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VISITING DEATH AND LIFE

Dark Tourism and Slave Castles

Rasul A. Mowatt

Charles H. Chancellor

Indiana University, USA

Abstract: In dark tourism research there is a paucity of research given to the discussion ofsites associated with African enslavement. This study is informed by combining qualitativedata from interviews that were conducted with 14 individuals pre- and post-travel to CapeCoast Castle, Ghana, alongside elicited photographs from the site, and a narrative analysison other visitations and reflections of coastal castles. In bringing the discussion of these sitesinto an overall conceptual discussion of dark tourism, careful consideration needs to be givento the nuances that is evident in the sites histories, the interactions and interpretations oftourists with those sites, and their management and oversight by the Ghanaian authoritiesand the UNESCO Slave Route Project. Keywords: race, trans-Atlantic Slavery, transnationalidentity, heritage tourism, dark tourism. 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION

Slave Castles along the West African coast are becoming increasinglyimportant destinations for tourists interested in heritage, culture, his-tory, and leisure, and therefore merits an increased discussion in tour-ism and leisure research circles. Slave Castles are important physicalreminders of the long painful history of African Slavery as well as res-ervoirs of heritage and information. These castles once held and pre-

pared captured Africans for their journey across the Atlantic to theAmericas, where they would then be resold as slaves to agriculturalinterests. Consequently, the slaves descendants on both sides of theAtlantic call for continued preservation and demand a voice in theinterpretation of the Slave Castles. However, due to the geography ofboth the castles and slaves descendants, these sites present a unique

Rasul Mowatt (1025 E. 7th St., HPER 133, Bloomington, IN, 47405, USA. Email) is an Assistant Professor in Recreation, Park, and Tourism

Studies at Indiana University. Main research areas of interest: leisure behavior, social justice,cultural studies, and pedagogy. Sub-research areas: racial identity, social inequity andleadership and management best practices, violence and deviancy, governmentality andpolicy analysis, participatory research, critical historical analysis, media and narrative analysis,

visual methodology, and active learning. Charles Chancellor (1025 E. 7th., HPER 133,Bloomington, IN, 47405, USA. Email ) is an Assistant Professor inRecreation, Park, and Tourism Studies at Indiana University. Main research areas of interest:environmental and social impacts of tourism, tourists travel patterns, integrating GIS intotourism planning, and collaboration efforts between land trusts and tourism entities.

Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 38, No. 4, pp. 14101434, 20110160-7383/$ - see front matter 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Printed in Great Britain

doi:10.1016/j.annals.2011.03.012www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures

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challenge for a unified interpretation, preservation, and managementsystem. Slave Castles are located in over 10 African countries while theBlack Diaspora, slave descendents, are dispersed throughout the Amer-icas, Europe, and the Caribbean (Dann & Seaton, 2001).

Ghana is one of many African countries seeking to grow its economythrough tourism development and it contains 36 of the 52 remainingWest African Slave Castles (Appiah, 2009). The Black Diaspora is con-sidered a viable target market and the Ghanaian Ministry of Tourismand Diasporan Relations set their annual visitation goal at one milliontourists from the Diaspora annually (Government Must Rethink,January 2007). Some see this number as unrealistic since roughly10,000 African Americans visit annually, and the estimated numberof tourists from the Caribbean, Canada, and South America is even low-er (Government Must Think, January 2007). Theoretically, travel to

these sites is considered thanatourism (Seaton, 1996), dark tourism(Lennon & Foley, 2000), black spots (Rojek, 1993), and places of dis-sonance (Tunbridge & Ashworth, 1996).

The purpose of this exploratory study is to better understand tour-ists interaction with and interpretation of a West African Slave Castle.Tourist interviews (pre and post travel) and their elicited photographswill be analyzed alongside other travelers narratives from various printmedia sources. This article aims to present a historical background ofSlave Castles, which may challenge current conceptions, and interpre-tations of dark tourism. Lastly, this article aims to introduce a discus-sion of future research possibilities on sites associated with AfricanSlavery and a critique of the next steps in the management ofthese sites by the Ghanaian authorities and the United NationsEducational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) SlaveRoute Project.

