attention to

Islam, which is one of the richest cultural heritages of all time? When looking at it

from this angle, an imaginary and, of course, hard-to-explain nonchalance on the

part of the West could have prevented the emergence of orientalism or any similar

organisational structure. To suggest this is not to provide an effortless stance for or

against orientalism; rather, it is to suggest that an effort needs to be made to evaluate,

criticise, and benet from it.

No one can deny the impact of orientalism on the foreign policies of the West. A

modern state will always determine its foreign policies by taking into account the

relevant potential outcome and subsequent benet. There is nothing to be surprised

about here. In this context, no Easterner with a conscience can remain unconcerned in

the face of the ideological criticism of Edward Said (19352003). That is because his

criticism determines the place of the East within the hard struggle between the cultures

and provides it with the necessary warnings in that situation. However, Said is unable

to present a scientic point of view for the attitude Muslim theologians should assume

against orientalist Islamic studies. That is because this was neither his subject nor his

area of expertise. Given these circumstances, then why is it that Saids Orientalism,

published for the rst time in 1978, is perceived as the cure for almost all of the

problems concerning orientalism in the Islamic world?


Here we are not interested in the innocence of orientalism or the orientalists or their

preconceptions. The existence of Western publications which either distort Islam or

approach it with a self-seeking and ideological viewpoint is, in any case, entirely

evident. As these are able to render suspect the considerable effort evident within

other studies undertaken in the West, they must make the Western scholarly

community uneasy.57 The role and the responsibility of the academic community in

Turkey should not be to approach orientalist books in the elds of the Islamic

disciplines through these types of subjective and biased studies, and suppress them

with highly sentimental evaluations which highlight the objectionable sentences. The

Turkish public has long since had its ll of emotional evaluations. Furthermore, at the

end of this process, we must not overlook the following question. Are Muslim

academics concerned with the subject able to compete with orientalist literature in

various elds of Islamic studies? If the answer is in the negative, then the time

has come to accept that the approach to evaluating Western activities in this eld

needs to be changed. In reality, the existence of groups who prefer to look at Western

studies with a scientic view cannot be denied, even if they do not raise their voices as

much as necessary.58 If the entries in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, one of the projects

realised within the framework of ISAM,59 are examined, it can be observed that

many authors have derived considerable benet from orientalist literature. This brings

to mind another question. Is there an unspoken or hidden acceptance of orientalism in

Turkey which cannot be openly declared, which ultimately possesses a pragmatic

character?

The West will never make a fuss about the continuation of the sentimental

and reactionary opposition to orientalism coming from Turkey specically or the

Islamic world generally. That makes it all the more difcult for a movement within

the Islamic world to settle the matter for itself. For example, the Muslim world has

still not found the time or opportunity to write a sufcient and scientic response

to the work of John Wansbrough (19282002), entitled Quranic Studies,60 which is

one of the most offensive works conveying its own vision of the Quran, because of

this sentimental war against orientalism.61 Again, neither the Encyclopaedia of

the Qurn,62 published in recent years by Western scholars, nor the Corpus

Coranicum project,63 which continues in Berlin after having essentially started

over a century ago, have been given the attention they deserved within the

Muslim world. Is it natural to think that the Islamic world has nothing objective to

say about these studies and the project, whether positive or negative? Undoubtedly,

for as long as there is no meaningful or scientic response from the Islamic world,

or an obligation to compete has not been created, the West will continue to

give the message, I am the best at researching Islam, and behave with the

comfort of having kept hold of another eld of study which leaves the entire world

admiring it.


APPENDICES

Appendix I

(N.B. The lists in the appendices are ordered according to date of publication in order

to provide a historical overview of the translation activity.)

John Davenport, Hz. Muhammed ve Kurn- Kerm [Mohammad and Teachings of

Quran], tr. mer Rza Dorul (Istanbul: Amedi Publishing, 1928).

M. Marmaduke Pickthall, Kuran- Kerimin Manalar [The Meanings of the Glorious

Koran], tr. M. Sevki Alaykatibiolu (Istanbul: Hadise Publishing, 1958).

M. Marmaduke Pickthall, Kuran- Kerim ve Hazreti Muhammed [The Glorious

Quran and the Prophet Muhammad], tr. Sinasi Siber, Diyanet sleri Reislii

Publication, 63 (Ankara: 1958).

Theodor Nldeke-Schwally, Kuran Tarihi [Geschichte des Qorns] (summary

translation), ed. Muammer Sencer (Istanbul: lke Publishing, 1970).

J. Jomier, Tevrat-ncil ve Kuran [Bible et Coran], tr. Sakp Yldz (Istanbul: Hareket

Publishing, 1974).

W. Montgomery Watt, Modern Dnyada slam Vahyi [Islamic Revelation in the

Modern World], tr. Mehmet Aydn (Ankara: Hlbe Publications, 1982).

J.J.G. Jansen, Kurana (Bilimsel-Filolojik-Pratik) Yaklasmlar [The Interpretation of

theKoran inModernEgypt], tr.HalilurrahmanAar (Ankara: FecrPublishing, 1993).

J.M.S. Baljon, Kuran Yorumunda adas Ynelimler [Modern Muslim Koran

Interpretation], tr. Saban Ali Dzgn (Ankara: Fecr Publishing, 1994).

W. Montgomery Watt, Kurana Giris [Bells Introduction to the Quran], tr.

Sleyman Kalkan (Ankara: Ankara Okulu Publishing, 1998).

