vocational training no. 4 european journal · vocational training no. 4 european journal cedefop 2...

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CEDEFOP

VOCATIONAL TRAINING NO. 4 EUROPEAN JOURNAL

Editor: Fernanda Oliveira Reis

Editorial committee:

Chairman:Jean François Germe Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers

(CNAM), France

Matéo Alaluf Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB), BelgiumTina Bertzeletou CEDEFOPKeith Drake Manchester University, Great BritainJulio Sanchez Fierro Asociación de Mutuas de Trabajo, SpainGunnar Eliasson The Royal Institute of Technology (KTH), SwedenPaolo Garonna Istituto nazionale di statistica (ISTAT), ItalyEduardo Marçal Grilo Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, PortugalAlain d’Iribarne Laboratoire d’Economie et de Sociologie du

Travail (LEST-CNRS), FranceBernd Möhlmann CEDEFOPFernanda Oliveira Reis CEDEFOPArndt Sorge Humboldt-Universität Berlin, GermanyEnrique Retuerto de la Torre CEDEFOPReinhard Zedler Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft Köln,

Deutschland

Representative of the Management Board:Anne-Françoise Theunissen Confédération des Syndicats Chrétiens de

Belgique (CSC), Belgium

CEDEFOPEuropean Centre

for the Developmentof Vocational Training

Jean Monnet HouseBundesallee 22D-10717 Berlin

Tel.: 4930+88 41 20Telex: 184 163 eucen dFax: 4930+88 41 22 22

As of 1.9.1995 the seat ofCEDEFOP will be

Thessaloniki (GR)

Call for contributions

The Editorial Committee wishes toencourage the spontaneous contributionof articles. Articles submitted will beexamined by the Editorial Committeewhich reserves the right to decide on

publication. It will inform the authors ofits decision. Articles (5 to 10 pages, 30lines per page, 60 characters per line)should be addressed to the editor of theJournal. Manuscripts will not be returned.

Published under the responsibility of:Johan van Rens, DirectorStavros Stavrou, Deputy DirectorEnrique Retuerto de la Torre, Deputy Director

Technical production, coordination:Bernd Möhlmann, Barbara de Souza

Responsible for translation: Colin Mc Cullough

Layout: Werbeagentur Zühlke Scholz & PartnerGmbH, Berlin

Technical production on DTP: Axel Hunstock, Berlin

The contributions were received onor before 16.02.1995

Reproduction is authorized, except for commercialpurposes, provided that the source is indicated

Catalogue number: HX-AA-95-001-EN-C

Printed inthe Federal Republic of Germany, 1995

This publication appears three times a year inSpanish, Danish, German, Greek, English, French,Italian, Dutch and Portuguese

The opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the position of CEDEFOP.The European Vocational Training Journal gives protagonists the opportunity to presentanalyses and various, at times, contradictory points of view. The Journal wishes to contributeto criticial debate on the future of vocational training at a European level.

CEDEFOP is a Community bodyestablished by Regulation (EEC)No 337/75 of the Council of the Eu-ropean Communities, last amen-ded by Council Regulation (EC) No251/95 of 6 February 1995 andCouncil Regulation (EC) No 354/95of 20 February 1995. It is managedby a quadripartite ManagementBoard on which are representedthe trade union and employer or-ganizations, national governmentsand the European Commission.

Pursuant to Article 2 of the found-ing regulation, CEDEFOP “has themission of assisting the Commis-sion in order to promote at Com-munity level the development ofvocational training and continuingtraining”.

Through its academic and techni-cal activities, CEDEFOP is calledupon to produce relevant knowl-edge of a precise and comprehen-sive nature on the Community per-spective to assess the issues in theWork Programme which is ap-proved by the Management Boardin agreement with the Commis-sion. The Work Programme cur-rently focuses on two major is-sues:

❏ trends in qualifications❏ trends in training systems

and to implement this programmeCEDEFOP uses a variety of means:

❏ studies and analyses❏ dissemination of information(in a variety of forms using vari-ous media)❏ the promotion of opportunitiesfor the exchange and transfer ofknowledge.


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EditorialThis volume celebrates the accession to theEuropean Union of three new MemberStates. Of the Nordic countries, Denmark isa long-standing member, Finland and Swe-den have now joined, Norway and Icelandremain outside the Union. Austria has joinedbut Switzerland remains outside the Union.The statistical section speaks of the materialstatus of the new members - their demo-graphic, employment and educational pro-files. The absence of comparative data ontraining - as opposed to publicly-financedprimary, secondary and tertiary education -is revealing. There are national training datafor all three new entrants. But the FORCEprogramme’s Tableau de Bord on Continu-ing Vocational Training1 demonstrated thenon-comparability of much of the existingtraining data in Member States. Where reli-ably comparable data do not yet exist, at-tempts to manufacture it are more likely tomislead than to inform. The warmth of thewelcome derives from the commitment ofAustria, Finland and Sweden to the valuesof democracy and social solidarity, and theexpression of these values in their systemsof vocational education and training.

Finland and Sweden share many character-istics with the other Nordic countries.Lundborg reflects on forty years experienceof their integrated, five country labour mar-ket. This experience suggests that sustainedincome narrowing across EU Member Stateswill reduce migratory flows - as it did inthe eighties between Finland and Sweden.Lundborg also argues that migrations re-sponding to increased labour demand insome better off Member States may requirepolicy changes to ensure that unemploy-ment compensation does not prevent jobsearch. He develops in a fresh direction aconcern with the operations of Nordic la-bour markets which was addressed in anearlier volume (2/94) by Eliasson (inefficientlabour market matching can render ineffec-tive the best education and training systems)and by Skedinger (the benefits of Sweden’sactive labour market policies have probablybeen exaggerated).

The characteristics and values of politicalsystems influence not only economic per-formance but also the structure and perform-ance of training systems. At 58 per cent in1992, Austria’s female labour force partici-pation rate is nearly identical to that of WestGermany. By contrast, Finland at 71 per cent

and Sweden at 79 per cent march with Den-mark (79 per cent in 1991) and Norway (71per cent) in using training (and public sec-tor employment) to target particular groups.In this case, the enhancement of flexiblefacilities enables more women to combinefamily and job. Long periods of political sta-bility in several Nordic countries facilitatedan alliance of the social partners and cen-tral government to make unusually exten-sive provision for the remote rural inhabit-ant as well as the city dweller, for womenas well as for men, for the older at-riskworker as well as for the young entrant tothe workforce. Austria, like Sweden, has ahighly corporatist approach to the settingand implementation of training policy. ButAustrian corporatism is of a different vari-ety, combining a strong social democraticflavour with adherence to a social marketmodel of economic management.

Riemer reveals that for Austria accessioncoincides with an impetus towards realisticand self-critical analysis, openness to newsolutions and a vision of integration whichgoes beyond economic issues to the devel-opment of a ‘Europe of citizens’. Like Ger-many and Switzerland, Austria’s trainingsystem is based on the apprenticeshipmodel: 41 per cent of its young peoplegraduate each year from its dual system. Butone of its most pressing concerns is not ini-tial vocational training but the sheer size ofthe continuing training effort which it faces.Echoing an earlier plea (in 2/94) by Eliassonfor institutional reform to stimulate and fa-cilitate increased self-investment by indi-viduals, Riemer favours improved incentivesfor investment in continuing training bothby individuals and by companies.

Finland and Sweden share the Nordic pro-pensity for a very high level of unioniza-tion and priority accorded to training incentralized collective bargaining. Of course,economic circumstances differ across Nor-dic countries. Norway’s oil sheltered itseconomy from the effects of internationalcompetition in a way not experienced byFinland. Institutional solutions also vary.Whereas the role of apprenticeship is gen-erally marginal in Nordic countries, Den-mark is an exception. It successfully coun-tered the decline of traditional apprentice-ship in the seventies by developing the EFG(basic vocational training) and integratingit with the apprenticeship route. By con-

1 European Commiss ion FORCE(1994), ‘Tableau de bord’ on continu-ing vocational training, Luxembourg:Office for Official Publications of theEuropean Communities


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trast, Finland is experimenting with a bu-reaucratic devolution of control to munici-palities and increased reliance on new multi-sectoral polytechnics, i.e. a redevelopmentof the vocat ional school model (seeKämäräinen).

Nordic authors naturally use other NordicStates as benchmarks. Belonging to a dis-tinctive cultural group is part of being Fin-land and Sweden. Culture is as importantas structure. The founders of the EU knewthis. So did the great Danish philosopher,Grundtvig, when he said ‘first, I feel; then,I think’. The cultural ties which bind Fin-land and Sweden to their Nordic neighboursoutside the union need not loosen as a re-sult of joining an outward-facing Union,some of whose older members - for in-stance, France, Spain or the United King-dom - retain equally strong cultural links tocountries outside the Union.

For all three countries, joining the EU is partof their response to intense global pressureto improve competitiveness. By the start ofthis decade, Sweden, for example, had moreor less accepted that simultaneous educa-tional and labour market reform was over-due (see Ottersten). The Swedish model haddelivered not only extraordinarily low un-employment, but also a wage premium onlearning which was very small by interna-tional standards, a swollen non-trading sec-tor, massive wage drift at plant level andgrowing uncompetitiveness of domesticmanufacturing. The on-going reform of thissystem has to increase labour market flex-ibility and competitiveness, including greaterincentives for individuals and for employersto invest in the competences which Sweden’seconomy needs. As Ottersten makes clear,this unfinished business will be addressedwithin a European Union which is by nomeans free of the very institutional barriersand labour market practices which cause con-cern in Sweden.

In Finland, one expression of the drive forcompetitiveness is the attempt to revitalizethe apprenticeship route to competence, foradults as well as for young people, withenlarged occupational coverage and com-petence-based examinations which are in-dependent of the ways in which skills areacquired (see Vartiainen). However, sincethis accounts for little more than 5 per centof all vocational education and training, thesuccess of decentralization of budgets to theincreasingly market-based vocationalschools is much more critical if the respon-

siveness of training to business and indus-t ry is to be improved (see Kyrö) .Kämäräinen argues that repeated attemptsby Nordic countries to bridge the gap be-tween academic and vocational tracks andimprove the linkage between school-basedprovision of vocational education and train-ing and working life have not yet been verysuccessful - partially excepting Denmark.

Both Finland and Sweden are looking afreshat the information and incentive functionsof labour markets. Their highly centralizedcorporatist structuring of training proved tobe too insensitive to skill scarcities and toemerging industrial needs. Now they aresearching for a new relationship betweenthe visible hand of government and the in-visible hand of the market. Systemic failurehas provoked system reform (see Ottersten,Kyrö, Kämäräinen and Goetschy).

For forty years, the Nordic countries devel-oped along broadly similar lines, with largepublic sectors and a strong role for the Statein collaboration with the social partners.Training, as a key ingredient of an activelabour market policy, was supposed to en-sure one of the most critical outcomes, bind-ing everyone together, i.e. full employment.When the pact between unions, employersand government broke down, notably inSweden, the way was open for a re-orien-tation of training towards the goal of greatercompetitiveness, as it were away from re-distribution and towards production. Butthis is not truly an either/or choice. The situ-ation of Austria, Finland and Sweden is nodifferent from that of the other MemberStates : ‘for the level of employment in theCommunity to improve, firms must achieveglobal competitiveness on open and com-petitive markets, both inside and outsideEurope’.2

Goetschy shows that integration with theEuropean Union is a challenge which, forFinland and Sweden, is additional to grap-pling with the on-going crisis of their modelof the Welfare State. The internationaliza-tion of their economies and crisis in thepublic finances challenge their institutionsbut not their democratic and social values.The re-orientation and reconfiguration oftheir training systems can only be under-stood as part of the much more wide-rang-ing process of re-evaluation and reform inthe new Member States.

Keith Drake

2 Growth, Competitiveness, Employ-ment (1993), Brussels : EuropeanCommission, p. 57.


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The new Member States:Austria, Finland, SwedenTrends in Nordic social “models”

The difficult metamorphosis of the social “models”of the Nordic countries (Sweden, Norway, Finland, Iceland) .......................... 5Janine GoetschyThe author outlines the main elements of Nordic social systems and theirinternal dynamism over the last fifteen years.

The education and training systems

The Swedish training system - future expectations on its integration ........ 15Eugenia Kazamaki Ottersten“This article addresses the Swedish training system, its integration with those ofthe European Union, as well as future expectations.”

Features of vocational education in Finland ..................................................... 21Matti Kyrö“The leading principles underlying the current administrative reform in Finlandis to do away with normative regulation and delegate decision power.”

Boom in apprenticeship training in Finland .................................................... 27Henry Vartiainen“To learn in work has to be seen as an equally good way of acquiring competenceand passing examination as learning in public vocational institutions.”

Vocational training in Austria ..............................................................................33Gerhard RiemerThe structure of the Austrian system and expectations placed on Communityeducation and training policy.

Reforms in the vocational education and training systemsof the Nordic countries .........................................................................................37Pekka Kämäräinen“Recent developments indicate that the Nordic countries are in a transitionprocess towards a new kind of constellation between policy-making, educationalmanagement and curriculum development.”

The Nordic countries: an integrated labour market

Experiences from the integrated Nordic labour market ................................. 46Per Lundborg“Today, (…) labour mobility is very limited across most member countries, andfrom this perspective, the experiences gained from the Nordic labour market mayvery well be of interest.”


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The new Member States: some data …

Statistical data ........................................................................................................ 52

Bibliographical data .............................................................................................. 55

Useful addresses .................................................................................................... 57

Reading

Reading selection .................................................................................................. 61

Publications received by the editorial office ..................................................... 79


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JanineGoetschyResearchCoordinator at theCentre National dela RechercheScientifique (CNRS)

Labour and Mobility DivisionUniversity of NanterreFrance

The social systems of the Nor-dic countries (Sweden, Nor-way, Finland, Iceland), ormore specifically the institu-tions of the welfare state andindustrial relations in thosecountries, have entered a pe-riod of change and a crucialphase in their history. This ar-ticle takes a comparative lookat the essential characteristicsof these countries’ social mod-els and the new challengeswhich these have had to faceover the past 15 years or so. Ina strategy designed to guaran-tee full employment while atthe same time modernize theeconomy, key importance hastraditionally been attached toactive employment policies(particularly the training ele-ment thereof) and macroeco-nomic policies (expansion ofthe public sector and succes-sive devaluations). The Euro-pean Union is to some extentquestioning the continued va-lidity of these traditional eco-nomic mechanisms, and thewelfare state is now provingdifficult to manage. But in theauthor’s opinion the Nordicmodels are under pressurefirst and foremost from a fi-nancial crisis in their welfaresystems and only to a muchlesser extent from a crisis ofvalues or institutions (cf. socialpartners who are representa-tive, powerful and disciplinedfacing governments which areconcerned to secure nationalcompromises), values and in-stitutions which remain, bothnow and in the future, essen-tial assets in the process of in-tegration into the EuropeanUnion.

With Sweden and Finland now membersof the European Union and the treaty onthe European Economic Area in effectsince 1 January 1994, it seems an oppor-tune moment to undertake a comparativeevaluation of the social “models” of theNordic countries (Sweden, Norway, Fin-land, Iceland). Although dearest to thehearts of the social democratic govern-ments which established them, thesemodels have survived coalitions in whichgovernments teamed up with parties fur-ther right on the political spectrum. Ofall the conditions which favoured theirestablishment, it seems that political andinstitutional factors outweighed economicfactors. Nevertheless, analysis shows thepurviews and objectives of the Nordiccountries’ social - and particularly indus-trial relations - systems to be eminentlyeconomic in nature. The institutions ofthe social system in fact created new andoriginal manifestations of synergy be-tween the economic and the social, mainlybecause they succeeded in reconciling theinterests of society as a whole with thoseof subgroups thereof within the frame-work of a “negotiated economy”. At thesame time these institutions served as acounterweight to the negative social re-percussions of the market economy.

During the 1980s, however, the Nordiccountries’ social systems found themselvesmercilessly being put to the test, chal-lenged mainly by the fact that their econo-mies were increasingly becoming part ofthe international economy, by an upsurgeof liberalism, by changes taking placewithin the social democratic movement, bymore pronounced diversification within thetrade union movements and by the in-crease in unemployment. More recently,the prospect of European integration hasloomed as an additional challenge.

The difficult metamorpho-sis of the social “models”of the Nordic countries(Sweden, Norway, Finland,Iceland)

Given this new situation, one must try toanswer the following two questions. Whatare the essential characteristics of the Nor-dic social systems and the internal dynam-ics which have earned them the title “so-cial models of northern Europe”? And whatare the changes which, over the past 15years, have supposedly precipitated thesesocial systems into a crisis.1

I. Origins and characteris-tics of the Nordic models

1. Historically, the Nordic models withtheir national variants and correspondingindustrial relations systems were essen-tially based on a concept of class com-promise between employers and tradeunions which was institutionalized in ba-sic agreements signed in Sweden, Nor-way and Iceland in the 1930s and in Fin-land after World War II. The compromisesreached were usually negotiated in criti-cal situations and put an end to embit-tered industrial conflicts involving strikesand lock-outs. They institutionalized forgood a recognition that employers couldexercise their prerogatives and, in con-sideration thereof, that trade unions couldexercise certain rights and engage in col-lective bargaining.

2. These historical class compromisesbetween capital and labour were madepossible and sustainable by favourablepolitical conditions, namely the existencein the Nordic countries of political coa-litions in which, for a lengthy period fromthe 1930s on, the social democrats occu-pied a strong position. In both Swedenand Norway, the social democrats hada hegemonic hold on political power. Thepolitical situation was somewhat differ-


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ent in Finland and Iceland where divi-sions within the political left caused thesocial democratic presence to be lessmassive but for all that no less persis-tent.

One must add, however, that political in-terests were traditionally divided not onlybetween the political left and the politi-cal right but also between rural regions,coastal fishing regions and remote, iso-lated regions and the built-up, urban re-gions. This dichotomy of interests settingapart the urban from the rural is again re-emerging quite forcefully in the currentdebate on the internationalization andEuropeanization of the Nordic countries’economies.

The advent of a sustainable social demo-cratic hegemony in the first half of thiscentury was itself the outcome of an over-lapping of four concurrent political fac-tors. First, the traditional absence of astrong and united political right as analternative from which the current of capi-talism could have drawn support. In Nor-way, if one disregards the shipownersthere was not even a national capitalistclass to speak of, the economy havingbeen dominated since the beginning ofthe century by foreign investment, notablyin the primary sector. In Sweden, al-though the industrialization era saw animpressive number of Swedish employ-ers taking the helm of industries export-ing manufactures, these opted for settingup a powerful, centralized and autono-mous confederation of industry ratherthan for direct political contacts. The situ-ation in Finland was different again: un-til World War II, management in Finlandhad been intimately linked with the par-ties of the political right - in an economydominated until 1950 by the forestry in-dustry, it had been the employers in thewood pulp sector whose voice wasstrongest and who, in the 1930s, teamedup with governments of the political rightto repress the trade unions.

Second, in order to strengthen their posi-tions into and through the 20th century,the social democratic movement in allthese four Nordic countries had soughtand secured valuable alliances with theso-called agrarian parties representing theinterests of the farming and fishing com-munities and forestry workers.

Third, the existence of a trade unionmovement which was united from its earlydays and enjoyed close relations with thesocial democratic party was a major con-tr ibutory factor in establ ishing thepowerbase of the social democratic move-ment, at least in Sweden and Norway.In Finland and Iceland, however, rela-tions between the trade unions and thesocial democratic movement had sufferedfrom a history of political schisms in theirrespective trade union confederations. Butfrom the 1970s on, both countries saw areunification of their trade union move-ments and stronger cooperation with po-litical forces, evidence thus of strongerconvergence bringing these countries intocloser alignment in this respect with Nor-way and Sweden.

Fourth, the essential strength of the so-cial democratic movement in the Nordiccountries resided in its advocacy of andcapacity for reform which gave genuinesubstance to the Scandinavian model inits national variants. In exchange for ac-quiescing to technological development,the rationalization of industry, mobilityon the labour market and wage modera-tion with a view to contributing towardsactive economic growth and price stabil-ity, the reformist programme of the socialdemocratic movement, the fruit of a so-cial compromise between trade unions,employers and the state, was proposingfull employment, income solidarity andthe benefits of a welfare state.

3. Apart from these political considera-tions, the origins of the Nordic models andthe social contract underlying them canalso be traced back to the existence, sincethe beginning of the 20th century, of cen-tralized and powerful organizations ofmanagement and labour. The first tradeunion confederation appeared in Swedenin 1898 (LO), in Norway in 1899 (LO), inFinland in 1907 (SAK) and in Iceland in1916 (FTI). The menace of strong tradeunion movements induced employers toorganize themselves at an early stage andon a centralized basis similar to that of theblue-collar unions set up in Sweden (SAFestablished in 1902), Norway (NAF estab-lished in 1900), Finland (STK establishedin 1907) and Iceland (FEI established in1934). In Finland though, employers or-ganizations did not become truly central-ized until the 1950s.

1) This article is based mainly on theconclusions of a more extensive com-parative study on the Nordic coun-tries which was funded by the Com-mission of the European Communi-ties. Les modèles nordiques à l’épreuvede l ’Europe , La Documentat ionFrançaise, Paris 1994, 147 p.

“During the 1980s (...) theNordic countries’ social

systems found themselvesmercilessly being put to

the test, (...) More recently,the prospect of Europeanintegration has loomed as

an additional challenge.”

“Historically, the Nordicmodels with their nationalvariants and correspond-

ing industrial relationssystems were essentially

based on a concept ofclass compromise between

employers and tradeunions (...)”

“One must add (...) thatpolitical interests were

(also) traditionallydivided (...) between rural

regions, coastal fishingregions and remote,

isolated regions and thebuilt-up, urban regions.This dichotomy of inter-

ests setting apart theurban from the rural isagain re-emerging quiteforcefully in the current

debate on the internation-alization and

Europeanization of theNordic countries’ econo-

mies.”


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❏ The trade union and employers con-federations’ option for centralization al-lowed them to exercise a relatively highlevel of internal discipline over their mem-bers. This was an organizational conditionnecessary for the smooth functioning ofthe famous Nordic model which theywanted to see develop. A centralized or-ganization did not, however, in any waysignify an absence of internal democracy.On the contrary, one of the characteristicfeatures often forgotten in analyses of theNordic trade union movements has beentheir relative success in associating struc-tural centralization with decentralization ininternal decision-making. The internaldemocracy within the trade union struc-tures is exercised differently from onecountry to another. If one were to classifythe trade union movements by their de-gree of centralization, for example by ex-amining the procedures for obtaining in-ternal endorsement of collective bargain-ing activities, Sweden would hold the lead-ing position followed by Norway, Finlandand Iceland. Some authors have main-tained that the more democratic internalfunctioning of the trade unions in Norway,Finland and Iceland which has allowed amultitude of viewpoints to be expressedalso explains the more frequent need inthese countries for the state to intervenein collective bargaining activities to arriveat compromise on central issues and rec-oncile divergent interests by means of me-diation or indeed obligatory arbitration.

In a general way, trade union centraliza-tion has remained very pronounced, as isevidenced by the renegotiation of the so-called basic agreements which lay downthe rules of the social game on a largenumber of issues, and also by the powerexerted both on government in the fieldof economic policy and legislation andwithin public or semi-public bodies witha tripartite or bipartite composition.

❏ The Nordic trade union confederationsare powerful by virtue of their very highand constantly increasing membershiprates. Their high levels of unionization areunique worldwide: currently over 85% inIceland, 85% in Finland, 81% in Sweden,and 57% in Norway. In contrast to else-where in Europe, there has been no realcrisis in Scandinavian trade union mem-bership over the past 15 years. The mostimportant factors explaining the high rate

of unionization are: high membership ratesamong the female workforce, the fact thatat a time when industry is undergoing arelative decline to the benefit of the ser-vices sector, the latter has become mas-sively unionized, and finally the quality ofthe results obtained by trade union actionat both corporate and societal level.

4. With centrally organized industrial re-lations on the one hand and a social demo-cratic political programme calling for dy-namic, interactive regulation mechanismsbetween macroeconomic policies and so-cial policies on the other, collective bar-gaining in the Nordic system has beenframed with more centralized structuresthan elsewhere. If success was to beachieved in sustaining overall economicequilibrium and in policies of wage soli-darity, negotiation had to be centralized.

What were the specifically Nordic objec-tives of the policy of wage solidarity? Fourtypes of reason motivated this policy: a)first, to develop a wage structure basednot on the economic performance of in-dividual sectors or companies but on thenature and demands of the work per-formed with a view to narrowing wagedifferentials between high-profit and low-profit industries, between highly profit-able and less profitable companies, be-tween skilled and unskilled jobs (this lat-ter objective was added somewhat laterin connection with policies to supportlow-wage groups); b) by calling for thefixing of mean standards, the policy ofsolidarity was to be a factor of wage mod-eration helping to “contain” wage de-mands in the dynamic, profitable, export-oriented sectors which were exposed tothe vicissitudes of international competi-tion, sectors which in some cases ac-counted for an important part of the na-tional economy; c) the mean standardfixed at inter-industry level was to con-tribute towards eliminating inefficientcompanies which were unable to with-stand the associated financial burden andthereby to encourage companies to ration-alize production and management at anearly point in time; d) the policy was alsoto facilitate workforce mobility: with awage system allowing for only slight wagedifferentials between industries and com-panies, the advantages lost by a changeof job would be minimal; it should benoted that geographical and sectoral mo-

“In exchange for acqui-escing to technologicaldevelopment, the rationali-zation of industry, mobil-ity on the labour marketand wage moderation (...),the reformist programmeof the social democraticmovement (...) was pro-posing full employment,income solidarity and thebenefits of a welfarestate.”

“Apart from (...) politicalconsiderations, the ori-gins of the Nordic modelsand the social contractunderlying them can alsobe traced back to theexistence, since the begin-ning of the 20th century,of centralized and power-ful organizations ofmanagement and labour.”

“(...) one of the character-istic features often forgot-ten in analyses of theNordic trade union move-ments has been theirrelative success in associ-ating structural centrali-zation with decentraliza-tion in internal decision-making.”

The “(...) high levels ofunionization are uniqueworldwide: currently over85% in Iceland, 85% inFinland, 81% in Sweden,and 57% in Norway.”


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bility was regarded as one of the corner-stones of full employment.

It would be inappropriate, however, toportray collective bargaining in the Nor-dic countries in unduly simplistic terms.Collective bargaining in fact takes placeat four levels: company level, industrylevel, inter-industry level by sector (forexample private sector, public sector), andinter-industry level nationwide. Thespecificity of the Nordic models residesin a desire to check, to restrain any wagenegotiation which might take place atlower levels by providing for centralized,inter-industry negotiation which firmlyestablishes an overall framework for wageincreases.

Although this centralized system of collec-tive bargaining functioned relatively wellin the 1960s and 1970s, the subsequenttwo decades brought numerous systemmodifications in response to a range ofdifferent pressures for decentralization.

5. Paradoxically, industrial relations in theNordic countries are characterized simulta-neously by extensive social partner autono-my and very strong state intervention.

Conventionally, social partners arrange forautonomy specifically to avoid state in-terference. However, state interference inthe system of wage negotiation has provedto be relatively pronounced in the fourNordic countries, its aim generally beingto make wage austerity policies accept-able within the framework of a broaderpolitical trade-off over which the statealone has control (in exchange for socialtransfers, a modified fiscal policy, a bet-ter housing policy, a guarantee of con-trolled prices, policies to promote employ-ment, etc.). The political and economicfoundation of these austerity policies wasthe twofold concern to safeguard both fullemployment and the competitiveness ofthe national economy.

It follows that state intervention has beenmore frequent in the countries with lessunitarian trade union movements, for ex-ample Norway, where the white-collartrade unions are more fragmented andunionization rates lower, or indeed Fin-land, where the trade union movement ismore divided along political lines. In Nor-way, moreover, another factor explaining

the traditionally more interventionist roleof the state in economic, industrial andsocial affairs was the scale and importanceof foreign investment during the industri-alization era, particularly in the export sec-tors (shipping, forestry, semi-manufactures,chemicals). It is Norway and Finland thathave most often and repeatedly adoptedgenuinely proactive income policies. InSweden, where the social partners’autonomy in regulating economic affairshas proved to be greater, government in-terference was strongest in the 1980s whenthe interests of the workforce fragmentedand efforts were made to counteract in-creasing pressure from employers to de-centralize the negotiation process. Swedishemployers believed that the legalistic waveof the 1970s, a result of the exorbitantpower exercised by the trade unions overthe social democratic government, wouldbring about the downfall of the conven-tion of social partner autonomy and justi-fied a change of strategy on its part.

6. What was the role played by economicfactors in the establishment of the Nordicmodels? One must note that the economicconditions of the time and the pace ofindustrial development differed very muchfrom country to country. Whereas Swe-den had an open economy very early on,an economy aiming for export businesswhich, in order to remain competitive, hada vision of a model based on wage mod-eration, workforce mobility and accept-ance of technological progress, the con-text was different in the other three Nor-dic countries. In Norway, Finland andIceland it was predominantly the pro-tected sectors of the economy whichpaved the way for arriving at nationalcompromises.

7. A glance at the history of the estab-lishment and functioning of the industrialrelations system of each of the four Nor-dic countries up to the 1970s would sug-gest that Sweden and Norway can be seenas similar but that Finland and Iceland aresomewhat different cases. But over theyears the four systems have shown anincreasing degree of convergence.

Finland is a specific case because it waslate to industrialize, its class struggle per-sisted into the post-war period, its politi-cal situation was more complex, its so-cial democratic party was disunited, its

“The specificity of theNordic models resides in a

desire to check, to re-strain any wage negotia-

tion which might takeplace at lower levels by

providing for centralized,inter-industry negotiation

which firmly establishesan overall framework for

wage increases.”

“Although this centralizedsystem of collective bar-gaining functioned rela-

tively well in the 1960sand 1970s, the subsequent

two decades broughtnumerous system modifi-

cations in response to arange of different pres-sures for decentraliza-

tion.”

“Paradoxically, industrialrelations in the Nordic

countries are character-ized simultaneously by

extensive social partnerautonomy and very strong

state intervention.”

It follows that stateintervention has beenmore frequent in the

countries with less uni-tarian trade union move-ments, for example Nor-

way (...) or indeed Finland(...)”


CEDEFOP

9

employers were tardy in becoming organ-ized and it lagged behind in establishingcollective bargaining practices. It was es-sentially the factors associated with theclass struggle and the political situationwhich explain why Finland was a spe-cific case. Nonetheless, since the post-warperiod Finland’s system has progressivelymoved closer into line with the Swedishand Norwegian systems because of achange in employer attitudes in favour ofa centralized negotiation system, thereunification of the trade union movementsince 1969 and a relaxation of tensionswithin the political left.

Turning to Iceland, its system of indus-trial relations likewise initially reflected aweak social democratic movement and aless developed welfare state but the mainfactor of influence here was the existenceof rather informal industrial relationsowing to the small size of Finnish com-panies. But Iceland, too, has moved closerinto line with the other Nordic countries;the finishing line in this alignment pro-cess was reached in 1989 and 1990 withthe signing of the famous national socialagreements which, for the first time, suc-ceeded in stabilizing an economy whichis inherently unstable because of the un-stable nature of the fishing industry.

The increasing convergence evident in theindustrial relations systems of the Nordiccountries undoubtedly owes much tothese countries’ relatively homogeneousinstitutional, cultural, and political situa-tions and labour market characteristics,to the close cooperation between govern-ments and political and social protago-nists, but also to the mimicry effects as-sociated with the experience of Nordiccooperation which has been institution-alized within the framework of the Nor-dic Council since 1952.

II. Crisis-stricken models?

1. The impact of internationalizingeconomies

Compared with the other OECD states, thecharacteristics common to the economiesof the Nordic states were found to be thefollowing. First, a strong contrast betweenthe situation of the competitive exportingsectors which are exposed to international

competition on the one hand and a size-able public sector and protected sectors onthe other (agriculture, housing, transpor-tation, private services and certain indus-tries), the latter traditionally enjoying so-cial advantages and much-publicized sala-ries. The Nordic countries can in fact becharacterized as having open, export-ori-ented economies in which raw materials(oil, gas in Norway), the forestry sector(Finland) and fishing (Iceland) continueto play a crucial role; Sweden is a contrastin this respect because of the greater im-portance of its manufacturing industry forfinished goods. In Finland, the expiry in1990 of the clearing agreements with theformer USSR dealt a severe blow to its tra-ditional export industries, metalworkingand textiles. Norway, Finland and Icelandare thus particularly vulnerable to changesin commodity prices or the vicissitudes ofthe fishing sector. Moreover, since the mid-1960s the public sector has continued toexpand, especially in Sweden and Norwaybut also, at a slower pace, in Finland andIceland.

At the end of the 1980s and beginning ofthe 1990s, each of the four Nordic coun-tries underwent a period of severe reces-sion. The most alarming factor in this newphase in the internationalization of theNordic economies is the unprecedentedincrease in their unemployment rates:19.9% in Finland, 10.4% in Sweden, 5.6%in Norway (1994, statistics of the NordicCouncil). In Iceland the unemploymentrate is only 3.1% but the trend is an up-ward one and it should be borne in mindthat employment drops very severely therein winter in two key sectors, the fishingand construction industries. Because oftheir climatic conditions, the size of theirterritories and their geographical isolation,the Nordic countries are troubled by verywide regional disparities in unemploy-ment, with record rates being reached inthe peripheral regions.