VISITING DEATH: RACIAL IDENTITY, VISITOR MOTIVATION &CRITIQUING DARK TOURISM

UNESCO has designated Ghanas Cape Coast and Elmina castlesas World Heritage Sites while a collection of government and non-government entities fund, manage, and provide interpretation at eachsite (see Maps 1 and 2; Richards, 2002). The UNESCO action was pre-ceded by the attention and visitation of the descendents of Africansthat were captured, held at a castle, sold outside in the markets, andshipped to destinations unknown. However, the World Heritage Sitedesignation brings the sites into an international dialogue for support,promotion, and preservation as they were deemed of outstanding uni-

versal value based on the criteria that they bear a unique or at leastexceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilization which isliving or which has disappeared (The Criteria for Selection, 2005).Alex Haley depicts this testimonial history in his book Roots: The Sagaof an American Family (1976). Haleys highly acclaimed book and TVmini-series Roots (Haley & Wolper, January 1977), dramatizes the

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process of enslavement (capture, shipping, selling, and plantation

life) in a narrative reclamation of African identity.

A Background: The African Slave Trade

A discussion of African Slave Castles would be incomplete without aconversation of the trans-Atlantic Slave trade. Although human bond-age has been practiced in many cultures, this African slave trade hasvisible lingering effects on contemporary African, Western European,Caribbean, and American societies. Cape Coast was the principal cap-

ital of Central Ghana and a major trading port. The level of businessactivity in this region attracted European traders and governmentsfrom Portugal, Sweden, Britain, The Netherlands, and France. Thesegovernments seized and controlled the coast from the early 1600s tothe late 1700s although the Slave trade had been underway since the1400s. Swedish trading interests built the Cape Coast Castle in 1650when the primary export commodities were Africans (St. Clair, 2007).

Map 1. Ghana: Location of Cape Coast Castle and Elmina Castle in Proximityto Accra

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From 16721689, the Royal African Company of England shipped3,0005,000 enslaved Africans annually to areas in the Caribbean andthe Americas (Micklethwait & Wooldridge, 2003; St. Clair, 2006;Thornton, 1955). The Slave trade comprised roughly 510% of theBritish economy during the Industrial Revolution, as 1220 millionAfricans were shipped across the Atlantic (Morgan, 2000; Lovejoy,

1989; Segal, 1995). The 1860 U.S. Census indicates that an estimated393,975 persons owned 3,950,528 slaves that were descendents of the500,000 enslaved Africans brought to North America (The Civil WarHome Page, 2000).

It is estimated that if the Slave Trade never occurred, the Africanpopulation would have reached 200 million by the 19th century ratherthan fewer than 100 million (Schmidt, 2004). Others have suggested

Map 2. Africa: Location of Ghana and its Placement on the Continent ofAfrica



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that the Slave Trade adversely affected the entire continent andopened the doorway to Colonialism, which directly contributed tothe current state of social, political, and economic instability many Afri-can countries still experience (Bhattacharyya, 2009; Nunn, 2007,

2008). Cape Coast Castle in Ghana, is a physical remnant and deposi-tory of Slavery, a phenomenon that has few remaining structural ves-tiges outside of the African Slave Castles and the plantations in theSouthern States of the United States.

Slave Castles hold a special place in the heritage of the Black Dias-pora, serving as both a reservoir to experience identity and historicalproof of slavery (Bruner, 1996). As members of the Diaspora experi-ence these sites, a super and personal identity is sought and affirmedbecause, leisure activities are inscribed [with] structured habits ofthought and behaviour which contribute to our ways of seeing our-

selves and others (Hill, 2002, p. 2). As a leisure pursuit, travel to his-torically significant sites may encourage reflection, however, given thewide-ranging impact of Slavery, Diaspora members may develop strongidentities, associations, and reactions to Slave Castles. Travel can aid aperson to develop identities less attached to traditional institutions ofsocialization, and according to social learning theory, identity isformed as people and places become interconnected through interac-tion (Burkitt, 1991; Cook, 2001; Urry, 1994).