Pierre Lory, Abdurrezzak Kasaniye gre Kurnn tasavvu tefsiri [Les

Commentaires esoteriques du Coran dapres Abd ar-Razzaq al-Qashani], tr.

Sadk Kl (Istanbul: nsan Publishing, 2001).

Daniel Wickwire, Kitab- Mukaddes ve Kuran- Kerim Fihristi [The Bible and the

Index of the Holy Quran] (this book was published in Turkish by the author)

(Ankara: Ltuf Publishing, 2007).

Bruce Lawrence, Kuran [The Quran], tr. Algan Sezgintredi (Istanbul: Versus Kitap,

2008).

John Penrice, Kuran szl [Dictionary and Glossary of the Holy Quran], tr. mer

Aydn (Istanbul: saret Publishing, 2010).

Appendix II

Marcel Colomb, Kurann Franszca Tercemeleri [French Translation of the

Quran], tr. Vecdi Brn, Trk Dsncesi 10:1 (1958), pp. 2931.


A.GressyMorisson, Gnmzn lmi veKuran [Todays Science and the Quran],

tr. Nihat Yazar, Sebillrresd (1959). (This translation from Morissons bookMan

Cannot Be Alone was published in six issues of the journal of Sebillrresd.)

Ernst Zbinden, Muhammed ve Kuran- Kerim [Prophet Muhammad and the

Quran], tr. Osman Cilac, slamn lk Emri Oku 15:171 (1976), pp. 224.

M. Maciej Konopacki, Polonyada Kuran- Kerim Tercemesi Tarihi [De lHistoire

de la traduction du Coran en Pologne], tr. . Sreyya Srma, Journal of the

Faculty of Divinity of Atatrk University 3 (1979), pp. 41117.

Maurice Bucaille, Kuranda Modern lim [Modern Science in the Quran], tr.

Emin Bilgi-Ekmeleddin hsanolu, Milli Kltr 2:2 (1980), pp. 218.

Regis Blachre, Nefs Kelimesinin Kuranda Kullanls Hakknda Baz Notlar

[Some Notes on the Use of the Word nafs in the Quran], tr. Sadk Kl,

Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Atatrk University 5 (1982), pp. 18996.

Ignaz Goldziher, Mslmanlarda Sekine Kavram [La notion de la Sakina chez les

Mohammetans], tr. Mehmed Said Hatibolu, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of

Ankara University 26 (1983), pp. 14353.

W. Montgomery Watt, Batl lim Adamlarnn Kurana Yaklasmlar [The

Western Scholars Approach to the Quran], tr. Selahattin Erolu, International

I. Islamic Research Symposium (zmir: Dokuz Eyll niversitesi lahiyat

Fakltesi, 1985), pp. 2536.

Rudi Paret, Kuran Arastrmas zerine [from Parets Schriften zum Islam], tr.

Osman Gner, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Ondokuz Mays University 6

(1992), pp. 18591.

Rudi Paret, Yeni Bir Bilimsel Kuran Tercemesinin Plan [Der Plan Einer Neuen,

Leicht kommertierten wissenschaftlichen Koranbersetzung] in mer zsoy (tr.

and ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publishing, 1995), pp. 3748.

Rudi Paret, Tarih Kayna Olarak Kuran [Der Koran als Geschichtesquelle] in

mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf

Publications, 1995), pp. 11638.

Rudi Paret, Bakillnnin Kuran retisine liskin Grsleri [Der Standpunk al-

Bqllns in der Lehre vom Koran] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the

Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 7785.

Rudi Paret, Kuran Tetkiki zerine [Zur Koranforschung] in mer zsoy (tr. and

ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 1628.

Rudi Paret, Tarihte ve Gnmzde Kuran [Der Koran in Geschichte und

Gegenwart] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi

Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 95116.

Rudi Paret, lk Mesajlardaki Ana Fikirler [Leitgedanken in Mohammeds Frhesten

Verkndigungen] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara:

Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 8691.


Rudi Paret, Kurandaki Bakyye Kelimesinin Anlam zerine [Die Bedeutung

des Wortes baqiya im Koran] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the Quran

(Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 4853.

Rudi Paret, Kuran ve Kader [Der Koran und Die Prdestination] in mer zsoy

(tr. and ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995),

pp. 1449.

Rudi Paret, Kuranda Tarih [Das Geschichtsbild Mohammeds] in mer zsoy


pp. 1504.

Rudi Paret, Karn Sresi [Sura 109] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the


Rudi Paret, 57/Hadd 1213 ve Zeki ve Budala Bakireler Meseli [Sure 57/12 f. und

das Gleichnis von den Klugen und den Trichten Jungfrauen] in mer zsoy


pp. 1548.

Rudi Paret, 112/hls 2deki Samed fadesi zerine [Der Ausdruck amad in Sure

112] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf


Rudi Paret, 17/sr 1deki Uzak Mescid [Die Ferne Gebetssttte in Sure 17, 1] in



Rudi Paret, 107/Mn 46 Ayetlerin Tefsiri [Kommentar zu Sure 107, 4, 6] in



Rudi Paret, 55/Rahman 6daki Necm Kelimesinin Anlam zerine [Die Bedeutung

von en-Najm in Sure 55/6] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the Quran

(Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 15860.

