wangari maathai: the life and times of a phenomenal woman€¦ · wangari maathai: the life and...

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Vol 9 September 2011 Education as a Tool to Celebrate Our Heritage By Azwifaneli Managa South African Heritage By Nomasonto Magano Africa News Update: New leaders By Elize van AS Page 12-13 Page 11 Page 6 CEO’s Corner: When two elephants fight the grass suffers Dr Matlotleng MatlouChief Executive Office of the Africa Institute of South Africa Continues on Page 3 Wangari Maathai: the life and times of a phenomenal woman Page 9 I n 2009, South Africa and Nigeria commemorated the 10 th anniver- sary of their bi-national commission, a body which is chaired by their deputy and vice presidents respectively. On this occasion various agreements were signed by government officials; meetings and events were held across both coun- tries and civil society and business were much more involved than usual. Both countries with their huge economies and substantial populations are important role players in their sub-regions and at the continental level. Bilateral trade and economic relations have grown steadily over the years and look set to become even stronger. Nevertheless, relations had in the past been marred by the execution of Ken Saro Wiwa and other Ogoni activists, leading to South Africa campaigning for Nigeria’s expulsion from the Common- wealth, migration issues, constrained airlift capacity, unequal balance of trade and investment and the illegal activities of some Nigerian migrants in South Af- rica. In spite of these challenges the two governments believed their relationship was a strategic partnership and together they could not only develop their sub- regions, but the continent as well, whilst seeking to improve global governance. Having pitched the 10 th anniversary celebrations at a high level, we in AISA had hoped that this would be continued, especially in light of the civil society dia- logue which we assisted the Department of International Relations and Coopera- tion (DIRCO) to host. This had involved organising panels of South Africans and Nigerians to speak on varying subjects at the Universities of Limpopo, KwaZulu Natal and South Africa. The recommen- dations from these events covering edu- cation, scholarships, migration, trade, and better cooperation amongst others, were furnished to the two governments with the hope that they would receive positive attention wheels of government turn slowly’. Page 1

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Page 1: Wangari Maathai: the life and times of a phenomenal woman€¦ · Wangari Maathai: the life and times of a phenomenal woman Page 9 I n 2009, South Africa and Nigeria commemorated

Vol 9 September 2011

Education as a Tool to Celebrate Our Heritage By Azwifaneli Managa

South African Heritage By Nomasonto Magano

Africa News Update:

New leaders By Elize van AS

Page 12-13

Page 11

Page 6

CEO’s Corner: When two elephants fight the grass suffers

Dr Matlotleng Matlou—Chief Executive Office of the Africa Institute of South Africa

Continues on Page 3

Wangari Maathai: the life and times of a phenomenal woman Page 9

I n 2009, South Africa and Nigeria commemorated the 10th anniver-sary of their bi-national commission,

a body which is chaired by their deputy and vice presidents respectively. On this occasion various agreements were signed by government officials; meetings and events were held across both coun-tries and civil society and business were much more involved than usual. Both countries with their huge economies and substantial populations are important role players in their sub-regions and at the continental level. Bilateral trade and economic relations have grown steadily over the years and look set to become even stronger. Nevertheless, relations had in the past been marred by the execution of Ken Saro Wiwa and other Ogoni activists, leading to South Africa campaigning for Nigeria’s expulsion from the Common-wealth, migration issues, constrained airlift capacity, unequal balance of trade and investment and the illegal activities

of some Nigerian migrants in South Af-rica. In spite of these challenges the two governments believed their relationship was a strategic partnership and together they could not only develop their sub-regions, but the continent as well, whilst seeking to improve global governance. Having pitched the 10th anniversary celebrations at a high level, we in AISA had hoped that this would be continued, especially in light of the civil society dia-logue which we assisted the Department of International Relations and Coopera-tion (DIRCO) to host. This had involved organising panels of South Africans and Nigerians to speak on varying subjects at the Universities of Limpopo, KwaZulu Natal and South Africa. The recommen-dations from these events covering edu-cation, scholarships, migration, trade, and better cooperation amongst others, were furnished to the two governments with the hope that they would receive positive attention wheels of government turn slowly’.

Page 1

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Editorial By Otsile Malebaco

In this issue

Uganda’s Green Success Story

5

Book Acquisition and

Review

7

EBSCO host 10

Leadership in an Or-

ganisation

14

Indigenous Rights Movement in Africa: Character, Claims and Tactics

16

Book Review: 17

GIS: Demarcation of South Sudan

19

Sustainable Hydro-power Generation in Zambia’s Kafue Flats

20

From the Archives 21

F or most of us, the month of Sep-tember is the time when we celebrate our heritage with

pride. It is about celebrating moments and cultures that bring us together through that very sense of pride. The speech, or rather the poem, that builds African pride, is former South African president Thabo Mbeki’s ‘I am an African’. This speech illumi-nates Africa’s hardships, victories and beautiful landscapes, which builds and fortifies our heritage. Heritage is de-fined as ‘that which we inherit: the sum total of wildlife and scenic parks, sites of scientific or historical importance, national monuments, historic buildings, works of art, literature and music, oral traditions and museum collections to-gether with their documentation’. That being said, pride involves ex-hilarated pleasure and a feeling of ac-complishment. These accomplishments include but are in no way limited to The Rugby World Cup, the African Nations Cup 2013 which will be hosted by South

Africa, the Timbuktu Manuscripts ­ cov-ered by Brenda Modisaotsile on page 8 – the thirteen African Nobel Prize laure-ates, sadly Wangari Maathai passed away on 25 September 2011, AISA pays tribute to her on page 9 This brings us to the point of the African Renaissance, which is a concept that African nations need to overcome their current challenges and achieve cultural, scientific and economic re-newal. Pride is a pleasant and an exhila-rating emotion which results from a positive self-reflection. Aristotle de-scribes pride as ‘seems to be a sort of crown of the virtues; for it makes them more powerful, and it is not found without them. Therefore it is hard to be truly proud; for it is impossible without nobility and goodness of character.’ I am an African and proud of it! Enjoy the read!

AISA’s Corporate Values: PRIDE

Participation Responsibility Integrity Development Excellence

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What is supposed to be a strategic part-nership is increasingly becoming bogged down in differences between the two countries, largely seen through the eyes of how their governments en-gage. There were no celebrations of the bi-national in 2010 and 2011. Maybe the idea was rather than spending re-sources to celebrate, action would speak louder than words. An assess-ment of a few events could provide answers. South Africa and Nigeria are often seen and act as rivals. Nigeria sees itself as bigger, more resourced, long time leader in Africa, a champion of the anti-Apartheid struggle and that South Africa should, in showing gratefulness for the assistance it played in its transformation, play second fiddle to Nigeria. South Africa, smaller as it might be, has through force of example, clarity of its domestic and interna-tional relations policies, and through the leader-ship role bestowed on her, is often urged to lead even where she is reluctant. The issue of who would be the African representative on a re-formed UN Security Council is a good example of the rivalry playing out be-tween the two, with Nigeria believing its size should be the main determinant and South Africa basing her claim on having shown herself to better repre-sent African interests in various multi-lateral fora since 1994. The unfortunate events leading to the sickness and death of former presi-dent Umaru Yar’Adua created gridlock at the highest levels of government in Nigeria in 2010, which impacted on its international relations as well. For a long period there was no acting presi-dent and the vice-president did not have the necessary authority and sup-port to govern. Thus, the 2010 bi-national meetings could not be prop-erly planned for and held, in the ab-sence of the Nigerian counterparts,

even though South Africa had made preparations. South Africa and Nigeria were on opposite sides with regards to the Ivorian crisis. This being a country in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), many members had been unhappy with the original media-tion efforts of former president Mbeki and lobbied for the termination of this African Union assignment in the last decade. They were even unhappier with his role after the 2010 election crisis feeling he was too close to former president Gbagbo. Meanwhile ECOWAS, with Nigeria as chair, took the view that the elections had been won by Ouattara and resolved to use mili-

tary means. South Africa and a number of African countries questioned the final results, the perceived partiality of the UN repre-sentative and the role of France in the Ivorian crisis. With this crisis happening in ECOWAS, Nigeria may have perceived this as within her sphere of influ-ence and seen South Af-rica interfering, something it could argue as not hav-ing done in respect of the