This interconnection produces a sense of place and as a result leisureand tourism industries commoditize locations that have been inten-tionally socially constructed (Lefebvre, 2000; Rojek, 1998). DespiteSlaverys long history, Cape Coast Castle and other castles have only re-cently begun to form a structured commoditization by organizationsand governments. In fact, the influx of organizations that have inter-ests in Cape Coast Castle such as the Ghana Museum and MonumentsBoard, Shell Oil (Ghana) Limited, United Nations Developmental Pro-gramme, Universities of Ghana at Legion and Cape Coast, and the USAgency for International Development was initiated by the demands ofmembers of the Black Diaspora (as listed in Richards, 2002).

Slavery as a Factor of a Transnational Identity

The descendents of those that were once held in these sites are boundthrough real and imagined pasts and have created a particular world viewof what these sites mean and how they should be interacted with (Crang,1998; Ringer, 1998). This worldview is stretched across nationalities andhas created a super transnational identity (Conradson & Latham, 2005;Ghosh & Wang, 2003; Hall, 2005; Hannerz, 2002; Smith, 1994). A

transnational identity serves as a unifying umbrella that even supersedesones assimilation into a dominant culture as immigration occurs (Hall,2010; Re Cruz, 2009). In some cases, technology can foster the identity,as it has made communication to the homeland easier and nearly aspersonal as frequent travelling (Alfred, 2010; Thompson, 2009).

While in other cases the forming of this identity may have geograph-ical and temporal limitations, as the distance away from and the



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duration of time away from the homeland play a factor in thestrength of the transnational identity (Hardwick, 2010). However,issues associated with the Black experience that link those that identifyas Black continue to reinforce the allegiance to a transnational identity

(Hall, 2010). The super transnational Black identity is evident amongvarious nationalities of the Diaspora and the type of behavior of thosemembers. Subtle ethnic differences between Africans and individualsof African descent born in the Americas and the Caribbean are virtu-ally washed away at Slave Castles (Ericken, 1991). Regardless of birthlocation, Slave Castle tourists identify with Africa as their originalorigin. As national identities are called into question when similaritiesare drawn from similar histories and similar experiences with othernational identities because of the unifying physical history that isreflected in locations such as Cape Coast, regardless of personal

national origin or residency (Johnson, 2008).Race and ethnicity play a significant role in the meaning, interpreta-

tion, and management of these sites as it does for many of the touriststo Cape Coast Castle, whose traveling is less about seeing the Otherand more about seeing themselves (Hitchcock, 1999). There is a desirefor personal heritage reclamation for many tourists of African des-cent through the visit of these sites (Timothy & Teye, 2004). The per-ceived resonance of racial histories contained at these sites assistsAfrican-American reclamation in particular due to continued notionsof exclusions in the U.S. (Tillet, 2009). Being at Cape Coast one is con-fronted with race, for those of African descent this reality is often onethat many live with on a day-to-day basis while those that are White findit difficult to discuss, relate to, or process the experience (Tolliver,2000). The discourse on race is necessary in understanding these castlesand the need to travel to them because overall discourses of how raceimpacts experiences offers insight into how identities are formedthrough oppressive social structures and redeemed through travel des-tinations (Ap & Crompton, 1988; Kivel, 2000; Taylor, 1992).

It is because of this entrenched association with racial identity that

careful consideration should be taken when attempting to fully inte-grate research on Slave Castles into larger discussions of dark tourism.Clearly in visiting any Slave Castle one is confronted with the horrorsof what occurred there yet for those of African descent there is astrange sense of familiarity (Richards, 2002). Hundreds of enslavedAfricans were packed in rooms that were barely capable of holding ahundred. Additionally, as quarters were cramped and without space,rooms were also without proper ventilation or lighting. In addition,many were held for months without adequate food or toilet facilities,creating an environment leading to death for most before being

shipped (St. Clair, 2007). Specifically in the case of Cape Coast Castleunlike other Slave Castles, most of the equipment and areas used forholding Africans have not been destroyed, vandalized, or stolen, there-by leaving the conditions nearly untouched. Floors within the rooms ofthe castle still hold the stain from blood, excrement, and other bodilyfluids from centuries of Slavery (see Figures 1 and 2). According toRichards, tourists know what awaits them when they travel to the



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Cape Coast although many are still unprepared for the emotionalexperience (Richards, 2002).