Rudi Paret, 9/Tevbe 122 veCihad [Sure 9, 122 und derihd] inmerzsoy (tr. and

ed.), Articles on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 727.

Rudi Paret, Metin Tenkidi Asndan Kullanlabilir Durumdaki Kuran Varyantlar

[Textkritische Verwertbare Koranvarianten] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles

on the Quran (Ankara: Bilgi Vakf Publications, 1995), pp. 16979.

Rudi Paret, Mn Suresi [Sure 107] in mer zsoy (tr. and ed.), Articles on the


Rudi Paret, Bakara 256: l ikrhe fd-dn Hosgr m, Teslimiyet mi? [Sure 2,

256: l ikrha f al-dn Toleranz oder Resignation, Mn Suresi] in mer zsoy


pp. 13842.

Tilman Nagel, Tarihi Arastrma Konusu Olarak Kuran [Der Koran als Gegenstand

Historischer Forchung], tr. Ali Dere, Journal of Islamic Research 9:2 (1996),

pp. 5461.


E. Daniel Wickwire, Kitab- Mukaddes ve Kurann Benzeyen ve Farkl Yanlarnn

Karslastrlmas [Comparing Similar and Different Aspects of the Bible and the

Quran] (written in Turkish), Fecre Doru 11 (1996), pp. 417.

John H. Hayes and Carl R. Holladay, Tefsirin Gnlk Hayatta ve zel Bir Disiplin

Olarak Kullanm [Biblical Exegesis: A Beginners Handbook], tr. brahim

Grener, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Kahramanmaras University 8

(1998), pp. 6471.

T.J. OShaughnessy, Kuran Cenneti [Eschatological Themes in the Quran, chapters

Notions Associated with Quranic Paradise and The Development of the

Paradise Theme in the Quran], tr. mer Kara, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity

of Yzncyl University 3:3 (2000), pp. 397428.

T.J. OShaughnessy, Eskatalojik Bir Sembol Olarak Ars [Eschatological Themes in

the Quran, chapter The Throne as an Eschatological Symbol], tr. mer Kara,

EKEV 6:10 (2001), pp. 299352.

Fred Leemhuis, Tefsir Geleneinin Kkleri ve lk Dnemlerdeki Gelisimi

[Origins of the Early Development of the Tafsr Tradition in Andrew Rippin

(ed.), Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Quran], tr. hsan

Kahveci, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Sakarya University 3 (2001),

pp. 43552.

Andrew Rippin, Deve ine Deliinden Geinceye Kadar [Quran 7.40: Until the

Camel Passes Through the Eye of the Needle], tr. Mehmet Da and mer Kara,

Dinbilimleri 2:4 (2002), pp. 17.

Andrew Rippin, Tefsir alsmalarnn Bugnk Durumu [The Present Status of

tafsr Studies], tr. smail Albayrak, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Sakarya

University 3 (2003), pp. 4565.

Amjad Moiz, Kuranda Gramer Hatalar [Grammatical Errors in the Quran], tr.

Mehmet Cevat Ergin and Ali Akay, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Dicle

University 7:1 (2005), pp. 183200.

G.H. Junyboll, lk Devir slam Tarihinde Kurra Kavram [The Qurr in Early

Islamic History], tr. Yusuf Alemdar, Nsha 3:11 (2003), pp. 13952.

Peter F. Fort, Kutsal Metin Olarak Kuran: ada Hristiyan Baks Asna Gre Bir

Deerlendirme [The Quran as Sacred Scripture: An Assessment of

Contemporary Christian Perspectives], tr. brahim Grener, Bilimname 1

(2003), pp. 4164.

Nabia Abbott, Tefsirin Erken Dnem Gelisimi [The Early Development of Tafsir

from her Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri II Quranic commentary and

tradition chapter], tr. Mehmet Akif Ko, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of

Ankara University 43:2 (2003), pp. 44962.

Arthur Jeffery, Kurann Metin Tenkidi Projesindeki Gelismeler [Progress in the

Study of the Quranic Text], tr. Mesut Okumus, from Islam from the Perspective

of Orientalists (Istanbul: Rabet Publications, 2003).


Arthur Jeffery, Kurann Metinlesme Tarihi [The Textual History of the Quran],

tr. Mesut Okumus, from Islam from the Perspective of Orientalists (Istanbul:

Rabet Publications, 2003).

Neal Robinson, Mminn Suresinin Yaps ve Tefsiri [The Structure of Srah of

Muminn], tr. smail Albayrak, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Sakarya

University 9 (2004), pp. 185206.

G.H. Junyboll, slamn lk Dneminde Kuran Kraatinin Durumu [The Position

of Quran Recitation in Early Islam], tr. Yusuf Alemdar, Nsha 4:12 (2004),

pp. 7788.

Karl Heinz Ohling, Gerd R. Puin, Hans Caspar Graf von Bothmer, Kuran

Arastrmalarnn Yeni Yollar [Neue Wege der Koranforschung], tr. Gnay

zer, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Kahramanmaras University 4 (2004),

pp. 12141.

Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Kurn Hermentii: Taberi ve Ibn Kesirin Grsleri

[The Views of al-abar and Ibn Kathr], tr. mer Pakis, Tabula Rasa: Felsefe-

Teoloji 4:12 (2004), pp. 17587.

Norman Calder, Kurra ve Arapa Szlk Gelenei [The Qurr and The Arabic

Lexicographical Tradition], tr. Yusuf Alemdar, Nsha 5:19 (2005), pp. 91102.