Southern African Development (SADC) crises of Madagascar and Zimbabwe, where South Africa has played a leader-ship role. For some time the AU was divided on this issue but eventually agreed with the ECOWAS position, iso-lating South Africa and its allies. The impasse was eventually broken through the use of military force – not ECOWAS, but the French. During 2010-2012, Gabon, Nigeria and South Africa are the non-permanent African representatives on the UN Security Council. Earlier this year, they voted for United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 on Libya which granted members the per-mission to protect Libyan civilians by all means necessary, and also imposed sanctions and a no fly zone on the country. South Africa was also ap-pointed by the AU as part of its

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Some attributes of African culture are Ubuntu, community spirit, dialoguing as a means to problem solving.

1 September: 1873 – Cetshwayo ascended to the throne as king of the Zulu nation following the death of his fa-ther Mpande. 2 September: 1898 – Battle of Omdurman –British and Egyptian troops de-feated Sudanese tribesmen and established British dominance in Sudan. 3 September: 1960 – Julius Nyerere became Chief Minister, later to be Prime Minister and then President of Tanzania. 4 September: 1971 – Lance Klusener, the South African cricketer was born. 5 September: 1946 – Freddie Mercury was born Farrokh Bulsara on the island of Zanzibar. 6 September: 1939 – World War II: South Af-rica declared war on Germany. 7 September: 1986 – Desmond Tutu became the first black man to lead the Anglican Church in South Africa. 8 September: 1962 – Newly independent Algeria, by referendum, adopted a constitution. 9 September 1990 – Samuel Kanyon Doe, presi-dent of Liberia since 25 Jul 1984, was beaten to death. 10 September 1983 – B. J. Vorster, Prime Minister of South Africa (b. 1915) died. 11 September 1971 – The Egyptian Constitu-tion became official. .

This Month in History

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Ad Hoc Committee to mediate between the Gaddafi regime and his opponents, the National Transitional Council (NTC). The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), largely led by France and Britain, sought to effect resolution 1973 but went even further in fomenting regime change and the over-throw of Gaddafi. Many are those who have argued that economic interests rather than human rights were the driv-ers for NATO action; part of the longevity of the Gaddafi re-gime was founded on their support. Bolstered by NATO sup-port of the NTC saw no reason to give the AU committee a hearing, also accusing it of being biased towards Gaddafi. Meetings were called in Europe of the so called friends of Libya, with Africa not being represented. Africa was already being divided and weakened, leading to external control, like during the Berlin conference in 1884–85. In spite of the AU roadmap which called for an inclusive government, based on popular support as conditions for recognising the NTC some African states broke rank and provided recognition, follow-ing outside countries, maybe in the hope of not being frozen out economically. The greatest betrayal being that many of these African countries, including Nigeria, had millions of citizens in Libya, hundreds of who were killed because they were wrongly branded mercenaries and suffered xenophobic attacks from Arabs who discriminated against them. The Libyan Arabs who do not consider themselves as Africans killed or abused people because they were African (black). The AU and Non-Aligned Movement of which Nigeria and South Africa are members resolved to support Palestine’s request for statehood and recognition by the UN when Mr Abbas, leader of the Palestinian Authority, made this request this September at the UN. South Africa clearly indicated its support; but Nigeria has been silent. At this rate we will see more issues before the Security Council where these two African giants will be divided during their present term of office. South Africa and Nigeria are pivotal states in their sub-regions and for the development of the African unity and

development agenda. A decade ago they were instrumental in the formation of the new Partnership for Africa’s Develop-ment (NEPAD) and transformation of the Organisation of African Unity to the AU, under the leadership of presidents Mbeki and Obasanjo respectively. These two had strong per-sonal chemistry and friendship, which translated into viable bilateral ties. They are out of power and relations have un-ravelled. In the process not only have their countries been the losers, but also Africa and the developing world – giving meaning to the African saying that ‘when two elephants fight the grass suffers’. What price is Africa paying for the strained relations be-tween South Africa and Nigeria? Imagine them both working together on peace and security; development of African in-frastructure (US$93 billion deficit annually); growing inter-African trade from a low 10-12 per cent to about 50 per cent; jointly strategising and leading African positions in global multilateral fora. In line with the NEPAD principles on partnerships with external parties, Africa has not developed clear strategies objectives, except probably with the Euro-pean Union. These two countries should be assisting the African Union developed focused and unified strategies to-wards major partners like China, India, South Korea, Viet-nam, United States etc. September is heritage month in South Africa where our culture and heritage are highlighted. Some attributes of Afri-can culture are Ubuntu, community spirit, dialoguing as a means to problem solving. South Africa and Nigeria must embrace these African values to seek a resolution of their differences for the good of their people and countries, but also for Africa’s development in a global village where re-gionalism is a pivotal force. A disunited Africa will leave us weak and allow external forces to play us against each other for their benefit. International relations is not an arena only for states and the peoples of these two countries and all other Africans must apply pressure on the two governments to see and act beyond their narrow interests.

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By Brenda Modisaotsile

O n the 1st 0f September 2011, Mr. Nedson Pophiwa, a Re-search Specialist from the Sus-

tainable Development Unit of AISA presented his fieldwork findings. The presentation was titled ‘Uganda’s Green Success story: Exploring the Em-ployment and Livelihood Opportunities of Organic Farming in Uganda.’ Mr. Pophiwa started off his presentation by defining what organic farming is. According to his presenta-tion, African subsistence and small holder farmers are ‘organic farmers by default’ because they use almost no agrochemical input. He gave an exam-ple of a kitchen garden, whereby a per-son pours kitchen waste such as stale food and vegetable remains on the garden as a form of natural fertilizer .

Organic food is healthier in comparison with conventionally produced food because they do not have any artificial fertilizers. The National Organic Agricultural Movement of Uganda (NOGAMU) ex-ists to administer organic produce and to look into the rights of organic farm-ers in Uganda. The organic subsector in Uganda is NGO driven with limited as-sistance from the state. Uganda Mar-tyrs University has dedicated Organic Agriculture as a qualification. There have been delays in enacting the draft policy for organic agriculture for almost 4 years. In order for a person to be identi-fied as an organic farmer, they should hold a certificate. There are three types of certificates, the 1st party, 2nd party and the 3rd party certificate. The 3rd party certificate is the only certificate that is suitable for exporting but each market requires a certificate to export there, and certification very is expen-sive at an estimated US$25 000 per year depending on farmers size and other related variables. Most small scale organic farmers he interviewed in Uganda share the same challenges. One of the reasons they are into organic farming is be-cause want to exploit the premium prices offered on organic food. Others sell their organic produce as conventional because they do not have certificates. However, there are those that are into organic farm-ing because of the passion they have about organic produce, as one farmer was quoted saying ‘I have been an organic coffee farmer for almost 10 years now and ‘I have no gratifi-

cation why engage problems trying to sell my coffee as organic when I can sell it as conventional? I grow organically because I’m passionate about organi-cally produced food… the success story you are saying referring to is for small-holders not us...’ Other challenges to farmers are the outbreak of pests and access to organic agriculture literature and manuals. Most literature is written in English and very few in vernacular languages so farmers who cannot read English cannot benefit. Despite all the challenges Uganda has emerged as one of the countries with great passion and commitment in farming, South Africa can learn the importance of organic farming. To im-prove Livelihoods for the poor, ques-tions raised from the floor were mostly on how South Africa can adopt organic farming in order to improve livelihood of its people because South Africa de-pend mostly on conventional farming. Wrapping up his presentation Mr Po-phiwa showed some of the organic produce he came with from his field-work in Uganda.