Slave Castles and Dark Tourism

Sites that deal with Slavery are faced with contested histories andinterpretations (Dann & Seaton, 2001). According to Hitchcock(1999), histor[ical] identities revived within tourism usually havesome connection with contemporary political entities (p. 25). Cur-rently, Western values and viewpoints are often emphasized in tourism

Figure 1. Shackles on Floor of Male Dungeon in Cape Coast Castle

Figure 2. Second Entrance to Male Dungeon with Stained Floors and Trenches



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destinations, which can lead to locations focusing on politically disen-franchised, socially underrepresented, and racially marginalized peo-ples being overlooked (Gabriel, 1994; MacCannell, 1992). Therefore,the fact these sites are almost expressively for Blacks, might explain

why Slave Castles have garnered little attention in tourism, dark tour-ism, thanatourism, and leisure forums.

Slave Castles have not been as commoditized and sanitized in inter-pretation and aesthetic presentation for tourists as have Plantations inSouthern United States and the Caribbean (Butler, 2001; Buzinde &Santos, 2008; Dann & Seaton, 2001; Rice, 2000). The lack of wide-spread and organized commoditization of Slave Castles, along withtheir location (Africa), may provide a unique situation for interpreta-tion. There may be less competing interests and contested historiesregarding interpretation, since the Slave Castles are in the exporting

location and the slave traders descendents are not as politically andeconomically prominent in the region to offer different views.

In the case of Slave Castles, there is an exploitation of the macabrethat researchers following thanatourism seek to identify (Dann, 1994;Seaton, 1996). While dark tourism researchers may find historical infa-my being exposed to tourists in these locations, due to Slaverys pecu-liar and often downgraded place in most curriculums at the secondaryand post-secondary level (Crow, 1998), a thirst to gravitate aroundthem is not as pronounced, if not absent (Foley & Lennon, 1996;Peach, November 2008). Rojeks (1993) black spots concept suggeststhat attractions linked to death or disaster seek to distract and informa tourist enough to create environments where learning experiencesand wholesale interaction can occur (p. 168). Tunbridge andAshworths (1996) dissonant heritage presents additional dimensionsfor consideration that are evident thus far in research on Slave Castles,such as: the reconciliation of interests and representations, the respon-sibility of control and management, and, all in association to the fragilehistories of oppression that are associated with the site.

Despite the different terms, dark tourism, thanatourism, black spots,

or dissonant heritage, at the heart of the concept is travel to places ofdeath that are often linked to violence (Lennon & Foley, 2000; Robb,2009). With this in mind, Stone (2006) and Sharpley (2005) respec-tively broaden or refine the concept of dark tourism. Stone (2006) ar-gues that a categorizing of sites is needed and suggests a typology bedeveloped on degree of darkness. Sharpley (2005) also believes incategorization for managing purposes by designating degrees of dark-ness that are determined by the type of visitation and interpretationof the interest in death and the exploits. However, is there a fascina-tion with death among the tourists at the Ghanaian Slave Castles

that thus a closer analysis as a dark tourism site or is there a differenttype of motivation and interaction occurring? This question resonateswith what is actually taking place at Slave Castles, as the tourist moti-vation is less a matter of entertainment but more a need for confirma-tion of personal identity and history. Stone and Sharpley (2008) positthat death is an essential feature of the human condition, requiring



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individuals to develop a mechanism to cope with their ultimate de-mise (p. 579).