Issa Boulluta, Kurann Belaat Asndan Tefsiri: caz ve lgili Konular [The

Rhetorical Interpretation of the Quran: caz and Related Topics in Andrew

Rippin (ed.), Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Quran], tr.

brahim Hilmi Karsl, Dinbilimleri 5:4 (2005), pp. 25574.

Michel Lagarde, Klasik Kuran Tefsirinde Anlam Kavramaya Ynelik Bir Yntem

Olarak ma ve saret Dili [LAllusion comme procd heuristique dans le

commentaire Coranique classique], tr. Sadk Kl, Marife: Bilimsel Birikim 9:1

(2009), pp. 26378.

W. Montgomery Watt, Kuran ve st Tanr nanc [The Qurn and the Belief in a

High God], tr. Arif Gezer-mer Pakis, e-Sarkiyat Scientic Research Journal 3

(2010), pp. 11216.

Roberto Tottoli, slami Literatrde srailiyyat Teriminin Kkeni ve Kullanm [The

Origin and Use of the Term Isrliyyt in Muslim Literature], tr. Mesut Kaya,

Marife 10 (2010), pp. 20115.

Appendix III

Esref Edip, Kuran Alkslayan Byk Adamlar [Distinguished People who have

Applauded the Quran], Sebilrresd 111 (1948). (Comments of 51 distinguished

Western gures who have praised the Quran in 11 issues published in 1948.)

Gney Ylmaz, Garb Mtefekkirlerine Gre Kuran- Kerim [The Quran

According to Western Thinkers], Journal of Diyanet 22:3 (1975), pp. 15660.


smail Cerraholu, Batda Kuran Tetkikleri [Quranic Studies in the West],

Journal of Vakar 9 (1976), pp. 32342.

Salih Akdemir, Rahip Basatti-Saninin Hz. sa ile ilgili Baz Kuran Ayetlerini

Yorumlamas ve Mslman-Hristiyan Diyalou ars zerine [Father Basatti-

Sanis Observations of Some Quranic Chapters Regarding Jesus and on His Call

for Muslim-Christian Dialogue], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Ankara

University 31 (1983), pp. 183201.

Salih Akdemir, Robert Mantrann LExpansiyon Muslmne (VII ve IX e Siecles)

Adl Eseri ve Tercemesi zerine [On the Translation of Robert Mantrans

lExpansiyon Muslmne (VII ve IX e Siecles)], Journal of the Faculty of

Divinity of Ankara University 26 (1983), pp. 589624.

Orhan Karms, Kuran- Kerimin Anlaslmas ve Mstesrikler [Towards an

Understanding of the Quran and Orientalists], International Symposium of

Islamic Research (zmir: Publications of the Faculty of Divinity of Dokuz Eyll

University, 1985), pp. 414.

Seluk Yldrm, James Jeans ve Kuran [James Jeans and the Quran], Zafer

10:119 (1986), pp. 1213.

Salih Akdemir, Mstesriklerin Kuran- Kerim ve Hz. Peygambere

Yaklasmlar [The Orientalist Approach to the Quran and the Prophet],

Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Ankara University 31 (1989), pp. 179

210.

smail Cerraholu, Oryantalizm ve Batda Kuran ve Kuran limleri zerine

Arastrmalar [Researches on Orientalism, the Quran and Quranic Sciences in

the West], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Ankara University 31 (1989),

pp. 9536.

Talip Kkcan, adas Mnevverlerin Kuran Arastrmalar ve Milletleraras

Kuran Sempozyumu zerine Notlar [Notes on Contemporary Intellectuals

Research on the Quran and the Intercultural Quran Symposium], Kubbealt

Akademi Mecmuas 20:3 (1991), pp. 6978.

Niyazi Kahveci, Kurann Kayna ve Oryantalizm [The Source of the Quran and

Orientalism], Journal of Diyanet 27:4 (1991), pp. 293307.

Suat Mertolu, Almanca Yaplms Kuran alsmalar [Works Conducted on the

Quran in German], unpublished MA thesis (Istanbul: Marmara niversitesi

Sosyal Bilimler Enstits, 1992).

Abdulaziz Hatip, Kurann Kayna ile ilgili Mstesrik ddialarnn

Deerlendirilmesi [An Assessment of Orientalist Claims Regarding the Origin

of the Quran], unpublished PhD thesis (Istanbul: Marmara niversitesi Sosyal

Bilimler Enstits, 1996).

Ekrem Glsen, Oryantalizm zerine Yaplan Tezler [Theses Completed on

Orientalism], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Sakarya University 1 (1996),

pp. 37189.


Mehmet Akif Ko, John Burtonun Kuranda Gramer Hatalar Adl Makalesinin

Tenkidi [Criticism of John Burtons Linguistic Errors in the Quran], Journal of

the Faculty of Divinity of Ankara University 35 (1996), pp. 5549.

Selahattin Snmezsoy, Kuran ve Oryantalistler [Orientalists and the Quran]

(Ankara: Fecr Publications, 1998).

Hikmet zdemir, Arthur John Arberrynin The Koran interpreted Adl Kuran

Tercmesi Hakknda Baz Mlahazalar [Some Considerations on Arthur John

Arberrys Translation of The Koran Interpreted], Journal of the Faculty of

Divinity of Harran University 5 (1999), pp. 14150.