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Uganda’s Green Success Story: Exploring the Employment and Livelihood Opportunities of Organic Farming in Uganda

Organically grown products from Uganda displayed at the seminar.

Mr Nedson Pophiwa, Research Specialist: Sustainable Development.

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By Nomasonto Magano

S eptember 24th, which is now known as Heritage Day, was first known as

Shaka Day in Kwa-zulu Natal. Shaka Day was to celebrate Shaka Zulu who was the legen-dary Zulu King that united the Zulu clans into a nation. At the time when the Public Holiday’s Bill was presented to Parlia-ment, the 24th of September was not included in the list of pro-posed holidays. As a result of this the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), a South African political party which is dominated by Zulu members, objected the Bill and the day was given its pre-sent name and recognised as a public holiday. South Afri-cans celebrate Heritage Day by hosting different events throughout the country where they commemorate the diverse cultural heri-tage that makes up this rainbow nation. ‘It is also the day to celebrate the con-tribution of all South Africans to the building of South Africa’. In 2005, the media started a campaign that would later rebrand the holiday to National Braai Day as recognition of the South African culture of holding informal backyard braais. Archbishop Desmond Tutu affirmed National Braai Day to be a ‘unifying force in a divided country’ and at the end of 2007 National Braai Day was changed to Braai4Heritage. Rugby is also viewed as a unifying force in South Africa. Ironically in the 1980s, ‘the Springbok was regarded as representing both the exclusion of play-ers who were not designated white under apartheid legislation and by ex-tension of apartheid itself’. As a result of this, the Springboks were isolated from international rugby and when apartheid was abolished, the team re-turned to the international arena in 1992. South Africa was then selected to host the 1995 Rugby World Cup; there

was a lot of excitement and support from both the white and black commu-nity. However just before the world cup, the African National Congress (ANC) wanted to replace the Springbok as an emblem for the rugby team; this emblem was to be replaced with South Africa’s national flower known as the King protea. Nelson Mandela’s interfer-ence resulted in the springbok emblem remaining for the team and Springboks went on to win the 1995 Rugby World Cup against arch rivals the All Blacks. Nelson Mandela, wearing a Springbok shirt, presented the trophy to the cap-tain at the time and this was seen as a gesture of reconciliation of white and black South Africans. It was then decided by the South African Sports Commission that the Protea should be the official rugby em-blem on blazers and caps and the springbok could remain on the team jersey. The Springboks lifted the Webb Ellis Trophy again in the 2007 Rugby World Cup without losing one single game throughout the tournament. The Springboks became one of the only two

national teams to win the Rugby World Cup twice, Australia being the other team. History was made in January 2008 when Peter de Villiers was the first non-white coach for the Springbok team. The year 2009 season was a suc-cess for the Springboks as they won the Tri-nations as well as winning the Free-dom Cup against New Zealand and win-ning the Mandela Challenge Plate against Australia. It was a proud moment to watch when about 50 000 white and black Springbok supporters wearing their Springbok shirts and blowing their vu-vuzelas gathered at Sandton Square to give the team a send off to the 2011 Rugby World Cup. The Springboks went to the 2011 Rugby World Cup ranked third in the IRB rankings. Even though New Zealand, the top ranked side in IRB rankings, are the favourites to take the World Cup, the Springboks have proved to be a force to be reckoned with, win-ning the world cup trophy twice.

South African Heritage

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By Thabiso Kobedi

Selected Speeches and Writings of Nelson Mandela: The End of Apartheid in South Africa by Nelson Mandela

T his book is a collection of Nelson Mandela’s selected writings and speeches, put together by Man-

dela himself. Appalled by the injustice of the apart-heid system, Nelson and his partner in the struggle, Oliver Tambo, set up the first black law firm in Johannesburg to defend the poverty-stricken. During the time Mandela was in prison, the anti-apartheid movement grew in stature and influence and soon reached an interna-tional stage. South Africa become an out-land pariah state. This book tells the story of Mandela and his fight for the freedom of oppres-sion. It also covers his life including the time he spent in exile. The book also highlights the differences between the

rival political organisations in the libera-tion camp on tactical questions. In terms of length, the chapters are convenient as they are of a medium length. An interesting part of this book reveals the interview between the Mag-istrate and Mandela. Mandela had no doubt that posterity would pronounce that he was innocent on his journey to-wards freedom in South Africa. Mandela knew that the country would obtain free-dom. For readers who wish to understand the struggle period, the disadvantage is that the book is protective of Mandela and is also pro-ANC. Not much is said about other parties against apartheid. This book is easy to understand and teaches the history of South Africa and the importance of democracy. To obtain the book, contact the AISA library and documentation services at the info desk 012 304 9748.

This Month in History 12 September 1974 – Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, 'Messiah' of the Rastafari movement, is deposed following a military coup by the Derg, ending a reign of 58 years 13 September 1989 – Largest anti-Apartheid march in South Africa was held, led by Desmond Tutu. 14 September 1961 – Freeman Mbowe, Tanzanian politician and businessman was born. 15 September 1952 – The United Nations gave Eritrea to Ethiopia. 16 September 1975 – The Cape Verde Is-lands, Mozambique, and Sao Tome and Principe join the United Na-tions. 17 September 1972 –Over one thousand troops of exiled supporters of the former Ugandan President Apolo Milton Obote attack from Tanzania. Presi-dent Idi Amin responded by bomb-ing Tanzanian towns. 18 September 1962 – Burundi, Jamaica, Rwanda and Trinidad and Tobago are admitted to the United Nations. 19 September 1997 – The Guelb El-Kebir massa-cre took place in Algeria; 53 were killed. 20 September 1979 – A coup d'état in the Central African Empire overthrew Em-peror Bokasa I. Page 7

Book Acquisition and Review

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Preserving Timbuktu Manuscripts for Africa’s Heritage

By Brenda Modisaotsile

T imbuktu is a town in the West African nation of Mali, situated north of the river Niger on the

southern edge of the Sahara Desert. Timbuktu became a permanent settle-ment in the 12th century. Its wealth and existence depended on the southern terminus of the trans-Sahara trade route, the only route to transport the slabs of salt and the gold trade across the desert. ‘According to the inhabi-tants of Timbuktu, gold came from the south, the salt from the north and the Divine knowledge, from Tim-buktu’ (History of Timbuktu). There are many events celebrated in Timbuktu, but the most eminent cultural event is the Festival au Desert. Festival au De-sert is an annual concert in Essakane, Mali showcasing traditional Tuareg music as well as music from around the world. The Timbuktu cultural celebra-tions are explained by Jieppie and Sauley (2008) by saying that during 1996 when the rebellion ended in Tim-buktu under Komare administration, 3000 weapons were burned in the ceremony named ‘Flame of peace’. In December 1988, part of the Timbuktu historic center was selected by the World Heritage Committee (WHC) for inscription on its World Heritage list.