The response to this situation was theadoption of unprecedented austerity pro-grammes which centred on income poli-cies and were based on spectacular na-tional compromises. These compromisesdrew with renewed strength on the spiritof national solidarity already activated inthe past. At the same time, a range ofemergency measures were adopted bygovernments to promote employment, in

“A glance at the history ofthe establishment andfunctioning of the indus-trial relations system ofeach of the four Nordiccountries up to the 1970swould suggest that Swe-den and Norway can beseen as similar but thatFinland and Iceland aresomewhat different cases.But over the years thefour systems have shownan increasing degree ofconvergence.”

This convergence “(...)undoubtedly owes much tothese countries’ relativelyhomogeneous institu-tional, cultural, andpolitical situations andlabour market character-istics, to the close coop-eration between govern-ments and political andsocial protagonists, butalso to the mimicry effectsassociated with theexperience of Nordiccooperation (...) institu-tionalized within theframework of the NordicCouncil since 1952.”

“(...) since the mid-1960sthe public sector hascontinued to expand,especially in Sweden andNorway but also, at aslower pace, in Finlandand Iceland.”

“At the end of the 1980sand beginning of the1990s, each of the fourNordic countries under-went a period of severerecession.”


CEDEFOP

10

particular among the long-term unem-ployed and young people.

To some extent during the 1980s but mainlyat the beginning of the 1990s the fourNordic countries introduced policies to lib-eralize their markets and financial insti-tutions and, with the exception of Iceland,all aligned their national currencies withthe Ecu. Their financial autonomy wasthereby diminished and the practice ofsuccessive devaluations, the safety valvesto which governments of the Nordic coun-tries had traditionally had recourse, becamea thing of the past. Nevertheless, the fi-nancial crises which broke at the end of1992 caused three of the Nordic countries,Norway, Finland and Sweden, to devalueor float their currencies. In a general way,their governments, certainly the conserva-tive governments but also social demo-cratic governments, have adopted eco-nomic policies with a clearly more liberalprofile over the past ten years with a viewto reactivating the market forces and speed-ing up their national economies’ integra-tion into the global - and particularly theEuropean - economy.

In all four Nordic states the cost of thewelfare state has been under close surveil-lance over the same period and numerousmeasures have been introduced to “de-nationalize” some of the social services,to raise the competitiveness of the publicsector (at central and municipal level), tocut back the number of civil servants andto scale down the level of social benefitsand advantages (for example: reduction insickness benefits, in the number of daysof paid leave, in unemployment benefits,raising of retirement age, etc.). Reformsoperating in the same direction were ap-plied to the employment services agenciesof both Sweden and Finland. Major budgetcutbacks have been in operation since thebeginning of the 1990s, particularly in thelatter two countries.

In addition to the loss of monetaryautonomy and the need to be more com-petitive, the internationalization of theNordic economies has raised a third prob-lem: increasingly wider-ranging interna-tional investments by major Swedish - butalso Norwegian and Finnish - corporationsare proving to be a threat to the cohesionof national production systems as theseinvestments operate to their detriment. To

take the case of Sweden, for example:Swedish corporations produce moreabroad than the same corporations exportabroad.

2. The end of social democratic he-gemony, political alternance and vari-able-geometry political coalitions

The once dominant position held by thesocial democrats in the political systemsof Sweden and Norway in particular butalso to a lesser extent in Finland and Ice-land was severely eroded during the 1980sand 1990s. Parties of the political rightand centre surfaced in all these countriesand a succession of coalition governmentsof variable-geometry ensued. At present,Norway and Sweden have minority so-cial democratic governments which tookoffice at the end of 1990 and 1994 re-spectively. Since 1991, Iceland has beengoverned by a coalition of social demo-crats and the political right, and Finlandby a centre-right coalition. The socialdemocratic parties have themselveschanged under the pressure of currentsof liberal thought within their ranks. Tothis can be added the fact that new po-litical tendencies have emerged (particu-larly the greens) to dilute the traditionalleft-right dichotomy: the political land-scape is today more varied and more frag-mented.

3. The survival chances of centralizednegotiation?

During the 1980s and 1990s, collectivenegotiation was characterized by increas-ing state intervention. State interventioncommenced even prior to the collectivebargaining process in Finland and Nor-way. But the end of social partnerautonomy and the increase in state inter-vention was felt particularly acutely inSweden.

What reasons common to all these coun-tries brought about this expansion of gov-ernment intervention in wage affairs?Stronger competition between white-col-lar, public-sector and blue-collar tradeunions, uneasy tension between industriesexposed to fierce economic competitionand those less exposed to such competi-tion led to a proliferation of wage in-creases, fragmentation of the centralizedsystem of wage negotiation, wage differ-

“Because of their climaticconditions, the size of

their territories and theirgeographical isolation,

the Nordic countries aretroubled by very wide

regional disparities inunemployment, with

record rates beingreached in the peripheral

regions.”

“In all four Nordic statesthe cost of the welfare

state has been under closesurveillance (...) (since the

early 1990s) and numer-ous measures have been

introduced” (to reduce itscost).

“The once dominantposition held by the socialdemocrats in the political

systems of Sweden andNorway in particular butalso to a lesser extent inFinland and Iceland was

severely eroded during the1980s and 1990s.”

“During the 1980s and1990s, collective negotia-

tion was characterized byincreasing state interven-

tion.”


CEDEFOP

11

entiation and an increase in conflict po-tential. By urging for more decentraliza-tion, employers largely encouraged thisfragmentation. Given the constraints ofincreasing internationalization and seek-ing to transfer more wage resources intoprofit-making and to maintain economicequilibrium, governments undertook to puta stop to the dismembering of centralizednegotiation by introducing various formsof income policies, notably policies of “ne-gotiated income”, and of frequent inter-vention by mediators or arbitrators.

Caught in the grip of centralizing forceson the one hand and decentralizing forceson the other, what is to become of the cen-tralized negotiation so typical of the fourNordic countries? Social agreements onemergency action and national protection(such as those introduced at the end ofthe 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s)to face up to the increasingly acute eco-nomic crisis only work if they remainexceptional measures, and past experi-ence illustrates well that one cannot in-voke the seriousness of a crisis time andagain. At the same time, to the extent thatthe state becomes ever less capable ofoffering social counterparts to austerity,that employers no longer concede theadvantages of centralized negotiation(mainly because of the impossibility ofavoiding increasing wage differentials andtheir desire for more diversity and flex-ibility in wage policies), that the interestsof the workforce are becoming increas-ingly fragmented - all these considerationsseem to suggest that the survival of na-tional compromises under the guidanceof the state is in jeopardy. The govern-ments have been aware of these difficul-ties and in Finland and Sweden one candetect a desire on their part increasinglyto dissociate the field of industrial rela-tions and, by extension, collective bar-gaining, from the management of thewelfare state. In Sweden, where the riskof the Nordic model breaking down ismost acute, the social democrats continueto defend a centralized system of nego-tiation but one which would give greaterleeway to market forces and would lessenthe impact of some of the shortcomingsof wage solidarity.

The remodelling of the negotiation sys-tem aims to strike a new balance betweenthe degree of coordination desirable be-

tween industry-wide agreements on theone hand and the correspondence be-tween industry-wide agreements and com-pany agreements for each of the sectorsconcerned on the other (how much tol-erance in the field of wage differentials?).Within this scheme, a key strategic rolewill be played by trends and tendenciestowards cartelization (whereby numerousfederations of different trade unionsmerge to form negotiation cartels to con-duct the wage bargaining for a given sec-tor, the public sector for example), trendsand tendencies which sometimes signifythe joining of forces of numerous protago-nists and thus centralization but canequally signify the fragmentation of ne-gotiation because of a proliferation of thenumber of cartels.

Collective bargaining in the Nordic coun-tries is today facing the following di-lemma. On the one hand, the respectiveimportance of the various levels of nego-tiation will depend more and more on theway in which the protagonists of man-agement and labour reorganize them-selves and form the new negotiation units(cartels) which they consider most appro-priate and in their best interests. On theother hand, these readjustments which areintended specifically to correct some ofthe anomalies of the Nordic model (break-down of the wage hierarchy with inad-equate reward for skills, remunerationlevels for skilled work which are relativelylow in comparison to those for unskilledwork, etc.), and which herald more de-centralization, will have to be imple-mented in a way which does not endan-ger overall economic equilibrium.

4. Trade unions and employer organi-zations: changing structures, pro-grammes and strategies

The 1980s and 1990s have been times ofinternal restructuring, as much for thetrade unions as for employer organiza-tions. On the trade union side, this re-structuring was a must because of theneed to modify the collective negotiationsystem and of the increasing tension be-tween the traditional blue-collar confed-erations and the white-collar confedera-tions. It should be recalled that trade un-ion topography is relatively smooth andlargely similar in all the Nordic countries.Generally, there are three types of pro-

“(...) given the constraintsof increasing internation-alization (...), govern-ments (...) undertook toput a stop to the dismem-bering of centralizednegotiation (...)”

“(...) in Finland andSweden one can detect adesire on their partincreasingly to dissociatethe field of industrialrelations and, by exten-sion, collective bargaining,from the management ofthe welfare state.”

“(...) a key strategic rolewill be played by trendsand tendencies towardscartelization (...) whichsometimes signify thejoining of forces of numer-ous protagonists and thuscentralization but canequally signify the frag-mentation of negotiationbecause of a proliferationof the number of cartels.”


CEDEFOP

12

tagonist: a confederation with blue-collarorigins, a confederation of white-collarand middle-management engineeringstaff, and a confederation of higher quali-fied employees with an academic orequivalent higher education background.As a general rule, each of these confed-erations caters for both the public sectorand the private sector.

Because of their membership growth overthe past 20 years, the white-collar con-federations (catering for middle and sen-ior management) have increasingly con-tested the former predominance of thetraditional blue-collar confederations andthereby diminished the importance of thelatter. Moreover, within the blue-collarconfederations the role of the public sec-tor has become influential or even pre-dominant, a development which has oc-casioned numerous internal schisms. Itwas the Norwegian LO, a blue-collar con-federation, which advanced the furthest-reaching restructuring proposals in prepa-ration for its 1993 congress. The propos-als concerned making a choice betweenthe levels to which the reformed struc-ture should give prominence: the indus-try, the occupation or the sector (public/private). But the year 1988 had alreadyseen the merger of five private-sector in-dustrial federations with a view to coun-terbalancing the weight of the public-sec-tor and services federations. Merger pro-posals were also suggested on the occa-sion of the Swedish LO congress in 1991.

Despite these tensions, the LO (blue-col-lar) and TCO in Sweden have set an ex-ample for the other Nordic countries byintensifying dialogue and forging allianceswithin the framework of a “conflictualcooperation” venture.

On the management side, internal re-structuring measures were also intro-duced in the 1980s and 1990s, primarilyin the private sector. Employer associa-tions with a more social calling and thosewith a stronger emphasis on economiccompetence joined forces at national levelin Finland and Sweden and in some sec-tors at sectoral level in Norway. The aimof these mergers is to make operations todefend their members’ interests more ef-ficient and less costly and to mount a jointdefensive front which is to be particularlyprominent at European level. Following

the lead given by the trade unions, nu-merous small employer federations arealso currently seeking opportunities tomerge. The large federations such as thoserepresenting the metalworking industriesare also redefining their internal role al-locations in order to respond effectivelyto the progressive decentralization of col-lective bargaining: for their membershipsthe federations will increasingly functionas consultants rather than as direct nego-tiators.

In all four countries, the strained rela-tions between management and labour inthe 1980s and early 1990s originatedmainly in the well-publicized turnaroundsin employer strategies which called formore decentralized negotiation, moreflexible industrial relations, in particularconcerning wages, salaries and work or-ganization, and less rigid social legisla-tion and which partially questioned themerits of the welfare state. Sweden wit-nessed the most spectacular and also mostpolitical employer offensive for more lib-eralism. Launched more than ten yearspreviously, this offensive reached its apo-gee with the withdrawal of the SAF fromthe tripartite consultation mechanisms in1992.

Some characteristic features of the con-flicts waged in the four Nordic countriesover the past decade: the generalizationof centralized negotiation to apply to alltrade union confederations resulted incomparisons being made between thenegotiating groups and cartels which inturn resulted in a proliferation of indi-vidual conflicts; the strike propensity andmilitarism of public-sector employees, inparticular female employees, increased;the motives for strikes have mainly beenwage and salary issues; there have beenan increasing number of brief disputes atcompany level, mainly as a result of re-organization schemes.

The programmes adopted by the tradeunions in the Nordic countries in the 1980sshowed no particular innovation or origi-nality over what had existed in the 1970s.It should be recalled that it was tradeunion proposals which, in the 1970s, hadpaved the way for spectacular advancesin social legislation, mainly in the follow-ing four fields: industrial safety and work-ing conditions, job protection, industrial

“On the trade union side(internal) restructuring

was a must because of theneed to modify the collec-

tive negotiation systemand of the increasing

tension between thetraditional blue-collar

confederations and thewhite-collar confedera-

tions.”

“(...) the year 1988 hadalready seen the merger of

five private-sector indus-trial federations with a

view to counterbalancingthe weight of the public-sector and services fed-

erations.”

“Employer associationswith a more social callingand those with a stronger

emphasis on economiccompetence (have) joined

forces (...) in some sec-tors. The aim of these

mergers is to make opera-tions to defend their

members’ interests moreefficient and less costly

and to mount a jointdefensive front which is tobe particularly prominent

at European level.”

“(...) well-publicizedturnarounds in employer

strategies which called formore decentralized nego-

tiation, more flexibleindustrial relations, inparticular concerning

wages, salaries and workorganization, and lessrigid social legislation

and which partiallyquestioned the merits of

the welfare state.”


CEDEFOP

13

democracy, and equality of opportunityand non-discrimination between thesexes. During the following decade theadvances made in legislation (or in thebasic agreements) were much more reti-cent.

Compared with other trade union move-ments, the most striking feature of theNordic trade unions’ programmes todayis the increasing importance attached tosocietal issues such as environmentalpolicy, consumer protection or indeedconcrete proposals for reforming the wel-fare state. The international dimension hasalso become more important: followingthe fears expressed with regard to theconsequences of European integrationcame an affirmation in favour of the re-spective trade union movements becom-ing increasingly European and interna-tional. Nordic cooperation at confedera-tion level has seen increasing interest inthe issue of workforce information andconsultation, an interest which has led tothe establ ishment of the so-cal ledScandinavian group committees.

Another aspect worthy of highlighting isthe Nordic trade unions’ constant concernto support economic policies which as-pire to full employment. With unemploy-ment rates disturbingly high since theearly 1990s, the question of employmenthas again reached the top of trade unionagendas. Although it is clear that tradeunions acknowledge the need for greaterflexibility in worktime organization, theyare far from convinced that reducingworktime (or indeed job-sharing) offersa solution to the unemployment problem.Shorter worktime, they concede, is legiti-mate insofar as it represents an improve-ment in the quality of life both at theworkplace and elsewhere but, unlike mostof the other trade unions in the EuropeanUnion, the Nordic unions by no meansregard it as a panacea for employmentproblems. Moreover, although concedingthat an active labour market policy con-tributes towards maintaining the qualityof the workforce, they believe that it isabove all economic policy which shouldguarantee a high level of employment.

In this respect, training has been a fun-damental demand in union negotiationpolicy since the origins of the movement.The famous Swedish model set up in the

1950s, one of the main elements of whichwas to promote the restructuring of theproduction system, was based on an ac-tive policy to cushion the negative im-pacts of rationalization on employment:the setting up of a broad-based system oftraining/retraining measures intendedmainly for the unemployed but also foremployees whose jobs were in jeopardy.The objective was to enhance the stra-tegic role of training/retraining, with itssuperior benefit to both the economy asa whole and the individual concerned,with a view to scaling down the role ofpassive dependence (unemployment ben-efit, etc.) or compensatory dependence(community service work). This trainingpolicy is the result of close cooperationbetween trade unions and the socialdemocratic party. The trade unions whichdevised and developed it also assumemajor responsibilities in implementing andadministrating it, mainly through the na-tional, regional and local agencies of theLabour Market Office.

5. Less close relations between politi-cal parties and trade unions

How have relations between trade unionsand social democratic parties developedover the past few years? They have be-come somewhat more strained in thesense that each side has sought to be-come increasingly autonomous. Firstly,the social democratic parties have gener-ally sought to delineate more clearly theirpositions vis-à-vis their trade union coun-terparts (LO in Sweden and Norway, SAKin Finland, FTI in Iceland), this for vari-ous reasons: firstly, to gain greater lee-way for developing alliances with theparties of the political centre and withtrade union organizations other than LO;and secondly, under pressure from a cur-rent of liberal thought within its ranks,the social democratic movement soughtto espouse policies which gave a newpriority to the market forces; from thattime on it had to represent interests farbroader than those of the membership ofits traditional trade union partner.

On the trade union side, numerous pollshave shown that an increasingly largepercentage of the LO and SAK member-ship (Sweden, Norway, Finland) havevoted for non-socialist parties and more-over that the membership wanted the

“Compared with othertrade union movements,the most striking featureof the Nordic trade un-ions’ programmes today isthe increasing importanceattached to societal issuessuch as environmentalpolicy, consumer protec-tion or indeed concreteproposals for reformingthe welfare state.”

“Another aspect (...) is theNordic trade unions’constant concern tosupport economic policieswhich aspire to fullemployment.”

“(...) training has been afundamental demand inunion negotiation policysince the origins of themovement (...) Theobjective was to enhancethe strategic role oftraining/retraining, withits superior benefit toboth the economy as awhole and the individualconcerned, with a view toscaling down the role ofpassive dependence(unemployment benefit,etc.) or compensatorydependence (communityservice work).”


CEDEFOP

14

trade union to distance itself more fromits natural ally. This distancing of rela-tions has been symbolized by the offi-cial abandonment in Sweden and thedecline in Norway of the principle of“collective affiliation” (of the trade un-ion to the party). At the same time, tradeunion interest in close relations dimin-ished where, once in power, a socialdemocratic party was less able to deliverin the fields of economic, fiscal and so-cial policy. Finally, faced with increas-ing unemployment and more liberal andinternational economic policies whichreduced government scope for manoeu-vre, the trade unions themselves stoodto gain from re-establishing a greatermeasure of autonomy.

6. The end of full employment policies?

Although unemployment is still, exceptin Finland, lower in the Nordic countriesthan the European Union average (11%in 1994), its rapid increase is regarded asalarming, especially since training, retrain-ing and job creation schemes, referred toas “hidden employment”, are currentlyoccupying between 3% and 4% of theworkforce.

The low level of unemployment socharacteristic of the Nordic systems upuntil the late 1980s was associated with amultitude of different factors. Centralizedcollective bargaining made it possible tocoordinate wage increases, to avoid - infavour of a global vision - agreeing toincreases which would have overstretchedthe economy, and to avert an inflationspiral with all the associated detrimentaleffects for employment. Moreover, unlikein other European countries, an “activeemployment policy” which was well

thought out and effectively implemented- whether in the form of training or,particularly, retraining or communityservice schemes - contributed towardspreventing unemployment or ensuring arapid transition from unemployment to re-employment. The aim of the Nordicgovernments was to al locate morefinancial resources to active retrainingmeasures than to passive measures tocompensate for unemployment. Neverthe-less, whereas active employment policieshad traditionally been able to occupy 80%of the otherwise unemployed, in 1992their coverage was at its lowest figuresince 1950: 50% (Sweden and Norway).

Finally and most importantly, until the endof the 1980s the macroeconomic policiesimplemented by the Nordic countries hada greater capacity than their counterpartselsewhere for absorbing unemployment,partly through an expansion of the pub-lic sector which compensated for someof the jobs lost as a result of industrialrestructuring and partly through succes-sive currency devaluations which im-proved corporate terms of trade. Themerits of these traditional economicmechanisms are today being questionedby both governments and employers whono longer consider them appropriate inthe new scenario of internationalizationand integration into the European Union.In Sweden, for example, LO and TCO in1992 accused the government of deliber-ately using unemployment to strangleprice increases and demanded a nationaljob creation programme. It is basicallyonly in a scenario where full employmentis no longer the main objective of eco-nomic and social policies that one is jus-tified in enquiring as to the survival of the“Nordic models”.

Bibliography

Kaupinnen, T., (1990), Labour Relations in Fin-land, Ministry of Labour, Helsinki.

Nordic Council of Ministers (1994), Working Lifein Norden: “Labour Market Policy - Is it worth any-thing at all?, vol. 8, no. 3.

OECD, Economic survey on Sweden, Norway, Fin-land and Iceland (annual publication).

Rehn, G., Vicklung, B., (1990), “Changes in theSwedish Model” in Baglioni & Crouch, EuropeanIndustrial Relations. The Challenge of Flexibility.London, Sage.

Brunn, N., et al (1992), The Nordic Labour Rela-tions Model, Aldershot, Dartmouth Editor.

Dolvick, J.E., Stokland, D., (1992), “The NorwegianModel in Transition”, in Ferner, A. and Hyman, R., In-dustrial Relations in the New Europe, Oxford, Blackwell.

Ferner, A. and Hyman, R., (1992), Industrial Re-lations in the New Europe, Oxford, Blackwell.

Goetschy, J., (1990), “Le confort suédois” et “Suède:à la recherche de la négociation perdue”, in Bibes,G., Mouriaux, R., Les syndicats européens à l’épreuve,Paris, Fondation Nationale de Sciences Politiques.

Goetschy, J., (1994), Les modèles nordiques àl’épreuve de l’Europe, La Documentation française,Paris.

Gudmundsson, G., Fridriksson, T., (1990),“Klassesamarbejde i Island: underudvikling elleregne veje?” in D. Fleming, Industriell Democrati iNorden, Lund, Arkiv.

Hernes, G., (1990), “The Dilemmas of Social De-mocracies. The case of Norway and Sweden” inSchmit ter (ed.) , Experimenting with Scale .Canbridge University Press, Cambridge.

“(...) whereas activeemployment policies hadtraditionally been able tooccupy 80% of the other-

wise unemployed, in 1992their coverage was at itslowest figure since 1950:

50% (Sweden and Nor-way).”

“(...) until the end of the1980s the macroeconomic

policies implemented bythe Nordic countries had

a greater capacity (...) forabsorbing unemployment.

(The) traditional eco-nomic mechanisms are

today being questioned byboth governments and

employers who no longerconsider them appropri-

ate in the new scenario ofinternationalization and

integration into theEuropean Union.”


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EugeniaKazamakiOtterstenResearch Fellow, atIUI (the IndustrialInstitute for Economicand Social Research),Stockholm

in the European Union will put furtherpressure on the Swedish training system.The question is - is the Swedish trainingsystem equipped with the right tools andis it flexible enough to allow for thechanges called upon? This article ad-dresses the Swedish training system, itsintegration with those of the EuropeanUnion, as well as future expectations.

Some background

The Swedish school system includes 9obligatory years and additional voluntarygrammar school or high school years,where both traditional general educationand vocational training is provided for.Most industrialized countries have a mini-mum formal education requirement, com-monly 9 years. Some European countrieshave longer required education, for ex-ample, 10 years in Belgium, Finland,France and Germany, 11 years in Holland,and 12 years for some studies in Belgiumand Germany. An international tendencyis for children to begin school earlier andthat more individuals go on studying formore years than before.

About 90 percent of all age groups thatfinish elementary school in Sweden go onto grammar school. Since the 1980s thenumber of individuals that choose uni-versity-oriented fields at the grammarschool in comparison with those whichchoose the skill-oriented fields has dimin-ished. This development corresponds withthe findings in many other countries, withthe exception of US and Japan. In addi-tion, there is training at the firm level,through labour market policies as well asthrough public and private institutions.

The Swedish trainingsystemFuture expectations of integra-tion“A solid education is its own reward” (US Department of Labour 1991).

The problem of raising the “skills” of thelabour force is common to most matureindustrial economies, and paradoxicallythe problem has appeared at the sametime as an increasing share of young in-dividuals stay longer at school in most ofthe world. Education even outruns the in-crease in job content in a number of jobs.

The human capital problem, however,goes beyond the raising of the educationallevel and skills. The new labour marketsituation in Sweden forces change on theentire training system. Individuals haveto learn at school to be able to learn on-the-job (Kazamaki Ottersten 1994). Thussecondary training becomes increasinglyimportant. Individuals also need to adaptto frequent changes at the workplace.Hence, learning, training, and retrainingwill be a lifetime investment and experi-ence, that spans over a complete workcareer. Such continued investment needsstrong incentives to be effectively con-ducted. A significantly wider spread ofwages in favour of the well educated is afirst requirement. Also firms have becomemuch more selective than before in re-cruiting in order to identify individualsable to learn and to constantly retool in-tellectually at the work place. In thesearch for the “ability to learn” a higherlevel of education will be a first qualitysignal in the labour market.

Will Sweden be able to cope with suchchanges on top of the problems associ-ated with the integration in the EuropeanUnion? Sweden is known for its many la-bour market institutions and in the newEuropean situation such institutions mayboth facilitate and hinder the needed ad-justments of the training and educationalsystem in the labour market. Integration

For a long time, and bymany other European coun-tries Sweden has been seenas the example concerninglabour market systems, acompetent labour force andvocational training. Theconsistently low unemploy-ment rate has been inter-preted as a success of Swed-ish labour market policy.Recently, however, theSwedish economy has ex-perienced problems similarto those in other Europeancountries, such as highopen unemployment, and adeterioration of the compe-tence base of the labourforce. To be more specificthe skills provided throughthe educational system aswell as through vocationaltraining programs have notbeen sufficient to satisfyemployer’s requirements.This has partly to do withthe fact that industrial pro-duction and the labour mar-ket have been changing dur-ing the past decade, but theeducational system has notadapted. This causes humancapital problems in thetechnological transition ofSwedish industry. Unlessqualified labour is availablethe technological transitionwill be slow and hard onlabour. Employability in thefuture will require educa-tion and training will be-come a lifetime experience.


CEDEFOP

16

In an international comparison Swedenon average devotes more resources toeducation than the OECD-average whenit comes to public expenditure (OECD,1992). It spends more than France, Ger-many and the United Kingdom but lessthan Denmark, Norway and Finland. Mostformal education is publicly financed. On-the-job training is of course private, butmany firms receive large amounts of statefinanced grants to help initiate and sup-port on-the-job training and competenceimproving measures. The Working LifeFund has provided firms with generoussupport to undertake training and an on-going evaluation will tell whether thissupport has been successful (Lindh,Mellander, Kazamaki Ottersten 1994).

Studies furthermore show that during the1980s Sweden had a quite expensive pub-lic elementary schooling system. In aninternational comparison the total cost perstudent was between 23 to 28 percentabove the same costs of our Nordic neigh-bours.

Does this also guarantee good quality?Since Swedish schools are more “teacherintensive”, with more teachers “per class-size” than in other countries one wouldexpect higher performance. There is noconsistent research to show whether moreteachers per class-size give higher studentperformance. International comparisonsshow Swedish students have good abilityin reading and in foreign languages butless than satisfactory skills in writing anda little ability in mathematics (Fägerlind,1993). Swedish students do not exhibitelite performance. This is not an ideal situ-ation for an economy on the threshold ofa significant technological transformation.Meanwhile we note that the younger gen-eration is better educated than the oldergeneration, which is the case for thewhole European Community. The Nordiccountries, Germany, Austria, England, andSwitzerland have a very high proportionof individuals with grammar school com-petence (diploma) in the labour force.

Training as a lifetime experience

The former “Taylorist” production organi-zation is gradually being replaced withhigh performance work organizations.New firms and industries lead this devel-opment. Changing labour market perform-ance and a changing job environment thus

“mean that educational and labour mar-ket performance will have to be attendedto in one context” (Eliasson 1994). Fur-thermore, schools have to prepare peo-ple for the labour market, a task thatcomes before other tasks (Eliasson 1992).

Additional training on-the-job is becom-ing typical of modern workplaces, andonly workers with a satisfactory educa-tional background are considered for jobsrequiring such training. Firms are becom-ing increasingly selective at recruiting andnew tougher practices are slowly gettingestablished. Some empirical results basedon interviews with a number of firmsshow that advanced manufacturing firmssearch for factory workers with at least agrammar school diploma (KazamakiOttersten 1994). Furthermore, communi-cative skills in Swedish, other languages,and mathematics are often minimum re-quirements. Employees with “learningabilities” with a broad problem-solvingcapacity, able to work in teams (socialability) are placed high on employer’s pri-ority lists. This development also meansthat to be considered for a job even atthe shop-floor at least grammar schoollevel is required. “Employability” in thefuture will require education.

In brief, training is becoming a lifetimeexperience. Training and retraining takesplace at different stages and places dur-ing a lifetime. European integration (inthis respect) adds a new dimension totraining at school by demanding more inthe form of language knowledge and theability to cooperate in culturally mixedwork teams in the firm, as well as by wid-ening the views and prospects of bothindividuals and the educational system.Workers from countries with a high edu-cational and skill standard of the labourforce will be more in demand than oth-ers. Hence, competition will force an in-crease in the educational standard of allcountries. Competence, however, (Elias-son 1994), is something the labour mar-ket has difficulties with. Highly compe-tent workers are normally underpaid com-pared to the value of their contributionto the employer, and vice versa for un-skilled workers (Eliasson 1992). This haseffects on the incentives to learn at schooland at work. Since competence develop-ment is cumulative and since school pro-vides the platform for individuals to con-

“The new labour marketsituation in Sweden forces

change on the entiretraining system.”

“About 90 percent of allage groups that finish

elementary school inSweden go on to grammar

school.”

“In an internationalcomparison Sweden onaverage devotes more

resources to educationthan the OECD-averagewhen it comes to public

expenditure (…)”

“Studies (…) show thatduring the 1980s Sweden

had a quite expensivepublic elementary school-

ing system.”

“Additional training on-the-job is becoming typical

of modern workplaces,and only workers with asatisfactory educationalbackground are consid-ered for jobs requiring

such training.”

“(…)advanced manufac-turing firms search for

factory workers with atleast a grammar school

diploma (…)”


CEDEFOP

17

tinue to learn at the workplace expecta-tions of a low long-run pay off at the workplace can cause a bad early start in lifefor the individual. In an integrated Eu-rope this will also affect the individualnegatively when it comes to his or hercapacity to work in and flexibility to ad-just to an international environment.

Is education worth it?

Conventional wisdom tells that thereshould be a premium for learning(Kazamaki Ottersten, Mellander, Meyer-son, Nilsson 1994). In Sweden, however,the premium for learning has been lowby international standards.

Ever since the seminal work of Becker(1962), Mincer (1958, 1962, 1974), andSchultz (1960, 1961) earnings functionsand human capital estimates have beendiscussed intensively. Wage equations areby now “classic” in economics and havefrequently been addressed empirically.Lots of work has also been done to as-sess the shortcomings of the original wageequations (Kazamaki Ottersten, Mellander,Meyersson and Nilsson 1994).

The wage premium in Sweden measuredas the relative wage increase that followsfrom an additional year of schooling isabout 3-4 percent. The premium for edu-cation has been rather constant at thislevel during the 1984 to 1991 period. Thepremium should be compared to theOECD-average which is about 10-12 per-cent. We should add, however, that de-spite the relatively low level in an inter-national comparison, some workers, forexample engineers, have benefited fromincreases in wage premia. However, thoseincreases mean that this group finally isreaching the Swedish average premiumlevel (Mellander 1994)!

The low wage premium raises the ques-tion of eventual brain-drain, or compe-tence reallocation, in the wider marketcontext of an integrated Europe. Mostlikely, part of this “brain-drain” has al-ready taken place. Individuals with a higheducational level will of course move firstand even small numbers can give rise toconsiderable negative effects on the com-petitiveness of the Swedish economy

(Braunerhjelm and Eliasson, 1994). Withadvanced labour markets developingthere will be a higher demand for highlyeducated people to migrate. In order toaddress the issue of brain-drain, however,one has to know how sensitive educa-tion and migration is to income variation(Lundborg 1991). In this case there couldalso be country specific differences. Willthe sensitivity change in the future partlybe due to integration? Which factors dohave an impact on the migration of indi-viduals with higher education? Thesequestions need to be thoroughly investi-gated.

Institutional barriers

Labour market flexibility depends criticallyon the educational level of individuals andlabour market institutions. Many of theseinstitutions, notably those associated withunion cartelization of markets have re-duced labour market flexibility. Labourmarket laws and union practices in Swe-den can, furthermore, slow the labourmarket allocation processes. Interviewswith firms in fact show that the averageage of the labour force within Swedishmanufacturing firms is very high. Swed-ish labour market laws may in part beresponsible for this development. Mean-while we know that education is higheramong the younger generation, althoughthe older generation has an advantage inthe form of longer experience in the la-bour market.