Hidayet Aydar Chouraquinin Kuran Tercmesi zerine Tenkitli Baz Mlahazalar

[Some Considerations and Criticism of Chouraquis Interpretation of the

Quran], The Message of The Quran: Journal of Scientic Research 2:1315

(1999), pp. 14776.

Mesut Okumus, Jeffery ve Kuran alsmalarndaki Yeri [Jeffery and His Place in

the Works of the Quran] in Islam from the Perspective of Orientalists (Istanbul:

Rabet Publications, 2000).

Mesut Erdal, Muhammed M. Pickthalln The Cultural Side of Islam Adl Eserinde

Dini Hosgr [Religious Tolerance in The Cultural Side of Islam by

Muhammed M. Pickthall], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Dicle

University 2 (2000), pp. 3960.

Mahmut Sami llolu, Kuran- Kerimin Cemi ve oaltlmasnda

Mstesriklerin Grsleri ve Bu Grslerin Elestirileri [The Views of

Orientalists on the Collection and Distribution of the Quran, and Criticism of

these Views], unpublished PhD thesis (Ankara: Ankara niversitesi Sosyal


smail Albayrak, Charles Torreys Concept of the God and its Narratives, Journal of

the Faculty of Divinity of Sakarya University 3 (2001), pp. 13750.

smail Albayrak, John Wansbroughnn Kuran Tarihi Teorisi ve Batda Dourduu

Tartsmalar [John Wansbroughs Theory on the History of the Quran and the

Debates it has Created in the West], slamiyat 4 (2001), pp. 16380.

smail Albayrak, Richard Bell, Kuran alsmalar ve Kuran Vahyi Hakkndaki

Grsleri [Richard Bell, His Works on the Quran and His Views About the

Revelation of the Quran], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Sakarya

University 3 (2001), pp. 26780.

Ahmet Bedir, Bir Saptrmann Anatomisi: Sanada Bulunan El Yazmas Eserleri ve

Bunlardan Kuran Nshalar zerinde Oynanan Bir Oyun rnei: Toby Lesterin

What is the Quran Adl Makalesinin Deerlendirilmesi [An Article written to

refute Toby Lester on Sana Manuscripts], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of

Harran University 7:3 (2001), pp. 13967.

Mustafa Kkas, Sarkiyat Arthur Jeffery ve Kuran alsmalarnn

Deerlendirilmesi [The Orientalist Arthur Jeffery and an Evaluation of His


Works on the Quran], unpublished PhD thesis (Istanbul: Marmara Universitesi


Sehmus Demir, Kurann Yeniden Yorumlanmas: Batyla Mnasebetin Kuran

Yorumuna Yansmalar [Re-interpretation of the Quran: Reections on

Relations with the West and their Inuence on Quranic Exegesis] (Istanbul:

nsan Publications, 2002).

smail Albayrak, Kuran Kerim Ayetlerinin Tertibi Hakkndaki Oryantalist Syleme

Genel Bir Baks [A General Review of the Orientalist Approach to the Order of

Verses in the Quran], Marife 2 (2002), pp. 15564.

Bilal Gkkr, Kuranda Yabanc Kelimeler Meselesine Oryantalist Bir Yaklasm

Arthur Jeffery ve Eseri The Foreign Vocabulary of the Quran [An Orientalist

Approach to Foreign Words in the Quran: With Special Reference to Arthur

Jeffery and His Work The Foreign Vocabulary of the Quran], Marife:

Orientalism Special Edition 2:3 (2002), pp. 13542.

Abdulmecid Oku, Ignaz Goldziherin Taberiden Aktarmda Bulunarak Baz

Kraatleri Tenkidi ve Meselenin Arka Plan [Ignaz Goldzihers Criticism of

Some Variant Readings of the Quran with References to al-abar and Matters

Behind the Scenes], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Atatrk University 18

(2002), pp. 13145.

Mesut Okumus, Arthur Jeffery ve Kuran alsmalar zerine [On Arthur Jeffery

and His Quranic Studies], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Ankara University

43:2 (2002), pp. 12150.

Mustafa zel, Tefsirde Oryantalizm Elestirisi: Mevdudi rnei [Criticism of

Orientalism inExegesis: TheExample ofMawdudi],Marife 2:3 (2002), pp. 22936.

BilalGkkr, WesternAttitudes to theOrigins of theQuran: Theological andLinguistic

Approaches of Twentieth Century English-speaking World from William Muir to

William M. Watt, unpublished PhD (Manchester: Manchester University, 2002).

Suat Yldrm, Oryantalistlerin Yanlglar [Mistakes of the Orientalists] (Istanbul

Ufuk Kitaplar, 2003).

smail alskan, Kuran Arastrmalarnda Batl Yaklasmda Deisim ve Baljon

[Changes in Western Approaches to the Study of the Quran and Baljon], Marife

3:2 (2003), pp. 1928.

Abdurrahman etin, Kuran Kraatine Ynelik Oryantalist Yaklasmlar [The

Orientalist Approach Towards Variant Readings of the Quran], Marife 2:3

(2003), pp. 65109.

Bilal Gkkr, The Application of Western Comparative Religious and Linguistic

Approaches to the Quran in Turkey, Journal of Islam and Christian-Muslim

Relations 14:3 (2003), pp. 24963.