Timbuktu was se-lected because its holy places were vital to early Islamization in Africa, secondly because its mosques show a cultural and scholarly Golden Age during the Songhai Empire and lastly for the construction of the mosque, which still shows the use of traditional building

techniques. On March 2007 the Tim-buktu monument was built to com-memorate the ceremony. Timbuktu was also the world centre for Islamic learning and a commercial centre from the 13th to the 17th century during the Mali Empire. The Malian government and the NGOs have been working to catalogue and restore the remnants of the scholarly legacy of the Timbuktu manuscripts. There are over 700 000 Timbuktu manuscripts in Mali. The Timbuktu manuscripts are a symbolic representation of the impact and influ-ence of the early schools and universi-ties (12th – 16th century) that existed in West Africa. The manuscripts also cele-brate scholars who have turned the city into an ancient centre for learning. There has been a call to help in conserving, translating, publish-ing and preserving its African heritage for future use. Some of the manuscripts are decorated in gold illumination and kept in tooled leather. However, most documents are brittle due to improper handling, exposure to weather, and this causes them to crumble when being han-dled. According to the Timbuktu Educational Foundation (TEF), the translation and publication of the manuscripts will restore self-

respect, pride, honour and dignity to the people of Africa and those who descend from Africa. The foundation also says that it will obliterate the ste-reo-typical images of Tarzan and primi-tive savages and true representation of Africa and its civilisation. Lona Krige( 2010) in her article ‘Timbuktu manu-scripts: preserving the past and rewrit-ing history’, about Mbeki’s. ‘Former South African president Thabo Mbeki visited Timbuktu, a UNESCO World heritage site, in 2001. Mr Mbeki was “moved” to see dedicated staff at the Ahmed Baba Centre struggling to pre-serve the priceless documents housed at the centre with very little resources or funding. He pledged to help the city to properly house the collection of manuscripts collected across the city and surrounding regions “to preserve Africa’s intellectual property and heri-tage.’ ‘The African heritage of reading and writing is our heritage. The manu-scripts of Timbuktu are our heritage. Indeed they are part of our common human and African patrimony,’ reads the SA-Mali project website. ‘"We are Africans", we should all say, for what we truly love is our heritage.’

Timbuktu manuscripts

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Wangari Maathai: Phenomenal Woman

By Otsile Malebaco

W angari Muta Maathai, a woman of resilience, who has fought, inspired, mo-

tivated and encouraged, people to fight for what they believe in and equality, died on the 25th of September 2011 in Nairobi while receiving treatment for cancer. She was a Kenyan environ-mental and political activist, and foun-der of the Green Belt Movement, a non-governmental environmental organi-sation promoting and focusing on planting trees, environmental conser-vation and women's rights in the 1970s. Maathai is the first African woman to receive the Nobel Prize for ‘her contribution to sustainable devel-opment, democracy and peace.’ The Norwegian Nobel Committee state-ment announced Wangari Maathai as the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize winner. The committee commended her stating that; ‘Maathai stood up courageously against the former oppressive regime in Kenya. Her unique forms of action have contributed to drawing attention to political oppression—nationally and internationally. She has served as an inspiration for many in the fight for democratic rights and has especially encouraged women to better their situation.’ Her life and education illustrate a woman who was dedicated, committed and determined. Wangari Maathai ob-tained her degree in Biological Sciences (1964) from Mount St. Scholastica Col-

lege, currently Benedictine College in Atchison, Kansas. In 1966, she was awarded a Master of Science degree from the University of Pittsburgh. She then pursued doctoral studies at the University of Nairobi, where she also taught veterinary anatomy. Wangari Maathai was involved in a number of civil society organisations in the early 1970s. She served in the Na-tional Council of Women, introducing planting trees in societies, developing the project into a broad-based grass-roots organisation, focusing women groups to conserve the environment and improve their quality of life. Through the Green Belt Movement she has encouraged and inspired women in planting trees. The Kenyan govern-ment, in the late 1980s came down against Wangari Maathai and the Green Belt Movement. The previous single-party democracy government in Kenya was against many of the posi-tions of the Movement pertaining to rights and democracy. In 1986, the Green Belt Movement established a Pan African Green Belt Network, which exposed individuals from other African countries to the Movement, as some of the individuals had established similar tree planting initiatives in countries such as Tanza-nia, Uganda, Malawi, Lesotho, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe. In 1998, Maathai launched Jubilee 2000 Coalition, a cam-paign which sought the cancellation of

debts of poor countries in Africa by 2000. Wangari Maathai is internationally recognised for her persistent fighting for democracy, human rights and envi-ronmental conservation. She has spo-ken on behalf of women at special ses-sions of the United Nations General Assembly for the five-year review of the earth summit. She served on the commission for Global Governance and Commission on the Future. Prof Wangari Maathai and the Green Belt Movement have received several awards, most notably the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize. Others include: Sophie Prize (2004), Petra Kelly Prize for Environment (2004), Conservation Scientist Award (2004), J. Sterling Mor-ton Award (2004), WANGO Environ-ment Award (2003), Outstanding Vision and

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Commitment Award (2002), Excellence Award from the Kenyan Community Abroad (2001), Golden Ark Award (1994), Juliet Hollister Award (2001), Jane Adams Leadership Award (1993), Edinburgh Medal (1993), The Hunger Project's Africa Prize for Leadership (1991), Goldman Environmental Prize (1991), the Woman of the World (1989), Windstar Award for the Envi-ronment (1988), Better World Society Award (1986), Right Livelihood Award (1984) and the Woman of the Year Award (1983). In December 2002, Wangari Maathai was elected into the Kenyan parliament and was subsequently ap-pointed by the president, as Assistant Minister for Environment, Natural Re-

sources and Wildlife. In 2004, Wangari Maathai published The Challenge for Africa. The book enlightens readers who are interested in the fate of the African continent, and ‘encourages all concerned to grapple with the chal-lenges facing Africa’. The book covers issues such as cultural and historical background of the challenges in the economic, political and international contexts as well as the dimensions of these challenges of leadership and good governance at all levels of soci-ety, the complex and problematic rela-tionship of ethnic identity to the nation-state in modern Africa, the use of the environment to Africa’s development challenges and solutions to them and challenges facing individuals in Africa.

The book illustrates her passion, in voicing out and advocating against the challenges facing Africa, which con-firms her resilience. The book is avail-able at the Africa Institute of South Africa. To obtain the book, contact the AISA library and documentation ser-vices at the info desk 012 304 9748.

By Godfrey Malatji

E BSCOhost is the world most-used reference source and has served the library indus-

try for more than 60 years. It is a customised, intuitive search experi-ence designed to cater to user’s needs and preferences with over 300 full text and secondary databases available. In the light of the above Library and Documentation Services (LDS) purchased one of EBSCOhost’s prod-ucts, namely Political Science Com-plete (PSC). “This database contains full text for more than 530 journals and indexing and ab-stracts for over 2 900 titles (including top-ranked scholarly journals) many of which are unique to the product. The da-tabase also features 340 full-text reference books and monographs, over 38 000 full-text conference papers and includes a thesaurus with over 17 500 terms, to provide sub-ject searching guidance to researchers.” The Africa wide information database, which LDS contribute to, is also available through EBSCOhost. This database is

compiled by NICS and is an essential resource for those with an interest in African research and publications. EBSCOhost will enable our researchers to access and download resources online via a user ID and password. Source: http://www.ebscohost.com/public/political-science-

complete

EBSCO host

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By Azwifaneli Managa

T he proposal by Blade Nzimande, the Minister of Higher Educa-tion and Training, to make Afri-