The Employment Act, with its first-in last-out principle for firing people will affectthe long run productivity of the old firmsnegatively, notably firms in decliningmarkets that do not grow (KazamakiOttersten 1993). Since the incentives foremployees to learn by moving both withinfirms and between firms is also reduced,this negative productivity effect is furtherincreased. As a consequence the firm mayinvest less in human capital because ithas an older work force with a lower payoff to retraining. Although the youngergeneration is better informed and bettereducated in new skills, young people will,nevertheless, find it difficult to enter thelabour market. Again, this negative indi-rect effect on youth employment is fur-ther reinforced if too high introductory

“In Sweden, (…) thepremium for learning hasbeen low by internationalstandards.”

“The low wage premiumraises the question ofeventual brain-drain, orcompetence reallocation,in the wider marketcontext of an integratedEurope.”

“Many of these institu-tions, (labour marketinstitutions) notably thoseassociated with unioncartelization of marketshave reduced labourmarket flexibility.”

“(…) the average age ofthe labour force withinSwedish manufacturingfirms is very high. (…)Meanwhile we know thateducation is higher amongthe younger generation,although the older genera-tion has an advantage inthe form of longer experi-ence in the labour mar-ket.”


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18

wages are set in the contracts negotiatedwith unions.

In an integrated world many of these in-stitutional barriers will have to be re-moved. Some may disappear because ofa more efficient labour market arbitrage.To some extent, a better and morederegulated labour market (see Eliasson1994) can develop in an integrated Eu-rope. If this is the case better secondaryeducation, and better incentives to “learn”may be a consequence. However, thereare problems with institutional barriersand labour market practices in the Euro-pean Community today. It is to be hoped,therefore, that the future will hold a de-regulation drive of European labour mar-kets as a whole to make Europe competi-tive against new challenges from the Westand from the East.

The Swedish trainingsystem in a Europeanperspective

How should training be organized? Whoshould pay? These are questions that needto be considered in an European Train-ing System. What will be allowed andwhich will be the barriers? How will agood education system be guaranteed?Who will take the responsibility? Howmuch education is needed? Do we allneed a highschool diploma just to be con-sidered for a job? Will there be a split la-bour market as well as a split Europe ofpeople with very low education and veryhigh education, participating in independ-ent labour markets?

Rapid changes in industrial technology arechallenging both the educational systemsand the labour markets of Europe(Eliasson and Kazamaki Ottersten 1994).Swedish integration has already begun.Most likely this is the market where Swed-ish integration already is making progressthrough the ERASMUS programme as wellas through interaction of higher educa-tion and research. There is potential forthe Swedish training system to be suc-cessful in European integration since thereis great interest from Swedish students tostudy abroad. Integration widens theviews and opens new training environ-ments.

A few problems should, however, be men-tioned:

❏ firms appear to place extra value oncommunicative skills, verbal and math-ematical in particular. Mathematics as asubject is becoming increasingly impor-tant at all levels, not least on the shopfloor. However, less students than beforeare studying mathematics and natural sci-ences at high school. Even though this isan international tendency among the ma-ture industrial countries, it spells seriousproblems for the future. New recruitmentpractices will also force the educationalsystem to reorganize in order to meetthese standards if students are to get wellpaid jobs in the future.

❏ a question which also needs thoroughexamination and already has attractedsome attention is whether integration willlead to a brain-drain in some countrieswhile other countries will be providedwith human capital. Countries with strongequalitarian policy will witness policy re-vision. This question is in part addressedin an article by Per Lundborg in this issue.

❏ we do have to keep in mind that multi-lateral agreements are not always easy toimplement in practice, in particular, if theagreements are set at a too high level.Adding more bureaucracy to the Swedisheconomy is not ideal. Flexibility in thepractical implementation as well as in theway multilateral agreements are made isneeded with respect to smooth integra-tion. Placing part of the decisions on alower decision level would be preferable.

With these problems in mind - whatshould be expected from integration? Inan ideal situation,

1) We should expect a quicker pace ofadaptation in the educational market tocommon requirements and goals in edu-cation as well as a wider variety ofchoices. In addition, we should expect aprospering research environment.

2) With more labour market interactionand competition at the European level weshould expect the educational status torise. A higher educational status shouldcontribute to an increase in the standardsof education both at school and at work.This effect will be shared by all of Eu-rope. Premia for higher education willprobably increase.

“(…) the firm may investless in human capital

because it has an olderwork force with a lower

pay off to retraining.”

“Although the youngergeneration is betterinformed and better

educated in new skills,young people will, never-

theless, find it difficult toenter the labour market.”

“(…) there are problemswith institutional barriers

and labour market prac-tices in the European

Community today.”

“(…) Mathematics as asubject is becoming

increasingly important atall levels, not least on theshop floor. However, lessstudents than before are

studying mathematics andnatural sciences at high

school.”

“(…) multilateral agree-ments are not always easy

to implement in practice,in particular, if the agree-

ments are set at a too highlevel.”


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19

3) More competition would also put pres-sure on costs and force a rise in quality -this could be specifically important in theSwedish case with relatively high educa-tional costs.

The overall effects on the Swedish train-ing system should be positive given theabove drawbacks.

Conclusions

European integration will make the edu-cational system more exciting, allowingfor more co-research and interesting de-

velopment areas. For successful integra-tion the national labour and training mar-ket need to be working and to be flex-ible. Integration always starts at the na-tional level. And the problem of a suc-cessful labour market and educationalmarket is not exclusive to Sweden. It isbelieved, however, that close integrationwith Europe will have many positive ef-fects on the Swedish educational level,for example, by raising its status as wellas the pay off to education. It should benoted though that there may be somedrawbacks as well, for example, problemswith multilateral agreements at a highlevel may be exacerbated by integration.

“For successful integra-tion the national labourand training market needto be working and to beflexible. Integrationalways starts at thenational level.”

sored Training: Evidence from Publicly SupportedTraining in Sweden 1989-1991, IUI forthcomingWorking Paper.

Lundborg, P., 1991, Determinants of Migration inthe Nordic Labour Market, The Scandinavian Jour-nal of Economics, Vol. 93, No. 3.

Mellander, E., 1994, Avkastningen på utbildning iSverige 1984-91: En känslighetsanalys, Mimeo IUI.

Mincer, J., 1958, Investment in Human Capital andPersonal Income Distribution, Journal of PoliticalEconomy, Vol. 66, pp. 281-302.

Mincer, J., 1962, on the-Job Training: Costs, Re-turns, and Some Implications, Journal of PoliticalEconomy, Vol. 70, Part 2, pp. S50-579.

Mincer, J., 1974, Schooling, Experience and Earn-ings, New York: Columbia University Press for theNational Bureau of Economic Research.

OECD, 1992, Education at a Glance, OECD Indica-tors.

OECD, 1993, Industry Training in Australia, Swe-den and the United States.

Schultz, T.W., 1960, Capital Formation by Educa-tion, Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 68, pp. 571-583.

Schultz, T.W., 1961, Investment in Human Capital,American Economic Review, Vol. 51, pp. 1-17.

US Department of Labor 1991, What Work Re-quires of Schools. A SCANS report for America 2000.

Becker, G.S., 1962, Investment in Human Capital:A Theoretical Analysis, Journal of Political Economy,Vol. 70 Supplement, Part 2, pp. S9-549.

Braunerhjelm, P., Eliasson, G., 1994, Finanstid-ningen.

Eliasson, G., 1992, Arbetet - dess betydelse, dessinnehåll, dess kvalitet och dess ersättning, (Work -its importance, its content, its quality and its payoff), IUI, Stockholm.

Eliasson, G., 1994, Educational Efficiency and theMarkets for Competence, Journal of VocationalTraining, No 2/94

Eliasson, G., Kazamaki Ottersten, E., 1994, Omförlängd skolgång, (Extended school time), IUI,Almqvist och Wiksell International, Stockholm.

Fagerlind, I. (1993), Utbildningen i Sverige och detmänskliga kapitalet. Nya villkor för ekonomin ochpolitiken. (Education in Sweden and the HumanCapital. New conditions for the Economy and Po-licy). Rapport till Ekonomikommission.

Kazamaki Ottersten, E., 1993, Produkivitet ochAnställningsskydd, (Productivity and Labour Mar-ket Laws) IUI Working Paper No. 399.

Kazamaki Ottersten, E., 1994, Trends in WorkerRecruitment Practices in Swedish Companies, Vo-cational Training, no. 1.

Kazamaki Ottersten, E., Mellander, E., Meyers-son, E., Nilsson, J., 1994, Pitfalls in the Measure-ment of the Return to Education: An AssessmentUsing Swedish Data, IUI Working Paper No. 414,.

Lindh, T., Mellander, E., Kazamaki Ottersten, E.,1994, Productivity and Cost Effects of Firm Spon-

References


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The vocational training system in Sweden

Higher basic academic qualification

Addition carreer-related studies

University degree

Lower basic academicqualification

Preliminary diplomasemi-academicqualifications

Post-secondaryfurther training

Qualificationcourses oreveningschool/college

Com

puls

ory

educ

atio

n

nursery school

tertiary level

primary level

secondary level

1817

1615

1413

1211

109

87

65

43

❏ In pre-school education there are several institutions catering for the 0 to 6/7 year age range; day care centres, part-time groups and openpre-school.

❏ Since 1991 children have a right to start school at the age of six years, if their parents so desire, and if the municipality has the capacity toprovide this opportunity. The option should be available in all municipalities by the school year 1997/98.

❏ The compulsory school is attended by children aged 6/7-16 years. It is a comprehensive, co-educational school designed to accomodate allmembers of the rising generation. Since the introduction of the 9-year compulsory school in 1962 the compulsory school has been dividedinto 3-year levels: lower, intermediate and upper level. As from the school year 1995/96 a new curriculum, with nationwide validity, will beimplemented in school years 1-7, in 1996/97 for year 8 and in 1997/98 year 9.

❏ In the new, comprehensive, upper secondary school system that was introduced in 1992, to be fully implemented in the beginning of theacademic year 1995/96, all education is organized in study programmes of three years’ duration. There are 16 nationally determinedprogrammes, 14 of which are primarily vocationally-oriented and two preparing primarily for university studies. All the programmes,however, have the same eight core subjects i.e. Swedish, English, civics, religious studies, mathematics, nature studies, sports and healthstudies, and aesthetic activities. In addition students take subjects which are specific to their programme.

❏ The professional degrees rewarded at universities and university colleges are obtained upon completion of programmes of varying length(2-2,5 years). The programmes lead to specific profession e.g. University Diploma in Medicine or in Educational for Upper SecondarySchool.

Graphics: Rudolf J. Schmitt; Technical production: Axel Hunstock, Berlin; Consultation commissioned by CEDEFOP: Pekka Kämäräinen


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Short history of vocationaleducation

In Finland intial vocational education hasbeen developed under public control andchiefly provided in publicly owned insti-tutions. In other words, it is mainly fi-nanced by public means, and it is up tothe authorities to make sure that the gen-eral aims of vocational education are re-alized all over the country. In the Finnishschool-based system the practical train-ing has chiefly been confined to schools.

The objective is to guarantee equal edu-cational opportunities for all, regardlessof domicile, economic status or language.In accordance with Nordic principles ofdemocracy, guaranteeing equal educa-tional opportunities for all was adoptedas the primary objective in the late 1960salready. Education is seen as the key tointernational competitiveness and nationalprosperity.

The centralized national planning of thelate 70s and 80s guaranteed an increasein study places in initial vocational edu-cation. The number of study places dou-bled in 1970-1994. At the same time, theage-group of 16-18 year-olds decreasedfrom 85 000 to 65 000. In Finland the dif-ferences between age-groups are quiteconsiderable depending on their formalexaminations. Of the 25-29 year-olds,about 80% have passed a vocational ex-amination or obtained university degree,whereas the percentage among the 45-49year-olds is under 50%.

Internationally speaking, the division be-tween general and vocational educationon the upper secondary level is average,very much like the division in France.

-------figur 1-------At the end of the 1980s, there was a greatdeal of discussion on the need for a reas-sessment of the objectives of education.Great emphasis was put on the need forindividuality and optionality as a meansof ensuring success in a situation of fierce

economic competition. They were madepriority concerns alongside the key ob-jectives of the previous decade, i.e. equal-ity, a comprehensive general education,and assimilation of humanist ideals.

The main objective of this vision is toestablish a common-to-all comprehensiveschool for the young, where youngstersmay combine general and vocational stud-ies, or choose just one or the other. Thelevel of post-secondary vocational edu-cation will be raised by means of a schemeof institutions of vocational higher edu-cation of the German “Fachhochschule”type, where an integral part of the workconsists of scientific research into thework itself. The youngsters will qualifyfor university either through general edu-cation or an institution of higher voca-tional education. This projected educa-tional structure is in a constant state offlux. Any experiments that the vision mayinspire will be based on the present cur-riculum.

Recent changes

In the changing Europe of the late 1980s,Finland came under strong competitivepressure from outside. In education, theraising of the general educational levelof the whole nation became more relevantthan ever. This was due above all to theprocess of European integration and thechanges in the economy, the rapid tech-nological development and demographicfactors. In this context, the principles ofcontinuing education and a restructuringof the educational system around thisprinciple were debated with great inten-sity.

In Finland, basic vocational education isdesigned for young people. Vocationaleducation for adults other than labourmarket training or personell training be-gan to expand only towards the end ofthe 1980s. As far as education for youngpeople is concerned, the assumption is

Features of vocationaleducation in Finland

“Finland now finds herselfin a situation in which gen-eral education and voca-tional education and train-ing are being developedseparately according to theprinciples of the “edifyingschool” and the labour mar-ket school, respectively, butone of the underlying prin-ciples is a market-based,service-oriented school.The provision of labourmarket training for adults isalready built exclusively ondemand and market-ing (…).There have been two alter-native tendencies in recentyears, the expansion of ap-prenticeship training andthe introduction of compe-tence-based vocational ex-aminations like NVQ’s inthe UK.”

“ (…) the division betweengeneral and vocationaleducation on the uppersecondary level is aver-age, very much like thedivision in France.”

Matti Kyröis the head of theunit responsible forinformation andcoordination ofresearch andquantitative data on

education, at the NationalBoard of Education (centralagency for the developmentand evaluation ofeducation), Finland.


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that all youngsters start from more or lessthe same level. On account of this, it hasbeen possible to arrange education alongstudy lines, where individual differencesare attended to only when difficulties oflearning appear. Options as regards sub-jects within each line scarcely exist.

The supply of labour is expected to de-crease further. Manpower appears to exitfrom the labour markets to education andearly retirement. The present slump hasstimulated educational demand; in edu-cation of the 16-19 year-olds some fieldswhich previously had recruitment difficul-ties have begun to attract more students.

At the end of the eighties the age groupsentering post-compulsory education wereat their smallest. The present moderategrowth will take a downward turn in themid-nineties. At that time we will prob-ably again face shortages of trained la-bour in some central manufacturing andservices industries. The fluctuations in theyoung age groups influence planning es-sentially, because authorities have a statu-

tory duty to offer a study place for allschool leavers.

Contemporary objectives

The objectives of Finnish educationalpolicy are twofold: on the one hand theaim is to solve present problems in theeconomy and in the world of work andon the other to build an education sys-tem which will produce a qualified andcompetent workforce not only now butalso at the end of the decade.

The situation in educational policy is fur-ther complicated by the fact that the val-ues prevailing in society are varied andto some extent unspecified. The targetvalues set in Finnish educational legisla-tion were defined in the seventies whenpriority was given to equality and aboveall to a desire to help the weakest. Sincethen attention has increasingly shifted toindividuals, especially talented individu-als. It is essential to create a debate aboutthese values in view of the curricula tobe drawn for primary and secondary edu-cation.

The school reform carried out in the sev-enties was a result of compromises, andvocational and general education werestill developed separately. The allocationand quantification of vocational educationwere based on an estimated need oftrained workforce.

As a result of the parallel school forms,the number of young people opting forthe general upper secondary schoolclearly exceeded intakes in institutions ofhigher education. These people had tobe placed in secondary vocational edu-cation. This generated pressures for bring-ing vocational and general educationcloser to each other in the educationalstructure.

As a country with relatively few naturalresources, Finland has always had toemphasize its human resources. The levelof formal education has always been, andstill is, a central criterion in recruitmentsand wage decisions. It can be seen in aninternational comparison of the meanearnings by level of educational attain-ment. Earnings in Finland are relativelyhigh compared with other EU countries.

“The level of post-second-ary vocational education

will be raised by means ofa scheme of institutions of

vocational higher educa-tion of the German

‘Fachhochschule’ type,where an integral part of

the work consists ofscientific research into

the work itself.”

“Vocational education foradults other than labour

market training orpersonell training beganto expand only towards

the end of the 1980s.”

“ (…) in the seventies (…)priority was given to

equality and above all to adesire to help the weakest.

Since then attention hasincreasingly shifted toindividuals, especiallytalented individuals.”

Figure 1. Percentage of upper secondarystudents enrolled in general and vocationaleducation in EU countries (no data on Greeceand Luxembourg) in 1991.

Germany

Austria

Sweden

Italy

Netherlands

Denmark

Belgium

Finland

France

Spain

Ireland

United Kingdom

Portugal

Vocational

General

100%90%80%70%60%50%40%30%20%10%0%

Source: Education at a Glance, OECD.


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Figure 2. Ratio of mean annual earnings by level of educational attainment atnon-university tertiary education (times 100) by age and sex in some EU coun-tries.

Denmark Finland Netherlands Portugal SwedenBelgium0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

Women, 25-34 Men, 25-34 Women, 45-64 Men, 45-64

Source: Education at a Glance, OECD

Nevertheless the difference is smaller inyounger age-groups, due to the clear in-crease in the general level of education.

-------figur 2--------In the seventies it was agreed to base thequantification of educational provision onthe need for trained workforce. This high-lighted the role of quantitative planning,which was partly separated from content.Defined in this way, educational provi-sion entails a high degree of centralizedcontrol. As a result, intakes in differentfields and their regional distribution weredefined in great detail by means of amulti-level planning process. The quanti-fication plans were ultimately approvedby the Government.

The present demand on Finnish vocationaleducation is to intensify interaction be-tween the school and business and in-dustry and to make vocational educationmore attractive. Especially during a pe-riod of economic boom when labour de-mand exceeds supply these needs becometopical. In the Finnish system, business

and industry does not necessarily play avital role in initial education and train-ing. The fact that authorities have a statu-tory duty to provide a place in furthereducation for all school leavers enlargesthe educational opportunities available toyoung people and creates differences inthe popularity of different fields.

Representatives of business and industrytake part in educational development onvarious consultative committees. Theyhave a large representation on the Advi-sory Council for Educational Planning,which mainly focusses on the quantifica-tion of educational provision. There arenational field-specific educational commit-tees as well as local and institutional com-mittees on which both employer andemployee organizations are represented.

The present rapid rate of technologicalprogress means great challenges for in-stitutional education and training, espe-cially in Finland where the school net-work is extensive. There are some 500

“The school reform car-ried out in the seventieswas a result of compro-mises, and vocational andgeneral education werestill developed separately.The allocation and quanti-fication of vocationaleducation were based onan estimated need oftrained work force.”

“The level of formaleducation has alwaysbeen, and still is, a centralcriterion in recruitmentsand wage decisions.”


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vocational institutions catering to 200 000students annually. It is not possible for avocational institution to renew its teach-ing facilities at the rate the most progres-sive employers acquire new equipmentand machinery. This makes it indispen-sable to transfer essential parts of practi-cal training to progressive enterprises.

Especially in the nineties there has beena strong trend towards a conception ofeducation as a customer service. The cli-ent decides the type and quality of edu-cation he/she wants, and as a result ofthis, educational demand steers educa-tional development and supply. In Fin-land the Government has already definedthis as one of the criteria to be used inquantification.

Finland now finds herself in a situationin which general education and vocationaleducation and training are being devel-oped separately according to the princi-ples of the “edifying school” and the la-bour market school, respectively, but oneof the underlying principles is a market-based, service-oriented school. The pro-vision of labour market training for adultsis already built exclusively on demand andmarketing.

School and working life

The problem of school-based vocationaleducation is related to the contacts withworking life and to the changing demandsof working life. The educational policylays great emphasis on bringing educa-tion closer to practical work. The propor-tion of work practice in the theoreticaleducation has increased greatly in the lastfew years. An optimal balance and inte-gration between education and work isthe crucial question at the moment.

The change in educational policy towardsgreater individuality, flexibility, optionalityand local responsibility has strenghtenedthe training alternatives. There have beentwo alternative tendencies in recent years,the expansion of apprenticeship trainingand the introduction of competence-basedvocational examinations like NVQ’s in theUK.

During the last few years, both the em-ployer and the employee organizations

have actively promoted apprenticeshiptraining. In the 1990s, the number of ap-prenticeships has increased by almost40%, from 7 200 to 10 000. This is stillonly 5% of all vocational education andtraining. Apprenticeships are not easy toestablish in new fields, because of the tra-dition of school-based education. Thereis a lack of curricula of apprenticeshipsin many fields and a lack of trained train-ers and instructors in firms.

The new Act on competence-based ex-aminations was enforced this year, andso far only very few examinations havebeen passed. The first experiences are thatvery few people can pass the new exami-nations without formal training or educa-tion. The skills they learn in the job aretoo narrow for them to meet the require-ments of these examinations.

One feature of Finnish education todayis that vocational education for the youngand adult education have developed alongseparate lines. The diversity of trainingand education is increasing, but at thesame time equal attainments in differentschools and different parts of the countryare decreasing.

Administrative reforms

Recent developments have generatedpressures for dismantling the present cen-tralized administration. This is due to twofactors in particular: current neo-liberalsocial thinking, which stresses the respon-sibility of the provider of services, andeconomic developments. As a result ofthe slump in industrial production, therelative share of the public sector willgrow in gross national product.

The leading principles underlying thecurrent administrative reform in Finlandis to do away with normative regulationand delegate decision power. As a resultof the deteriorating economic situation,personnel has to be reduced, and relevantdecisions, also as concerns educationaladministration, have already been made.

In the Finnish administration there arethree different levels of state authoritiesto steer local activities. Nearly all minis-tries have a national central agency and aregional (provincial) administration sub-

“The present demand onFinnish vocational educa-

tion is to intensify interac-tion between the school

and business and industryand to make vocationaleducation more attrac-

tive.”

“Especially in the ninetiesthere has been a strong

trend towards a concep-tion of education as acustomer service. The

client decides the type andquality of education he/

she wants, and as a resultof this, educational

demand steers educa-tional development and

supply.”

“In 1990s, the number ofapprenticeships has

increased by almost 40%,from 7 200 to 10 000. This

is still only 5% of allvocational education and

training.”

“The new Act on compe-tence-based examinations

was enforced this year,and so far only very few

examinations has beenpassed. The first experi-

ences are that very fewpeople can pass the new

examinations withoutformal training or educa-tion. The skills they learnin the job are too narrow

for them to meet therequirements of these

examinations.”


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25

ities of an institution more closely thanbefore.

In terms of administration, the presentdevelopment stage is somewhat vague. Atsome quarters it is feared that the delega-tion of governmental powers and regula-tion to the local level will shift real deci-sion-making power to social partners.There is a risk that development frame-works will be defined by the TeacherUnion through their influence on the na-tional division of classroom-hours and byemployer organizations through their in-fluence on national end-of-programmeexaminations.

There is still the possibility that decen-tralization means only a localization ofbureaucracy. The infrastructure of the

ordinate to them. This multiple-level struc-ture in decision-making and planning hasproved unduly heavy. Decisions and plan-ning responsibilities will be delegated tothe local level. As regards education, theaim is to create national frameworkswithin which educational institutions arefairly free to provide education accord-ing to local needs.

The growth of local autonomy is an es-sential part of the reform of educationaladministration. Curricula include discre-tionary elements to be decided locallywithin loose target frameworks. This cre-ates conditions for flexible educationalprovision. It is also hoped that growinglocal autonomy will improve the effec-tiveness and efficiency of education. Vari-ous interest groups will follow the activ-

“Recent developmentshave generated pressuresfor dismantling thepresent centralised admin-istration.”

“As regards education, theaim is to create nationalframeworks within whicheducational institutionsare fairly free to provideeducation according tolocal needs.”

The regular education system in Finland

nursery education

primary level

secondary level I

secondary level II

Com

puls

ory

educ

atio

n

University entrance examination

Higher secondary level

UniversityAcademic colleges

Trade colleges

Advanced trade schoolsTrade schools

Apprenticeship

Evening school/college2nd + 3rd educational pathse.g. apprenticeship contract

Akademic QualificationGrad. engineerGrade in education

Licenciate Technical school

1817

1615

1413

1211

109

87

65

43

Graphics: Rudolf J. Schmitt; Technical production: Axel Hunstock, Berlin; Consultation commissioned by CEDEFOP: Pekka Kämäräinen


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educational system is not as flexible as itshould be in a real customer-driven sys-tem. The network of educational institu-tions is built up to support the regionalpolicy in a country with the fifth largestarea in Europe and a population of fivemillion inhabitants.

Trends in financing

In Finland the duty to provide vocationaleducation will be gradually transferred tomunicipalities. At present half of voca-tional institutions are run by municipal-ities. They receive state grants based ontheir expenditure and on the financial sta-tus of the municipality in question.

In the near future, as a result of the adop-tion of management by objectives in thewhole state administration and the cur-rent rationalization and decentralization,state grants will be allocated accordingto a new system. An institution will re-ceive a lump sum calculated on the basisof three factors - its classroom hour quota,number of students and its size. The in-stitution can use the sum at its discretion.Expenditure will no longer be divided into

costs which entitle to state support andthose which do not.

It is hoped that the new system will raisethe standard of educational services andenable the institutions to cater to speciallocal needs better than under the presentsystem. At the same time municipalitiesare encouraged to provide cost-effectiveservices and to prune their administration.

Parliament noted in its communication onthe Government’s educational policy re-port that the state grants reform must notchange the distribution of educationalcosts between the state and municipal-ities. When new tasks and responsibilitiesare transferred to municipalities, they mustalso receive the resources they need toexecute them. Parliament also noted thatduring recession no cuts should be madein education, on the contrary, it shouldbe given more support.

Education and training have always beenregarded a privilege of citizenship. Forthis reason the financing of education andtraining very largely rely on public funds.No change in the financial responsibilityis expected in the near future because ofthis traditional attitude.

“In Finland the duty toprovide vocational educa-

tion will be graduallytransferred to municipali-

ties (…)They receive state grants

based on their expendi-ture and on the financial

status of the municipalityin question.”

“Parliament (…) notedthat during recession no

cuts should be made ineducation, on the con-

trary, it should be givenmore support.”

References:

Ekola, J. (ed.): Ammatillisen keskiasteen koulu-nuudistus. Arviointeja koulunuudistuksen toimeen-panon toteutuksesta. (The reform of post-second-ary vocational education. Assessment of implemen-tation of the educational reform.) Institute of edu-cational research, Jyväskylä, Publication series B,Theory and praxis, 56/1991.

Ekola, J., Kämäräinen, P. & Vuorinen, P.:Ammatillisen koulutuksen uudistaminen 1980-luvulla (Reform of vocational education in 1980s).National Board of Vocational Education, Reports 30/1991.

Helakorpi, S., Aarnio, H., Kuisma, R., Mäkinen,A. & Torttila, P.: Työ ja ammattitaito (Work andoccupational skill). College for Teachers for Voca-tional Education in Hämeenlinna, Research reports5/1988.

Kivinen, O.: Koulutuksen järjestelmäkehitys -Peruskoulutus ja valtiollinen kouludoktriini Suo-messa 1800- ja 1900-luvuilla (The development ofthe educational system - Basic education and gov-ernmental doctrine of education in Finland in the19th and 20th centuries). University of Turku, Pub-lications C67, 1988.

Kivinen, O., Rinne, R. & Ahola, S.: Koulutuksenrajat ja rakenteet (Limits and structure of educa-tion). Hanki ja jää, Helsinki, 1989.

Kyrö, M., Vasiljeff, M. & Virtanen, K.: Amma-tillisen koulutuksen kehitys vuosina 1960-1987 (Thedevelopment of vocational education in 1960-1987).National Board of Vocational Education, Departmentof Planning and Development, Reports 16/1988.

OECD: Education at a Glance. OECD Indicators.Paris, 1993.

Volanen, M.V.: Open social structures and theschool/-labour network. In Kyrö, Matti (ed.):Kvalifikationsforskning - som bas för utbildning?Research in qualifications as a basis for education?Stockholm, 1989.

Volanen, M.V. & Jalkanen, H. (ed.): Koulutuksenkuninkaat ja kulkurit (The kings and ramps of edu-cation). Institute of educational research, Jyväskylä,Publication series B, Theory and practice, 24/1988.


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Boom in apprentice-ship training in FinlandRediscovered avenue intoworking life

Whatever the level of unemployment andthe scope of structural changes, the needfor trained and skilled manpower remains.Without exception, past development andforecasts in the industrialized countriessuggest a rise in highly skilled but ashrinking in the unskilled labour force.Many a routine job will be replaced byautomized processes. As trades, crafts,producation lines and entire industrialsectors disappear, key skills for an indi-vidual and for schools will include fle-xibility, receptiveness for training and re-training, willingness to change career,customer orientation. Job assignmentschange so rapidly that it is virtually im-possible to anticipate future requirementsthrough manpower planning.

A qualified labour force, well-trained andcapable of independent and innovativethinking and action, is an indispensablefactor of competitiveness in free andgrowing enlarged markets. It is a chal-lenge to the society to achieve a goodmatch between the demand for and pro-vision of skills, given constraints on thepublic purse and high expectations ofpeople as to the advantages of education.

With high or rising unemployment, inter-est in education has grown. Thus, labourmarket policies also contain more educa-tion and training initiatives than previ-ously. With more diversified and service-oriented labour markets, we can no longersecure high employment by straightfor-ward methods of increasing demandthrough the public purse. In a countrywhere incomes policy agreements tradi-tionally play a large role, it is politicallydifficult to let market mechanism reduceunemployment through lower wage lev-els; a more sophisticated approach is toupgrade the skills of people and try tomatch better the firms and training insti-tutions with a view to students acquiringrelevant skills.

In Finland, this means late realization ofan obvious but fundamental fact: it is thecompanies, the providers of goods andservices, which are par excellence atraining resource inferior to none andunderutilized so far. A company, in orderto be successful, needs to keep abreastof technological and organizational de-velopment, markets, and customers’needs. In this respect, on-the-job trainingmeans an efficient learning method andearly accommodation to company cultureand working life. It is a suitable place oflearning for those needing professionalbasic training and for those in need offurther training or retraining.

Rapid transition to indus-trial society

Finland’s transformation from a predomi-nantly agricultural autarchy into an openmarket economy with flourishing indus-try started and gathered momentum in thelatter half of the 19th century. Forest re-sources, so far used rather passivelymainly for households, entered the inter-national markets by virtue of develop-ments in wood processing technology andmodes of transport. Liberal legislation re-placed earlier restrictions on trade andproduction (Guilds were suppressed in1897). Growing markets of Imperial Rus-sia were available for the Finnish produc-ers. Skilled and ingenious industrialistsarrived in Finland from the West to launchimportant initiatives in pulp and paper,textiles and engineering1.

Taking the incipient production of pulpand paper as the starting point, a virtu-ous circle of growth soon emerged: sym-biosis of the production, research andmanufacturing of the requisite machineryand equipment. Every seventh paper ma-chine in the world is of Finnish origin.

The scale of the engineering industry wasmodest in the 1930s. After World War II,the obligatory payment of war indemnities

Henry J.Vartiainenworks at theUniversity ofHelsinki, Finland.Prior to this, he wasemployed at the

Bank of Finland Institute forEconomic Research, theOECD Secretariat in Parisand Conference Board inBrussels, the Association ofFinnish Employers andIndustry, and the FinnishInstitute of Management(LIFIM).

After industrializationstarted in Finland in the lat-ter half of the 19th century,public schooling dominatedthe field of vocational edu-cation.

Since 1980s, there has beena new emphasis on indi-vidual achievements andthe importance of options.The new law in force since1993 enlarged the coverageof apprenticeship trainingto all professions and alsoto supplementary educa-tion. The schools have morefreedom and responsibilityin setting up courses andmodules. Examinations arecompetence-based and in-dependent of the way skillsare acquired (school, ap-prenticeship, practical ex-perience). Responsibilityfor the examinations lieswith the ExaminationBoards, where the labourmarket partners, schoolsand local authorites cooper-ate. The most importantchallenge now is to makethe employers interestedand commited.


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28

0

2

4

6

8

10

71 75 80 85 90 93

to the Soviet Union was in all its harsh-ness a blessing in disguise, giving rise toa modern engineering industry produc-ing inter alia paper & pulp-making ma-chinery, motors, ships, etc.

Since World War II, there have beenmarked structural changes in society. Theshare of people engaged in primary pro-duction (agriculture and forestry) fell from36% in 1960 to 5% in 1994. The age com-position of the population is changing;the share of those under 15 years whichwas 30% in 1960, was down to 19% in1994, and the share in the 15 to 64 year-bracket rose from 62 to 67%. Demographicdevelopment thus underlines the impor-tance of adult education.