Slaves Castles: Not Quite Dark Tourism SitesWith this in mind, the Black experience will forever be tied to the

sufferings of Slavery not just the bondage and exploitation but of themassive loss of life. Along with plantations, slave castles are physicalreminders of that loss and the manner in which that the loss cameabout. Furthermore, formal reconciliation of slavery has not occurredand slavery continues in East Africa. Continued travel to these destina-tions becomes a personalized reconciliation and reclamation processin the wake of this reality.

Following Stone and Sharpleys (2008) thanatological framework,the continued lack of reconciliation or reparations creates the institu-tional sequestration of death that is only temporarily reconciled at cul-tural constructions throughout the Black Diaspora such as BlackHistory Month, International Day of Remembrance, Kwanzaa, AfricanLiberation Day, Jonkonnu, Juneteenth Celebrations, Carnivals of theCaribbean, and at the biennial PANAFEST held in Cape Coast, Ghana.However, once one arrives and experiences the sensations in the vari-ous rooms/dungeons of Cape Coast then a reflexive deconstructionoccurs, de-sequestration is addressed, and personal meaningfulness

and understanding are developed. In addition, the increased discus-sion of these sites within a tourism research context may assist thedeath of so many enslaved Africans to be brought into a general andacademic discourse (Walter, 2009).

Wight (2006) contends that there is an over abundance of qualitativeinquiry driven conceptual approaches to dark tourism, and this studydoes not diverge from this trend. However, although there are similar-ities and contrasts in how dark tourism is theoretically conceptualized,evidence from studies conducted on various dark sites and locationsindicate that each site is unique and merits its own set of research. Fur-

ther, studies using either forms of inquiry, qualitative or quantitative,will offer researchers a broader picture of what is transpiring. However,to lump Slave Castles with celebrity death sites (Elvis or Princess Dia-na), prisons (Alcatraz), battlegrounds (Gettysburg or Waterloo), tor-ture chambers (Draculas castle), museums, graveyards, or evenconcentration camps (Auschwitz) does a disservice to Slave Castlesand each site, respectively. Slave Castles are not associated with anyindividual, rather they represent less a fascination but a collective expe-rience of pain, suffering, and abuse (Peach, November 2008).

This collective experience is very specific, and the descendents of the

enslaved are numerous, dispersed and still affected by their heritage ofbeing oppressed. Slave Castles are not ambiguous as some prisons, tor-ture chambers, and graveyards may be; their singular purpose directedtoward a specific ethnic group is clear. Slavery and Slave Castles en-dured over a longer period of time, in contrast to battlegrounds andmost other events that lead to dark tourism attractions. Although there



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are similarities between concentration camps, mass-grave sites, andSlave Castles, they each merit their own focus of study due to the nuan-ces associated with their histories and the motivations for the majorityof visitors. Each site has garnered its own identity in the public

thought, which is often reinforced through movies and literature. Thispopularization potentially increases the variety and amount of visita-tion to each site (Seaton & Lennon, 2004).

However, African Slavery is not often represented in literature ormovies, as it is not a popular topic to create sensational exposes thatbombard peoples imagination or memory (Wight, 2006). Beyond theaforementioned Roots that concentrated on plantation life, there hasyet to be another dramatized show on standard or cable TV in theUnited States to cover any part of the phenomenon accurately or inac-curately. Amistad (1997) is the only major motion picture international

release that depicts aspects of the slaves voyage across the Atlantic.This critique does however exclude releases by various independentAfrican, Caribbean, and Brazilian film directors due to the minimal dis-tribution of their films such as Adanggaman (2000), Middle Passage(2000) or Quilombo, 1984. Other films such as Beloved (1998), theblack exploitation era Mandingo (1975), and Sankofa (1993) havebeen nearly forgotten although they highlight the brutality of Slavery(Sankofa is the only film that depicts a Slave Castle, however, in thepresent). While slavery is present, it is glanced over for other aspectsof the overall story such as in Birth of Nation (1915), Gone WithThe Wind (1939), Buck and the Preacher (1972), and Glory (1989).