Necmettin Gkkr, The Application of Modern Critical Methods to the Study of the

Quran with a Particular Focus on Studies in Turkey Between 19802002,

unpublished PhD (Manchester: Manchester University, 2004).


smail Albayrak, Erken Dnem Kurra ile ilgili Oryantalistik Baks Asnn Elestirel

Deerlendirilmesi [The Evaluation and Criticism of Orientalist Views of Early

qurr], Marife 4 (2004), pp. 12954.

smail Albayrak, John Wansbrough ve Ahkam Tefsiri [John Wansbrough and Law

Exegesis], Journal of Islamic Law 2 (2004), pp. 12740.

Mehmet Akif Ko, Tefsir Rivayetlerinin Gvenilirliklerini Belirlemek Amacyla

Herbert Berg Tarafndan Gelistirilen Uyum Teorisi zerine [On the Theory of

Consistency Developed by Herbert Berg to Check the Reliability of Exegetical

Narratives], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of Ankara University 35 (2004),

pp. 4556.

Bilal Gkkr, Oryantalist Literatrde Kurann Kayna Tartsmalarnn Kayna

[The Source of Debates on the Origin of the Quran in Orientalist Literature],

Bilimname 2:5 (2004), pp. 6174.

Bilal Gkkr, Kuran ve Tefsir Eitiminde Gelenek ve Batllasmann zleri

Osmanl Medrese ve Drul-funnlar [Traces of Tradition and the

Westernisation of Education in Quran and Exegesis Ottoman madrasa

Systems and Dr al-Funn], Journal of Muhafazakar Dsnce 2:6 (2005),

pp. 12540.

Necmettin Gkkr, Critical Interpretation of Religious Texts in the West and

the Reection on the Study of the Quran, Milel ve Nihal 2:2 (2005),

pp. 7681.

Bilal Gkkr, Oryantalist Literatrde Kurann Kayna Tartsmalarnn Kayna

Disiplinleraras Bir Yaklasm [An Interdisciplinary Approach to the Source of

Debates on the Origin of the Quran in Orientalist Literature], Bilimname:

Dsnce Platformu 3:7 (2005), pp. 2940.

Esma Atay, lk Dnem ngiliz Oryantalistlerin Kuran alsmalar W. Muir ve

D.S. Margoliouth rnei [First Period English Orientalist Studies of

the Quran The Example of W. Muir and D.S. Margoliouth],

unpublished MA thesis (Ankara: Ankara niversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstits,

2006).

Necmettin Gkkr, Turning Face Towards The West: The Transformation of

Quranic Studies in Turkey, Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of stanbul

University 13 (2006), pp. 89105.

Glbahar zan, Sir William Muirin Kurana Baks [Sir William Muirs View of

the Quran], unpublished MA thesis (Ankara: Ankara niversitesi Sosyal


Muhammed Balbay, Garanik Kssas ve Oryantalist Yaklasmlar [The Story of

Gharanik and the Orientalist Approaches], unpublished MA thesis (Urfa: Harran

niversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstits, 2007).

Hseyin Yasar, Alman Oryantalizminde Kurana Baks [The German Orientalist

View of the Quran] (Istanbul: z Publishing, 2010).


Fatih Kaya, Leo Caetaninin slam Tarihi Adl Eserinin Kuran ve Tefsir ilimleri

Asndan ncelenmesi [Investigating Leo Caetanis History of Islam in the

Light of Studies on the Quran and its Exegesis], ongoing MA thesis (zmir:

Dokuz Eyll niversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstits).

Appendix IV

Fazlur Rahman, slamiyet ve ktisadi Adalet Meselesi [Islam and the Issue of

Economic Justice], tr. Yusuf Ziya Kavak (Erzurum: Insititute of Islamic Sciences

of Atatrk University Publications, 1976).

Fazlur Rahman, slam [Islam], tr. Mehmet Da-Mehmet Aydn (Istanbul: Seluk

Publications, 1981).

Fazlur Rahman, Ana Konularyla Kuran [Major Themes of the Quran] (Ankara:

Fecr Publications, 1987).

Fazlur Rahman, Kuran Yorumlama [Interpreting the Quran] tr. Osman Tastan,

Journal of Islamic Research 2:5 (1987), pp. 1005.

Fazlur Rahman, slam ve adaslk [Islam and Modernity] (Ankara: Fecr


FazlurRahman, slamArastrmalarve slamnGelecei [IslamicStudiesand theFuture

of Islam], tr. Adil ifti, Journal of Islamic Research 7:34 (1994), pp. 31520.

Fazlur Rahman, Tarih Boyunca slami Metodoloji Sorunu [Islamic Methodology in

History], tr. Salih Akdemir (Ankara: Ankara Okulu Publications, 1995).

Fazlur Rahman, slam Geleneinde Salk ve Tp [Health and Medicine in the Islamic

Tradition], tr. Adil ifti-Adnan Blent Balolu (Ankara: Ankara Okulu


Fazlur Rahman, slami Yenilenme: Makaleler I [Islamic Renewal: Articles I a

collation of Fazlur Rahmans articles into a book], tr. Adil ifti (Ankara: Ankara

Okulu Publications, 1997).