Public schooling domi-nates

The requisite vocational training was firstgiven by the companies themselves. Atan early stage, Government assumed theresponsibility for schooling. In the 1840sit set up Sunday schools for apprenticesin the handicrafts, and technical collegesin main cities. They offered curricula of 4years for students of at least 12 years ofage, consisting of general subjects andtechnical training in those sciences whichwere considered relevant for manufactur-ing industry and handicrafts. The view that

vocational training belongs to the publicdomain, as elsewhere in Scandinavia,went uncontested. Since independence,vocational education has thus been de-veloped mainly in public institutions andunder public aegis.

Volume of in-companytraining

Apprenticeship training was rather mod-est in volume for decades. In the 1970sthere were only some 4 000 apprenticesannually. In the following decade theirnumber rose to about 8 000, and passedthe 10 000 mark in 1993. The number ofnew contracts tripled in that year to reach8 830, as contracts could be made in thesame subjects as in other school types.The target estimate for 1995 is 17 000places, of which adults and supplemen-tary training account for about a half.

— figure —Still, these numbers are only a fraction ofthe 200 000-strong enrollment in all vo-cational institutions. In-company trainingis found mostly in such trades (graphicarts, hairdressing, baker, confectioner etc.)where the tradition, and the efficiency oflearning, call for this form of schooling.Commerce and administation, but alsoelectrical engineering and social serviceshave also been favourite choices.

Many factors were responsible for keep-ing the numbers down. It was not onlythe fact that apprenticeship training didnot rank very high on the social scale;the trade unions also viewed on-the-jobtraining with suspicion. Learning contractswere defined primarly as work contracts,with rigorous application of all labourlegislation including minimum wages.Plentiful red tape dampened any enthu-siasm the employers might have felt. Manya tailor shop simply vanished for this rea-son.

New thinking

In the 1980s there was much discussionon the objectives of education. Individualneeds, and the existence of options, werenow emphasized as a reaction to previ-ous trends, which stressed equality, uni-formity and standardized norms gaugedto the society’s needs. The needs of the

Enrolment in apprenticeship training in Finlandin 1970-1994

Source: Vartiainen Henry J., Apprenticeship training, (in Finnish), in: Taloustieto, August 1994

“(…) it is the companies,the providers of goods

and services, which arepar excellence a trainingresource inferior to none

and underutilized so far.”

“(…) vocational educationhas (…) been developedmainly in public institu-

tions and under publicaegis.”

“Many factors wereresponsible for keeping

the numbers (of appren-tices) down. It was not

only the fact that appren-ticeship training did not

rank very high on thesocial scale; the trade

unions also viewed on-the-job training with suspi-

cion.”

1) The influx of foreign immigrantswas triggered off much earlier by Na-poleon’s decrees forbidding continen-tal countries to trade with Great Brit-ain or her colonies. Goods could, butpeople could not be prevented frommoving. Thus, the early consequencesof Finland’s internationalization werepositive in Finland.

total (1994: 10 000)new contracts (1993: 8 830)


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29

economy were acknowledged but ratheron a theoretical level. To learn in workhas to be seen as an equally good way ofacquiring competence and passing exami-nation as learning in public vocationalinstitutions.

Flexibility was to be the key word. Theauthorities are aiming at improving com-patibility of work experience and the for-mal examination. The distinction betweentheoretical and practical work is also be-coming more and more blurred. On theother hand, statistical progress helps: vari-ous target groups in need of training arenow identified more clearly because of abetter statistical basis in the Ministry ofLabour. Groups in need of retraining areearly school leavers with no vocationaltraining, those in early retirement or un-employed young people.

Industry is a strong advocate of appren-ticeship training, considering it the mod-ern response to the diversified labourmarket. It has many advantages. Profes-sions to be trained for are real, the em-ployment situation is taken into account,training can start any time, it is more up-to-date than top technology (as an over-all criterion, however, some reasonableaverage standard will have to suffice forexamination, and not top technology). Insparsely inhabited areas, this may be theonly way of organizing training.

Organizational reform

New thinking was reflected in new legis-lation. Until recent years, responsibilityfor training was entirely vested in thevocational institutions. This was and stillis the most marked difference comparedto the German-type training. The institu-tions arranged work practice for studentsin companies either during school hoursor as guided extracurricular work train-ing. Employers are remunerated frompublic funds for contracted training. Thecontract was an agreement between avocational institution and an employer ona student’s work practice. The curriculafollowed strictly the guidelines defined bythe National Board of Education.

A new law on Apprenticeship Trainingcame into force in 1993, aiming at im-proving the competitiveness of this train-

ing in regard to other education. The pos-sibility of training by contract was ex-tended to all subjects and examinationsavailable in educational institutions. Vo-cational institutions acquired large free-dom in introducing new courses alongthese lines and in assuming the respon-sibilities for individual curricula. Underthe new circumstances, cooperation be-tween local administration and the schoolis enhanced. In the new law, an appren-ticeship training contract is a special ar-rangement between an employer, agree-ing to give the training defined in thecontract, and a student pledging to workin exchange for the training. Calling it atraining contract emphasizes its educa-tional character.

Reforms were not so radical as to changethe main responsibilities. However, somedecentralization took place. More inde-pendence is to be given to the schools indevising the study programmes of thepupils. While grading continues to bedone by the authorities, they do it on thebasis of the employers’ assessment.

Responsibility for the examinations andaccreditations lies with the local or na-tional Examination Board, which consistof representatives of labour market,schools and local administration. Organ-izing the examination, within the broadframework set by the National Board ofEducation, is usually entrusted to a schooland local firms.

Planning the curricula and responsibilityfor the costs is now in the same hands. Inorganizing theoretical courses, the localadministrator buys the services concernedfrom a vocational institution or other studycentre, or from a firm. Choice of courseshas increased substantially. Vocationalinstitutions have now cartes blanches insetting up courses and modules. Giventhe rather centralized system having beenin force up to now, this is quite a chal-lenge to schools. Active innovators standto gain.

Wider fields of application

Starting in 1993, apprenticeship can beresorted to, when the student has no pre-vious vocational training; when he wantsto develop his skills and needs a certified

“The authorities areaiming at improvingcompatibility of workexperience and the formalexamination.”

“A new law on Apprentice-ship Training came intoforce in 1993, aiming atimproving the competitive-ness of this training inregard to other educa-tion.”

“Reforms were not soradical as to change themain responsibilities.However, some decentrali-zation took place.”

“Vocational institutionshave now cartes blanchesin setting up courses andmodules.”


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30

diploma for this; when his job expands tonew fields; when he assumes a new workassignment; when formal qualifications arewanted; when a company’s personnel isretrained for new or more specialized tasks;when a suitable qualified person is notavailable on the labour market.

The new law on competence-based exami-nations came into force in May 1994. Ex-aminations, which consist of a variety ofclearly identifiable modules, are now in-dependent of the way the requisite skillsand knowhow have been acquired. Inmaintaining the level of examinations,quality, good reputation and effectivenessare among the main criteria. Also place-ment and relative status in the labour mar-ket will be studied as useful indicators.

Also for adults

Starting in 1993, apprenticeship trainingcan be used either as full education of 1to 4 years, or as supplementary educa-tion lasting 4 to 12 months. Apprentice-ship training will not mean a dead end,but will be a step in the logical sequenceof education.

Basic vocational education was originallydesigned to accomodate young people.Adult training began to expand towardsthe end of the 1980s. About 35 000 adultsannually are estimated to be in need ofsupplementary education and retraining.It can thus be used for the individualneeds of the trainees or as a personneltraining tool of a company. Over half ofnew contracts cover trainees who alreadyhave basic vocational training behindthem. Partial examinations also can betaken this way.

In the long run, the combination of adulteducation with apprenticeship trainingwill mean economies of scale and betterpossibilities of building up training mod-ules. More flexibility will be required fromthe trainees, too: they must take the ini-tiative and be willing to move after a de-sired education.

Costs

Government decides on the compensa-tion per student in vocational and in vo-

cational supplementary training. These aregraded according to scales used in stateaid to local governments.

New methods of financing mean a shiftof control from central to local adminis-tration. Many a central norm applied pre-viously will simply be disregarded. Localadministration is empowered to allocatecentral government funds according to itsown needs.

There are no changes in the overall prin-ciples of financing apprenticeship train-ing: apart from some limited and time-bound exemptions, apprentices’ wagesare determined in national wage agree-ments and comply with labour legislation.The cost of training is too high at the pre-vailing wage rates, so companies are com-pensated by the Government. At present,these reimbursements vary between FIM1 400 and 2 100 during the first year, andabout half of this in the following yearsor for supplementary training. Govern-ment support is on a per capita basis withno incentives tied to performance. Localgovernments can pay incentive premiumsto companies undertaking new training.This is done by the City of Helsinki, forexample.

The disadvantages are that budgetary con-straints may set limits to the volume ofavailable financing; and public frugalityin fixing the rates of reimbursement maylessen the motivation of employers tomake training places available.

So far, there are no plans to introduce alevy on all firms as in Denmark, distrib-uting the cost of training over all compa-nies, trainers or not. The French methodof imposing on firms the obligation toprovide training has not found supportin Finland.

Training the trainers

There has been a gap in Finnish legisla-tion, as there has not been any formallegislation on the qualifications of atrainer. Things have always worked out,however. There is discuss ion nowunderway on a need for a training pro-gramme for professional trainers, whichcompanies could resort to if their owntraining capacity is insufficient.

“The new law on compe-tence-based examinationscame into force in May1994. Examinations,which consist of a varietyof clearly identifiablemodules, are now inde-pendent of the way therequisite skills andknowhow have beenacquired.”

“Starting in 1993, appren-ticeship training can beused either as full educa-tion of 1 to 4 years, or assupplementary educationlasting 4 to 12 months.”

“In the long run, thecombination of adulteducation with appren-ticeship training will meaneconomies of scale andbetter possibilities ofbuilding up trainingmodules.”

“New methods of financ-ing mean a shift of controlfrom central to localadministration.”

“(…) there are no plans tointroduce a levy on allfirms as in Denmark (…)The French method ofimposing on firms theobligation to providetraining has not foundsupport in Finland.”


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Labour market policies

Unprecedented depression and structuralchanges brought about by rapid techno-logical developments, led to surprisinglyhigh unemployment: in 3 years from 1990to 1993, total production fell by 15%, grossinvestments were halved and unemploy-ment finally rose to almost 500 000 per-sons or 20 per cent of the labour force.Education as a labour market measuregained in importance. The unemployedthemselves found time for continuingeducation.

Well-intentioned advice on job creationabounds. Youth unemployment, which,incidentally, is rather high in such coun-tries where apprenticeship does not playan important role, is a problem of greatconcern to the authorities. Thus, on topof other labour market measures, the Min-istry of Labour gives support to an em-ployer who is willing to make a contract.Criticism is voiced that such supportshould not be too generous compared toreimbursement for training expenses.

A reasonable trade-off is discussed be-tween youngsters who are looking fortheir first education and adults being of-fered retraining by the Ministry of Labour,if both come out of the public purse. Ingeneral, the labour market authorities andthe school authorities cooperate quite wellin matters of apprenticeship training. La-bour people know the companies, schoolpeople know what the vocational institu-tions can offer.

Inspectors’ views andother comments

A group of officials in a rather centralposition is the corps of inspectors, about50 in number. They take part in the workof local advisory councils, ensure that thedecisions are carried out, draw up thecontracts, and negotiate between thetrainee and the trainer. They decide onthe allocation of funds: compensation toemployer, purchase of theoretical courses,reimbursements to students for some liv-ing expenses, and costs of administration.

In a recent inquiry (Lapiolahti 1992), theinspectors were requested to assess pre-

vailing arrangements and give their viewson developments. They found bottlenecksin availability of training places, particu-larly in health and social services and insome rare trades such as that of goldsmith.Other problems were urgent productionschedules, leaving little time for instruc-tion, unawareness of the importance oftraining, and inexperienced teachers.There was blame on both sides: insuffi-cient appreciation and excessive absenceson the part of the student. In many schoolspreference was given to instruction atschool, to the detriment of young ap-prentices.

Some obstacles were reported to stemfrom financial constraints limiting thepossibilities to make requisite coursesavailable. No clear-cut answer was avail-able as to the need to ensure the exist-ence of the routine courses or allot fundsto more risky new ones. In developingapprenticeship training, inspectors con-sidered changing attitudes of primaryimportance: to bring this form of trainingon to an equal footing with other school-ing.

There is also a vicious circle of informa-tion: the less training you have, thescantier the information reaching you.Those with little or no training are alsoleast interested in training. In some sec-tors apprenticeship training is not suitable:small entrepreneurs hardly have time togive training, let alone fill out the neces-sary documentation. Part-time work alsomay pose problems. Ideally, theory classescould be taken in free time, but often itmay be difficult to achieve this.

Those interviewed regarded the first yearof schooling as very decisive for the finalresults. They agreed that in limited caseslack of in-service training can be com-pensated for by classroom teaching or bycompany visits, as in Denmark or Nor-way; in other words, apprenticeship train-ing should be the flexible component.

In another inquiry (Järvenpää & Nuppola1992), the attitude of the employer wasfound to be decisive for success or fail-ure. Priority to production, insufficientappreciation, indifference, unclear re-sponsibilities were sieved out as majordifficulties to be overcome. On the otherhand, employers considered it important

“Youth unemployment,(…) is rather high in suchcountries where appren-ticeship does not play animportant role (…)”

“(…) the labour marketauthorities and the schoolauthorities cooperatequite well in matters ofapprenticeship training.”

The inspectors “(…) foundbottlenecks in availabilityof training places (…)”

“In many schools prefer-ence was given to instruc-tion at school, to thedetriment of young ap-prentices.”


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to broaden the professional horizon of thetrainee.

An inquiry among headmasters of voca-tional institutions (1994) showed that mostof the headmasters saw no problems incooperation, while the inspectors consid-ered this an obstacle. Some thresholdproblems were cited: uncoordinated syl-labus, lack of premises, available teach-ing resources, traditions, jealousy aboutdomains, isolation from working life,compartmentalized teaching according todisciplines.

Small business would like to see the for-mation of training circles encouraged, andcomplains about the lacking willingnessof the vocational schools to coordinatetheir courses with the needs of the em-ployer. They also point out that appren-ticeship training can be quite incom-petitive vis-à-vis other labour marketmeasures: an employer may get more sup-port for the creation of a job than formaking a training place available. Thereis now strong political pressure for ex-empting the employers from the socialcharges, but nothing will be done beforeautumn 1995, given the parliamentaryelections in spring.

…

Legislative reforms have now been intro-duced and emphasis will henceforth be

placed on implementation and evolution.Reforms are not very radical, as the mainfeatures of organization and financinghave been retained, but they go some waytowards decentralization of powers andresponsibilities. In particular, gates willbe opened for:

❏ expanding the volume of appren-ticeship training,

❏ putting this avenue on a par withothers in the educational structure.One step in this direction is the independ-ence of examination of the ways skillshave been acquired.

❏ making the schools realize and ap-preciate their new role as elements ofan active and continuing system ofeducation, with functioning contactswith the business sector. This will ben-efit schools and educators with innova-tive ideas and readiness to enter into co-operation with institutes elsewhere inEurope.

An urgent task is, however, to make em-ployers interested and committed. Thereis much underutilized capacity in this sec-tor. This is what Mr. Vilho Hirvi, the Gen-eral Director of the National Board ofEducation, had in mind when he recentlysuggested that “a successful campaign forincreasing training places should be amatter of national effort”.

Bibliography

Juhani Lapiolahti, Apprenticeship training in Prac-tice (in Finnish), National Board of Education, 1992.

Järvenpää & Nuppola, Training methods in therefrigerating equipment sector (in Finnish), Univer-sity of Tampere, Institute of Education, 1992.

Henri J. Vartiainen, Apprenticeship training inselected countries (in Finnish), National Board ofEducation, 1994.

“(…) the attitude of theemployer was found to be

decisive for success orfailure. Priority to pro-

duction, insufficientappreciation, indifference,

unclear responsibilitieswere sieved out as major

difficulties to be over-come.”

“Small business would liketo see the formation of

training circles encour-aged, and complains

about the lacking willing-ness of the vocationalschools to coordinate

their courses with theneeds of the employer.”

“An urgent task is (…) tomake employers inter-ested and committed.”


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33

Vocational trainingin AustriaA clear yes to Europe

When in 1987 the Board of the Industri-alists’ Association (I.V.) - the largest vol-untary employers’ organization in Austria- took the decision that “Austria must be-come a member of the EC”, it was uncer-tain if and when this vision would be-come reality but an initial course was settowards Europe. The prime considerationwas not confined to solely economic is-sues (2/3 of Austria’s trade is conductedwith Community Member States) but alsoto the growing together of a “Europe ofcitizens”.

It was clear from the very outset that anefficient economic area could not be pre-scribed through provisions, laws and regu-lations and that human beings primarilymust mould and bolster it. The thoughtsof Jean Monnet were the guiding light forthe I.V. and incentive enough to look indepth at the consequences of EU acces-sion for education, qualifications, scienceand teaching. No vision, no single eventhas in preceding decades caused moremovement towards discussion and reformin the Austrian education system thanEuropean integration.

The 12 June 1994 - an historical date -and the tremendous and surprising Yesto Europe voiced by 66.6% of Austrianswas an almost untypically clear expres-sion of intention to pursue the path to-wards an uncertain future, it was a clearrenunciation of slogans designed to instilfear - of foreigners, or leaving a positionof neutrality - and an expression of trustin the policies of this country. It was alsoof significance for Europe as no countryhad shown such unanimity in advocatingthe EU since Maastricht.

The vocational educationsystem in Austria

The multiplicity of opportunities follow-ing compulsory education (9 years) isdoubtless an uncontested strength of the

Austrian education system. Three of four“education paths” open opportunities forvocational training, in itself a testimonyto the high status of vocational trainingin Austria and which accounts to a largeextent for the economic success of thepast decades.

The following educational paths may beselected following compulsory education:

❏ the four-year advanced level at theGeneral Higher School which leads to uni-versity entrance (grammar schools),

❏ the five-year full-time vocational train-ing at Higher School which opens theopportunity for both university entranceand vocational training (e.g. technical andcommercial schools),

❏ the three - four year full-time voca-tional training Intermediate School (e.g.technical and economic specialized col-leges) which do not provide access to uni-versity,

❏ the three to three and a half year train-ing in enterprises and part-time vocationalschools as part of the dual vocationaltraining system.

16% of young people (as a % of this agegroup in the population, see Table 1)complete the five-year vocational train-ing Higher School, 13% the four-yearGeneral Higher School, 8% the three-fouryear vocational Intermediate School, 41%of young people complete dual vocationaltraining.

Although - and this is regarded as astrength of the Austrian system - onlysome 2% of young people do not pursueeducation and training after compulsoryeducation, 21% of young people do notacquire a certificate following three yearsof further education or training, a prob-lem still searching for a solution.

The most important path for ensuring asupply of skilled workers is the dual path

GerhardRiemerHead of theEducation andSocial PolicyDepartment,Industrialists’Association, Vienna

The author broadlysketches the contours of theAustrian vocational trainingsystem, stressing that threeof a total of four “educationpaths” following compul-sory schooling provide vo-cational training. He goeson to state the most impor-tant expectations whichAustrian industry placesupon European integration,stressing that “(...) no vi-sion, no single event (...) inpreceding decades causedmore movement towardsdiscussion and reform inthe Austrian education sys-tem than European integra-tion”.


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34

of vocational training which is taken bysome 46% of this age group.

At the end of 1993 in Austria there were131 359 apprentices undergoing training(see table 2). The decrease in the numberof apprentices is attributable primarily todemographic trends and is accentuatedby increasing competition between prac-tical training in companies and the schoolfollowing compulsory schooling andthrough a still somewhat cautious rethink-ing in industry.

Expectations placed on vo-cational training policy inthe EU

In formulating Austrian expectations of aEuropean vocational training policy - fromthe perspective of the I.V. - three pointscome to the fore:

1. Since 1.1.95 when Austria entered theCommunity the EU is no longer givingpriority to information and publicity workbut to involvement in organization, indecision making and in bearing respon-sibilities. The experience gathered in thiswill demarcate the opportunities and limi-tations of implementing political aims.

2. The broader and stronger national con-sensus is in political issues, the greaterwill be the chances of implementing these.

Austrian policy is still involved in formu-lating joint priorities as regards to con-tent; industry has stated its expectationsand significant approaches are currently

being formulated for an “Austrian WhitePaper”.

3. In a “larger entity” like the EU the aimsof the individual partners have particularchance of success when they are identi-cal to the concerns of other countries. Onthis account it is important for vocationalpolicy in Austria to seek and implementjointly with colleagues and friends in otherMember States the paths to pursue.

The autonomy of States in education andcultural policy is as important as the offi-cial competence borne by the EuropeanUnion for educational issues as part ofthe Maastricht Treaty.

In the view of the I.V. there are a numberof focal points in European vocationaltraining policy:

1. Multiplicity means a richness ofexperience and thus the exchange ofexperience and information amongEuropean countries in vocational trainingis of decisive importance. We would liketo discuss and know more about the ideas,measures and procedures in other coun-tries in order to make a better assessmentof our own problems, to build upon ourstrengths and to eliminate weaknesses.

We must all know more about others, andothers more about us.

This means: Intensifying the exchangeof experience between educational prac-titioners, experts, trainers in companiesin order to examine the specificities ofthe Austrian vocational training system inthe combination which has proved its

Table 1: the attained education of young people 1991 as apercentage of the comparable age group in the population*

5-year vocational training higher school 164-year general higher school 133- 4-year vocational training intermediate school1) 8dual vocational training1) 41general compulsory school2) 21

total 99

* average of 17- 19 year-olds (n=104 920)1) including agriculture and forestry trainees2) or specialized school of less than three years durationSource: BMUK; ÖSTAT; ibw estimates

“Although (...) only some2% of young people do not

pursue education andtraining after compulsory

education, 21% of youngpeople do not acquire a

certificate following threeyears of further education

or training (...)”

“The most important pathfor ensuring a supply of

skilled workers is the dualpath of vocational train-

ing which is taken bysome 46% of this age

group.”


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Table 2: Apprentices by economic sector and demographictraining potential

Sector 1980 1993total % total % Diff. %

Trade and handicrafts 102,051 53 72,449 55 + 2Industry 28,668 15 18,076 14 - 1Commerce 40,536 21 22,251 17 - 4Tourism and leisure 16,232 8 11,562 9 + 1Transport 3,001 2 2,565 2 0Banking and insurance 524 0 728 1 + 1Areas not covered by Chambers 3,077 2 3,728 3 + 1

Total 194,089 101 131,359 101

Source: Austrian Chamber of Commerce

“Multiplicity means arichness of experienceand thus the exchange ofexperience and informa-tion among Europeancountries in vocationaltraining is of decisiveimportance.”

“(...) a European voca-tional training policy mustalso focus on continuingtraining.”

“ (...) there is in our viewno alternative to voca-tional training in a dualsystem.”

“In view of (...) hightraining investment by theeconomy in Austria (...)firms are not in a positionto accept greater bur-dens.” For this reason taxincentives for trainingexpenditure should beimproved (for the indi-vidual and the company).

worth to us for 14 - 19 year-olds and con-sisting of general education, vocationaltraining and practical training.

2. When in the year 2000 some 80 % oftechnologies are outmoded and will bereplaced by others and at the same time80 % of those in active employment to-day are still in employment a Europeanvocational training policy must also fo-cus on continuing training. 50 % oflearning in our society will take place sub-sequent to school and/or university.

This means: Focusing on continuingtraining (CVT) in European educationalpolicy which calls for a detailed analysisof continuing training activities in the in-dividual countries (CVT at school, univer-sities, in the enterprise ...) and in a Euro-pean comparison in order to build politi-cal measures upon this; for example, in-creased tax incentives for companies in-vesting in training.

3. If cerebral skills in modern occupationsare increasing in importance to the detri-ment of manual skills, trainers must beable to adapt more quickly to new chal-lenges, and vocational training policymust adapt more quickly. European vo-cational training policy is thus increasinglydependent on international training andqualification research - this is the ex-perience gathered by Austria. Particularimportance is attached to a targeted pro-motion and support of training and edu-cation innovation particularly in coop-eration with companies.

4. The “new European dimension” inthe education system must have a greaterimpact on vocational training. This signi-fies improving knowledge of foreign lan-guages among young people in the dualsystem, targeted promotion of interna-tional mobility (transnational exchangeprogrammes for young people in voca-tional training and not only primarily foradvanced school pupils and students) inaddition to extending their knowledge ofother European cultures.

5. In Austria as in Germany and Switzer-land there is in our view no alternative tovocational training in a dual system.This vocational training path can onlymaintain its significance if its attractivenessand its capacity to grant access to moreadvanced levels of education are improved.This view must be examined critically in adialogue with other Member States.

6. Finally we expect a realistic discussionof education utopias such as, for exam-ple, promoting training leave.

In view of the structural change, interna-tional pressure on costs and high train-ing investment by the economy in Aus-tria (1 % of GNP) firms are not in a posi-tion to accept greater burdens. On theother hand better qualified staff are oneof the most important prerequisites forcompanies to remain competitive. Thistension which can only be resolvedthrough a step-by-step policy must takeinto account the varying national situa-tions.


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36

AHS

kurz

AHS

lang

SS

Nursery education

Primary level

BHS* BMS PTL

ApprenticeshipSecondary level II

Tertiary level

Secondary level I

Universities, colleges

Short study courses

Vocational training academies

CollegesSpecial courses

Supplementary courses

(Craft)schools

Com

puls

ory

educ

atio

n

1817

1615

1413

1211

109

87

65

43

This means: greater motivation for work-ers to undergo continuing training and usetheir leisure time for training purposes,greater investment on the part of the com-panies in training, improving tax incen-tives for training investments (for the in-dividual and the company).

Conclusions

On the basis of the aims formulated con-cerning a Community policy of vocationaltraining in the Treaty on European UnionAustria expects a great deal of supportand assistance in its policies. The oppor-tunities afforded by the LEONARDO pro-

Responsible involvementin organizing vocational

training policy within theEuropean Union (...)

demands (...) a realisticself-critical analysis of the

situation and problems,an unprejudiced openness

in analysing alternativeperhaps new solutions

and the courage andstamina, if necessary, to

pursue new paths in acommon Europe.”

gramme will play an important role. Aus-tria is well prepared, the Austrian Officehas already commenced work and willinitiate, support and accompany pro-grammes in close cooperation with indus-trial associations and companies.

Responsible involvement in organizingvocational training policy within the Eu-ropean Union places three demands onAustria and our experts:

A realistic self-critical analysis of the situ-ation and problems, an unprejudicedopenness in analysing alternative perhapsnew solutions and the courage andstamina, if necessary, to pursue new pathsin a common Europe.

Organization and structure of the Austrian education system

key:AHS-lang: general higher school,

longer durationAHS-kurz: general higher school,

higher classBHS: the vocat iona l h igher

school*) including the ad-vanced training institutes1. kindergarten trainingetc.

BMS: the vocational trainingintermediate school

PTL: the polytechnical courseSS: special school

Source: ibw, Institut für Bildungsforschung der Wirtschaft, Das berufliche Bildungswesen in der Republik Österreich, Report for the European Centre for theDevelopment of Vocational Training, (CEDEFOP), Vienna, December 1991; Grafics: Rudolf J. Schmitt, Berlin; Technical production: Axel Hunstock, Berlin


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37

Two preliminary remarks

On Nordic concepts of vocational edu-cation and training

In most of the Nordic countries the emer-gence and expansion of VET systems isrelated to the late industrialization proc-ess. Public provision for VET (i.e. voca-tional schools and technical colleges) wasestablished and extended to bolster theinitial development of emerging indus-tries. The role of apprentice training hasremained marginal or complementary. Themajor exception to this rule is Denmark,where traditional apprentice training anda specific “alternance training” model havebeen the basic means of providing initialVET.

The prime institutions delivering initialvocational education have been full-timeschools (for basic vocational education)or colleges (for higher level vocationalqualifications). These institutions form anintegral part of the public education sys-tems (under the responsibility of the Min-istry of Education). In national terminol-ogy the general concepts for VET referclearly to an educational policy context(SE: yrkesutbildning, NO: yrkesutdanning,DA: erhvervsuddannelse or FI: ammatil-linen koulutus) and primarily to theabove-mentioned institutions.

The provisions for continuing vocationaltraining (CVT) have been developed ei-ther on a market basis or as a part of

employment policy. An infrastructure forpublic employment training provisionswas developed in most Nordic countriesin the 1960s or 1970s. Gradually the em-ployment training schemes and the re-spective training centres were consoli-dated as public training centres for allkinds of CVT provision. The original con-cepts for these provisions emphasizeemployment promotion as their mainfunction (SWE: arbetsmarknadsutbildning,NOR: arbeidsmarkedsopplaering, DA:arbeidsmarkedsuddannelse, FIN: työllisy-yskoulutus).

On reform scenes related to initial VETsystems and to CVT provision

In the following sections the notion of“reform scene” is used as a compoundconcept to characterize conceptual conti-nuity in original reform ideas or concep-tual changes and reorientations withinreform processes. The main criteria fordistinguishing between different kinds ofreform scenes are the following:

1) The systemic context:

A distinction is made betweena) reforms in educational systems thatredefine the role of VET provision andb) detached CVT reforms which redefinethe role of CVT provision within employ-ment promotion measures or as a corol-lary to labour market policy.

2) Institutional and conceptual implica-tions:

Reforms in the voca-tional education andtraining systems of theNordic countriesDevelopment of reform scenesand modifications to reformideas

PekkaKämäräinenhas carried outresearch at theUniversity ofTampere (WorkResearch Centre),

Finland. In June 1994 hejoined CEDEFOP as an experton a temporary basis (onsecondment from the Finnishgovernment).

The article examines an eraof reform processes in thevocational education andtraining (VET) systems ofthe Nordic countries (since1970 to the present day).Two main kinds of ap-proaches can be identifiedin VET reforms:

1) attempts to bridge thegap between “academic”and “vocational” tracks inthe educational systems and

2) attempts to re-vitalize co-operation between public(school-based) VET provi-sions and working life.

The article explores the im-pact these approaches havehad on the national con-cepts of vocational educa-tion (and the extent towhich they have been actu-ally implemented). In thiscontext the article goes onto describe national differ-ences in curriculum devel-opment strategies. Themain focus is placed on ini-tial VET systems but an ad-ditional section exploresreform tendencies in con-tinuing vocational training(CVT) systems.


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A distinction is made betweena) structural unification reforms whichintegrate initial VET provision into com-prehensive institutions (or developmentframeworks) of upper secondary educa-tion andb) sub-structural convergence reformsbetween different kinds of VET provision.

3) The role of curriculum development:

A distinction is made betweena) curricular “paradigm shifts” which re-quire thoroughgoing reorientation in thedevelopment of teaching/learning con-texts andb) limited curriculum revision or prag-matic transitions to new curricular formats.

In the dynamics of the national reformprocesses one can distinguish between 1)programming or introductory phases and2) revision or modification phases. Due tonational circumstances interim phases inthe reform processes can also be identi-fied. These are characterized by contradic-tions between policy premises and be-tween the actual implementation contexts.

The original reform mod-els and the developmentof the reform scenes inthe 1970s

The following section describes the origi-nal reform models that were designed forinitial VET and partially implemented inthe 1970s (or at the latest in 1980). Theorder of the national cases correspondsto the chronological order of the respec-tive reform debates. It is worth noting thatsome national reforms have served as pi-lot reforms for neighbouring countries.This has led both to “family resemblances”and to pattern variation between differ-ent national reform models.

Sweden: Unification of (upper) secon-dary education as the basic model

The original reform model (implementedin 1970) for upper secondary education inSweden was the forerunner of structuralunification reforms in the Nordic countries.The reform integrated the previous aca-demic school track (gymnasium) and theformer full- t ime vocational schools

“The role of apprenticetraining has remained

marginal or complemen-tary. The major exception

to this rule is Denmark,(…) ”

“The prime institutionsdelivering initial voca-

tional education have beenfull-time schools (for

basic vocational educa-tion) or colleges (for

higher level vocationalqualifications).”

“The original reformmodel (implemented in

1970) for upper second-ary education in Sweden

was the forerunner ofstructural unificationreforms in the Nordic

countries.”

“The core idea (…) wasthat the educational

system should be devel-oped into a unified system

consisting of comprehen-sive institutions at eacheducational level (…) ”

(yrkesskola) and technical colleges(fackskola) into one integrated school formfor the whole upper secondary level(gymnasieskola). The reform was accom-panied by new terminology that empha-sized the integral frameworks and equalstatus of the curricular options (consistentuse of the attribute “gymnasial” referringto all curricular options). At the same timeexpressions that referred to the specific“vocational” character of VET provision(`yrkes-`) were avoided or minimized.

The core idea behind this was that theeducational system should be developedinto a unified system consisting of com-prehensive institutions at each educationallevel (comprehensive school, unified up-per secondary, comprehensive highereducation). Thus, the reform intended toreduce the number of qualification levelsand to transform status distinctions intohorizontal differences between equal op-tions (at the same level).

The main thrust of the reform was not inthe first phase to launch radical integra-tion of academic, vocational and techni-cal curricula. Therefore, the curricularchange was merely a pragmatic transitionto a linear structure that converted previ-ous separate provisions into linear optionswithin a common framework.