can languages a prerequisite at tertiary institutions and promote African lan-guages to be at the same level as Eng-lish and Afrikaans in South Africa, should be viewed as an effort to advo-cate human rights for all South Africans. There is a need to ponder over this proposition as we celebrate Heritage this month. This is the time where our nation celebrates traditional activities that bring families, clans, villagers and broader society together to reconnect with their cultural diversity, while reflecting on where they come from and preserving the culture for the next generation. As South Africans, we need to rethink the identity of our children as tomor-row’s ‘proud Africans'. Being proudly African entails knowing where you come from, your values and traditions. This is the basis for defining who we really are as Africans. There have been recent media reports that Afrikaans should remain the me-dium of instruction parallel to English at the University of Free State. The unin-tended consequence is that unlike their African counterparts who are not taught in their mother tongues, Afri-kaans-speaking students will be taught in Afrikaans and write exams in Afri-kaans while African students will grap-ple with English and Afrikaans that are not their mother tongues to compete with their peers. Thus there is the unin-tended consequence to advance Afri-kaans students to excel in their educa-tion as compared to black students. Historically Afrikaans universities are of the view that phasing out the language could be disastrous to the

Afrikaans language and culture that they are fighting to preserve, but the same thinking is not applied for the Africans who speak African languages. If that is the case, why not African lan-guages? Do we not all want to preserve our languages and cultures? Sometimes one wonders why it is difficult for Afri-can children to be taught one African language. Is it because we were colo-nised for so long that we have come to accept some colonised aspects of our existence? How do we say we are liber-ated while so many children are still not

taught any of our languages? What are we celebrating on Heritage Day, as we are not affectionately using our African languages to impart cultural knowledge to our young generation? The majority of our African children go to the former ‘Model C’ schools where they learn Afrikaans and English, while not being given the opportunity to learn any Afri-can language. It is very disappointing, if not appalling, to find children who have African names but cannot speak that language nor pronounce their names correctly, never mind writing it. It is true that we are living in the modern world, where technology is constantly developing. Our children are exposed to a different world than that of our forefathers where they lived comfortably in practicing and promot-ing our African heritage. Therefore, one cannot dispute that there are opportu-nities which the modern world opens for us as we are able to communicate with diverse people from around the world. It is a must that one should

yearn to learn languages that put him or her in a position of advantage to be able to converse with the masses with-out any difficulties. However, never should we forget where we come from and who we really are. People should not lose sight of their own identity that defines them. Language is part of our identity. Professor Vilakazi said that the fact that

‘the African popula-tion can communicate in English or/and Afri-kaans with whites,

Indians, Coloureds, in general, but can-not communicate with Africans in any of the indigenous languages of the Afri-can population, is a serious barrier to true reconciliation.’ This does not do justice to the youth of June 16 who died fighting for black emancipation and opposing the intro-duction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in schools. Increasingly, more black children whose parents were also part of the struggle go to former white schools where Afrikaans is a medium of instruction; the very same language their parents fought against as the medium of instruction. It is sheer irony. This is like colonising ourselves after the coloniser has been defeated; we continue to disempower ourselves even after we have been empowered. Why do we continue to live like linguis-tic slaves after we have been emanci-pated? Is it that we loved and enjoyed being slaves, as we

Education as a Tool to Celebrate Our Heritage

'The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed' - Steve Biko

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continuously enslave our African cul-tures instead of freeing them by im-parting them to the young generation? By merely saying we are liberated does not mean anything if we have not yet started on the journey to self-discovery as black people. Defining ourselves as African is not enough if we still send our children to ‘Model C’ schools to be taught Afrikaans and not learn any Afri-can language as a subject language equal to Afrikaans. As parents of these

children we contribute to the loss of their roots, values and tradition not because we are forced to, but because we ourselves promote it. If we do not preserve our culture, we might as well not have a Heritage Day, since in a cer-tain extent Heritage Day has changed from celebrating our traditions to hav-ing braais with friends while we enjoy a free day off work. Why have we left our traditional way of celebrating? For example, you

see a Zulu male wearing ibheshu to show how comfortable he is in a tradi-tion that defines him as being African. Why is there a constant quest for black people to prove, at all costs, that their thought and intellect is equal to that of a white person? We need to decolonize ourselves. Like Franz Fanon said, ‘we are people in black skin but wearing white masks.’

By Elize van AS Cape Verde

J orge Carlos de Almeida Fonseca, born 20 October 1950 in Min-delo, Cape Verde, won the Au-

gust 2011 elections in the Republic of Cape Verde and took office on 9 Sep-tember 2011. Fonseca is a Cape Verdean politician, lawyer and university professor. He had his primary and secondary schooling in Praia and Mindelo, and higher education in Lisbon, Portugal. He studied law and obtained a Masters at the Legal Science Faculty of Law at the University of Lisbon between 1982 and 1990. He served as a graduate teaching assistant during his studies. In 1987 he was Professor of Criminal Law at the Institute of Forensic Medicine of Lisbon. Between 1989 and 1990 he was associ-ate professor and a resident director of the Law Course, Public Course and Pub-lic Administration at the University of Asia Oriental, Macau. Fonseca served as Minister of For-eign Affairs in the first government of the Second Republic between 1991 and 1993. He stood as a candidate for the President of the Republic in the 2001 elections. During the August 2011 elec-tions he was backed by the Movimento para a Democracia (MPD) and won the

first round with 38 per cent of the votes. He won the second round of the elections to become the 4th President of Independent Cape Verde. Fonseca is a formidable writer, who has written several books, among them two books of poetry. He has published

over fifty scientific and technical works in the field of law and contributed arti-cles to the ‘Revista Portuguesa de Ciên-cia Crimina’. He is founder and director of the magazine ‘Direito e Cidadania’, and also founder and Chairman of the Board of Directors of the ‘Direito e

Africa News Update: New leaders for the Republic of Cape Verde and Zambia

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Zambia Michael Chilufya Sata, born in 1937 in Mpika, Northern Rhodesia (now Zam-bia) won the September 2011 elections in the Republic of Zambia and assumed office on 23 September 2011. Sata was brought up in Mpika and worked as a police officer, railway man and trade unionist during the colonial era. He also worked in London on the railways. In 1963 he began actively par-ticipating in the politics of Northern Rhodesia and worked his way up until he became the governor of Lusaka in 1985. President Kaunda’s dictatorial style soured their relationship and Sata joined the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) during the cam-paign for multi-party politics in 1991. In 1995, Sata was appointed as min-ister without portfolio in President Fre-derick Chiluba’s government, but when President Chiluba nominated Levy Mwanawasa as the MMD’s presidential candidate for the 2001 elections, Sata left the MMD in frustration and formed the Patriotic Front (PF). He contested the 2001 elections, but only won one seat in the parliament.

In 2006, Sata once again stood against Mwanawasa, but Mwanawasa won with 42 per cent of the votes, while Sata only 29 per cent of the votes. When President Mwanawasa passed away in 2008, Sata was unani-mously chosen as the PF’s candidate for the presidential by-election, but was defeated by Rupiah Banda who got 40 per cent of the votes and Sata 38 per cent. Sata ran for President for a fourth time in the elections held on 20 Sep-tember 2011, eventually receiving 43 per cent of the votes against 36 per cent for Banda due to his anti-Chinese sentiment revealed during his cam-paign. This made the investment cli-mate in Zambia uncertain, but on his inauguration Sata assured foreign in-vestors that they were welcome in his country, as long as they improved the conditions of their Zambian employees.