In all depictions, the Slave Castles and what went on inside is ab-sent. This does suggest that slavery and Slave Castles are not popular-ized, not a part of the general consciousness, and as a result attracts aselective pool of tourists. In identifying those tourists, qualitative in-quiry methods of: 1) (in-depth) interviews; 2) photo elicitation;and, 3) narrative analysis, are crucial in understanding touristsinterpretation of their experience because the demand for the sitemay only tangentially deal with death or suffering (Denzin & Lincoln,

1998). Concepts such as 1) identity reclamation; 2) place attachment;and, 3) personal reflection may be more important to tourists visitingSlave Castles.

METHODS

This study engaged 14 individuals of African descent (eight femalesbetween the ages of 1852 and six males between the ages of 1360;two who further identified themselves as Caribbean and one as Nige-rian) from the United States who traveled to Ghana with the explicit

purpose of visiting the Cape Coast Castle and the Elmina Castle. Thesevisitors may not be representative of a general tourist due to their ex-plicit intention of visiting Slave Castles. However, due to the touristsfocused intention, this study offers poignant insight into the highlymotivated and vested tourist that is clear on what they came tosee and do.



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Interviews

All 14 participated in in-depth interviews pre- and post-trip. (Rubin &Rubin, 2004). Pre-trip questions thematically covered preparations,anticipations, and other travel plans upon arrival to gain a picture ofvisitor motivation. Post trip questions thematically covered areas tounderstand participant level of emotions upon return, their intentionsor next steps on remembrance, and discussions that addressed pre-tripresponses.

Photo Elicitation

Secondly, the post-trip interviews included photo elicitation methodsto add an extra dimension to their impressions on the trip and at CapeCoast (Harper, 2002). The symbolic representation of an image givesthe interview discussion a focus for dialogue, a reference point for re-sponses, and when the interviewee has taken the pictures an idea oftheir position in the experience (Clark-Ibanez, 2004). Auto-drivenphoto-elicitation was not guided but only requested in depicting theexperiences at Cape Coast as the respondents saw fit (Samuels,2004). For all respondents, prior imagery or destination images didnot weigh into their decision to travel to Cape Coast. Although theyhad not seen any images prior to travel, their photographs are compa-

rable to other images that have since appeared on Cape Coast internetsites and emphasizes the unique attributes of the Slave Castle (Jenkins,1999). The inclusion of the elicited photographs provided additionalmeanings of the experience or detail to the explanations, as all photo-graphs re-construct the experience and sense of Cape Coast (Kyle &Chick, 2007).

Narrative Analysis

Lastly, a narrative or textual analysis was integrated into the study toillustrate the dominant narrative associated with tourists. Textsrange from peer-reviewed publications, poems, newspaper articles,and web sources all of which represent the potentially available mediaon Slave Castles that would form any degree of dominant societal opin-ions for value formation (Fairclough, 1989, 2003). From this analysis,emergent concepts are identified from the reflexive responsescontained in the sources (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2000; Miles &Huberman, 1994).

FINDINGS

Findings from all three methods of data collection are presented in acombined discussion in three emergent thematic areas: 1) rationale fortravel, desire to reclaim; 2) description of the experience, emotionalattachment; and, 3) reflection and after-thoughts.



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Rationale for Travel, Desire to Reclaim

Respondents were asked to identify their rationale for visiting Gha-nas Cape Coast, and the desire to reclaim and better understand theirheritage was the major motivational theme. Respondents stated in pre-trip interviews, When I heard of the opportunity, I began to save upmy money, (1/14), [I] maxed out my credit cards knowing that Imay not have another opportunity (14/14) and, Ive been to Egyptbut it just didnt speak to me, so I am hopping that this [trip] does(7/14). Even White Europeans were anxious to visit Ghana and the re-gion, if the magnitude of what they would experience at the site wasnot known as one columnist writes,

Id had no real experience in Africa. Most of my time abroad hadbeen in Asia. I had gone to the neighboring Ivory Coast. . .to visit

American friends who work there. Theyd promised me a journeyto at least one other African country. Im glad it turned out to be thisone. (Visit to the Slave Castles, February 1999)

Travel to and experiences gained at these sites, link many of theDiaspora to a collective past and pseudo-nationhood (Franklin,2003). Bruner (2005) and Macgonagle (2006) suggest that African

Figure 3. The Infamous Door of no Return



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Americans are the largest international market segment to these sitesand as such influence exhibits at local museums and festivals (Rich-ards, 2002). African-Americans do not wish to be seen as touristsand more as travelers on a pilgrimage (Reed, 2005), even seeking to

become more than pilgrims as they become witnesses. . .