In the late 1970s an attempt was made todevelop a thoroughgoing curriculum re-form model that would take further stepstowards bridging the gap between “aca-demic” and “vocational” learning and todevelop a broad macro-sectoral structurefor the foundation year of vocational op-tions. However, when the committee hadcompleted preparations for such a cur-riculum reform, the political and the eco-nomic contexts had changed. Neither thepolitical willingness nor the economicpossibility existed to implement such areform.

Finland: Compromised two-trackmodel with unified frameworks forthe initial VET system

In Finland a similar model for institutionalunification was prepared in the early sev-enties. The original model also includeda curriculum reform concept for a broadfoundation period (based on occupationalfields) and for successive specialization.


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39

Due to political and educational contro-versies the model was revised to a com-promise based on a two-track system(Government decision 1974, frameworklegislation 1978). The main thrust of thereform was then to integrate the voca-tional and technical education provisionsinto a coherent sub-system which couldcompete with the academic track and pro-vide alternative progression routes tohigher education.

The curriculum reform concept was basedon three premises:

1) aggregation of hitherto separate voca-tional and technical curricula into 25 ba-sic lines;2) introduction of a joint foundation phaseto be followed by successive differentia-tion in different qualification levels(skilled worker/technician/ engineer) andrespective specializations;3) reduction of the specialization optionsto a limited number of broad occupationalprofiles.

The reform concept was implementedtowards the end of the 1970s and in theearly 1980s but with several gradual modi-fications. The joint foundation year wasnot implemented in the areas in whichvocational schools and technical collegesexisted as separate institutions. Moreover,the idea of postponed differentiation orspecialization only after the foundationyear was soon abandoned (after a shortexperimental period).

Yet, the curriculum reform concept hadthree essential consequences. The aggre-gation of VET provision into a limitednumber of basic lines made opting for vo-cational and technical education more trans-parent. A larger number of general subjectswas introduced into the foundation phasein order to boost vocational progressionroutes towards higher qualifications (or tohigher education). The major consequencewas that the occupational profiles after thefoundation phase were converted intobroad aggregate specializations.

Norway: Unification of upper second-ary education and a complementaryreform in apprentice training

In Norway a unification reform model forupper secondary education was being for-

mulated in the mid-60s. The legislation waspassed in 1974 and implemented in thelatter part of the 1970s. In principle thereform model was similar to that of Swe-den. Thus, the previous school form foracademic track and the full-time school forvocational education were integrated intothe unified school form for upper second-ary education (videregående skole).

On account of a lengthy preparatoryphase accompanied by some experimen-tation, integration was more in the formof organizational rearrangement than amajor political measure. This integrationwas not linked to a cultural redefinitionof the relationship between academic(almenn utdanning) and vocational(yrkesutdanning) options. Nor was theNorwegian reform linked to a paralleltrend to render post-secondary educationcomprehensive (as was the case in Swe-den) or to integrate vocational and tech-nical education (as in Finland).

The curricular format implemented inNorway differed clearly from the neigh-bouring countries. Whereas the Swedishand Finnish reforms were implementedwith “whole curriculum” approaches, theNorwegian unification reform was accom-panied by a cyclic structure based on threecycles: the foundation cycle (grunnkurs)and two successive continuation cycles(videregående kurs I, II). Thus, individualschools could limit their provisions to thefirst cycle (or to the first two cycles).Moreover, the students or trainees wereable to reconsider their choice of studyoptions after each cycle.

During preparation of the Norwegian re-form model it was assumed that appren-tice training would gradually be replacedby school-based vocational education.Yet, in rural areas and in certain sectorsapprentice training had a necessary com-plementary function. An additional argu-ment for preservation and for re-vitaliza-tion of apprentice training was the tradi-tion of a separate final examination(svennepröv, fagpröv), recognized by thelabour market. Apprentice training provedto be the most effective way to guaranteethe required post-school work experience.

The new law on apprentice training of1980 (lov om fagopplaering) providedcurricular harmonization between school-

“In Finland (…) the mainthrust of the reform wasthen to integrate thevocational and technicaleducation provisions intoa coherent sub-systemwhich could compete withthe academic track andprovide alternative pro-gression routes to highereducation.”

“In Norway a unificationreform model for uppersecondary education wasbeing formulated in themid-60s.”


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40

based vocational education and appren-tice training. In addition it facilitated flex-ible transition from school-based voca-tional education to apprentice training.Thus, the harmonization of school-basedvocational education and apprentice train-ing became a systemic feature in the Nor-wegian reform scene.

Denmark: The search for a policychoice between apprentice trainingreform and a unification perspective

In Denmark a tradition of apprentice train-ing (mesterlaere) had prevailed as the domi-nant means of providing initial VET. Thetwo central principles have been that oftrade’s self-management (faglige selvstyre -the co-management role of social partners),and that of alternance training (veksel-suddannelse - a rotation between school-based and workplace-based sequences).However, the supply of apprentice trainingopportunities was far more limited than thatof school-based provisions in the neigh-bouring countries. Moreover, the curriculawere based on highly traditional and rathernarrow occupational profiles. After the com-prehensive school reform there was a clearrisk of marginalization.

Against such a background an experimen-tal curriculum for a vocational foundationphase (erhvervsfaglige grunduddannelse- EFG) was designed. The EFG-model waslaunched as a pilot scheme and formal-ized by an experimental law in 1972. Incontrast to the traditional apprentice train-ing it introduced broader occupationalclusters and within the school-based partsencouraged experimentation in integratedteaching/learning provision. The EFG-model was used both as an entrancephase within the apprentice training andas an access programme to full-time tech-nical (or semi-professional) educationprovision (HTX, HHX).

On account of the widespread nature andpolyvalent character of the EFG-model theDanish government proposed in 1978 areform of initial VET that was primarilybased on the EFG-model. It was supportedby the social partners (which were alsorepresented in the commissions supervis-ing the EFG-experiments). Yet, the pro-posal was rejected by the Danish parlia-ment whereas the EFG-model was main-tained as an experiment to be continued.

This decision led to several years’ stag-nation in reform that would cover thewhole range of initial VET.

Parallel to the introduction of the EFG-model there was a long-term policy de-bate as to whether Denmark should fol-low a course similar to the other Nordiccountries towards unification of uppersecondary education. The most importantdocument in this debate was prepared bya government commission (U90) whichwas asked to prepare guidelines for na-tional educational policy with a 15-yearperspective.

The U90 (1978) report policy perspectivefor youth education that should be im-plemented by several institutions throughcooperation between complementary pro-visions and curricula. In this respect thecommission presented further develop-ment of the EFG-model as a possibility tobridge the gap between hitherto separateteaching/learning cultures.

Due to the rejection of the EFG-based re-form proposal in the parliament thebroader reform scene was affected evenmore severely than the particular VET-re-lated scene. Whereas the EFG-basedschemes continued to be developed, long-term policy planning lost one of its es-sential cornerstones and entered a periodof stagnation.

Iceland: In search of a national reformmodel through small-scale experi-ments

In the 1970s in Iceland there was littlemovement towards national reform in ini-tial VET. Due to the scarcity of nationalresources interest focused on observingcertain pilot models in other Nordic coun-tries and on adapting these to the nationalcontext. The modest dimensions of na-tional VET provision and the national la-bour markets meant that the need for sys-temic framework solutions or nationalpolicy choices was not as evident as inother Nordic countries.

Due to direct contacts the vocationalschools made some attempts to implementthe Danish EFG-model through school-specific curriculum development. In theReykjavik area the local education policybrought about organizational restructur-

“(…) the harmonizationof school-based vocationaleducation and apprentice

training became a sys-temic feature in the

Norwegian reform scene.”

“In Denmark a traditionof apprentice training

(mesterlaere) had pre-vailed as the dominant

means of providing initialVET.”

“ (…) the Danish govern-ment proposed in 1978 a

reform of initial VET thatwas primarily based onthe EFG-model (…) the

proposal was rejected bythe Danish parliament

whereas the EFG-modelwas maintained as an

experiment to be contin-ued.”


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41

ing directed towards unified upper sec-ondary education.

Changes to the originalnational reform scene

The following section deals with the re-vision and modification of original reformmodels and with attempts to introducenew reform models after a period of stag-nation in reform debates.

Sweden: New emphasis on workplace-based learning within initial VET

The Swedish unification reform modelwas essentially a reform of school struc-tures and the role of working life re-mained marginal. This was partially justi-fied by the argument that school-basedvocational education should be followedby a completion phase (färdigutbildning)after the transition to working life. Theeducational policy-makers expected thatthe social partners would provide theframeworks for the completion phasetraining through general agreements.

On account of these underlying premisesand cost factors, the vocational curricularoptions were limited to 2 years’ durationwhereas the academic options were of 3years duration (and the technical option4 years). However, the social partners didnot reach such general agreements, butinstead the upper secondary schoolsstarted to develop particular schemes forthe completion phase (påbyggnads-kurser). These schemes were developedprimarily for local or regional purposesbut gradually they provided most sectorswith a non-transparent supply structure.

In the mid-80s a government commissionreviewed the vocational options withinthe uni f ied upper secondary level(Översyn över gymnasial yrkesutbildning- ÖGY). The report concluded by makingtwo major proposals:

a) an aggregation of the vocational cur-ricula based on labour market sectors andb) a reshaping of vocational curricula into3-year programmes including an integralworkplace-based completion phase.

The proposals of the ÖGY were furtherdeveloped in two parallel processes. A

national experimental programme on 3-year VET with a workplace-based com-pletion year was implemented (1988-1992). Parallel to this experiment a reformof framework legislation and a new cur-ricular structure was prepared.

The new legislation was passed in 1991and it ushered in a new phase in curricu-lum revision. The core philosophy of cur-riculum revision is the implementation ofnational model programmes (based on thesectoral approach of the ÖGY report) andincreased autonomy for regional, local orindividual modifications. Moreover, thenew framework introduces a core of gen-eral subjects (the main precondition forprogression to higher education). Theworkplace-based completion phase isdefined as an integral part of the voca-tional curricula. School-based completionschemes are also introduced (to preparetrainees in vocational education for highereducation).

Finland: Dissolution of the basic re-form model and emergence of newfields of experimentation

In Finland the partial unification of voca-tional and technical education did notproduce a balance between the academicand vocational tracks. The academic trackcontinued to expand and the demand forhigher education increased constantly.Due to the “overproduction” of graduatesfrom the academic track (with an entrancequalification to higher education), partsof vocational and technical educationstarted to provide curricular options forthis clientele (with the baccalaureate asthe entrance requirement). Thus, parts ofvocational and technical education wereconverted into post-secondary provisionswhile other parts were used as an addi-tional prelude to higher education.

In 1990 the Finnish Ministry of Educationlaunched a public debate on the outcomeof prior reforms and on the need to re-vise the structural and curricular frame-works in post-compulsory education. Thedebate focused on a draft version of anew reform concept (the “vision” docu-ment).

The structural and curricular implicationof this proposal was a dissolution of the“basic line” framework of the previous

In Iceland “(…) Due todirect contacts the voca-tional schools made someattempts to implement theDanish EFG-modelthrough school-specificcurriculum development.”

“The Swedish unificationreform model was essen-tially a reform of schoolstructures and the role ofworking life remainedmarginal.”

“In the mid-80s a govern-ment commission reviewedthe vocational optionswithin the unified uppersecondary level (…) Thereport concluded bymaking two major propos-als:a) an aggregation of thevocational curriculabased on labour marketsectors andb) a reshaping of voca-tional curricula into 3-year programmes includ-ing an integral workplace-based completion phase.”

“In Finland the partialunification of vocationaland technical educationdid not produce a balancebetween the academic andvocational tracks. Theacademic track continuedto expand and the demandfor higher educationincreased constantly.”


CEDEFOP

42

reform model. Proposals were made toupgrade the “technical education” levelcolleges or curricula to the non-univer-sity sector of higher education. The aca-demic and vocational provisions of theupper secondary level were to be inte-grated into unified institutional or curricu-lar frameworks (similar to the Swedish“Gymnasieskola” or to the Norwegian“Videregående skole”).

After a short period of debate and furtherpreparation a new reform cycle waslaunched on the basis of an experimentallaw - the upgrading of “technical educa-tion” colleges proceeding with 22 localexperiments leading to multi-sectoral`polytechnics`. Some of the experimental“polytechnics” expect to be granted regu-lar status in 1995.

The reform of upper secondary provisionshas turned into cooperation (and mutualexchange) between academic and voca-tional curricula. Students and trainees atthe respective school forms are providedwith a coordinated set of locally match-ing modules that cover the curricula ofthe respective options. The aim is to fa-cilitate combined study profiles that inte-grate an entrance qualification to highereducation (or to “polytechnics”) with ini-tial vocational education. This experimentcontinues in the form of local coopera-tion till the end of 1996.

Norway: The emergence of the Norwe-gian version of “dualization” as a ma-jor reform scene

In Norway the unification reform model wasconcluded with apprentice training reform.Due to a flexible transition regulation thesetwo forms of initial VET were expected toprovide sufficient training opportunities andcontinuity of vocational learning processes.Yet, in the 1980s it was apparent that therewas a permanent lack of apprentice train-ing opportunities not compensated for byschool-based provisions.

The gap between the two VET sub-sys-tems was discussed by a government com-mission (Blegen-utvalg) in 1989-91. Thework of the commission was accompa-nied by several empirical studies on thetransition of youth from initial VET (andon the utilization of optional choiceswithin the unified upper secondary level).

The commission discussed the possibilityof introducing new legislation coveringall VET provisions. Instead of proposingmajor revision of the legal frameworks thecommission favoured policy measures thatwould guarantee initial full-length voca-tional training. Thus, the commission pro-posed that regional authorities should begiven the responsibility of guaranteeingat least 3-year initial training. This shouldtake the form either of full-length school-based provisions or of a combination ofschool-based provisions and apprentice-ship. The most favoured model in policydebates has been a combination of twoyears’ school-based vocational educationand two years’ apprenticeship (the Nor-wegian version of dualization).

In their formulation the implementationof these proposals has been combinedwith a curriculum reform in the unifiedupper secondary school. The reform pro-cess (Reform 94) is scheduled for the pe-riod 1994-96. During this time the newcurricular frameworks (which consist ofprogramme structures similar to those inSweden) will be implemented. Parallel tothe school-internal curriculum revisionthere is a mobilization of training poten-tial to guarantee full-length initial VETprovision.

In the implementation process the socialpartners are becoming active cooperationpartners for the public education system.In addition to this the social partners havealso emphasized that the present VETprovisions should be accompanied bymeasures to open a work-related progres-sion route for vocational learning

Denmark: Emergence of a new reformscene for initial VET

In Denmark the reform debates recom-menced in the latter part of the 1980s af-ter a period of stagnation. A governmentcommission (Nielsen-Nordskov udvalg)prepared a new model to integrate theparallel provisions in initial VET (mester-laere; EFG). The proposals of the com-mission provided the basis for the newlegislation passed in 1989 and which cameinto force in 1991.

The new reform model (Erhvervsuddan-nelsereform - EUR) combined the twoexisting models into two entries to an in-

“The reform of uppersecondary provisions has

turned into cooperation(and mutual exchange)between academic and

vocational curricula.Students and trainees at

the respective schoolforms are provided with a

coordinated set of locallymatching modules that

cover the curricula of therespective options. The

aim is to facilitate com-bined study profiles that

integrate an entrancequalification to highereducation (or to “poly-technics”) with initial

vocational education. Thisexperiment continues in

the form of local coopera-tion till the end of 1996.”

In Norway “(…) in the1980s it was apparent

that there was a perma-nent lack of apprentice

training opportunities notcompensated for by

school-based provisions.”

“The gap between the twoVET sub-systems was

discussed by a govern-ment commission (…) in

1989-91.(…) the commission

favoured policy measuresthat would guarantee

initial full-length voca-tional training.(…)

This should take the formeither of full-length

school-based provisionsor of a combination of

school-based provisionsand apprenticeship.”


CEDEFOP

43

tegrated curricular structure. The founda-tion year curriculum of the EFG modelwas divided into two school periods (ofwhich the first one was not obligatory tothose who have an apprentice contract).Following the first school period the stu-dents or trainees have similar curricula(irrespective of whether they have enteredas vocational school students or as ap-prentice trainees). During the workplace-based training periods the apprenticesreturned to the enterprises with whichthey had a contract, whereas the voca-tional schools were responsible for arrang-ing a training opportunity for those with-out a contract.

Major changes were made to the manage-ment of education. The regulations con-cerning recruitment areas were abolishedand the vocational schools became com-petitors on the national training market.The financing of the vocational schoolswas also made dependent upon their ac-counted success in attracting trainees (thetransition to the so-called taximeter-prin-ciple).

During the implementation phase it be-came evident that the proportion of ap-prentice contracts was not growing andthat the vocational schools had difficul-ties in providing the necessary opportu-nities for workplace-based practical peri-ods. This led to the emergence of com-pensatory simulation-based practical train-ing arrangements. These have been gradu-ally accepted as alternative means of or-ganizing the practical training periods.

Another problem has been vocational pro-gression. Whereas the EFG-model pro-vided also access to “technical education”curricula, the foundation phases of thenew model were not designed to have asimilar “polyvalent” function.

Iceland: Transition to a unified frame-work with modular curricula

In Iceland new structures for upper sec-ondary education were gradually devel-oped on the basis of local decisions inthe Reykjavik area. In 1988 a new law onthe unification of upper secondary edu-cation (framhaldsskola) was passed. Thecurricular format of the Icelandic reformmodel was one of complete modulari-zation of the curricula. This enabled op-

timal use of scarce teacher resources inrural areas (concentration on foundationmodules in vocational options and coop-eration between academic and vocationalprovisions).

Parallel to the curricular unification theguidelines for final examinations for vo-cational qualifications (similar to the Nor-wegian ‘svennepröv‘) were standardized.

However, the most recent tendencies in-dicate a willingness to find new sector-specific training models (formally withinthe integrated frameworks but practicallyas spin-offs from the general patterns).The two most essential initiatives are theattempts to introduce a dual model ofapprentice training as the main model forthe graphics industry and the initiative toset up a separate training centre for thetransport sector.

On reform in the continu-ing vocational trainingsystems

The reform processes that have been dis-cussed above have contributed to newconceptual definitions of the role of ini-tial VET in the educational systems. Thereforms to the employment trainingschemes have been initiated as specificmeasures within employment promotionpolicies. Gradually the schemes havegained greater relevance as continuingvocational training provisions. Conse-quently, reform models for these provi-sions are being transformed into generalframeworks for curriculum developmentor for certification of CVT provisions.

Moreover, in some countries the employ-ment training schemes have served aspilot schemes for curriculum innovationor for bridging experiments. In differentcountries the pilot experiments have beenrelated to bridging public training provi-sions and company-specific training anddevelopment measures or school curriculaand respective provisions for adult learn-ers or for bridging training schemes andcompetence-based assessment.

In Denmark the employment training(AMU) provisions have special status asthe training provision for a traditional

In Denmark “the newreform model(Erhvervsuddannelse-reform - EUR) combinedthe two existing modelsinto two entries to anintegrated curricularstructure.”

“Major changes weremade to the managementof education. The regula-tions concerning recruit-ment areas were abol-ished and the vocationalschools became competi-tors on the nationaltraining market.”

In Iceland “in 1988 a newlaw on the unification ofupper secondary educa-tion (framhaldsskola)was passed. The curricu-lar format of the Icelandicreform model was one ofcomplete modularisationof the curricula.“

In the Nordic Countries“(…) reform modelsfor (…)” continuingvocational training provi-sions “(…) are beingtransformed into generalframeworks for curricu-lum development or forcertification of CVTprovisions.”


CEDEFOP

44

category of the semi-skilled workforce(Specialarbeider). The employment train-ing provisions have also had essentiallyan ice-breaking function in the develop-ment of pedagogic cooperation arrange-ments that combine public training pro-visions (with a more general perspective)and company-specific needs for ad-equately specialized training. Moreover,the employment training measures havealso served as pilot schemes for develop-ing appropriate training strategies foradult learners who are not used to aca-demic forms of teaching and learning (thereverse EFG approach).

In Sweden the bridging functions of theAMU provisions have applied more to anintegrative approach to develop modularforms of general and vocational learningprovisions for adult learners. In the re-cent curriculum reform of unified uppersecondary education particular emphasiswas placed on the need to develop opti-mal harmonization between the initial VETprovisions and the respective provisionsin adult education (KomVux and AMU).

In Norway legislation on apprentice train-ing provided also the essential frame-works for retraining adults changing fromone occupational field to another. How-ever, in recent years the Norwegian AMOhas played more than an auxiliary role asan alternative provider of initial VET.

In Finland the employment trainingschemes have been redefined as CVT pro-visions that are available also for self-or-ganized learning and for contracted learn-ing. Moreover, these training provisionshave served as a pilot field for the intro-duction of the Finnish version of compe-tence-based assessment.

Concluding remarks

The reform scenes cited above in theNordic VET systems have been recon-structed with emphasis on national reformmodels and on national reform manage-ment. However, recent developments in-dicate that the Nordic countries are in atransition process towards a new kind ofconstellation between policy-making,educational management and curriculumdevelopment.

An additional dimension of change isgreater involvement of the Nordic coun-tries in European cooperation. Alreadythis aspect is manifested by national in-terest in the comparability of the nationalVET provisions and in quality control (orquality management) of VET systems.

From the perspective of such changes thefollowing conclusions (which refer to anera of national reforms) must be viewedas interim conclusions. Nevertheless, thesecan at least feature in the broader Euro-pean discussion as lessons from the Nor-dic reforms:

1. All Nordic countries continue to de-velop their national VET systems as inte-gral parts of the educational system. How-ever, the role of systemic planning at na-tional level is changing due to decentrali-zation of educational management. Thus,local institutions have an essential role toplay in decisions concerning the adapta-tion of model curricula (and with regardto cooperation with other educational in-stitutions or with working life).

2. The unification reform models haveencountered resistance or they have beenreduced to organizational reforms. Assuch they have not led to a conceptualintegration or to a cultural convergencebetween “academic” and “vocational”options. Moreover, it has become neces-sary to supplement (or to modify) suchreform models with curricular sub-struc-tures that are based on cooperation withworking life.

3. Partial VET reform models (which havebeen based on a combination of school-based and work-related learning) have ledto other kinds of implementation prob-lems. These models have encounteredproblems in guaranteeing a sufficientamount of workplace-based training op-portunities or flexible continuity of learn-ing processes (also in practice). Moreover,these models have been accompanied bya further need to open attractive progres-sion routes for vocational learning tohigher education (or to an equivalentlevel).

4. The role of curriculum developmentwithin dif ferent reform phases haschanged. In the original reform modelsthe curricular structures provided a stand-

“All Nordic countriescontinue to develop theirnational VET systems as

integral parts of theeducational system.”

The unification reformmodels “(…) have not led

to a conceptual integra-tion or to a cultural

convergence between“academic” and “voca-

tional” options.”

“Partial VET reformmodels (which have been

based on a combination ofschool-based and work-

related learning) (…)have encountered prob-lems in guaranteeing a

sufficient amount ofworkplace-based trainingopportunities or flexible

continuity of learningprocesses (…)”

“In the most recent phasescurricula have been

transformed into pro-gramme frameworkswhich enable flexible

adaptations or curricularcooperation betweendifferent educational

institutions.”


CEDEFOP

45

Bibliography

(The following bibliography consists of country-specific sections and of some references to Nordiccomparisons.)

Sweden

Helgeson, Bo & Johansson, Jan 1992: Arbete ochyrkesutbildning. En studie över verkstadsindustrinsbehov av kvalificerd arbetskraft. In Halvorsen, Tor& Olsen, Ole Johnny 1992 (red.): Det kvalifisertesamfunn? Oslo.

Ministry of education and science 1993: TheSwedish way towards a learning society. A review.Stockholm.

Myrberg, Mats 1987: The organization and con-tent of studies at the post-compulsory level. Coun-try study: Sweden. OECD. Paris.

Öhmann-Nilsson, Birgitta 1992: Industriförlagdutbildning i den svenska gymnasieskolan. InHalvorsen, Tor & Olsen, Ole Johnny 1992 (red.):Det kvalifiserte samfunn? Oslo.

Opper, Susan 1989: Sweden: the “integrated” up-per secondary school as main provider of vocationaleducation. European Journal of Education, Vol. 24,No 2, 1989.

Regeringens proposition 1990/91:85. Växa medkunskaper - om gymnasieskolan och vuxenut-bildningen. Stockholm.

SOU 1989:90 (Statens offentliga utredningar):Utvärdering av försöksverksamhet med treårigyrkesinriktad utbildning i gymnasieskolan. Förstaåret. UGY Rapport 1. Stockholm.

Finland

Ekola, Jorma 1991: Miten onnistui ammatillisenkeskiasteen koulunuudistuksen toimeenpano. InEkola, Jorma et. al. 1991: Ammatillisen koulutuksenuudistaminen 1980-luvulla. Selvitys uudistuksentoteutumisesta ja toteutusympäristöstä. Helsinki.

Kyrö, Matti 1993: The changing role of vocationaland technical education and training in Finland. Areport to OECD. (Unpublished) Helsinki.

Ministry of education 1992: Developments inEducation 1990-92. Finland. Reference Publications16. Helsinki.

Ministry of education 1990: Developments inEducation 1988-90. Finland. Reference Publications15. Helsinki.

Statsrådets utbildningspolitiska redogörelse tillriksdagen 22.5.1990. Utbildningssystemet i Finland,Utbildningens nivå och utveckling. Helsinki/Helsingfors (The Swedish version).

Norway

Halvorsen, Helge 1993: The changing role of vo-cational and technical education and training inNorway. A report to OECD. (Unpublished) Oslo.

Kirke-, utdannings- og forskningsdeparte-mentet 1992: Stortingsmelding nr. 33 (1991-92).Kunskap og kyndighet. Om visse sider vedvideregående oppläring. Oslo.

NOU 1991:4 (Norges offentlige utredninger): Veienvidere til studie- og yrkeskompetanse for alle.Oslo.Olsen, Ole Johnny 1989: Utvikklingstrekk vedyrkesutdanning og fagoppläring i Norge. AHS SerieB 1989-3. Universitetet i Bergen.

Olsen, Ole Johnny 1990: Neue Produktions-konzepte auf norwegisch? AHS Series B 1990-2.Universitetet i Bergen.

Iceland

Gudmundsson, Gestur 1993: The changing roleof vocational and technical education and trainingin Iceland. A report to OECD. (Unpublished) Rey-kjavik.

OECD 1987: Reviews of National Policies for Edu-cation. Iceland. OECD. Paris.

Denmark

Nielsen, Sören P. & Lausch, Bente 1993: A reporton continuing vocational training in Denmark. PartI (in English); Part II (in Danish). FORCE Article11.2. SEL, Copenhagen.

Statens Erhvervspaedagogiske Laereruddan-nelse (SEL) 1993:Erhvervsuddannelsesreformensdokumentationsprojekt. Copenhagen.

Sörensen, John Houman 1990: Fornyelsen aferhvervsuddannelserne i Danmark. (The Danishcontribution to PETRA research strand, theme 1:

“National responses to changing needs for voca-tional skills”). Dansk Teknologisk Institut. HöjeTaastrup.

Sörensen, John Houman & Jensen, Grete 1988:The role of the social partners in youth and adultvocational training in Denmark. CEDEFOP Docu-ment. Berlin.

Sörensen, John Houman & Clematide, Bruno1992: Offentlig og virksomhedsintern efteruddan-nelse i lyset af de nye produktionskoncepter. inHalvorsen, Tor & Olsen, Ole Johnny 1992 (red.):Det kvalifiserte samfunn? Oslo.

U 90. Bind 1-2. 1978: Samlet uddannelsesplan-lägning frem til 90’erne. Undervisningsministeriet.Copenhagen.

Comparative studies

Koefoed, Else & Linde, Göran 1989: Erhvervs-laereruddannelse i Norden. NORD 1989: 62. Copen-hagen.

Kämäräinen, Pekka 1991: Ammatillisen koulutuk-sen näköaloista eurooppalaisessa koulutuspolitii-kassa - kaksi tarkastelua. In Ekola, Jorma et. al. 1991:Ammatillisen koulutuksen uudistaminen 1980-luvulla. Selvitys uudistuksen toteutumisesta jatoteutusympäristöstä. Helsinki.

Lindbekk, Tore 1992: Systemforskjeller i yrkes-utdanning og utdanningspolitikk. Vesteuropeiskekontraster. In Halvorsen, Tor & Olsen, Ole Johnny1992 (red.): Det kvalifiserte samfunn? (“The quali-fied society?”) Oslo.

Kämäräinen, Pekka 1994: Identification of coop-eration potentials in vocational education and train-ing research in the Nordic countries. A report toCEDEFOP (Unpublished). Berlin.

Myrberg, Mats 1986: Gymnasial yrkesutbildning iNorden - Utvecklingslinjer och problembilder. Rap-port; Nordisk konferens om yrkesutbildning förungdomar (ÖGY-eksamination). Lidingö 20.-21.5.1986

ard format (either linear or cyclic or semi-modular). In the most recent phases cur-ricula have been transformed into pro-gramme frameworks which enable flex-ible adaptations or curricular cooperationbetween different educational institutions.

5. The public CVT provisions (based onemployment training schemes) have de-veloped from sporadic measures to anessential sub-system of VET. This sub-sys-

tem has also served as the pilot field forcooperation between public training pro-visions and company-specific develop-ment projects. Moreover, this sub-systemhas also been the main experimental fieldfor modularization and for the Nordicversions of competence-based assess-ment. However, in most cases there is aneed to improve curricular correspond-ence between initial VET programmes andCVT schemes.

“The public CVT provi-sions (based on employ-ment training schemes)have developed fromsporadic measures to anessential sub-system ofVET.”


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Experiences fromthe integrated Nordiclabour market

Introduction

Labour mobility in the European Unionis receiving increasing interest, one rea-son being the proposed monetary union.For the monetary union to constitute anefficient exchange rate regime it is cru-cial that labour mobility is high and wagesand prices are flexible. Today, however,labour mobility is very limited across mostmember countries, and from this perspec-tive, the experiences gained from theNordic labour market may very well beof interest. The purpose of this article isto summarize the major experiences andto present some basic facts about theNordic labour market.

The Nordic countries have a long-stand-ing experience of labour market integra-tion. The Nordic labour market was for-mally established in 1954 when Sweden,Denmark, Norway, Finland and Icelandsigned an agreement that removed all for-mal barriers for workers to migrate acrossthe Nordic countries. No permit was thenneeded for a Nordic citizen to work andreside in any other Nordic country. More-over, the local authorities in all countrieswere committed to actively inform em-ployment agencies in the other Nordiccountries about local job openings andworking conditions. Far reaching commit-ments to equal treatment of native andimmigrant workers were also made.

Migration in the Nordiccountries.

By the time the Nordic labour market wasestablished Sweden was the Nordic coun-try with the highest per capita income.Moreover, the Swedish labour market situ-ation was very favourable and being geo-graphically surrounded by the other Nor-

dic countries it was no surprise that Swe-den became the main country of immi-gration. Given that Sweden has been anet receiver of immigrants from all theother Nordic countries for almost everyyear since 1954, it is natural to focus par-ticularly on immigration into Sweden.

When the agreement came into operationit did not trigger a major influx of labourinto Sweden.The reason is that Swedenalready by 1954 pursued a liberal immi-gration policy which partly was a con-tinuation of the Swedish commitments toreceive war refugees from the other Nor-dic countries. The major migrations intoSweden instead took place in the 1960s.Gradually, a community of Finnish immi-grants was established in Sweden and witha substantial real wage difference betweenSweden and Finland and job growth inSweden it became increasingly commonfor Finnish citizens to work in Sweden.During the years of the business peak in1969 and 1970, Finnish gross immigrationinto Sweden reached record levels ofaround 40 000 people per year. Since then,immigration tapered off and the 1980sgross immigration figures were consider-ably lower. Sweden is the dominatingcountry of destination for the Finnish citi-zens and very small numbers of Finnshave chosen to work and reside in Den-mark or Norway.

It is difficult to single out labour migra-tion from migration for other reasons likestudying, family reunion, etc. Figure 1shows immigration flows to Sweden fromFinland, Norway and Denmark, exclud-ing children below 16 and elderly above65 and of citizens from these three coun-tries respectively. This underestimates thegross migration figures but compared tooverall gross migration a more correctpicture of labour migration among thecitizens of these three countries is pro-vided.

------Figure 1------

The experiences gainedfrom the Nordic labourmarket are presented in thelight of European labourmarket integration. Majorflows of migrants acrosscountry borders are onlyobtained when real incomedifferences are large andjob vacancies available inthe high-income country.Nordic real income equali-zation, and, more recently,lack of job openings in theSwedish labour market,have caused mobility be-tween the Nordic countriesto fall quite drastically. Tothe extent that income dif-ferentials between South-ern European countries andother EU Member States fall,one should also expect Eu-ropean migration rates tofall.

“The Nordic labour mar-ket was formally estab-lished in 1954 whenSweden, Denmark, Nor-way, Finland and Icelandsigned an agreement thatremoved all formal barri-ers for workers to migrateacross the Nordic coun-tries.”