21 September 2008 – President Thabo Mbeki re-signed.

22 September 1828 – Shaka, accredited as being the most influential leader of the Zulu Empire (b. 1787) died. 23 September 1983 – Gerrie Coetzee of South Af-rica became the first African boxing world heavy-weight champion. 24 September South Africans celebrate Heritage Day to celebrate their cultural heri-tage and the diversity of their beliefs and traditions. 25 September 1901 – The kingdom of the Ashanti is annexed by the British as part of the Gold Coast colony. 26 September 1936 – Winnie Mandela, South Afri-can anti-apartheid activist was born. 27 September 1961 – Sierra Leone joined the United Nations. 28 September 2009 – The military junta lead-ing Guinea, headed by Captain Moussa Dadis Camara, sexually as-saulted, killed and wounded protest-ers during a protest rally in a stadium called Stade du 28 Septembre. 30 September 1966 – Botswana celebrates inde-pendence from the United Kingdom.

This Month in History

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By Laurette Mkhwebane

L eadership, is defined by most dictionaries as ‘exerting influ-ence, motivating and inspiring,

helping others realise their potential’. A great leader is the one that will keep people motivated and focused on moving the organisation forward, and to overcome whatever obstacles that may stand in the way. As most people would say, management is a career and leadership is a calling. Be-ing well spoken will not make one a good or successful leader. True lead-ership includes effectively putting together important changes and ef-fectively communicating these changes to employees. Being a manager does not neces-sarily make one a leader either. To move from being just a manager to a leader, you must understand their role as a steward and guide. Manag-ers who want to be leaders are re-quired to have the ability to lead ef-fectively as this is the only way to set them apart from the average ones. Good leadership includes setting the direction (creating a vision) for the organisation, and goes beyond the functions of a manager of structuring the organisation, finding capable peo-ple to fill in positions and monitoring their performance; leadership inspires people to attain the vision of the or-ganisation. A leader will see a problem that needs to be solved, in most cases it will be a problem that no one else sees and/or no one wants to tackle. Whatever it may be, leaders will pay attention to it and solve it with deter-mination. In his article entitled ‘What is a Leader’, F. John Reh said, ‘It is not always problems that leaders can identify; sometimes it can be goals that need to be achieved. Whatever the goal might be, the leader will have a clear target and plan in mind.’

Not everyone can or will be a leader. Leaders are different and do things differently from everyone else, different in a way that no amount of classroom instruction can supply. The ability to lead is developed through practice, making mistakes and self correction. Those with the talent/gift to lead must c o n s tan t ly develop it. They will see their growth being accel-erated when each new job provides opportuni-ties for them to build their capa-bilities and acquire new ones; usually this will happen when they get timely and precise feedback. In their careers, leaders must repeatedly be immersed in complexity; because as they prac-tise sorting through it, they master dealing with it. Ram Charan, in the book Leaders at all Levels said, ‘Crisis may be an over used word, but it’s a fair descrip-

tion of the state of leadership in to day’s corporations. CEOs are falling sooner and falling harder, leaving their organisations in turmoil. At all levels, organisations are short on the quantity and quality of leaders they need. Tinkering and fine-tuning will not solve the fundamental problem. It

is time for a completely new ap-proach to finding and developing the kinds of leaders organisations needs.’ Some of the strategic objectives in an organisation are to identify, develop and sustain leadership. There must be lead-ers at every level of your organi-sation, because without them, your organisation will under-perform. According to F. John Reh, leaders at all levels must master

the following: Effective communication – this is more than just being able to speak and write. A leader’s communication must move people to work towards the goal the leaders have chosen for the organisation.

‘The first responsibil-ity of a leader is to define reality. The last is to say thank you. In between, the leader is a servant’– Max DePree; Leader-ship is an Art.

Leadership in an Organisation

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Motivation – a leader has to be able to motivate everyone to participate and contribute. We all have different ‘buttons’. A leader knows how to push the buttons on everyone to make them really want to do their best in working towards a goal. Planning – the leader has a plan on how to achieve the goal. He/ she doesn’t get too bogged down in the details, that’s what managers are for; but rather uses a high level plan to keep everyone moving together to ward the goal. Relationship focused – communicat- ing and implementing a vision involve working with other people; it is for this reason that a true leader must be

relationship-focused. They must in- spire and motivate their followers, often playing the roles of coach and facilitator. Employees or teammates are looking for leaders they can trust. They recognise a leader is working for the greater good of the organisation. If they find this person, they will fol-low him/her not because they can, but because they want to. As Soma Suresh Kumar says, ‘A leader is not born or made; to be a leader is a choice, it is a commitment to every-thing that is good and noble within you. Leaders have vision and a skill to achieve it.’ We see that the landscape of the

workplace constantly changes from generation to generation. Today, em-ployees are no longer content with just going to work without being rec-ognised or acknowledged. They want to be valued, stimulated and chal-lenged, all while enjoying what they do. Therefore, effective leaders will make it their goal to build a sense of community within the workplace. Not only will the employee retention fig-ures increase but productivity will also improve because employees will be more willing to follow effective leaders rather than ineffective ones.

Add us on :

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By Lindokuhle Khumalo

T he co-founder of the Centre for Minority Rights Development (CEMIRIDE), Mr. Korir Sing’Oei

presented a seminar titled ‘Indigenous Rights Movement in Africa: Character, Claims and Tactics; on September 14. As part of its objective to promote knowledge and understanding of Afri-can affairs through leading experts in various fields, AISA hosted Mr. Sing’Oei to share insight on the evi-dent strategic organisation of indige-nous peoples in Africa. In the post-colonial era, the conti-nent’s indigenous people continue to suffer marginalisation and unjust dis-placements. Their cultures and econo-mies are at risk as a result of policies and practices which do not take their needs and knowledge into account. In his presentation, Mr. Sing’Oei said that despite these conditions indigenous peoples are not being passive about their unfortunate situation and are attempting to counter it through or-ganised movements. Apart from his role at the CE-MIRIDE, which is an NGO that seeks to

secure the respect and protection of minority and in-digenous commu-nities’ rights in East Africa, Mr. Sing’Oei has ex-tensive experience in international human rights law and has repre-sented these mar-ginalised groups at a continental level. His vast ex-perience has en-abled him to di-rectly study the indigenous rights

movement in the continent as was demonstrated in the seminar. Mr. Sing’Oei discussed the history and characteristics of the movement making reference to the experience he has gained from his work with, among others, the Batwa, Maasai and En-doros peoples. He stated that these groups rely significantly on traditional livelihoods and tend to be antagonistic towards the state. This antagonism arises from the common approach of many African states which is to ignore them. Indigenous peoples however continue to demand, among other things, their rights and access to natural re-sources. As part of their strategies to counter the situation they live under, or perhaps more correctly, their demon-stration of agency and resistance, the move-ment finds refuge in the courts of law, even though these institu-

tions may be undemocratic and lack independence. Interestingly, as was pointed out by Mr. Sing’Oei, the move-ment has stronger alliances with inter-national actors, particularly Western institutions, as its visibility at the do-mestic level tends to be a challenge. He added that ‘It is easier for the New York Times to cover these groups than, for example, the Daily Nation (a Ken-yan daily national newspaper).’ Mr. Sing’Oei said that a key chal-lenge concerning the enforcement of indigenous rights at national and local level was the lack of vertical networks to facilitate the execution of agree-ments reached at international plat-forms such as the United Nations. He called for the promotion and protec-tion of participatory democracy, which is a governance system that can bring about increased and more meaningful participation for indigenous peoples in national affairs. The presentation was followed by a lively discussion session where various issues including neo-colonialism, modernisation in relation to indigenous rights and the concept of ‘indigeneity’ were explored.