Fazlur Rahman, slami Yenilenme: Makaleler II [Islamic Renewal: Articles II a



Fazlur Rahman, slami Yenilenme: Makaleler III [Islamic Renewal: Articles III a



Fazlur Rahman, slami Yenilenme: Makaleler IV [Islamic Renewal: Articles IV a



Fazlur Rahman, slamda hya ve Reform [Revival and Reform in Islam: A Study of

Islamic Fundamentalism], tr. Fehrullah Terkan (Ankara: Ankara Okulu



Appendix V

lhami Gler, Fazlur Rahmann Kuran Yorumlama Metoduna Kuran Asndan

Kelm Bir Katk [A Theological Contribution from the Perspective of the

Quran Regarding the Method of Fazlur Rahmans Interpretation of the Quran],

Journal of Islamic Research 5:22 (1991), pp. 929.

Hasan Onat, Trkiyede Din Anlays ve Fazlur Rahman [The Understanding of

Religion and Fazlur Rahman in Turkey], Trkiye Gnl 18 (1992), pp. 514.

zeyr Ok, Kurann Tarihsel ve Evrensel Okunusu [Historical and Universal

Readings of the Quran], unpublished MA thesis (Ankara: Ankara niversitesi


mer zsoy, Kuran Hitabnn Tarihsellii ve Tarihsel Hitabn Nesnel Anlam

Sorunu [The Historicism of the Quranic Discourse and Objective Meaning of

the Historical Discourse], Journal of Islamic Research 9:14 (1996), pp. 13543.

Mehmet Paac, Kuran ve Ben ne Kadar Tarihseliz [The Quran and I, How

Historical Are We?], Journal of Islamic Research 9:2 (1996), pp. 11934.

mer zsoy, Kuran ve Tarihsellik Tartsmalarnda Gzden Karlanlar [Oversights

in the Debate on the Quran and Historicism], Tezkire 1112 (1997), pp. 6985.

Mevlt Uyank, Kurann Tarihsel ve Evrensel Okunusu [Historical and Universal

Reading of the Quran] (Ankara: Fecr Publications, 1997).

Adil ifti, Fazlur Rahmann Dinamik Seriat Anlays Deisimin Teolojik ve

Sosyolojik Zorunluluu [Fazlur Rahmans Understanding of Dynamic Shara:

The Theological and Sociological Necessity of Change], slamiyat 1:4 (1998),

pp. 171202.

Adil ifti, Gelenek ve Modern Dnem Arasnda Fazlur Rahman ya da Anlam

Sorunu ve Anlama Sorunu [Fazlur Rahman Between the Tradition and Modern

Era, or Issues with Meaning and Understanding], slamiyat 1:2 (1998), pp. 5360.

Sadk Kl, Tarihsellik ve Aklclk Balamnda Kuran Anlama Sorunu

[Understanding the Quran in the Context of Historicism and Reason]

(Istanbul: htar Publications, 1999).

Ebubekir Sil, Modern slam Dsncesinin Tenkidi II: Fazlur Rahmann Eserlerinin

Elestirisi [Criticism of Modern Islamic Thought II: A Criticism of Fazlur

Rahmans Works] (Istanbul: Kayhan Publications, 1999).

Ebubekir Sil, Modern slam Dsncesinin Tenkidi III: Fazlur Rahmann Dsnce

ve Eserlerinin Elestirisi [Criticism of Modern Islamic Thought III: A Criticism of

Fazlur Rahmans Thought and Works] (Istanbul: Kayhan Publications, 1999).

Adil ifti, Fazlur Rahmanla Birlikte slam Yeniden Dsnmek [Considering Islam

Again with Fazlur Rahman] (Ankara: Kitabiyat, 2000).

Mehmet Paac, Kuran ve Ben ne Kadar Tarihseliz [The Quran and I, How

Historical Are We?] (Ankara: Ankara Okulu Publications, 2000).


Mustafa ztrk, Kurann Cennet Betimlemelerinde Yerel ve Tarihsel Motier

[Local and Historical Motifs in the Qurans Descriptions of Paradise], slamiyat

4:1 (2001), pp. 14062.

Mustafa nver, Tarihselci Modernist Balamda Kuran ve Kadn [The Quran

and Women in the Light of Historicist Modernism], Fecre Doru 6:66 (2001),

pp. 3642.

Kotan, Sevket, Kuran ve Tarihsellik Tartsmalar [The Quran and the Discussions

on Historicity] (Istanbul: Beyan Publications, 2001).

shak zgel, Tarihselcilik Dsncesi Balamnda Kurann Tarihsel Yorumu:

Metodolojik Bir Teklif [The Qurans Historical Comment in the Light of

Historicism: A Methodological Proposal], unpublished PhD thesis (Isparta:

Sleyman Demirel niversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstits, 2002).

Fevzi Zlalolu, Temel Kaynamz Kuran [The Quran: Our Main Source]

(Istanbul: Ekin Publications, 2002).

Hamdullah Bayram ztrk, Kuran- Kerimin zellikleri Asndan Tarihselci

Yaklasm [A Historical Approach to the Special Characteristics of the Quran],

unpublished PhD thesis (Sakarya: Sakarya niversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstits,

2003).

Talip zdes, Sosyal Deisim Olgusundan Hareketle Kurann Tarihsel Olduu Tezi

zerine Bir Deerlendirme [An Evaluation of the Thesis of the Qurans

Historicity as Formed by Social Change], Journal of the Faculty of Divinity of

Cumhuriyet University 7:1 (2003), pp. 18398.

Hakan Uur, Kuran ve Tarihselcilik [Quran and Historicism], Marife 3:1 (2003),

pp. 2438.