Per LundborgResearch Fellow atIUI (the Industrial

Institute for Econom-ic and Social

Research);Associate Professor

in Economics.Theoretical and empirical

research on issues related tointernational migration,

particularly in the Nordiclabour market.


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47

1968 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993

0

5000

10000

15000

20000

25000

30000

35000

Year

Figure 1: Immigration to Sweden from Norway, Denmark and FinlandIncludes only citizens of the home countriesAge groups 16-65, 1968-1993

Num

ber

of I

mm

igra

nts Finland

Denmark

Norway

Immigration to Sweden from the otherNordic countries has generally been atmuch lower levels than immigration fromFinland.With the exception of 1974 and1975 when unemployment rose drasticallyin Denmark, and in the late 1980s, Dan-ish migration to Sweden has been at alow level, approximately 1 000 personsper year.

Norwegian migration to Sweden also hasbeen remarkably stable and at about thesame level as Danish migration. However,with the rise in unemployment in Nor-way in 1989 and 1990 there also followeda rather drastic increase in immigrationto Sweden, where labour demand by thistime was at a high level. Thus, to boththe Danish workers in the mid-1970s andNorwegian workers in the late 1980s ac-cess to the Swedish labour market reducedthe unemployment problem.

The Finnish economy entered a periodof mass unemployment in the early 1990s.In 1993, for instance, the unemployment

rate reached 17.7%. Still, no increase inemigration to Sweden occurred, whichprimarily reflects the lack of job open-ings in the Swedish market. Indeed, therates of migration to Sweden are low andimmigration from Finland is at similar lev-els as those from Denmark and Norway.

Determinants of Nordicmigration

Clearly, many factors contribute to themigration flows. In explaining Finnish-Swedish migration one cannot overlookthe fact that real per capita income dif-ferentials between Finland and Swedenhave been high (Lundborg (1991)). Anemployed potential migrant then com-pares his present wage to the expectedwage at the destination. But income dif-ferentials are not only important when itcomes to wages but also to unemploy-ment benefits. As the unemployed haveincentives to move to other jobs, it is evi-

“Given that Sweden hasbeen a net receiver ofimmigrants from all theother Nordic countries foralmost every year since1954, it is natural to focusparticularly on immigra-tion into Sweden.”

“in the 1960s (…) it becameincreasingly common forFinnish citizens to work inSweden.”

“ (…) to both the Danishworkers in the mid-1970sand Norwegian workers inthe late 1980s access tothe Swedish labour mar-ket reduced the unemploy-ment problem.”


CEDEFOP

48

dent that the potential unemployed mi-grant compares the expected wage atdestination to the benefit level at the ori-gin.

Another set of explanatory variables canbe derived from the labour market. It isquite natural that countries of full employ-ment are more attractive to migrants thancountries of high unemployment. But thisis largely a consequence of the fact thatlow unemployment countries in generalhave more vacancies than high unemploy-ment countries. Empirical research hasshown that vacancies or labour marketturnover (hiring and firing) has a higherexplanatory value than the unemploymentrate. The Nordic countries which have hada rise in the number of vacancies havethereby been able to attract workers fromthe other countries. For many years, va-cancies in the Swedish labour market at-tracted Finnish workers. But during the1980s many Finns returned to Finlanddespite a higher unemployment rate there.The reason was then that the number ofvacancies grew at high rates in Finland.

Still, emigration more often takes placefrom areas of high unemployment thanfrom low unemployment areas. But thisdoes not mean that only the unemployedmove. Employees also have a higher pro-pensity to move in a situation of rising orhigh unemployment since the unemploy-ment risk is high. But irrespective of em-ployment status, emigration lowers theunemployment problem at the place oforigin. The extent to which the Nordiclabour market has decreased the unem-ployment problem, has, however, notbeen given much attention in research.

Another set of explanatory variables hasto do with distance and represents differ-ent costs of moving. It is quite naturalthat the Danish immigrants to Sweden areconcentrated in Southern Sweden. Geo-graphical distance not only representstransportation costs but also the psycho-logical costs of living far away fromfriends and relatives.The further away aperson moves, the higher are the costs ofreturn migration to the place of origin.Of importance is also that uncertaintyabout the conditions at the place of des-tination rises in proportion to the distance.As noted, the Nordic authorities are mostactive at spreading information about lo-

cal conditions to the other Nordic coun-tries.

The inhibiting effects of distance on mi-gration is often counteracted by the ex-istence of previous immigrants from thecountry of origin. It is a well known factthat immigrants tend to concentrate in acertain country or certain places in a cer-tain country. There are several explana-tions for this behaviour. The most obvi-ous may be that concentration lowerscertain migration costs. In particular, con-centration lowers the psychological costsof living away from home. Moreover, pre-vious immigrants may facilitate assimila-tion and help the recent immigrant in thecontacts with the authorities. The stocksof previous immigrants does play a veryimportant role in the Nordic labour mar-ket. Lundborg (1991) showed that previ-ous immigration to Sweden from Den-mark, Norway and Finland is an impor-tant determinant of the labour flows fromall three countries.

Other factors that may affect migration arecountries’ cultural and language similar-ities. From this point of view one shouldexpect more immigration to Sweden fromNorway and Denmark than from Finland.Person-specific factors like age, gender andeducation also play a role. Like most mi-gration, Nordic labour migration rates arehigher among the young than among theold. Generally, men have a higher migra-tion propensity than women due to ahigher labour market participation rate.Finally, better educated people tend tomigrate more than the poorly educated.An explanation often put forward is thatthe better educated are more homog-eneous across nationalities and thereforefind it more easy to adjust to new envi-ronments.

The question of migration of the welleducated has other welfare implicationsthan that of the low educated. In particu-lar, often the government finances a largeshare of higher education and with mi-gration another country reaps the benefitsof the investment in education (so called«brain drain»). Migration in the Nordic la-bour market among the higher educatedis analyzed in Pedersen (1994). The mi-gration propensity in the Nordic marketis, though, higher for the low educatedthan for the well educated. Instead, peo-

Today as a consequence ofthe lack of job openings inthe Swedish market, “ (…)

the rates of migration toSweden are low and

immigration from Finlandis at similar levels as

those from Denmark andNorway.”

“ (…) income differentialsare not only important

when it comes to wagesbut also to unemployment

benefits.”

“Empirical research hasshown that vacancies orlabour market turnover

(hiring and firing) has ahigher explanatory value

than the unemploymentrate.”

“Other factors that mayaffect migration are

countries’ cultural andlanguage similarities. (…)

Person-specific factorslike age, gender and

education also play a role.(…) better educated

people tend to migratemore than the poorly

educated.”


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49

Figure 2: Finnish Immigration and Job Vacancies in Sweden.1965 to 1990. Index 1965 = 100

ple with a high level of education have ahigher propensity to migrate to non-Nor-dic countries than do those with a lowerlevel. This is in line with several otherstudies that show that distance has lessof a deterring effect for the well educated.

The welfare consequencesof the Nordic labour mar-ket

A standard textbook argument is that afree labour market raises total productionin the integrated area which is a majorargument in favour of liberalization.Though no study has analyzed this issuein detail, there are no good arguments toquestion this theoretical prediction. Thisdoes not, however, imply that both theemigration and immigration country ben-efit and even less that all types of work-ers benefit.

Clearly, the free Nordic labour market pro-vided Sweden with a larger workforce thanit otherwise would have had. As the bulkof Nordic immigrants were blue collarworkers a possible effect of this increasein the supply of unskilled workers is thattheir wages are somewhat lower than oth-erwise had been the case. With the samereasoning, the emigration of workers fromFinland should be expected to raise thewage level there and hence the integratedlabour market should contribute to equal-izing wages across the participating coun-tries. However, these issues have not beenexamined empirically. But it is well knownthat during the period when the free Nor-dic labour market has been in existence,we have experienced a major equalizationof real wages in the Nordic countries, andin particular between Sweden and Finland.The wage changes are therefore much inline with what we should expect from atheoretical model of the consequences ofmigration.

“The migration propensityin the Nordic market is,(…) higher for the loweducated than for the welleducated.”

“As the bulk of Nordicimmigrants were bluecollar workers a possibleeffect of this increase inthe supply of unskilledworkers is that theirwages are somewhatlower than otherwise hadbeen the case.”

19901965 1970 1975 1980 1985

0

20

Year

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

180

200

Job Vacancies

Finnish Immigration


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50

Vacancies at the destination and real in-come differentials in the two countries arethe major forces behind international mi-gration. This can be illustrated in Figure 2showing immigration from Finland intoSweden from 1965 to 1990. The line indi-cating vacancies in the Swedish labourmarket reflects the Swedish business cycle.

We see, that for a long period, up to theearly 1980s, immigration to Sweden fromFinland largely matches the vacancies.However, the correlation between immi-gration and vacancies is broken in the early1980s and the major reason is that by thistime the real income differences betweenSweden and Finland had narrowed to suchan extent that it no longer paid to move toSweden to fill these vacancies.

--------Figure 2--------However, the correlation of labour immi-gration and vacancies until 1982 was of aconsiderable importance to the Swedisheconomy. In the peak years of 1969 and1970, a total of 80 000 immigrants arrivedwho filled a very large number of the jobvacancies. Had these immigrants not beenallowed entry to the Swedish labour mar-ket, the excess demand for labour hadundoubtedly spilled over into higherwages and hence inflation. In the peakof the business cycle in the late 1980s, nosuch labour immigration occurred and theexcess demand for labour contribute toinflation. Thus, a free labour market notonly benefits the efficiency of the econo-mies of participating countries, but alsohas important macroeconomic effects andcan contribute to restrict both inflation atthe destination and unemployment at theorigin.

Income differences across countries are,though, of great importance. In the Nor-dic labour market, real wages have equal-ized to such an extent that no countrythat experiences an increase in vacanciescan expect immigrants to fill these. If an-other country suffers from unemploymentthe likelihood is higher that immigrantsarrive. But this, in turn, requires that un-employment benefits in the country oforigin are not high enough to prevent theunemployed from migrating.

Matching the unemployed in one coun-try with vacancies in other countries is acrucial aspect of labour market integra-tion. It is a fact that in some Nordic and

in EU countries the benefit level is so highthat mobility inside the country and evenmore so across countries is inhibited.1)

For labour market integration to be anefficient means of lowering unemploy-ment and the number of vacancies, thebenefit level can hardly be overlooked.

Other effects of immigration concern taxpayments and provision of transfers. Fromthe host country´s point of view, the idealimmigrant is one who pays high taxes butreceives little transfers such as the youngand able. The labour market participationrate among the immigrants largely deter-mines whether or not net transfers are pro-vided to the citizens of the host country.An early study, Ekberg (1983) indicatedthat Sweden in 1970 received a net sur-plus from overall immigration. By thattime labour participation among immi-grants, including the Nordic immigrants,was high compared to the native Swedishpopulation. Today, a similar calculationmight be negative also for Nordic immi-grants as the labour market participationrate is higher among the natives thanamong the immigrants.

Some lessons for the EUMember States

Real income differences between South-ern EU Member States and the rich coun-tries have been reduced at impressiverates. As real wages equalize, a conse-quence is that labour migration falls, asthe case of Finnish migration to Swedenshows. With sustained income narrowingacross EU Member States migration in theUnion will undoubtedly fall in the future.Language barriers as well as cultural andreligious differences are also likely mi-gration obstacles though research haslargely neglected these effects. Only inthe long run will these obstacles be over-come.

However, labour demand also plays arole. Should labour demand rise in someof the better off union countries, migra-tion rates might again go up. This requiresthough a more active policy to stimulateemployment than the one pursued by theEU Member States and that unemploymentcompensation does not prevent jobsearch. The 1992 programme2) involvedderegulation measures that would stimu-

“(…) during the periodwhen the free Nordic

labour market has been inexistence, we have experi-

enced a major equaliza-tion of real wages in theNordic countries, and inparticular between Swe-

den and Finland. ”

“ (…) in the early 1980s(…) the real incomedifferences between

Sweden and Finland hadnarrowed to such an

extent that it no longerpaid to move to Sweden to

fill these vacancies.”

“In the Nordic labourmarket, real wages have

equalized to such anextent that no country

that experiences anincrease in vacancies canexpect immigrants to fill

these.”

“With sustained incomenarrowing across EU

Member States migrationin the Union will undoubt-

edly fall in the future.”

“Should labour demandrise in some of the better

off union countries,migration rates might

again go up. This requiresthough a more active

policy to stimulate em-ployment than the one

pursued by the EU Mem-ber States and that unem-

ployment compensationdoes not prevent job

search.”

1) For the effects of unemploymentbenefits on Nordic migration, seeLundborg (1991).

2) Editorial note: cf. The EEC Regula-tion on freedom of movement forworkers within the Community


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References

Ekberg, J. (1983):»Inkomsteffekter av invandring»,Acta Wexionensia, serie 2.

Lundborg, P. (1991):»Determinants of Migration inthe Nordic Labor Market», Scandinavian Journal ofEconomics, Vol 93, no. 3, 363-375.

Pedersen, P. (ed.)(1994):»Scandinavian Skill Migra-tion in Perspective of the European Integration pro-cess,» North-Holland Elsevier (Forthcoming).

late migration. Still, the crucial aspects indetermining the prospects of migration,be it in the EU or elsewhere, are the nar-rowing of income differences and theexistence of job vacancies. One can hardlyforesee an increase in migration rates inthe Union without an increase in job va-cancies.

High migration rates per se are not an in-dicator of a well functioning economy.Only to the extent that the rate of match-ing of unemployed and suitable job open-ings across countries is low does thereexist an economic problem. Low migra-tion rates may simple reflect that econo-mies develop at similar rates.


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Statistical data

Data from OECD in Figures, supp. to the OECD Observer No. 188, June/July 1994

The new Member States : some data …

Population Age Structure of Population; % of total population

Growth Rate%

persq.km

19921992 1982 1992 1960 1992 1960 1992 19601992/91 1975/74

Total areathousand

sq. km

thousands under 15 15-64 65 and over

Austria 83,9 7,884 7,571 94,0 0,8 -0,3 17,5 22,0 67,3 65,8 15,2 12,2 Austria

Belgium 30,5 10,045 9,856 329,3 0,4 0,3 18,2e 23,5 66,5 64,5 15,3 12,0 Belgium

Denmark 43,1 5,170 5,119 120,0 0,3 0,3 17,0e 25,2 67,5e 64,2 15,5 10,6 Denmark

Finland 338,0 5,042 4,827 14,9 0,3 0,4 19,2 30,4 67,1 62,3 13,7 7,3 Finland

France 549,0 57,372 54,480 104,5 0,6 0,5 20,0 26,4 65,6 62,0 14,4 11,6 France

Germany 248,6a 64,846b 61,638 260,8 1,2 -0,4 15,5 21,3 69,2 67,8 15,3 10,9 Germany

Greece 132,0 10,300 9,790 78,0 0,3 0,9 19,4f 26,1 66,8f 65,8 13,8f 8,1 Greece

Ireland 70,3 3,547 3,480 50,5 0,7 1,7 26,8e 30,5 61,8e 58,6 11,4e 10,9 Ireland

Italy 301,2 56,859 56,639 188,8 0,2 0,6 15,7 23,4 68,9 67,6 15,4 9,0 Italy

Luxembourg 2,6 390 366 150,0 2,1c 1,1 17,7e 21,4 68,8e 67,8 13,5e 10,8 Luxembourg

Netherlands 40,8 15,184 14,313 372,2 0,8 0,9 18,3 30,0 68,7 61,0 13,0 9,0 Netherlands

Portugal 92,4 9,858 9,877 106,7 0,0 1,0d 19,1 29,0 66,9 62,9 14,0 8,1 Portugal

Spain 504,8 39,085 37,961 77,4 0,2 1,0 18,4 27,3 67,6 64,5 14,0 8,2 Spain

Sweden 450,0 8,674 8,327 19,3 0,7 0,4 19,0 22,4 62,9 65,9 18,1 11,7 Sweden

United Kingdom 244,8 57,848 56,335 236,3 0,3 0,0 19,2e 23,3 65,1e 65,0 15,7e 11,7 United Kingdom

Notes: a. 356,9 for unified Germanyb. 80,569 for unified Germanyc. 1991/90

Sources: Labour Force Statistics: 1972-1992, OECD,Paris, 1994; Employment Outlook, OECD, Paris,September 1992.

d. 1976/75e. 1991f. 1989

Demography

Employment I

Austria 3,679 11,4 58,0 50,2 3,546 11,2 7,1 35,6 57,4 Austria

Belgium 4,237 2,8 54,1 48,3 3,724 5,3 2,6 27,7 69,7 Belgium

Denmark 2,912a 8,9b 78,9a 72,6 2,612a 10,3b 5,7a 27,7a 66,6a Denmark

Finland 2,527 -0,6 70,7 72,4 2,163 -8,6 8,6 27,9 63,5 Finland

France 25,109 5,8 58,7 54,7 22,032 3,7 5,2 28,9 65,9 France

Germany 30,949 8,4 58,6 52,9 28,708 9,6 3,1 38,3 58,6 Germany

Greece 3,934a 6,9b 40,8a 36,4 3,634 2,9b 22,2a 27,5a 50,3a Greece

Ireland 1,384a 4,9 39,9a 37,6 1,113a -1,6b 13,8a 28,9a 57,3a Ireland

Italy 24,612 8,0 45,8a 39,8 21,271 7,0 8,2 32,2 59,6 Italy

Luxembourg 165a 3,1b 44,7a 41,3 162a 2,5b 3,3c 30,5c 66,2c Luxembourg

Netherlands 7,133 .. 55,5 39,0 6,576 .. 4,0 24,6 71,4 Netherlands

Portugal 4,764 10,0 61,9 54,4 4,498 .. 11,6 33,2 55,2 Portugal

Spain 15,432 12,8 42,0 32,5 12,359 11,4 10,1 32,4 57,5 Spain

Sweden 4,429 1,7 79,1 75,9 4,195 -0,6 3,3 26,5 70,2 Sweden

United Kingdom 28,149 5,5 65,0a 57,1 25,181 6,8 2,2 26,5 71,3 United Kingdom

1992 1982

Total Labour Force Total Civilian Employment

FemaleParticipation Rate 1

%Thousands1992

Changesince 1982

%

Thousands1992

Changesince 1982

%

AgricultureForestry and

Fishing 2

%

Industry 2

%Services 2

%

Notes: .. not available;1. Defined as female labour force of all

ages divided by female populationaged 15-64;

2. See also pp. 26-27;a. 1991;b. 1991/81;c. 1990

Sources: Labour Force Statistics: 1972-1992,OECD, Paris, 1994.


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53

Austria 9,1 8,0 20,5 18,9 1,6 1,5 89,1 87,8 10,2 16,0 Austria

Belgium 11,8a 6,4b 27,4a 16,3b 2,1a 1,3b 89,3a 86,2b 14,1a 13,7 Belgium

Denmark 23,1a 23,7b 37,8a 46,5b 10,5a 5,6b 75,5a 86,9b 9,1a 11,8b Denmark

Finland 7,9 7,7 10,4 11,6 5,5 4,1 64,3 72,0 14,2 12,7 Finland

France 12,7 9,2 24,5 18,9 3,6 2,5 83,7 83,9 12,6 16,4 France

Germany 15,5a 12,0b 34,3a 28,9b 2,7a 1,6b 89,6a 91,9b 9,0 8,7 Germany

Greece 3,9a 3,3b 7,2a 6,6b 2,2a 1,8b 62,9a 62,4b 34,8f 38,9 Greece

Ireland 8,4a 6,6c 17,8a 15,5c 3,6a 2,7c 71,6a 71,6c 21,7a 20,8 Ireland

Italy 5,4 5,1b 10,5 10,1b 2,7 2,9b 67,9 61,4b 24,4a 23,6 Italy

Luxembourg 7,5a 6,3c 17,9a 17,0c 1,9a 1,0c 83,3a 88,9c 10,6a 12,4 Luxembourg

Netherlands 1 32,8 18,7b 62,9 44,6b 13,4 6,9b 75,0 74,6b 9,6a 12,4 Netherlands 1

Portugal 7,2 7,3d 11,0 14,7d 4,2 2,6d 67,4 77,9d 24,5 30,4 Portugal

Spain 5,9 5,8e 13,7 13,9e 2,0 2,4e 76,8 71,5e 21,4 22,1 Spain

Sweden 2 24,3 25,0 41,3 46,5 8,4 6,4 82,3 86,4 9,5 7,7 Sweden 2

United Kingdom 23,2 17,9b 44,6 40,0b 6,1 3,1b 85,4 89,6b 12,2 9,2 United Kingdom

Female Part-TimeEmployment

% of total part-timeemploymentBoth Sexes Women Men

19821992

Part-Time Employmentas % of total employment Self-Employment

% of total employment

19821992 19821992 19821992 19821992

Notes: .. not available;1. Break in series 1985;2. Break in series 1986;a. 1991;b. 1981;

c. 1983;d. 1980;e. 1987;f. 1990

Sources: Employment Outlook, OECD, Paris, July1993; Economic Outlook, OECD, Paris, December1993; Labour Force Statistics: 1972-1992, OECD, Pa-ris, 1994

Employment II

Unemployment Rates1Youth Unemployment Rates

(under 25)% of youth labour force

Long-termUnemployment

(12 months or more)% of total

unemployment

Both sexes% of total

labour force

Women% of total

female labour force

Men% of total

male labour force

Employment III

MenWomen

19821992 19821992 19821992 19821992 19821992 19821992

Austria 3,6 3,5 3,8 4,8 3,5 2,8 .. .. .. .. .. .. Austria

Belgium 9,3a 11,9 13,2a 17,0 6,5a 8,7 61,6a 66,3c .. .. .. .. Belgium

Denmark 9,1a 11,0 10,0a 11,2 8,3a 10,7 31,2a 33,0c .. .. .. .. Denmark

Finland 13,0 5,3 10,5 5,2 15,1 5,4 9,1a 22,3c 21,4 10,2 25,1 9,6 Finland

France 10,2 8,1 12,7 11,2 8,2 6,0 36,1a 42,1 26,1 25,3 16,6 13,8 France

Germany 5,8 6,4 6,4 7,3 5,4 5,9 45,5a 39,3c 6,0b 9,6 5,4b 9,0 Germany

Greece 7,0b 5,8 11,7b 8,0 4,3b 4,7 47,0a 35,0c .. .. .. .. Greece

Ireland 15,7a 11,4 12,1a 9,7 17,3a 12,1 60,3a 36,9c 21,1a 16,6 25,0a 22,9 Ireland

Italy 11,4 8,4 17,2 13,9 7,9 5,6 67,1a 57,7c 38,1 33,3 28,1 23,8 Italy

Luxembourg 1,2a 1,2 2,0a 1,7 1,1a 1,0 .. .. .. .. .. .. Luxembourg

Netherlands 7,0a 11,3 9,5a 11,3 5,3a 11,4 43,0a 50,5 9,5 17,0 10,8 20,2 Netherlands

Portugal 4,1 7,3 4,9 12,1 3,5 4,0 38,3a 56,0d 11,5 23,8 7,8 8,0 Portugal

Spain 18,1 15,6 25,3 18,5 14,0 14,4 47,4 48,5 40,5 39,5 29,6 31,8 Spain

Sweden 5,3 3,1 4,1 3,4 6,3 2,9 8,1a 8,4 9,2 7,8 13,7 7,4 Sweden

United Kingdom 9,5 10,4 5,1 7,0 12,9 12,6 28,1a 47,0 9,9 19,7 19,7 25,9 United Kingdom

Notes: .. not available;1. National definitions;a. 1991;

b. 1990;c. 1983;d. 1986

Sources: Labour Force Statistics: 1971-1991,OECD, Paris, 1993; Employment Outlook, OECD,Paris, July 1993


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Education I1

Pre-primary

Pre-primary

Total2 Primary Secondary Tertiary Total3 Primary Secondary Tertiary

Public Expenditure on Education% of GDP

Full-time Pupils/Studentsper thousand of population

Austria 5,4 0,3 1,0 2,6 1,1 198 25 47 95 31 Austria

Belgium 5,4 0,5 0,9 2,4 0,9 217 38 75 80 25 Belgium

Denmark 6,1 .. .. .. 1,3 195 10 66 90 29 Denmark

Finland 6,7 .. .. .. .. 209 7 78 89 35 Finland

France 5,4 .. .. .. .. 252 45 72 101 30 France

Germany 4,0 0,2 0,5 1,8 0,9 189 28 40 93 28 Germany

Greece .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Greece

Ireland 5,5 0,5 1,6 2,2 1,2 278 36 119 101 20 Ireland

Italy .. .. .. .. .. 200 27 54 94 25 Italy

Luxembourg .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Luxembourg

Netherlands 5,6 0,3 1,3 2,2 1,7 208 24a 77 82 25 Netherlands

Portugal 5,5 0,1 2,2 2,0 0,9 215 17 104 75 18 Portugal

Spain 4,5 0,3 1,0 2,4 0,8 247 25 72 117 31 Spain

Sweden 6,5 0,2 2,3 2,8 1,2 170 11 68 69 22 Sweden

United Kingdom 5,3 0,2 1,4 2,3 1,0 182 14b 79 76 13 United Kingdom

Notes: .. not available;1. 1990-91;2. Expenditure undistributed by school level is included in total;3. Total includes pre-primary pupils enrolled at part-time;a. All pre-primary pupils are enrolled at part-time;b. Some pre-primary pupils are enrolled at part-time

Source: Education at a Glance, OECD, Paris, 1993.

Austria 17,2 1,2 4,1 10,1 1,9 .. .. .. 866 277 Austria

Belgium 21,3 x 7,7a 10,7 1,9 .. 81,6 21,8 .. 484 Belgium

Denmark 16,1 0,7 5,9 8,4 1,0 23,7 77,0 29,0 1.004 380 Denmark

Finland 14,2 .. .. .. .. 14,9 .. .. 1.235 649 Finland

France .. 1,6 3,1 7,2 .. 100,5 83,7 23,6 758 444 France

Germany 11,4 1,2 2,0 5,7 2,6 75,4 82,9 27,8 1.173 445 Germany

Greece .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Greece

Ireland 13,4 1,3 4,5 5,9 1,6 65,0 67,9 .. 783 338 Ireland

Italy .. .. 4,8 10,1 0,8 .. .. .. 507 .. Italy

Luxembourg .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Luxembourg

Netherlands 12,9 1,1 3,9 5,8 2,0 73,8 75,2 23,9 822 357 Netherlands

Portugal 17,7 0,8 7,8 7,5 1,5 58,0 53,8 13,2 506 352 Portugal

Spain 12,8 1,0 3,3 7,0 1,3 82,6 64,2 25,5 637 .. Spain

Sweden .. .. 6,5 6,5 .. 23,1 68,5 14,0 802 492 Sweden

United Kingdom 11,9 0,5 3,7 6,1 1,3 81,9b 48,6 8,4 .. 277 United Kingdom

Notes: .. not available;x included in another category;1. 1990-91;2. Two or more qualifications can be obtained at secondary level;a. Includes pre-primary;b. Some pupils aged 3-6 are enrolled at part-time

Source: Education at a Glance, OECD, Paris, 1993

ObtainingSecondaryQualifica-

tions2

Number of full-time equivalent teachersper thousand of population

Full-time Enrolment Rates% of age-group concerned

Proportion of Age-groupConcerned per

thousand of age-group

Enteringtertiary

EducationTotal Primary Secondary Tertiary 3-6 15-19 20-24Pre-

primary

Education II1


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Austria

Unemployment and Labour marketflexibility: AustriaWalterskichen E.ILO (International Labour Office)Geneva, ILO, 1991, 134 p.ISBN 92-2-107290-8

Das berufliche Bildungswesen in derRepublik ÖsterreichCEDEFOP (Europäisches Zentrum für dieFörderung der Berufsbildung)Berlin, 1994 (en cours d’édition)

The School Psychology-EducationalCounselling Service informs aboutEducation in AustriaWien, Bundesministerium für Unterrichtund Kunst, feuillet d’information, 1994DE, EN, FR

Berufliche Bildung in ÖsterreichsUnternehmenWien, Bundeswirschaftskammer, 31 p.,1988

Betriebliche Weiterbildung in Öster-reich. Strukturen und Entwicklungendes überbetrieblichen Weiterbildungs-marktes (Band II)Kailer N.Wien, IBW (Institut für Bildungsforschungder Wirtschaft), 1989, 240 p.

Higher education and employment:the changing relationship. Recentdevelopments in continuing profes-sional education. Country report -AustriaOECD (Organization for Economic co-operation and Develpment)Paris, OECD, 1991, 20 p.

Finland

Developments in education 1992-1994. FinlandMinistry of EducationHelsinki, 1994, 98 p.

Vocational Education in FinlandNational Board of EducationHelsinki, 1991, 45 p.

Education in FinlandMinistry for Foreign AffairsHelsinki, booklet, 5 p., 1991

Educational strategies in Finland inthe 1990sKivinen O.; Rinne R.Turku, University of Turku, 1992, 134 p.

The Changing role of vocational andtechnical education and training inFinlandKyrö M. (ed.)National Board of Educationunpublished (OECD-project: The chang-ing role of vocational and technical educ-ation and training), 1993, 76 p. + annexes

Further education and training of theLabour Force. Country report-FinlandOECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development)Paris, OECD, 1990, 40 p.

Continuing vocational education andtraining in FinlandMinistry of EducationHelsinki, 1990, 27 p.

Weiterbildung in Finnland. WenigerStaat mehr MarktWolbeck M.in: Grundlagen der Weiterbildung, 3(2),1992, Neuwied, p. 96-99ISSN: 0937-2172

Higher Education Policy in FinlandMinistry for EducationHelsinki, 1994, 161 p.ISBN 951-47-8305-0

Higher education and employment:The changing relationship. Recentdevelopments in continuing profes-sional education: Country reportFinlandParjanen M.Organization for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD)Paris, OECD, 1991, 20 p.

An Introduction to Higher Educationin Finland. A Brief Guide for ForeignStudentsMinistry of Education, Department forHigher Education and Research

Bibliographical data


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56

Helsinki, Ministry of Education,1990, 52 p.ISBN 951-47-33-64-9

Study in Finland. International Pro-grammes in Finnish Universities 1992-1993Finnish Centre for International Mobilityand Exchange ProgrammesHelsinki, Ministry of Education,1992, 148 p.ISSN 0788-5695

Higher Education and Research inFinlandMinistry of EducationHelsinki, Ministry of Education,1988, 89 p.ISBN 951-47-2071-7

Unemployment and labour marketflexibility: FinlandLilja R., Santamäki-Vuori T., Standing G.International Labour Office (ILO)Geneva, ILO, 1990, 222 p.ISBN 92-2-107273-8

Finnish Polytechnics.An Experimental ReformMinistry of EducationHelsinki, 1993, 16 p.

Sweden

Education in Sweden 1994Statistics SwedenÖrebro, 1994, 80 p.

The Swedish schoolsystemSkolverketStockholm, 1994, inormation sheets

Berufliche Bildung in Deutschlandund Sweden im VergleichPaland M.CDG (Carl Duisberg Gesellschaft)Köln, 1992

La formation en Suède: de l’éducationpopulaire à la formation en entrepriseCentre InffoParis-la-Défense, in: Inffo Flash (Le Dos-sier), n° 402, 23.02.1994, 4 p.

Coherence between compulsory edu-cation, initial and continuing trainingand adult education in SwedenHjorth S.

Swedish Ministry of Education and ScienceDocument prepared for the EuropeanCentre for the Development of VocationalTraining (CEDEFOP)Stockholm, 1994, 48 p.Available at CEDEFOP

Adult education in the 1990s: consid-erations and proposalsSwedish National Board of EducationStockholm, 1991, 50 p.