Indigenous Rights Movement in Africa: Character, Claims and Tactics

Seminar Indigenous Rights Movement in Africa: Character, Claims and Tactics attendees.

Mr Korir Sing’Oei presenting his seminar Indigenous Rights Move-ment in Africa: Character, Claims and Tactics

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T his 246-page book is divided into eight chapters, each begin-ning with topic-relevant quota-

tions from renowned literature sources and ending with detailed notes. The book is written in simple language, and examples are cited from Sub-Saharan Africa as well as from East Asia. The first chapter, which is entitled Rural poverty unperceived, begins with a quotation from Robert S. McNamara and Margaret Haswell respectively. In addition to the two quotations, the chapter also quotes the old English proverb: ‘What the eye does not see, the heart does not grieve about.’ The chapter outlines the extent of poverty in the Third World, with special refer-ence to the rural areas. According to the author, two views exist on poverty in the rural areas in developing coun-tries. First is the view of the poor themselves, who are referred to as the ‘insiders’. Insiders are considered to be helpless and trapped in chronic pov-erty. The second view is that of the ‘outsiders’, who are described as not poor, but powerful, resourced and mostly living outside the rural setup. According to the author, the outsiders should take the initiative to help the insiders ascend from poverty. The author demonstrates how the outsiders keep themselves out By Robert Chambers, 1983 of touch with the situation in which the poor find themselves. The centre-periphery the-ory is used to describe the relationship between the two groups of people. The chapter correctly notes that rural development tourism is what keeps

the outsiders from understanding the plight of the poorest of the poor in rural areas. Six biases are identified as the main factors that keep the outsid-ers out of touch with the world of the insiders, which include spatial biases,

person biases, diplomatic biases and professional biases. Chapter 2, which is entitled Two cultures of outsiders, begins with a quotation from C.P. Snow. In this chap-ter the author skillfully describes the cultures of outsiders and explains rural poverty. Notably, the author identifies two cultures of outsiders. The first is composed of negative academics who are purported to be the producers of negative and misleading views of the

phenomenon of rural poverty. The second is composed of positive practi-tioners. According to the author, this group comprises people who work in government departments in headquar-ters, the field officers, technical re-searchers, the staff of voluntary work-ers, and the personnel of donor agen-cies. The author views these people as being responsible for making decisions to either help the insiders, or not to take action on their plight. The author notes that not taking a positive deci-sion is actually taking a decision by default. It is apparent that the author attributes the insiders’ situation to the decisions of the outsiders. However, in reality the actions of both the insiders and the outsiders influence the posi-tion of the insiders. The chapter ex-plains rural poverty from different an-gles, namely political economists and physical ecologists. Chapter 3 is entitled How outsiders learn, and begins with a quotation from Lewis Carroll. Notably, the author outlines methods that the outsiders use to understand the plight of the insiders. The methods are divided into appraisal which is less formal and more brief, and research, which is for-mal and longer. The chapter makes interesting observations. For instance, it is claimed that researchers (outsiders) ignore the possessions of the poor, such as goats, pigs, sheep, fowls and donkeys. By doing so, the outsiders miss an opportunity to un-derstand the insiders. It also mentions that researchers choose to do field-work during summer to avoid wet roads and yet this is the time when the insiders are sick, do not have enough food and are of low body weight. It is also the time that they sell their be-longings to obtain food. The chapter goes on to say that outsiders prefer visiting the rural poor to carry out re-search in summer when the roads are dry; and yet this is the time when the poor will have gained weight, and are less prone to disease because they are better nourished (food is more plenti-ful after harvests). The use of ques-tionnaires also falls under the watchful eye of the

Book Review:

Rural Development: Putting the Last First

by Robert Chambers

Reviewed by J. Matunhu from the Department of History and Developmental

Studies, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe.

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author. For instance, questionnaire surveys are criticised for not attending to the interests of the poor but to those of the outsiders. Researchers are accused of collect-ing data from informants who include chiefs, businesspeople and the edu-cated members of the community, and neglecting the very poorest of the poor in the rural areas. According to the chapter, this is another source of misin-formation about the insiders. The lack of time and expertise, the biases of researchers and lack of funding are viewed as factors that keep the outsid-ers away from the insiders. Chapter 4, which is entitled Whose knowledge?, begins with a citation from Hatch. The chapter raises the question: Who are the consumers of outsiders’ knowledge? The chapter notes that in rural development the core periphery biases of the outsiders are reflected in the research, publica-tions and training; and concentrate on what is exotic rather than indigenous, mechanical rather than organic, and marketed rather than consumed. In this respect the author may be for-given; the book was published about 29 years ago. Despite this shortcoming, the chapter sheds light on the much-needed information about the views that prevailed during the 1980s on ru-ral development and rural poverty. On page 89, the author presents very in-teresting ideas about rural people’s faculties and how they make sense of the world around them. More interest-ing information is to be found on page 91 where the author details how scien-tific research was carried out by the poorest of the poor in rural areas. Chapter 5 is entitled Integrated rural poverty, and begins with citations from BRAC, Henderson, Haswell, Blai-kie, Cameron and Sedon respectively. This chapter appears to be revisiting a matter that was raised in Chapter 1. Generally, the outsiders incorrectly view the poor in rural areas as improvi-dent, lazy, ignorant, stupid and fatalis-tic. The chapter goes further to note that the poor in rural areas have a clus-

ter of disadvantages. These are dia-grammatically presented on page 112. The deprivation trap has five interlock-ing factors – powerlessness, isolation, vulnerability, poverty and physical weakness – and each is expertly un-packed. Chapter 6, which begins with wise quotations from Karl Marx and McNa-mara respectively, is entitled Seeing what to do. The chapter notes that in trying to ‘see what to do’, outsiders’ unavoidable paternalism can be offset in two ways: first, by starting with the priorities and strategies of the rural poor themselves, and second, by con-centrating on what outsiders and the rural poor agree to do or not to do. The chapter also notes that in trying to see what to do, non-rural outsiders are

trapped by core-periphery perceptions and thinking. On priorities and strate-gies of the poor, the chapter records that for those who are neither rural nor poor to know the priorities of those who are both, is not as easy as it sounds. The author reports that the rural poor are dispersed, isolated, un-communicative, rarely asked their views, frequently masked by others, selectively perceived and deferential. It is further reported that the silent can-not be heard. On page 145, the chapter notes that objectives for outsiders should be to put the wishes of the poor first. Interestingly, the chapter notes that outsiders appear to think that they know best. It is further alleged that the insiders do not know what is in their interests; or that with greater aware-ness they would have different priori-ties; or that they should confront their powerlessness by standing up to their rich exploiters. Notably, the author fails

to capture situations where insiders become outsiders, and vice versa. Chapter 7 begins with wise quota-tions from three sources, namely Lewis Carroll, Will Rogers and the Holy Bible. In this chapter, the author looks at how new professionalism can be used to put the last first. Generally, the empha-sis of the chapter is on reversal of the position of the outsiders. Three dimen-sions of reversal are put forward. The first is spatial reversals, which advo-cates for de-concentration of skills, wealth and power in the core (outsiders). The second is in profes-sional values. This entails redesigning the education curriculum so that it caters for the developmental needs of the insiders. The third dimension is reversal into gaps, which emphasises the need to reduce the knowledge gap between the insiders and the outsid-ers. The motive is considered to be capable of producing a professional who understands the insiders as well as the outsiders. Chapter 8, the last chapter of the book, begins with a quotation from Robert Browning and is entitled Practi-cal action. Here the author calls for practical action in rural poverty reduc-tion. The author calls for a clear under-standing of all the values that put the last (insiders) in the first position in dealing with rural poverty. On page 192 the author reminds the outsiders that all (insiders and outsiders) can do something to improve the lives of the rural poor. The chapter explains how beliefs, values and imagination contrib-ute to putting the last first. On page 194 the author notes that action and introspection go together and that it is often best to start with action. It rightly argues that to put the last first, con-fronts basic beliefs, challenges, per-sonal values, and demands the exercise of imagination. The chapter also pro-vides a framework for practical ap-praisal by outsiders. This involves off-setting the antipoverty biases, spend-ing longer hours and getting more in-formation during fieldwork, and apply-ing the principles of rapid rural ap-praisal.