Recep Alpyal, Kimin Tarihi? Hangi Hermeneutik? [Whose History? Which

Hermeneutic?] (Istanbul: Aa Publications, 2003).

Tahsin Grgn, lahi Szn Gc. Varlk ve Bilgi Kayna Olarak Kurn [Power of

Divine Word [The Quran as a Source of Existence and Knowledge] (Istanbul:

Gelenek Publications, 2003).

Hayrettin Karaman, Ali Bula, Tahsin Grgn, Ayhan Tekines, Al nal, Ergn

apan, Kuran- Kerim, Tarihselcilik ve Hermentik [The Quran, Historicism

and Hermeneutic] (zmir: Isk Publications, 2003).

Mustafa Altunda, Kurann Evrensellii: Delilleri, Karst Grsn Analizi [The

Universality of the Quran: An Analysis of Opposing Views and Evidence], Baki

Dvlet niversiteti lahiyat Fakltesinin Elmi Mecmuas 1 (2004), pp. 10134.

Musa Kazm Ylmaz, Tarihsellik Balamnda Tefsir Geleneinde Deisim

[Changes in the Tradition of Exegesis in the Light of Historicity], Erzurum

Kltr Eitim Vakf Akademi Dergisi 21 (2004), pp. 124.

Recep Demir, Kuran Tefsirinde Tarihselci Yntem [Historicist Methods in the

Exegesis of the Quran], unpublished PhD thesis (Konya: Seluk niversitesi



Snmez Kutlu, Kuran ve Tarihsellik Yazlar [Writings on the Quran and

Historicism] (Ankara: Kitabiyat, 2004).

Zekeriya Pak, Kurann Tarihsellii ve badetlerde Tarihsellik [Historicity of the

Quran and Worship], Dini Arastrmalar 22 (2005), pp. 10522.

Zeki Keskin, Tarihsel Addedilen Ayetlerin Evrensellii [The Universality of Verses

Deemed Historicistic], unpublished MA thesis (Van: Yzncyl niversitesi


Durmus Karamanl, Tarihsellik ve Evrensellik Balamnda Kuran Hitabnn Tabiat

[The Nature of the Qurans Address, in the Light of Universality and

Historicism], unpublished PhD thesis (Ankara: Ankara niversitesi Sosyal


Ahmet Kse, Tarihselcilik ve Nesh liskisi [The Relationship Between Historicism

and Abrogation], unpublished MA thesis (Kayseri: Erciyes niversitesi Sosyal


Appendix VI

Books

asen anef, slami limlere Giris [Introduction to Islamic Sciences], tr. Muharrem

Tan (Istanbul: nsan Publications, 1994).

asan anaf, slami Arastrmalar [al-Dirst al-slmiyya], tr. Ali Durusoy-brahim

Aydn (Istanbul: nsan Publications, 1994).

Muammed Arkoun, Kuran Okumalar [Lectures du Coran], tr. Ahmet Zeki nal

(Istanbul: nsan Publications, 1995).

Muammad bid al-Jbir, slamda Siyasal Akl [al-Aql al-siysy al-Arab], tr.

Vecdi Akyz (Istanbul: Kitabevi Publications, 1997).

Muammad bid al-Jbir, Arap-slam Aklnn Olusumu [Takwin al-aql al-Arab],

tr. brahim Akbaba (Istanbul: z Publications, 1997).

Muammad bid al-Jbir, Arap slam Kltrnn Akl Yaps [Bunyat al-aql al-

Arab], tr. Burhan Krolu-Hasan Hacak-Ekrem Demirli (Istanbul: Kitabevi


Muammad Arkoun, slam zerinde Dsnceler [Ouvertures sur lIslam], tr. Hakan

Ycel (Istanbul: Metis Publications, 1999).

Muammad bid al-Jbir, Felse Mirasmz ve Biz [Nanu wal-turth: qira

muira f turthina al-falsaf], tr. Said Aykut (Istanbul: Kitabevi Publications,

2000).

Nar mid Ab Zayd, lahi Hitabn Tabiat [Mafhm al-na, dirsa f ulm al-

Qurn], tr. Mehmet Emin Masal (Ankara: Kitabiyat, 2001).

Nar mid Ab Zayd, Dinsel Sylemin Elestirisi [Naqd al-khib al-dn], tr. Fethi

Ahmet Polat (Ankara: Kitabiyat, 2002).


Muammad Amad Khalaf Allh, Kuranda Anlatm Sanat [al-Fann al-qaaiyya

fl-Qurn], tr. Saban Karatas (Ankara: Ankara Okulu Publications, 2002).

Nar mid Ab Zayd, slamla Bir Yasam [Ein Leben mit dem Islam], tr. Celadet

Moralgil (Istanbul: niversite Publication, 2004).

Muammad bid al-Jbir, Kurana Giris [Madkhal ill-Qurn al-karm al-juz

al-awwal fl-tarf bil-Qurn], tr. Muhammed oskun (Istanbul: Mana


Articles

asan anaf, Teoloji mi? Antropoloji mi? [Theology or Anthropology?, from his

work Renaisance du Monde Arabe], tr. M. Said Yazcolu, Journal of the Divinity

Faculty of Ankara University 23 (1978), pp. 50531.

Muammad Arkoun, Kuran- Kerimin 18. Suresinin Okunmas [The Reading of

the 18th Chapter of the Quran], tr. Cem

west quran scholarship in turkey

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