Industry training in Australia, Swedenand the United StatesOrganization for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD)Paris, OECD, 1993, 104 p.ISBN 92-64-13905-2

The effectiveness of training boards inSwedenGranander S.ILO (International Labour Office)Geneva, ILO, Discussion paper, n°108,1993

The expanding learning enterprise inSwedenAbrahamsson K.; Hultinger E.S.;Svenningsson L. (eds)Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs;National Board of EducationStockholm, NBE reports-planning. Followup and Evaluation 90/10, 1990, 101 p.;bibl. p. 98-101

The Swedish Way. Towards a LearningSocietySwedish Ministry of Education and ScienceStockholm, 1993, 169 p.ISBN 91-38-1375-0

Higher education and employment:the changing relationship. Recentdevelopments in Continuing Profes-sional Education. Country study:SwedenOrganization for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD)Paris, OECD, 1991, p. 25

Unemployment and labour marketflexibility: SwedenStanding G.International Labour Office (ILO)Geneva, ILO, 1988, 150 p.ISBN 92-2-106265-1


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Useful addresses

Austria

❏ Public bodies

Bundesministerium für Unterrichtund Kunst (BMUK)Abt. II/7z.H. Herrn Ministerialrat Mag. Peter Kreimlz.H. Herrn Rat Mag. SchlickMinoritenplatz 5A-1014 WienTel. 431++53120/4339Tel. 431+53120/4491Fax 431+53120/4130

Bundesministerium fürwirtschaftliche AngelegenheitenStubenring 1A-1010 WienTel. 431+71100/5223 (Mag. Jost)Fax 431+7142718Fax 431+7137995

Bundesministerium für Wissenschaftund ForschungRosengasse 2-6A-1014 WienTel. 431+53120/5920Fax 431+53120/6205

Bundeskammer der gewerblichenWirtschaftz.H. Herrn Dr. Georg PiskatyWiedner Hauptstrasse 63A-1045 WienTel. 431+50105/4072Tel. 431+50105/4073Fax 431+50206/261

Vereinigung österreichischerIndustriellerz.H. Frau Mag. Gerlinde PammerScharzenbergplatz 4A-1030 WienTel. 431+71135/2365Fax 431+71135/2922

Kammer für Arbeiter und Angestelltez.H. Herrn Mag. Ernst LöwePrinz-Eugen-Strasse 20-22A-1040 WienTel. 431+50165/2473Fax 431+50165/2230

Kammer für Arbeiter und Angestelltez. H. Frau Mag. Brigitte StierlPrinz-Eugen-Strasse 20-22A-1040 WienTel. 431+50165/3132Fax 431+50165/2230Fax 431+50165/3186

Österreichischer Gewerkschaftsbundz.H. Herrn Sekretär Gerhard PragerHohenstaufengasse 10-12A-1010 WienTel. 431+53444/466Fax 431+53444204

❏ Research institutes

Bundesministerium für Wissenschaftund Forschungz.H. Herrn Ministerialrat Dr. HeinzKasparovskyRosengasse 2-6A-1014 WienTel. 431+53120/5920Fax 431+53120/6205

Institut für Berufs- und Erwachsen-enbildungsforschung an derUniversität Linz (IBE)z.H. Univ. Doz. Mag. Dr. W. BlumbergerRaimundstrasse 17A-4020 LinzTel. 4370+6511083Fax 4370+609313/12

Institut für Bildungsforschung derWirtschaft (IBW)z.H. Herrn Dr. Klaus SchedlerRainergrasse 38A-1050 WienTel. 431+5451671/27Fax. 431+5451671/22

Österreichisches Institut fürBerufsbildungsforschung (ÖIBF)z.H. Frau Maria HofstätterKolingasse 15A-1090 WienTel. 431+31033340Tel. 431+3197772Fax 431+3197772


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National Board of Education(Opetushallitus):Areas of expertise: evaluation,EURYDICE, CEDEFOP, INES, compari-son of certifications, lines of educa-tional policy, general administration ofeducationP.O. Box 380FIN-00531 HelsinkiTel. 3580+774775

Ministry of Education/Planning UnitSecretariat (Opetusministeriö/suunnittelusihteeristö)Areas of expertise: strategies for futureplanning of educationP.O. Box 293FIN-00171 HelsinkiTel. 3580+134171

❏ Research institutes

The Research Institute (FISS)Swedish School of Social SciencePB 16 (Topeliusgatan 16)FIN-00014 University of Helsinki

University of Tampere: Work Re-search Centre (Tampereen yliopisto:Työelämän tutkimuskeskus)The links between work and education,specialized research concerning workand chances in workP.O. Box 607FIN-33101 TampereTel. 35831+156111Fax 35831+157265

University of LapplandFaculty of Social ScienceUnit for Social WorkP.B. 122FIN-96101 RovaniemiTel. 35860+3241Fax 35860+32420

University of Jyväskylä: Institute forEducational Research (Jyväskylänyliopisto: kasvatustieteidentutkimuslaitos)Areas of expertise: learning resultsIEAE, Votec, specialized research foreducationP.O. Box 35FIN-40351 JyväskyläTel. 35841+601211

Institut für höhere Studienz.H. Herrn Dr. Lorenz LassnigStumpergasse 56A-1060 WienTel. 431+599910

Industriewissenschaftliches Institutz.H. Mag. Alexander KohlerReisnerstrasse 40A-1030 WienTel. 431+7153790

❏ Social Partners

Employers’ Organization

Vereinigung ÖsterreichischerIndustrieller (VÖI)Haus der Industrie Scharzenbergplatz, 4A-1031 Wien IIITel. 431+711350Fax 431+711352507

Trade Union

ÖGBHohenstaufengasse 10-12Postfach 155A-1011 WienTel. 431+2253444Fax 431+225344/4204

Finland

❏ Public bodies

Ministry of LabourEteläesplanadi 4Box 524FIN-00101 HelsinkiTel. 3580+18561Fax 3580+1856427

National Board of EducationHakaniemenkatu 2FIN-00530 HelsinkiTel. 3580+7061Fax 3580+7062865

Further education centre for the vo-cational institutes and administrationLapinniemenranta 12FIN-33180 TampereTel. 35831+534400Fax 35831+534434


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University of Turku: Research Unit forthe Sociology of Education (Turunyliopisto, koulutussosiologian tutki-muskeskus)Sociologically oriented research of educationHämeenkatu 1FIN-20500 TurkuTel. 35821+6335878

Government Institute for EconomicResearch (Valtion taloudellinentutkimuskeskus)Economic research of educationHämeentie 3FIN-00530 HelsinkiTel. 3580+70371

The Research Institute of the FinnishEconomy (ETLA) (ElinkeinoelämänTutkimuslaitos)Lönnrothinkatu 4 BFIN-00120 HelsinkiTel. 3580+609900Fax 3580+601753

National Research and DevelopmentCentre for Welfare and Health (STAKES)Sosiaali- ja terveysalan tutkimus- jakehittämiskeskusP.O. Box 220FIN-00531 HelsinkiTel. 3580+39671Fax 3580+761307

❏ Social Partners

Trade Unions

Central Organization of FinnishTrade Unions (SAK)Siltasaarenkatu 3 AFIN-00530 HelsinkiTel. 3580+77211Fax 3580+7721447

Finnish Confederation of SalariedEmployees (STTK)Ponjoisranta 4 AP.B. 248FIN-00171 HelsinkiTel. 3580+131521Fax 3580+652367

Confederation of Unions for AcademicProfessionnals in Finland (AKAVA)Rautatieläisenkatu 6FIN-00520 HelsinkiTel. 3580+141822Fax 3580+142595

Employers’ Organizations

Confederation of Finnish Industryand Employers (TT)Eteläranta 10; P.B. 30FIN-00131 HelsinkiTel. 3580+68681Fax 3580+68682316

Employers’ Confederation of ServiceIndustries in Finland (LTK)Eteläranta 10FIN-00130 HelsinkiTel. 3580+179831Fax 3580+655588

Commission for Local AuthorityEmployers (Kunnallinen Työmark-kinalaitos)2 linja 14, KuntataloFIN-00530 HelsinkiTel. 3580+7711Fax 3580-7012239

Sweden

❏ Public bodies

National Employment-TrainingBoard (AMU-Gruppen)Box 1264; S-11119 StockholmTel. 468+7016500

UtbildningsdepartementetMinistry of Education and ScienceDrottninggatan 16S-10333 StockholmTel. 468+7631000Fax468+7231734

Skolverket-National Agency for edu-cationKungsgatan 53S-10620 StockolmTel. 468+7233200Fax 468+244420

ArbetsdepartementetMinistry of LabourDrottninggatan 21S-10333 StocholmTel. 468+7631000Fax 468+210842


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Arbetsmarknadsstyrelsen SwedishNational Labour Market BoardS-17199 SolnaTel. 468+7306000Fax 468+278368

Statistics SwedenDepartment of Labour and EducationalStatisticsS-70189 ÖrebroTel. 4619+176000

❏ Research Institutes

The Industrial Institute for Eco-nomic and Social Research(Industrins utrednings institut)Box 5501S-11485 StockholmTel. 468+7838000Fax 468+6617969

Stockholm Institute of EducationLärarhögskolan i StockholmBox 34103S-10026 Stockholm

The Council for Research into Uni-versities and University CollegesRädet för forskning om universitetoch högskolorBox 45501S-10430 StockholmTel. 468+7283802

Stockholms Universitet/Institutionerför internationell pedagogikStockholm University/Institute of In-ternational EducationS-10691 StockholmTel. 468+162000Fax 468+153133

❏ Social Partners

Employers’ Organizations

Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen (SAF)Swedish Employers’ Confederation(SAF)S-10330 StockholmTel. 468+7626000Fax 468+7626290

Swedish engineeringemployers’assocation (VF)Box 5510Storgatan 5S-11485 StockholmTel. 468+7820800

Trade Unions

The Swedish Trade Union Confedera-tion (LO)Bainhusgatan 1S-10553 StockholmTel. 468+7962500Fax 468+7962800

The Swedish Confederation ofProfessional Employees (TCO)S-11494 StockholmTel. 468+7829100Fax 468+7829108


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Reading

Europe - International

Rea

din

g se

lect

ion

This section lists the mostimportant and recentpublications on developmentsin training and qualifica-tions at an international andEuropean level. Givingpreference to comparativeworks, it also lists nationalstudies carried out as part ofinternational and Europeanprogrammes, analyses of theimpact of Community actionon the Member States andnational studies seen froman external perspective. TheSection, “From the MemberStates”, lists a selection ofimportant national publica-tions.

Information material,studies and comparativeresearch

Vocational education and training in❏ Belgium (FR, IT, NL)❏ Denmark (DA, EN, ES, FR)❏ Germany (DE, EN, ES, FR, GR, NL,PT)❏ Spain (ES)❏ France (DA, DE, EN, ES, FR, IT, PT)❏ Greece (DE, EN, GR)❏ Italy (DE, FR, IT)❏ Ireland (EN, ES)❏ Luxembourg (EN, ES, FR, PT)❏ the Netherlands (DE, EN, FR, PT)❏ Portugal (PT)❏ the United Kingdom (DE, EN, ES, IT,PT)European Centre for the Development ofVocational Training (CEDEFOP)Luxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities,1993, 1994

After describing the administrative, demo-graphic and economic context and giv-ing a brief synopsis of the history of train-ing systems, these national monographslook at the operation of initial and con-tinuing vocational training, the organiza-tions in charge of training, the role of thesocial partners, and the financing of train-ing. The monographs also include a de-scription of trends and current develop-ments.

Structures of the education and initialtraining systems in the Member Statesof the European Union and in theEFTA/EEA countriesPrepared in cooperation by the EducationInformation Network in the EuropeanCommunity (EURYDICE) and the Euro-pean Centre for the Development of Vo-cational Training (CEDEFOP)European Commission: Task Force HumanResources, Education, Training and YouthLuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities,currently being publishedDE, EN, FR

This second edition has been written onthe basis of information supplied to theEURYDICE European Uni t by theEURYDICE National Units, and has beenvalidated by the competent nationalauthorities. All countries are dealt with ina similar way in order to facilitate com-parison between them, if desired. Chap-ters cover: responsibilities for and admin-istration of the education system as awhole, plus a description of pre-school,primary and secondary education pro-vision up to the end of compulsoryschooling. Both the public and the pri-vate sectors are taken into account.

The determinants of transitions inyouth. Papers from the conference or-ganized by the ESF network on Tran-sitions in Youth, CEDEFOP and GRET(Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona).Barcelona 20-21 September 1993European Centre for the Development ofVocational Training (CEDEFOP)Berlin, CEDEFOP Panorama, no. 43, 1994,338 pagesENAvailable free of charge from CEDEFOP

This was the first international meetingof the “European Science Foundation Net-work on Transitions in Youth”, which hasthe long-term goal of advancing theoreti-cal understanding of transitions in youth,and especially, of the relationships be-tween education/training and the labourmarket, through the comparative analy-sis of regular and longitudinal surveys oftransitions. The conference had five work-shops: perspectives on systems, institu-tions and changes; labour market itiner-aries of secondary school-leavers; socialand household dimensions of youth tran-sitions; the process and consequences ofeducational differentiation; labour marketitineraries of higher education graduates.The ensuing papers reproduced here al-low comparison of approaches and pre-occupations between countries and iden-tify complex and multi-dimensional fea-tures of the integration process whichinvolves numerous economic, social andpersonal factors.

This section has beenprepared by

Maryse Pescheland the DocumentationService with the help ofmembers of the nationaldocumentation network(cf. last page)

CE

DE

FOP

CE

DE

FOP panorama

The Determinants of Transitions in Youth

Papers from the conference organized by the ESF Network on Transitions in Youth, CEDEFOP and GRET (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)

Barcelona20-21 September 1993

Conference papers


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Occupations in the tourist sector. Acomparative analysis in nine Commu-nity StatesGuerra D.; Peroni GEuropean Centre for the Development ofVocational Training (CEDEFOP)Luxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities,1994, 576 pagesISBN 92-826-8367-2 (en)EN, FR, IT

This study on occupations in the hoteland tourist sector is part of the “Com-munity directory of occupational profiles”project. This project, which was launchedin 1990, is intended as an experiment fora method of international comparison ofoccupations in the hotel and tourist sec-tor, in the electronics industry and in theaudio-visual sector. On the basis of thenational reports for nine countries (Bel-gium, Denmark, Germany, Spain, Greece,France, Italy, Portugal, United Kingdom),the study presents the methodology fol-lowed, an analysis of the tourist sector inthe various countries and a card index ofthe 27 vocational profiles selected. Foreach of the profiles selected, this indexconsists of a comparative file followed bynine national files comprising: a de-scription of the reference function, a chartof the vocational tasks, the skills required,the typical training route, its duration andcertification.A first report, published in 1992 byCEDEFOP, is offered for sale at the Officefor Official Publications of the EuropeanCommunities: “Community directory ofoccupational profiles. Occupations inthe Hotel Tourist Sector within theEuropean Community - A ComparativeAnalysis” ISBN 92-826-2986-4 (en).

Trends in the structure of qualifica-tions for occupations relating to com-puter networksHaji C.European Centre for the Development ofVocational Training (CEDEFOP)Berlin, CEDEFOP Panorama, no. 47, 1994,38 pagesEN, FRAvailable free of charge from CEDEFOP

This report is a first attempt at a com-parative study of the structures of quali-fications in various national contexts. Car-

ried out in Germany, France, Italy, theNetherlands, Portugal and the UnitedKingdom, the study compares the evolu-tion of qualifications for occupations in-volving the installation, management andmaintenance of local or long-distancenetworks. Jobs relating to computer net-works involve new and highly specificqualifications, which involve the follow-ing functions: research and planning, in-stallation, management, user assistance(desk help), control and maintenance. Onthe basis of the national conclusionsdrawn, it would seem that companies seekpersons with a high degree of adaptabil-ity, who are able to establish interpersonalrelations of high quality for the success-ful execution of the functions listed above.A summary of this study has been pub-lished in the CEDEFOP Flash series, 3/94(DE, EN, FR).

Higher education in the EuropeanUnion. Facts and figures over a dec-adeEuropean CommissionLuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities,1994, 116 pagesISBN 92-826-6830-4 (en)DE, EN, FR

This report begins with a description ofthe methodological aspects of the studyand continues with a proposal for the sta-tistical analysis of higher education in theEuropean Union from 1980 to 1990. Thefollowing aspects are covered for eachcountry: the higher education system, stu-dent numbers, diplomas offered, teach-ing staff, duration of courses, unemploy-ment among graduates and financing. Acomparative analysis rounds off the re-port.

Employment in Europe 1994European CommissionCOM (94) 381 final, 14.09.94, 190 pagesLuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities,ISBN 92-77-80666-4 (en)ISSN 0254-1475 (en)DA, DE, EN, ES, FR, GR, IT, NL, PT

This is the sixth report in an annual se-ries aimed at providing business, tradeunions, governments and interest groups


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with an up-to-date overview of many as-pects of employment in the EuropeanCommunity. The information is dividedunder two main headings: Part 1 - em-ployment prospects - looks at the trendsin the Community with regard to employ-ment. Part 2 examines the progress madein the Member States concerning the ac-tions foreseen by the White Paper onemployment, growth, competitiveness. Aseries of graphics completes the report.

The European report on science andtechnology indicators 1994European CommissionLuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities, 1994,338 pages + annex (Studies 1)ISBN 92-826-9004-0ISSN 1018-5593EN

This first European report of science andtechnology indicators focuses on the sci-ence and technology performance of the12 EU Member States, but also includesdetailed information on the EFTA coun-tries and some Central and Eastern Euro-pean economies, as well as internationalcomparisons with the other major scienceand technology performing countries inthe world. The indicators are divided intosix parts covering: the level and trend inthe aggregate resources devoted to sci-ence and technology; industrial R&D andcompetitiveness; the specificities of thevarious national S&T systems in Europe;intra-European cooperation in this area;cooperation agreements of the EU withother countries / regions of the world;and the differences between Europeancountries in their attitudes to S&T.

• Eurocounsel synthesis final report,phase 2. Counselling - a tool for theprevention and solution of unemploy-ment. Case study portfolio.Examples of innovative practice inlabour market counsellingEuropean Foundation for the Improve-ment of Living and Working ConditionsLuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities, 1994,116 pagesISBN 92-826-7868-7 (en)ISBN 92-826-6906-8 (en, case study)DE, EN, FR

As unemployment rises in most parts ofEurope, increasing recognition is beinggiven to the role which counselling, ad-vice, information and guidance servicescan play as tools to prevent and solveunemployment. This report summarizesthe results of the second phase of theFoundation’s programme, Eurocounsel,the aim of which is to improve the qual-ity and effectiveness of counselling ser-vices for the unemployed and those atrisk of becoming so. The focus in thissecond phase has been to build on trans-national work, through a pilot programmeof exchange visits for practitioners. In ad-dition, a portfolio of case studies of in-teresting and innovative experience fromthe seven participating countries has beencompiled. The results of this second phaseof the programme highlight the problemsassociated with the rise in unemployment,including the pressure this places on re-sources and the difficulties for counsel-ling providers in areas with low demandfor labour. The report concludes by mak-ing recommendations as to the ways inwhich counselling services can be im-proved.

• A guide to good practice in labourmarket counsellingEuropean Foundation for Improvement ofLiving and Working ConditionsLuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities, 1994,20 pagesISBN 92-826-8851-8EN

This booklet outlines key elements ofgood practice in labour market coun-selling which have emerged from thework of the Foundation’s Eurocounselprogramme to date and from the knowl-edge and experience of researchers,policy makers and practitioners in thisfield. The aim of this booklet is to pro-vide a summary of good practice drawnfrom European experience which canserve as an aide-mémoire to those con-cerned with improving counselling ser-vices in relation to the prevention and so-lution of long-term unemployment.


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The changing role of VOTEC (Voca-tional and technical education andtraining):

❏ Vocational education and trainingfor youth: towards coherent policyand practiceOrganization for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD)Paris, OECD, 1994, 180 pagesISBN 92-64-14285-1EN, FR

This volume explores four themes in aneffort to identify and explain the link thatproduces effective VOTEC. The themesstudied are: educational pathways, learn-ing strategies integrating theory with prac-tice, the role of social partners, and policycoordination.

❏ Vocational training in Germany:Modernization and responsivenessOrganization for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD)Paris, OECD, 1994, 134 pagesISBN 92-64-14301-7EN, FR

This publication looks at the historicalcontext of Germany’s dual system of vo-cational training and the challenges it hasfaced since the introduction of the Voca-tional Training Act in 1969. It examinesthe capacity of two sectors, the metal-working industry and the building trade,to respond to social and economicchanges and the subsequent demands fornew and higher skills. The study revealsthe importance of negotiation and coop-eration between government (at federaland state levels), the social partners andresearch institutes in all aspects of thedecision-making process from the elabo-ration of vocational training policy to theregulation of training capacity and qual-ity. This complex method of cooperation,based on a historical tradition of co-de-termination, allowed vocational trainingto modernize its structures and processesto meet the challenges of the 1970s and1980s. The future of the dual system willdepend on its continued attractiveness forable and ambitious young people and itsongoing capacity to adapt to changingconditions in the workplace.

❏ Vocational training in the Nether-lands: Reform and innovationOrganization for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD)Paris, OECD, 1994, 220 pagesISBN 92-64-14298-3EN, FR

In the Netherlands, there has recentlybeen growing emphasis to bridge the gapbetween general and vocational educa-tion: the vocational element in universityprogrammes is being strengthened and thevocational sector is increasingly recog-nized as providing programmes and quali-fications equivalent to those of univer-sities. Following a general overview ofthese policy reforms and innovations, thispublication focuses on developments infour areas of economic activity whichhave affected the needs and demands forknowledge and skills: tourism, the print-ing industry, installation technology, andCNC machining and flexible productionautomation. These sectoral case studiesreveal that shifts in vocational educationand training run parallel to changes inindustry structures. The national andsectoral qualification structure presentlyin elaboration will reinforce the integra-tion of school- and firm-based pathways,and thereby better harmonize trainingwith industry needs.

The OECD jobs study - Evidence andexplanations. Part I: Labour markettrends and underlying forces ofchange. Part II: The adjustment poten-tial of the labour marketOrganization for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD)Paris, OECD, 1994, 170 pages (Part I),300 pages (Part II)ISBN 92-64-14241-X (en)EN, FR

This book follows an initial overview re-port, The OECD Jobs Study: Facts, Analy-sis, Strategies, which sets out the facts thatdepict today’s unemployment, analyzesthe fundamental factors that produced itand recommends strategies to foster jobcreation and prepare people for the newjobs. This companion report provides thedetailed empirical and analytical under-pinning to that overview. It looks at la-bour markets and analyzes how unem-ployment has been affected by factors


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such as macro-economic management,competition from low-wage countries,faster technological change and slow ad-justment to new jobs and skills. The OECDJobs Study: Evidence and Explanation(volume I) pursues the finding that muchunemployment is the unfortunate resultof societies’ failure to adapt to a world ofrapid change and intensified global com-petition. Rules and regulations, practicesand policies, and institutions designed foran earlier era have resulted in labourmarkets that are too inflexible for today’sworld. It explores how policy can betteraddress wage formation; active rather thanpassive approaches to getting people backinto jobs; improving skills and compe-tences; design and management of unem-ployment benefit systems; and taxation.Evidence and Explanations (volume II)describes varying patterns of performanceand policy needs in different OECD coun-tries. Future volumes in this series willexamine individual country experiences.

New directions in labour marketpolicy: a territorial approach in theNordic countriesParis, OECD, 1994, 12 pages (Innovation& Emploi, no. 16)EN, FROECD - Leed Programme, Paul Paradis,2 rue André Pascal,F-75775 Paris Cedex 16

The Nordic model symbolizes an activestrategy on the part of public authoritiesto promote employment and avoid un-employment and poverty. As societiesevolve, the content and significance of the“Nordic” model change. This issueanalyzes some of the main modificationsto the Nordic labour market policies andtheir connection with local and regionaldevelopment. It sheds light on the devel-opment of partnerships between variousprotagonists in the public and private sec-tors. The key word “active measure” stillreflects an essential objective of publicauthorities, but it has taken on a new di-mension as the issues involved havechanged. What is needed is a new, moredirect participation model which wouldleave more responsibility in the hands ofthe individual. This re-orientation alsopresupposes an adaptation of services ona local level, which should ensure morecontracts and counselling and serve as a

catalyst for individual and local develop-ment.

Financement et régulation de la for-mation professionnelle: une analysecomparéeStudy realized within the scope of the IIPE(Institut international de planification del’éducation) research and study pro-gramme: Développement des resourceshumaines - Nouvelles tendances dansl’enseignement technique et professionnelAtchoarena D.Paris, UNESCO: IIPE, 1994, 105 pagesFRIIPE, 7-9 rue Eugène-Delacroix,F-75116 Paris

Financing for both initial and continuingvocational training is one aspect of theglobal financial crisis in education. Facedwith this situation, planners currently tendto promote a re-distribution in which re-sponsibilities and tasks are shared be-tween the various protagonists of train-ing (state, companies, families, em-ployees). This book attempts to analyzethe principles and mechanisms involvedin the financing of vocational training. Asecond dimension attempts to show howfinancing policies, beyond simple fund-collecting, aim at mobilizing protagonists,through constraints or incitements, toimprove the functioning of vocationaltraining systems. The comparative ap-proach, in addition to describing indi-vidual systems, sheds light on significantcommon tendencies. The book ends witha reflection on the links between financ-ing and quality of training. The questionof financing inevitably leads to a discus-sion on the role of the state in planningand regulation, and underscores the scopeand diversity of the forms of involvementof the other protagonists of development,in particular the social partners.

Unevoc INFOUnited Nations Educational, Scientific andCultural Organization (UNESCO)Paris, UNESCO, September 1994, 8 pages(Unevoc Info no. 1)ISSN 120-2544 (fr)EN, FR

UNESCO is publishing this first issue ofUNEVOC’s quarterly information bulletin


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within the framework of the internationalproject for technical and vocational edu-cation (UNEVOC). UNEVOC is an inter-national project aiming at developing andimproving technical and vocational edu-cation in countries belonging to UNESCO.It is based on exchange of information,establishment of networks and a numberof other methods of international coop-eration. This bulletin will contain infor-mation on UNEVOC’s activities (techni-cal meetings of working groups, trainingseminars, case studies, comparative stud-ies and cooperation projects), but alsoinformation from other sources on inno-vations in technical and vocational edu-cation. The first issue includes an exposéoutlining the initial phase of the UNEVOCproject, presenting the history, the me-chanisms, the structure and the sectors ofthe programme as well as a descriptionof 1992-1993 activities and future actions.

Des politiques publiques d’incitationà la formation professionnelle conti-nue. Propositions pour une démarched’analyseZygmunt C.; Rose J.International Labour Office (ILO): Train-ing Policy and Programme DevelopmentBranchGeneva, ILO, 1994, 55 pages (TrainingPolicy Studies, 14)ISBN 92-2-209307-0FR

The aim of the first part of this study is toidentify and describe government policiesof incitement to continuing vocationaltraining in OECD countries. Why havethey been set up? What is their theoreti-cal justification? The second part describesthese policies in an attempt to draw uptypologies on the basis of the componentsof these policies. How are incitementpolicies set up? What is their target group?How is this group to be reached? And fi-nally, the third part of the study looks atevaluation modalities, an essential issuein practice: setting up measures of thissort, in view of the magnitude of the ex-penditure and the political consequencesinvolved, must be followed by an evalua-tion phase. A bibliography, synoptic chartsand examples of measures of incitementto continuing vocational training roundoff the report.

Decentralization of vocational train-ing in ItalyBulgarelli A.; Giovine M.International Labour Office (ILO): Train-ing Policy and Programme DevelopmentBranchGeneva, ILO, 1994, 16 pages (TrainingPolicy Studies, 10)ISBN 92-2-109347-6EN

Following a brief introduction describingthe organization and the functioning ofvocational training in Italy, this reportanalyzes how the Regions have reactedto vocational training needs in fulfilmentof the role entrusted to them by the Ital-ian constitution. The conclusions drawnby the study show that it is necessary toreform the organization and the institu-tions involved, as each Region has cre-ated its own system. Although this is ac-tually a positive aspect, it is neverthelessnecessary to develop a policy of coordi-nation so that vocational training activ-ities are more effective.

Adult training:

❏ Retraining adults in GermanyJohanson R.International Labour Office (ILO): Train-ing Policy and Programme DevelopmentBranchGeneva, ILO, 1994, 29 pages (TrainingPolicy Studies, 4)ISBN 92-2-109310-7EN

❏ Ireland: adult training and retrainingJohanson R.International Labour Office (ILO): Train-ing Policy and Programme DevelopmentBranchGeneva, ILO, 1994, 33 pages (TrainingPolicy Studies, 2)ISBN 92-2-109317-4EN

❏ Retraining adult workers in SwedenAlfthan T.; Jonzon B.International Labour Office (ILO): Train-ing Policy and Programme DevelopmentBranchGeneva, ILO, 1994, 25 pages (TrainingPolicy Studies, 3)ISBN 92-2-109308-5EN


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This set of reports gives an overview ofthe system of adult training and retrainingin Ireland, Sweden and Germany, focus-ing on the retraining of adults for newoccupations due to restructuring of thenational economies. Their underlyingpurpose is to draw conclusions and les-sons that may be relevant to other coun-tries which are faced with similar restruc-turing problems and establishing newnational adult training and retraining sys-tems. Each report is complemented by ashort bibliography and statistics.

Introduction to public employmentservicesRicca S.International Labour Office (ILO)Geneva, ILO, 1994, 150 pagesISBN 92-2-107106-5 (en)EN, FR

The various topics covered concern: thedifferent stages in the development ofemployment services by reference to theinternational labour conventions adoptedsince 1919; the numerous traditional ornew technical functions which these ser-vices carry out today; the statutes andstructures of employment services; therole of workers’ organizations and theproblems posed by their participation;their internal management.

Employment policy and employmentin the transition economies of Centraland Eastern Europe: What have welearned?Jackman R.International Labour Office (ILO)Geneva, in: International Labour Review3(133), 1994, p. 361-382ISSN 0020-7780 (en)EN, FR

Examining the macro-economic evolutionand re-structuring of the economy and thelabour market after several years of tran-sition, the author postulates that the col-lapse of production can be explained bysupply-side shocks rather than by defla-tionist policies or by re-structuring. Un-employment - especially long-term job-lessness - has increased dramatically inseveral countries, and private companiesare not recruiting their staff from the massof unemployed, preferring to look for

workers in the state sector. The impor-tance of re-structuring should thereforenot be measured against employment lev-els, but rather on the basis of changes inthe sectoral make-up of production. Hav-ing investigated the various possible so-lutions involving salary determination, theauthor recommends gradually rationaliz-ing over-staffed state enterprises, promot-ing private sector recruiting and businessstart-ups, and adopting a policy favour-ing mobility so as to promote re-employ-ment.

Europahandbuch Weiterbildung / Eu-ropean Manual of Continuing Educa-tion / Manuel Européen de la Forma-tion ContinueKaiser A: Feuchthofen J.E.; Güttler R.Neuwied; Kriftel; Berlin, Luchterhand,1994, multiple pagesISBN 3-472-00569-6DE

The idea of this handbook is to facilitatethe development of contacts and co-operation in continuing vocational train-ing, which have been taking place paral-lel to the European integration process.Its loose-leaf presentation allows it to beupdated regularly. It provides informationon the continuing training situation andthe latest developments in all Europeancountries. It presents organizations al-ready working in this area in a trans-na-tional context and serves as a usefulsource of addresses for those interestedin collaboration with organizations in con-tinuing training sectors.

Vers l’harmonisation ou le maintiendes spécificités. Enseignement supé-rieur hors université en Belgique etformations supérieures équivalentesen EuropeFédération Nationale de l’EnseignementSupérieur Catholique (FNESUC); ComitéEuropéen pour l’Enseignement Catholique(CEEC)Brussels, FNESUC, 1993, 145 pages + an-nexesFRFNESUC, rue Guimard 1, B-1040 Brussels

The records of this colloquium on theEuropean dimension of higher educationinclude the main contributions aiming at


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extracting from the diversity of teachingsituations a European content of this typeof teaching in terms of the expectationsand needs of enterprises and also on thebasis of quality criteria. The annexes pro-vide the reader with a description of thestructures of higher education in Europeand the priorities for action.

Training for work, funding pilotstudy: International comparisonsGreen A.; Mace J.; Steedman H.London, National Institute of Economicand Social Research (NIESR), 1994,unpagedENNIESR, 2 Dean Trench Str eet, SmithSquare, UK-London SW1P 3HE

This report looks at five countries: USA,United Kingdom, France, pre-unificationGermany and Sweden. Areas consideredin detail are the organization and fund-ing of state-provided training, work ex-perience and job-searching activities; theextent to which and the methods by whichthe state contracts with the providers ofthese activities; how funding is related tooutputs; the structure of any differentialfunding system; evidence of the successof output and differential funding in meet-ing objectives.

L’Europe de l’emploi ou comment fontles autresBernhard Brunhes ConsultantsParis, Les Editions d’Organisation, 1994,296 pagesISBN 2-7081-1681-9FR

This book is the result of a broad surveyof some sixty companies, trade union /employer organizations and study organi-zations carried out in six countries of theEuropean Union. What are the prospectsof major companies? Are they still recruit-ing? How do they decide where to con-centrate their activities? How do theymanage the skills at their disposal, thecareers of their personnel? Faced withchanges in international competition,technological change, changes in con-sumer structures, some companies andsome countries have been seeking newsolutions: they have been looking at flex-ibility, polyvalence of employees, new

work rhythms, a certain degree of job-sharing. The current crisis has been trans-forming the ways in which work is man-aged: new models are being designed, anew distribution of work and employmentis emerging in Germany, in Italy, in Franceand in Great Britain, or in Spain and theNetherlands. This book proposes a newanalysis of employment in Europe; in oneset of chapters it presents the situationand public discussion on employment ineach of the countries concerned; it alsoincludes twelve case studies.

Productivité, qualité et compétences,une comparaison européenneMason G.; ARK, B.V.; Wagner K.Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches sur lesQualifications (CEREQ)Paris, in: Formation emploi, 47, La Docu-mentation française, 1994, p. 3-21ISSN 0759-6340FR

This article is a comparative study of per-formances in the biscuit industry in fourEuropean countries; it reveals strong in-ternational differences. These differencesdo not seem to involve modernness orutilization rate of equipment, but ratherlevels of skills with regard to strategic prod-uct choices. The authors conclude by em-phasizing the need for further developmentof intermediate skills in Great Britain.