[that] passon [the] experience (Holsey, 2008, p. 200).

Billings (1999) comments that groups have blocked attempts to san-itize the experiences at the Slave Castles, because African Americansprefer them as original as possible in order to better connect withthe past. Richards (2002) recounts her own reaction of being startledby Elminas offensive whiteness due to repainting which seemedto beautify the ugly history of what occurred within the structureand repackage the site as a location of something that has long sincebeen resolved (p. 623). Richards states that the physical structures

stands as text both waiting to be read and provoking questions(p. 624).

A shared yet contested history resides in the nearly 30 African coastalcastles. The major groups include descendents of: 1) European andAmerican organizations that built and profited from the Slave Castles;2) Africans that were both victims and profiting participants; and 3)the Black Diaspora that seek to reclaim and reconcile their African her-itage. The reflexive narratives of those that experience the site con-front, reconcile, and reconstruct identities and behaviors (Park &Stephenson, 2007). The history and heritage at the site first unifiesthe Black Diaspora through shared experience (Connor, 1993;Stephenson, 2002), and secondly, unifies all through a collectiveindignation of Slavery (Bessiere, 1998; Meethan, 2001).

Respondent: I remember taking this photo (see Figure 3). . .thinkingthat this was on my mind when I decided to come on the trip. Iwanted to walk through this door seeking to gain something but alsoto return myself, in some way. . .(Post-trip interview 2/14 & Photo-elic-itation 2/14)

Description of Experience, Emotional AttachmentA second theme of discussing, describing, and explaining the expe-

rience at the Cape Coast emerged from the interviews and photo-graphs. The theme is also reinforced by descriptions of theexperience in other sources. In relationship to those issues some indi-viduals state, after walking around that [place] for 5 minutes, I wasdone. It was too much. . .I told him I had no desire of going to the[Elmina] Castle (2/14), I cant talk about it right now. . .its still onmy mind. . .lets change subject (1/14), I tried to be cool and put

my shades on but there wasnt a need, everybody else was cryingtoo. . . (5/14).In an issue ofTravel and Leisuretwo accounts of the experience com-

ment that,

The 78-year-old Caribbean who is visiting Africa for the first timeamidst tears-provoked stutters said, It all still feels so very real to



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me. My grandfather was a slave and I was lucky to have had him in mylife in my first six years. Coming here and feeling the coldness ofthese walls and how claustrophobic they felt in it brings to virtuosityand almost physical, the narrations he gave to me as a child. I just vis-

ited Calabar which is where he came from but I didnt get to see anysuch history.

And the other,

For yet a descendant of slave masters who gave her name as IreneMoore who is also visiting Africa for the first time but had taken timeto read about the slave trade history and brace herself up before com-ing, it was just as painful a visit. Red all over, she said, It is a very uglypart of history that I am happy has come to an end. I feel the coldnessand inhumanity that the blacks went through from visiting the dun-geons and spending a few minutes inside them with the lights

switched off. I also feel the hatred emanating from the blacks towardsus as our paths crossed at the entrances. I understand how they feeland would react in the same measure if I were in their place. Thereis absolutely no excuse for what happened here. Unfortunately, Iam a descendant of people who perpetuated these acts. (Offiong,November 2009)

In celebration of its 80th Anniversary, the Urban League of Pitts-burgh took 52 individuals from various walks of life to Ghana, CotedIvoire, and Senegal. McNair reports that the Urban League Presidentand CEO recalled that,

So, as the tour guides were explaining and walking through it, youcould feel the spirit of your ancestors upon you. I dont think you everoutgrow the experience of that feeling. Grown men in that groupshed tears. (McNair, August 1998)

Sadness was not the only feeling that was evoked in walking throughthe castle. Those that were interviewed described feelings of anger andstated that, They needed some time before seeing [White] peopleafter walking out of there (9/14), Right now I rather not say whatI am feeling and thinking (1/14), I just want to run up to a White

person and ask, Why? Knowing that they couldnt answer me ques-tion. . .no one can (5/14). These feeling matched noted statementsin the guest book at the conclusion of the tour in which ones nameand nation of origin can be listed. One entry in a web account state,If there is any heaven. . .we will all meet there to sort things out (Vis-its to the Slave Castle, February 1999).