‘The book is a rich source of knowledge on rural poverty in developing countries’

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The chapter also encourages reversal in learning by the out-siders – a process that involves being prepared to spend ex-tended periods (sitting, asking and listening), learning from the poorest, learning indigenous technical knowledge, and carrying out joint research with the insiders. The book is a rich source of knowledge on rural poverty in developing coun-tries. However, it would be advisable for the author to revise the book in light of new realities in the discourse on rural

poverty reduction in developing countries. It would also be good to focus on women as the insiders and men as the out-siders. A further recommendation is that the book be trans-lated into many languages for the benefit of non-English speakers, as it is indeed a great contribution to our under-standing of poverty in the rural areas in Sub-Saharan Africa and in East Asia.

By Mpho Mutavhatsindi, Katlego Moledi and Zibusiso Ncube

S outh Sudan is situated in north east region of Africa, and is bor-dered by the republic of Sudan

to the north, Ethiopia to the east, Kenya and Uganda to the south, and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR) to the south west. At the border between South Sudan and the Republic of Sudan, is the Abyei region. Leaders from the Republic of Sudan and South Sudan signed an agreement in Ethiopia to demilitarise the disputed central region of Abyei and allow an Ethiopian peacekeeping force to move in. The demilitarisation agreement for the region serves as a peacekeeping mission for the region as both Republic of Sudan and South Su-dan claim the region as their own. It is still to be decided whether it is part of South Sudan or to remain with Repub-lic of Sudan Sudan. The UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon congratulated the Government of the Republic of Sudan and South Sudan on the launch of the Abyei Joint Oversight Committee on 8 September, 2011. The Secretary-General appreciated the efforts of the African Union High-Level Panel, led by Thabo Mbeki, in helping the parties adopt the modalities of the Abyei Joint Oversight Committee and agree on a timetable for the withdrawal of all forces out of the Abyei Area, which commenced on 11 September 2011. The Africa Institute of South Africa’s (AISA) Geographic Information System (GIS) laboratory, has created a shape-

file polyline border of South Sudan and has merged the South Sudan adminis-trative boundary with other African countries’ administrative boundaries to have an up- to-date and accurate Afri-can map.

Source: the shapefile downloaded from http://www.unitar.org/unosat/maps Since the Abyei region is still in the ne-gotiation processes of whether it will be part of South Sudan or Republic of Sudan, the GIS laboratory excluded the region from South Sudan until the two countries reach an agreement.

Above is the demarcated boundary of South Sudan without the Abyei region. Source: South Sudan shapefile created by AISA GIS Laboratory. After the South Sudan map is accu-

rately edited, it is merged with the map of Africa. The map below is the final outcome of the South Sudan shapefile creation. The shapefile was compared with South Sudan satellite imagery to ensure the accuracy.

Map of Africa merged with South Sudan In demarcating Africa’s new state, the GIS unit used the ArcGIS 10.0 system. This GIS system can be used for monitoring geographic data, assem-bling geographic information, develop-ing maps and using them in a circle of applications. It is also used for discov-ering geographic information and shar-ing the information. These ArcGIS Sys-tems are developed by Environmental System Research Institution (ESRI) a software development company.

GIS: Demarcation of South Sudan

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A frica Institute of South Africa hosted a seminar entitled ‘Sustainable Hydropower

Generation in Zambia’s Kafue Flats: What are the Prospects of balancing the competing priorities?’ presented by Mr Shingirirai Mutanga, a Research specialist from the Science and Tech-nology unit. His presentation was based on his fieldwork findings in the Kafue Flats of Zambia. The seminar was chaired by Professor Narnia Boh-ler-Muller. In his opening remarks he illumi-nated the complexity in water re-sources, a finite resource of the world. It has created tensions among user groups and sectors, at local, national and regional scales. Among these he gave reference to the debate on water for energy vs. water for food. In addi-tion he discussed the various dis-courses on water resource which in-clude among others structural inequal-ity and environmental scarcity dis-

course. Nonetheless he warned ‘While Africa thinks of hydropower as an alternative energy source, the continent should be mindful of the effects of climate change witnessed by flooding, soil erosion and droughts’. Mr. Mutanga described the ma-jor characteristics of Kafue flats, which is a generally low lying area covering about 6,500 km2, domi-nated by floodplains or wetlands, rich in biodiversity and found be-tween Itezhi tezhi and Kafue Gorge dams. The Gorge has a 900MW electricity generation plant supply-ing electricity to Zambia and ex-porting to neighbouring countries. He remarked that hydropower gen-eration is handled by the Zambian

Electricity Company (ZESCO). Mr Mutanga used satellite im-agery (GIS tools) to map land use

change as a way of determining the increased demand for water between 1999 and 2008. This was complemented with a times se-ries analysis of hydrological trends in the Kafue stream. He also highlighted the energy gen-eration trends over the years and the relationship with a number of climate variables. In an attempt to highlight the complexity in the Kafue flats he applied systems dynamics ap-proach which showed the rela-tionships, cause and effects be-tween different components among which includes the role of NGOs such as WWF, government departments, energy generation, key energy sectors in the country, people’s livelihoods, climate change and development. In his closing remarks he ech-oed the importance of promoting transdiciplinarity and avoiding disciplinary blinkers.

I quote ‘Engineers tend to find infra-structural options like dams, lawyers legal solutions e.g human rights to water, and economists prefer to deal with water by pricing water and rec-ommending the creation of markets’. Dr Martin Kaggwa a senior lecturer at Tshwane University of Technology opened a stimulating discussion ses-sion, which revolved around the com-peting priorities for water, role of civil society and the current trends in tech-nology innovation on hydropower gen-eration. He emphasized the issue of policy implications in the whole de-bate. In wrapping up Professor Narnia Bohler-Muller thanked everyone in particular the presenter, guests and the key discussant Dr Martin Kaggwa. The day was consolidated by a net-working session over lunch.

Sustainable Hydropower Generation in Zambia’s Kafue Flats

Professor Narnia Bohler-Muller, Mr. Shingirai Mutanga and Dr Martin Kaggawa

Mr Shingirirai Mutanga presenting his seminar

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From the Archives: Ethnic groups in their different traditional attire

By Elize van As

A Zulu woman

Zulu Women

Xhosa

Pondo

Ndbele woman

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EDITORIAL CREDITS

Editor-in-Chief

Dr Matlotleng Matlou

Editor

Otsile Malebaco

Contributing Editor

Associate Editor

Nicol Olivier

Editorial Committee

Brenda Modisaotsile

Godfrey Malatji

Justice Mkhabela

Katlego Moledi

Lindokuhle Khumalo

Nomasonto Magano

Nthabeleng Nkopane

Laurette Mkhwebane

Mpho Mutavhatsindi

Contributors

Thabiso Kobedi

Azwifaneli Managa

Elize van As

J. Matunhu

Zibusiso Ncube

Shingirirai Mutanga

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