Europe’s next step: Organizationalinnovation, competition and employ-mentAndreasen L.E.; Coriat B.; Den Hertog F.;et al.Essex, Frank Cass and Company Limited,1995, 332 pagesISBN 0-7146-4151-0 (paperback)ISBN 0-7146-4630-X (hardback)EN

The European economy faces a crisis ofcompetitiveness. On the one hand thecompetitive pressures are intense: Europeis squeezed between the low-wage econo-mies of Asia, high rates of innovation andproductivity in Japan and the USA, andthe rising power of the Asian Newly In-dustrializing Economies. On the otherhand, rising unemployment and unmetneeds set an important domestic agendafor productivity growth. Although the new


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information and communication technol-ogies have an important role to play inpromoting this competitiveness, interna-tional experience shows that these tech-nologies require new forms of organiza-tion if they are to be utilized effectively.This has important implications for theorganization of production, R&D and hu-man resource development, not just inmanufacturing, but also in services. It alsoaffects the relationships between firms,and between the productive sector andthe science, technology and educationalsystems. Everywhere the emphasis is onintegration. This book looks at the experi-ence of 13 leading-edge European com-panies drawn from the manufacturing,services and health sectors. It shows howorganization has been the key to theirproductivity growth. It also shows thatwhilst Europe has much to learn fromJapan and the USA, there is a distinctiveEuropean approach to organizational ex-pertise. This has important implicationsfor strategic policy, in these institutionsthemselves, but also in government atboth the national and local levels. Heretoo, as the case studies show, Europe hasconsiderable expertise on which the pro-duction sector can grow.

Vocational and technical education inSwitzerlandWettstein E.Deutschschweizerische Berufsbildungs-ämter-Konferenz(DBK)Lucerne, DBK, 1994, 53 pagesISBN 3-905406-07-1 (en)DE, EN, FR, ES, IT

This information brochure describes Swisseducational and vocational training sys-tems, including continuing training. It in-cludes a list of useful addresses.

European Union: policies,programmes, participants

Proposal for a European Parliamentand Council Decision establishing1996 as the European Year of LifelongLearningEuropean CommissionLuxembourg, in: Official Journal of theEuropean Communities, C 287, 7.09.1994,p. 18-20

ISSN 0378-6986 (en)DA, DE, EN, ES, FR, GR, IT, NL, PT

This proposal is a follow-up of the “WhitePaper on growth, competitiveness andemployment”, and foresees actions whichshould: a) increase the awareness of life-long learning as a key factor for employ-ment growth; b) improve the cooperationbetween education and training structuresand companies, particularly SMEs; c) in-troduce a European dimension in educa-tion and training; d) confirm the impor-tance of education and training in reach-ing real equality of opportunities betweenmen and women.

Communication from the Commissionto the Council and the European Par-liament on coordination between theCommunity and the Member States oneducation and training schemes indeveloping countriesEuropean CommissionLuxembourg, in: Official Journal of theEuropean CommunitiesISSN 0254-1475 (en)DA, DE, EN, ES, FR, GR, IT, NL, PT

This communication gives a qualitativeoverview of education and training sys-tems in the developing world. It highlightsthe role of education in human develop-ment. It stresses the top priority to beaccorded to basic schooling, the value oflong-term backing for education in therelevant countries and the need to sup-port educational planning, administrationand reform. Moreover, it places specialemphasis on the following: informationexchanges between the countries; regu-lar experts’ meetings; an annual progressreport; and greater consultation with othermajor donors in education and training.

Competitiveness, growth and job crea-tion - what contribution can educationand training make? Reports from the1993 Cumberland Lodge ConferenceEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral XXII - Education, Training and Youth(DG XXII)Brussels, European Commission: DG XXII,1994, 89 pagesEN/FR (mixed version)European Commission, DG XXII,200 rue de la Loi, B-1049 Brussels


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This conference has become an annualevent within the framework of the Euro-pean Skills Needs Project Monitoring,which was set up in 1990 in response tothe European Parliament’s request for aEurope-wide exchange of information onskill shortages and future skill require-ments. The contributions deal with: thechallenge of providing human resourcesfor the 1990s; creating skills the EU needs;training and retraining policy and its ef-fects on skill acquisition; skill needs cre-ated by industrial re-structuring; skills andqualifications for combating unemploy-ment, social and economic exclusion;transparency in labour market forecast-ing to facilitate training decisions. The1993 conference pointed to the need foranticipation in a world of fast change andshowed ways to organize it. The 1994conference discussed the role human re-sources may have to play in a Europeanmodel of development, a model whichwould be appropriate to European cul-ture, tradition and principles and at thesame time contribute to the well-being ofits people and to economic and socialcohesion.

Cooperation in education in theEuropean Union. 1976 - 1994European Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral XXII - Education, Training and Youth(DG XXII)Luxembourg, Studies no. 5, Office forOfficial Publications of the EuropeanCommunities, 1994, 84 pagesISBN 92-826-6005-2 (en)EN, FREuropean Commission, DG XXII,200 rue de la Loi, B-1049 Brussels

The objective of this report is to examinenearly two decades of cooperation be-tween the Member States and Communityinstitutions in the field of education. Itgives historical landmarks and summarizesthe current state of cooperation after sev-eral years of intense activity. The annexespresent the main legal texts and the docu-ments which, since 1976, have formed thebasis of community activities and pro-grammes in the field of education, train-ing and youth.

How to improve the possibilities ofinvolving all young people in work-ing and social life. EU Conference 17-19 November 1993, Snekkersten, Den-markCopenhagen, The Danish Ministry of Edu-cation, 1994, Volume 1: Conference Re-port, 54 pages, Volume 2: Country Papers,51 pagesISBN 87-603-0440-5 (Volume 1)ISBN 87-603-0442-1 (Volume 2)EN

From 17-19 November 1993, an EU Con-ference on “How to improve the pos-sibilities of involving all young people inworking and social life” took place in Den-mark. The background of the conferenceis the fact that out of 20 million unem-ployed in the EU, every third unemployedperson is under 25 years of age. The aimof the conference - besides mutual ex-change of experience between MemberStates - was to draw up specific proposalsas to what education in itself and in inter-action with other sectors could do to chan-nel all young people into working andsocial life. Experts in this field coming fromthe Member States, the OECD, the Coun-cil of Europe and the European Commis-sion participated in the conference. In aseparate volume, short reports (CountryReports) written by experts from the vari-ous Member States about young peoples’situation in the different countries are pre-sented.

Towards a European curriculumEmployment DepartmentSheffield, Employment Department, 1994,unpagedENAvailable: Accrington and Rosendale Col-lege, Sandy Lane,UK-Accrington BB5 2AW

Considers the issues surrounding the de-velopment of a more Europeanized cur-riculum on the basis of the fact that thelabour market needs to be increasinglymobile and therefore requires knowledgeof other cultures.

A curriculum for EuropeFurther Education Unit (FEU)London, FEU, 1994, unpagedISBN 1-85338-355-4EN


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This report explores how current andanticipated changes within the EU shouldinfluence curriculum content. It examinessome key issues affecting qualifications,guidance, exchanges and internationalstudy, language learning and equal op-portunities. The main outcome of the re-port is to define entitlement for the Euro-pean learner, offering an answer to thequestion “What exactly does a Europeanlearner need from the curriculum and howshould this be delivered?

The UK approach. Competitivenessand employmentEmployment Department GroupSheff ie ld, Employment DepartmentGroup, 1994, 16 pagesEN, FREmployment Department, Moorfoot,UK-Sheffield S1 4PQ

At the G 7 economic summit in Tokyo in1993, the heads of government expressedthe wish for an “Employment” conferenceto explore various ways of facing highunemployment rates. This paper presentsthe ideas of the United Kingdom with re-gard to this conference as well as the fol-low-up work of the European Commis-sion’s White Paper on growth, competi-tiveness and employment.

Council decision of 6 December 1994establishing an action programme forthe implementation of a EuropeanCommunity vocational training policyLuxembourg, in: Official Journal of theEuropean Communities, L 340, 29.12.1994,Office for Official Publications of the Eu-ropean Communities,p. 8-24ISSN 0378-7060 (fr)DA, DE, EN, ES, FR, GR, IT, NL, PT

Proposals 1995 - 1999. Socrates,Leonardo, Youth for Europe IIIEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral XXII - Education, Training and Youth(DG XXII)Brussels, European Commission: DG XXII,1994, 13 pagesDE, EN, FREuropean Commission, DG XXII,200 rue de la Loi, B-1049 Brussels

This guide presents a brief description ofthe three Community programmes pro-posed by the European Commission for1995-1999: “Socrates”, “Youth for EuropeIII”, and “Leonardo”. The first continuesin the tradition of the ERASMUS andLINGUA programmes, but with Commu-nity actions taking place at all teachinglevels for the first time. The “Youth forEurope III” proposal integrates into onesingle programme all actions carried outfor young people until now: Youth forEurope II, the Youth Initiative projectssponsored within the framework of thePETRA programme, the youth activities ofthe TEMPUS programme and the variouspriority actions within the youth pro-gramme. And finally, the “Leonardo” pro-posal aims at rationalizing and develop-ing the impact of Community action inthe area of vocational training by ensur-ing follow-up of Community action cur-rently based on the four programmesPETRA, FORCE, EUROTECNET andCOMETT.

New Community initiatives:

❏ Adapt and Emploi - two Commu-nity initiatives for the development ofhuman resourcesEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral for Employment, Industrial Relationsand Social Affairs (DG V)Brussels, European Commission: DG V,1994, 15 pages (Initiatives no. 1)DE, EN, FREuropean Commission, DG V, Unit V/B/4of the European Social Fund, Communityinitiatives, 200 rue de la Loi,B-1049 Brussels

This guide presents the two new initia-tives adopted by the European Commis-sion within the scope of the StructuralFunds.

• ADAPT is a new Community initiativespecially conceived to help workers adaptto changes in the needs of the employ-ment market. ADAPT’s four interrelatedaims are: (1) to speed up the adaptationof work to industrial change; (2) to in-crease competitiveness in industry, serv-ices and trade; (3) to prevent unemploy-ment by improving the qualifications ofworkers and reinforcing their flexibilityand mobility; (4) to anticipate and accel-


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Quality in educational trainingVan den Berghe W.Ministry of the Flemish Community: De-partment of EducationWetteren, Tilkon, 1994, 50 pagesENTilkon Consultancy, Kerkwegel 12a,B-9230 Wetteren

The objective pursued by the author ofthis report is to give an overview ofinternational experience gathered in termsof the adaptation of quality concepts inthe fields of education and teaching. Thisoverview covers both continuing and ini-tial training. It describes infrastructuresand quality standards for the various train-ing systems. Furthermore, the reportserves as a backdrop for activities withinthe context of the COMETT Europeanaction programme.

Jahresbericht 1993 - Deutsche Koordi-nierungsstelle EUROTECNETNational Coordinating Office (NADU)EUROTECNET in the Bundesinstitut fürBerufsbildung (BIBB)Bonn; Berlin, BIBB, 1994, 202 pagesDEBIBB, Fehrbelliner Platz 3,D-10707 Berlin

The aim of the EUROTECNET programmeis to promote innovation in initial andcontinuing vocational training so as tomeet the challenge of technologicalchange and its effects on employment,work and the innovations needed. Thisannual report describes the extent of Ger-many’s participation in this programme.The volume presents the 34 officialprojects and gives information about otheractivities carried out in Germany with theparticipation of the National Coordinat-ing Office in the 1993/94 reporting pe-riod.

Interim Report on the Force Pro-gramme - Action Programme for theDevelopment of Continuing Voca-tional Training in the European Com-munityEuropean CommissionCOM (94) 418 final, 13.10.1994, 23 pagesLuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities,ISBN 92-77-80866-7 (en)

erate the creation of new jobs and activ-ities, particularly in SMEs.

• EMPLOI (employment and human re-sources development) is a new Commu-nity initiative for groups experiencingspecial difficulties on the employmentmarket. The initiative has three interre-lated parts: Emploi-NOW and Emploi-HORIZON, which were two separate ini-tiatives during the preceding structuralfunding period (1991-1994), and a newpart: Emploi-YOUTHSTART:• Emploi-NOW aims at promoting equa-lity of opportunities for women in em-ployment by means of innovative pilotactivities likely to be transferable on atrans-national basis.• Emploi-HORIZON, which also extendsan initiative launched in the precedingprogramme period, aims at expanding thestable employment prospects of the handi-capped and other employable disadvan-taged groups.• YOUTHSTART has been conceived topromote the integration of young peopleunder 20 on the employment market, par-ticularly those lacking qualifications orbasic skills.

❏ ADAPT Community Initiative. Prac-tical Application Guide for ProjectManagersEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral for Employment, Industrial Relationsand Social Affairs (DG V)Brussels, European Commission: DG V,1994, 16 pagesDE, EN, ES, FR, PTEuropean Commission, DG V, Unit V/B/4of the European Social Fund, Communityinitiatives, 200 rue de la Loi,B-1049 Brussels

❏ EMPLOYMENT Community Initia-tive. Practical Application Guide forProject ManagersEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral for Employment, Industrial Relationsand Social Affairs (DG V)Brussels, European Commission: DG V,1994, 24 pagesDE, EN, ES, FR, PTEuropean Commission, DG V, Unit V/B/4of the European Social Fund, Communityinitiatives, 200 rue de la Loi,B-1049 Brussels


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ISSN 0254-1475 (en)DA, DE, EN, ES, FR, GR, IT, NL, PT

This report is divided into two parts: a)reports the progress made in imple-menting the activities provided for in thedecision setting up the FORCE pro-gramme; b) contains the principal con-clusions and recommendations of the in-terim external evaluation of the FORCEprogramme. It should be noted that theterms of reference for this evaluation ex-cluded the third FORCE call for propo-sals and the implementation of the Statis-tical Survey, and reports on the imple-mentation of the common framework ofguidelines.

FORCE. Catalogue des produits /Catalog of products / Produktkatalog.1991 - 1994European Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral XXII - Education, Training and Youth(DG XXII)Luxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities, nopaginationISBN 92-826-8051-7multilingual version: DE/EN/FR

This catalogue lists the results of pilotprojects and qualification projects under-taken in 1991 and carried out within theframework of the FORCE programme’strans-national partnerships. The variousproducts are presented in files; they dealwith training tools and courses, projectreports as well as study and researchmaterials.

FORCE. Tableau de bord de la forma-tion professionnelle continueEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral XXII - Education, Training and Youth(DG XXII)Luxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities, 176pagesISBN 92-826-8713-9FR

This “instrument panel”, an analysis andsynthesis realized within the frameworkof the FORCE programme, is the result ofthe Community-wide collection of dataavailable in the early 1990s in the field ofcontinuing vocational training for com-

pany employees. The report ends with theneed to improve current data systems, toestablish a homogeneous reading methodfor the various international data, to im-prove complementariness among nationalinformation systems and finally to createa joint structure for data collection andanalysis so as to better promote coopera-tion among Member States.

The role of the social partners in con-tinuing vocational training of work-ers. Brussels, 29th - 30th November1993Flemish Government, Administration ofexternal relations of the Flemish Commu-nity; Ministry of the Flemish Community,Administration of Employment;Flemish Employment and VocationalTraining Service (VDAB), FORCE NCUBrussels, VDAB, 1994, 53 pagesDE, EN, FR, NLVDAB, Keizerslaan 11,B-100 Brussels

This conference report emphasizes therole of the social partners in the con-tinuing vocational training of workers,both on a national and Community level,within the framework of the FORCE Eu-ropean action programme. On the onehand, this role is described by means ofan evaluation of a certain number ofprojects relating to vocational training andinvolving the social partners, and, on theother hand, activities are described inseveral Member States.

FORCE: De voortgezette heropsop-leiding in Belgiëvan de Poele L.; Oosterlinck L.Flemish Employment and VocationalTraining Service (VDAB); FORCE agency;Rijks Universiteit Gent (RUG)Brussels, VDAB, 1993, 151 pagesNLVDAB, Keizerslaan 11,B-1000 Brussels

This report on continuing vocational train-ing in Flanders, written for the EuropeanCommunity, is divided into two sections:the first comprises an overall descriptionof continuing vocational training in Flan-ders, including legal and financial frame-works, the training offer and trainers. Thesecond section reviews measures to be


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taken in Flanders pursuant to the priorityobjectives of the FORCE European actionprogramme.

Berufliche Weiterbildung in Deutsch-land. Strukturen und EntwicklungenAlt C.; Sauter E.; Tilmann H.Bundesinstitut für Berufsbildung (BIBB)Berlin; Bonn, BIBB, 1994, 222 pagesISBN 3-7639-0513-8DE

This first European report on the currentstate and prospects of continuing train-ing systems is being presented as a con-sequence of the EC Council resolution onthe FORCE action programme. In addi-tion to reports from the EU Member Statesprepared along common guidelines, aEuropean synthesis report is also planned.This volume is the German contributionto future regular reports on continuingvocational training in Europe. The Fed-eral Republic can contribute to this workby virtue of its 16 years of experience atpublishing a national report on vocationaltraining, which has proven its usefulnessas a common basis for planning by gov-ernment agencies and the social partners.

Berufliche Weiterbildung in Unterneh-menBechthold S.; Grünewald U.Bonn; Berlin, Bundesinstitut für Berufs-bildung (BIBB), 1994, 8 pagesDEBIBB, Fehrbelliner Platz 3,D-10707 Berlin

With its FORCE (Formation Continue enEurope) action programme, the EuropeanCommission aims at supporting the effortsof companies to provide more and im-proved continuing training. Efficient sup-port measures require reliable informa-tion about the behaviour of companies inthe area of continuing training. Becausethis information is not yet available, sur-veys of companies are being conductedin all twelve Member States of the Euro-pean Union; in Germany, this survey isbeing conducted by the Federal Bureauof Statistics in cooperation with the Fed-eral Institute for Vocational Training(BIBB). The brochure gives informationon the results of the written preliminarysurvey, which was held in late 1993 with

the aim of gaining an initial idea regard-ing the type and extent of continuingtraining activities in German companies.The results published here are based onthe replies of approximately 9,300 com-panies with ten or more employees in theareas of manufacturing, trade, hotel andcatering as well as banks and insurancecompanies.

HORIZON. A Community Initiative forthe Vocational Integration of the Dis-abled, the Disadvantaged and MigrantsHORIZON National Coordinating OfficeBonn, 1994, no paginationmultilingual version: DE/EN/FRNationale Koordinierungsstelle HORIZONim Europabüro des paritätischen Wohl-fahrtsverbandes, Endenicher Str. 125,D-53115 Bonn

This record summarizes the contributionsof the various protagonists to the Hori-zon session - a Community initiative forthe vocational integration of the disabled,the disadvantaged and migrants. Debatesmainly dealt with trans-national coopera-tion as well as vocational and social inte-gration policies.

IRIS annual report 1993European CommissionBrussels, CREW, 1994, 32 pagesEN, FRIRIS Unit, CREW, 21 rue de la Tourelle,B-1040 Brussels

The report reviews developments in 1993,which marked the end of the first phaseand preparation for the second phase ofIRIS - a European network of trainingprojects for women - (1994-1998). Themain activities of the year were: the adop-tion by the European Parliament of a reso-lution on IRIS; a seminar for the socialpartners; an awareness-raising debate onwomen’s training for top European offi-cials; a partnership seminar; and exchangevisits among IRIS members.

PETRA. Training for Europe 2002Conference reader, Biehler-Baudisch (ed.)Bundesinstitut für Berufsbildung (BIBB)Berlin, BIBB, 1994, 86 pagesISBN 3-88555-569-7 (de)DE, EN


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The PETRA programme includes coopera-tion projects from Denmark, Germany,Great Britain and Luxembourg in the fieldof vocational training for environmentaljobs. In March 1994, the protagonists ofthese projects met at a conference heldat the European Environmental Academyin Borken to discuss aspects and pros-pects of vocational training for environ-mental jobs. The brochure reports on theexperience gathered in these projects atthe time of transition from developmentto dissemination phase. It presents indi-vidual projects, reprints conference lec-tures and reports on results of workinggroup discussions. An annex presentsdetai ls of the module on “Electro-technicians and the environment”.

Handbook for Guidance CounsellorsEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral XXII - Education, Training and Youth(DG XXII) - PETRALuxembourg, Office for Official Publica-tions of the European Communities, 1994,409 pagesISBN 92-826-7990-X (en)EN (currently being published for otherEU languages)

This handbook has been prepared foryouth counsellors. It presents a short de-scription of initial education systems(school and vocational training) and adescription of the world of work for eachMember State. It lists sources of informa-tion and data banks on a Communitylevel, counselling institutions and agen-cies, and the main guidebooks listing thevarious training streams.

Catalogue of national guidance re-source centresEuropean Commission: Directorate-Gen-eral XXII - Education, Training and Youth(DG XXII)Brussels, European Commission: DG XXII,1994, 101 pagesDE, EN, FREuropean Commission, DG XXII,200 rue de la Loi, B-1049 Brussels

This report reports on the establishmentof National Resource Centres within theframework of Action III of the PETRA pro-gramme, an activity aimed specifically atvocational guidance. The National Re-

source Centres are classified according tocountries; the information given for eachincludes: structure, information topicsdealt with at the Centre and means ofdiffusion; existing trans-national coopera-tion; 1993/94 programme of activities.

Durchführung von EC-Bildungspro-grammen in DeutschlandGerman Federal Ministry for Educationand Science (BMBW)Bad Honnef, K.H. Bock Verlag, 1994, 166pages + Annex (Studien Bildung Wissen-schaft, volume 120)ISBN 3-87066-731-1DE

This study examines the various pro-grammes and organizational forms initi-ated and promoted by the European Un-ion. The Federal Republic of Germany hasan efficient structure to implement pro-grammes in the fields of general educa-tion and vocational training, with both thefederal and state governments endeavour-ing to ensure the participation of Germaninstitutions in common measures and toderive the greatest possible advantagefrom such activity. This study and the day-to-day cooperation in the implementationand preparation of European Union meas-ures have developed new partnershipsbetween the German states, the federalgovernment and the European Union, butalso between educational institutions andimplementing agencies on national andEuropean levels.

Evaluation of the EuroqualificationProgrammeHoms O.Centre d’Iniciatives i Recerques Europeesa la Meditarrania (CIREM)Barcelona, CIREM, 1993, 31 pagesENCIREM, c/Bruc, 114, Ir, 2a,E-08009 Barcelona

This report examines the management andthe external cohesion of the EURO-QUALIFICATION Programme, a joint ini-tiative of 13 national organizations foradult vocational training and qualificationsin the EU Member States. It gives an in-depth evaluation of the progress of ac-tivities and development of the pro-gramme in Spain and Portugal. The re-


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aspect of cooperation are also examined.Results are presented as the capitalizationof synergetical effects.

European Meeting on Education inBusiness Organizations. CharlevilleMézières, 5th-6th May 1994Stages EuropéenS en Alternance dans lesMétiers (SESAM)Paris, SESAM, 1994, 18 pages + AnnexDE, EN, FRSESAM, 6 rue de Braque, F-75003 Paris

This European colloquium was organizedby SESAM (Stages Européens en Alter-nance dans les Métiers), an initiative ofthe French Ministry of Commerce andCrafts established in 1989 to promote thevocational integration of young Europeancrafts people by preparing them to facethe changes which will result from thesingle domestic market. The reportpresents a summary of the main discus-sion points on the promotion of appren-ticeship and vocational mobility in thecraft trades and in European SMEs as wellas on dialogue among the partners fromeducation systems and professional cir-cles in the European Union.

port is based on analysis of the documentsproduced to date and on interviews withexperts responsible for the programmeand other associated organizations.

Les entreprises face à l’Europe. Euro-techniciensDupeyron A.Réseau d’Appui et de Capitalisation desInnovations Européennes (RACINE)Paris, Racine éditions, La documentationfrançaise, 1994, 124 pagesFRRACINE, 18 rue Friant,F-75014 Paris

Structured as an international holding,EUROCOPTER offers alternance trainingfor Eurotechnicians who will then be ableto exercise their skills in Germany, Franceand Portugal. After presenting the com-pany and its industrial strategy, this bookdescribes its policy and training plan,analyzing in particular the Eurotechnicianproject, its dimension of European mo-bility, its pedagogical organization, follow-up mechanisms and cer t i f icat ionmodalities. The support offered to Euro-pean programmes and the trans-national


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From the Member StatesInstitutionen-HandbuchArbeitsmarkt und Beruf

Gaworek-Behringer M.Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufs-forschung der Bundesanstalt für Arbeit(InstDokAB)Nuremberg, InstDokAB, 1994, multiplepagesDEInstitut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufs-forschung der Bundesanstalt für Arbeit(IAB), Regensburger Strasse 104,D-90327 Nuremberg

All the German institutions included inthis handbook are associated with labourmarket or occupational research issues.they include political, scientific and re-search, administrative and professionalinstitutions, ministries and trade unions,etc. Each entry includes information onthe type of organization, its activities, part-nerships, staff, foundation year, name ofdirector(s), as well as the address, tele-phone and telefax numbers.

Technology-supportedLearning (Distance

Learning). Report No. 1252Copenhagen, The Danish Ministry of Edu-cation, 1994, 156 pagesISBN 87-603-0415-4ENUndervisningsministeries forlag,Frederiksholms Kanal 25F,DK-1220 København K

In 1992, the Danish Ministry of Educationset up an expert committee with the aimof studying the impact of new technolo-gies on the education system and the or-ganization of courses. The main report ofthe White Paper from July 1993 has beentranslated into English. The White Paperdescribes a number of models for theplanning and delivery of education withthe support of technology. It deals withthe economic issues of both traditionaland technology-supported learning pro-visions at present, and projections for aten-year period. Finally the report empha-sizes the importance of adapting the in-

ternal organization of the institution, ofdeveloping novel collaborative structuresand, not least, the need to change thepedagogical organization of courses tomeet the specific requirements of learn-ing supported by technology.

Regional policy and innovation:A French-style dual system?

Bertrand O.; Durand Drouhin M.;Romani C.Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches surl’Emploi et les Qualifications (CEREQ)Marseille, in: Training and Employment,17, 1994, p. 1-4ISSN 1156-2366EN

For some, the dual system is a model, forothers, a structure specific to Germansociety; whatever the case, its examplehas brought alternating school-companytraining to the fore of the French debateon the training-employment relationship.In 1988, in the context of the recent de-centralization, the Rhône-Alpes regionchose to promote an original policy forthe development of alternating trainingbased on close cooperation between theoccupational branches and the nationaleducational system. Although its quanti-tative impact still remains limited, this“cooperative apprenticeship” nonethelessdemonstrates the feasibility of innovativeapproaches to the training-employmentrelationship. However, the establishmentof clear rules for the different partnersremains an obstacle to its continued ex-pansion.

New directions for vocational educa-tion in France?Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches surl’Emploi et les Qualifications (CEREQ)Marseille, in: Training and Employment,15, 1994, p. 1-4ISSN 1156-2366EN

Seen from abroad, the French system ofvocational training generally raises a cer-

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tain number of questions, notably con-cerning the confused and inconsistent useof the terms “technical”, “technological”and “vocational”; the importance attachedto diplomas even though these do not leadto well-established recognition in the oc-cupational fields concerned; and, becauseof the crisis in youth employment, theproliferation of organisms involved andmeasures proposed. These different issuesemerge as part of the same system whenexamined in the context of the educa-tional policy choices of recent decades.

Les métiers de la formation, contribu-tion de la recherche, état des pratiqueset étude bibliographiqueCentre pour le développement del’INFormation sur la FOrmation perma-nente (Centre INFFO);Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers(CNAM);Université Lille III Charles de GaulleParis, La Documentation française, 1994,319 pagesISBN 2-11-003096-8FR

This book reviews discussions and prac-tices in training professions since 1971 andproposes a commented reading of themain bibliographical references. Themany contributions it includes are dividedinto five parts: the first establishes thecontext of the emergence of training pro-fessions; the next analyzes their develop-ment and evolution; the third sheds lighton steps, methods and tools used by train-ers; the fourth proposes a categorial andinstitutional approach; and the last partpresents a few training paths for trainerswithin the European context.

De la compétence: essai sur unattracteur étrangeLe Boterf G.Paris, Editions d’Organisation, 1994, 176pagesISBN 2-7081-1753-XFR

Competence is a strange concept: the dif-ficulty in defining it grows with the needto use it. This book is an essay on thenotion of competence, a concept currentlytaking shape and gradually becomingomnipresent in the corporate world. Theauthor theorizes on several aspects: whatis competence? As a skill, is it differentfrom the know-how which constitutes it?Is there a cognitive dynamic element whichis particular to competence? What is col-lective competence? Is there an ergonomicelement in the implementation of compe-tence? Who should recognize it, and how?

Vocational qualificationin England, Wales and

Northern IrelandNational Council for Vocational Qualifi-cation (NCVQ)London, NCVQ, 1994, 13 pagesDE, EN, FRNCVQ Communications Division,222 Euston Road, UK-London NW1 2B

The NCVQ (National Council for Voca-tional Qualification) publishes this infor-mation brochure on the reform of thequalification system in England, Wales andNorthern Ireland. The recent reforms pre-sented here are related to NVQs (nationalvocational qualifications) and GNVQs(general national vocational qualifica-tions).

UK


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Développer et intégrer la formationen entrepriseSonntag M.Rueil-Malmaison, Editions Liaisions (EL),1994, 224 pagesISBN 2-87880-106-7ISSN 1158-470XFR

L’enseignement professionnel. Quelavenir pour les jeunes?Agulhon C.Paris, Les Editions de l’Atelier / Les Edi-tions Ouvrières, 1994, 272 pagesISBN 2-7082-3113-8FR

Bilan de Compétences: efficacitépersonnelle. 20 tests d’auto-évaluationet conseils personnalisésCouchaere M.-J.Edi t ions L ia ison (EL) , Col lect ionEXOTHEQUERueil-Malmaison, Editions Liaisions (EL),Collection EXOTHEQUE, 1994, 176 pagesISBN 2-87880-107-5ISSN 1159-6910FR

Strategic alliances and process rede-sign. Effective management and re-structuring of cooperative projectsand networksGerybadze A.Berlin; New York, Walter de Gruyter, 1995,314 pagesISBN 3-11-013989-8EN

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FCentre INFFO (Centre pour le dévelop-pement de l’information sur laformation permanente)Christine MerlliéTour Europe Cedex 07F-92049 Paris la DéfenseTel. 331+41252222Fax 331+47737420

GROEEK (Organization for VocationalEducation and TrainingCatherine Georgopoulou1, Ilioupoleos Street17236 YmittosGR-AthensTel. 301+925 05 93Fax 301+925 44 84

IISFOL (Istituto per lo sviluppo dellaformazione professionale dei lavoratori)Alfredo TamborliniColombo ContiVia Morgagni 33, I-00161 RomaTel. 396+445901Fax 396+8845883

IRLFAS - The Training and EmploymentAuthorityMargaret CareyP.O. Box 45627-33, Upper Baggot StreetIRL-Dublin 4Tel. 3531+6685777; Fax 3531+6609093

C E N T R E I N F F OBVDAB (Vlaamse Dienst voor Arbeids-bemiddeling en BeroepsopleidingICODOC (Intercommunautair Documen-tatiecentrum voor BeroepsopleidingFrédéric GeersFOREM (Office communautaire etrégional de la formation professionnelleet de l’emploi)CIDOC (Centre intercommunautaire dedocumentation pour la formationprofessionnelle)Jean-Pierre GrandjeanBd. de l’Empereur 11, B-1000 BruxellesTel. 322+502 50 01; Fax 322+502 54 74

DBIBB (Bundesinstitut für Berufsbildung)Referat K4Bernd ChristopherKlaus-Detlef R. BreuerFehrbelliner Platz 3, D-10702 BerlinTel. 4930+864 32 230 (B. Christopher)

4930+864 32 445 (K.-D. Breuer)Fax 4930+864 32 607

DKSEL (Statens ErhvervspædagogiskeLæreruddannelse)Søren NielsenMerete HeinsRigensgade 13, DK-1316 København KTel. 4533+144114 ext. 317/301Fax 4533+144214

EINEM (Instituto Nacional de Empleo)Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad SocialIsaias LargoMaría Luz de las CuevasCondesa de Venadito, 9E-28027 MadridTel. 341+585 95 80; Fax 341+377 58 87

LChambre des Métiers du G.-D. deLuxembourg2, Circuit de la Foire internationaleTed MathgenB.P. 1604 (Kirchberg)L-1016 LuxembourgTel. 352+4267671Fax 352+426787

NLC.I.B.B. (Centrum Innovatie Beroeps-onderwijs Bedrijfsleven)Gerry SpronkPostbus 1585NL-5200 BP ‘s-HertogenboschTel. 3173+124011Fax 3173+123425

PSICT (Servico de Informação Cientifica eTécnica)Maria Odete Lopes dos SantosFatima HoraPraça de Londres, 2-1° AndarP-1091 Lisboa CodexTel. 3511+8496628,Fax 3511+806171

UKIPD (Institute of Personnel andDevelopment)Simon RexIPD House, Camp RoadUK-London SW19 4UXTel. 44181+946 91 00Fax 44181+947 25 70

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