In another web account, Dusty Baker, former manager of theChicago Cubs, traveled with current and former Major League Baseballplayers for a trip to the coastal castles in Ghana. Omar Minaya, GeneralManager of the Mets, stated that as a Dominican, One way or another,

all of us are tied to these places. Baker wanted to visit the sites becausehis mother had done so 37 years ago. In reflection he paused uponarriving at Cape Coast and stated, Ill never complain about my lifeagain. . ..never. (Rogers, February 2007). Even President Obama in-formed Anderson Cooper on Anderson Cooper 360that, you almost feelas if the walls can speak (see Figures 4 and 5; Drash, July 2009).



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The elicited photographs effectively documented the participantstour of Cape Coast Castle but interestingly people are not includedin the photographs. Travelers photographs often contain themselvesto prove that they were there, however the lack of people depictedin these seem to note an idea of see what I saw. In addition, the

trip seemed to be anti-climatic once they visited Cape Coast, somepeople traveled to a local school and others purchased fabric from anearby market, however, not much more activity of any noted impor-tance was discussed.

Further research on Slave Castles could include extending photoelicitation methods by having individuals create a memory scrapbook(Wyche, Sengers, & Grinter, 2006) in order to gain further insights

Figure 5. One Room in the Female Dungeon

Figure 4. Another View of Male Dungeon Showing Size and Limited Lighting



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in the histories of motivation. Furthermore, the Slave Castles guestbook contained data that could yield a larger picture of touristsmotivations and emotions.

Reflections and Afterthoughts

The final theme dealt with expressions of closure, post trip revela-tions, next steps, or concluding points.

Respondent: (in reference to Figure 6) I forgot how beautiful thecoast was beyond the castle. The peace and calm there [is] matchedby any place near water I had been to before. (Post Trip Interview10/10 & Photo Elicitation 10/10)

Respondent: Although I said it before. . .I am glad I went. But know-

ing what I know is valuable and will always mean something tome. . .but I dont want to go back there [physically or emotionally].(Post Trip Interview 3/10 & Photo Elicitation 3/10)

Respondent: When we went into the dungeon area. . .one of the dun-geon areas (see Figures 4 and 5). . .I knew. I. . .I. . .it is hard to explainfor a lot of reasons. But the feeling is still there [in each room] and

Figure 6. Photograph of the Coast



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not just because I came into this with a knowledge of what happenedhere. The air is still thick. . .the walls have scratches in them. . .thefloor is stained from millions of people. I am glad I came, but I knowthis trip is over. . .I was ready to come back home (Post-Trip Interview

6/14).Further responses expressed the need for, others to know and visit

(9/14), a strengthening experience and one that I will never forget(see Figure 7) (11/14), I can tell you about what we did withoutlooking at a single picture. . .because the image will never leave mymind (2/14). While others express concern in reflection, I wonderhow long will it remain the way it is because I heard they were going toopen a gift shop. . .a gift shop?!? Where people were brutalized to deathand dehumanized? What are you going to sell? Shackles?!? (5/14).

Concerns such as these are echoed by Billings (1999) who reports

that, African Americans staged a sit-in in protest at what they saw asa desecration of a shrine when local tourism authorities had openedcafes and bars inside the castle and started to clean and whitewash thedungeons that implies a need to balance local and visiting interests(p. 3). Tourism in Ghana is flourishing and in particular to the Coastalregion, growing from 1630% annually (Essah, 2001). Nearly a decadelater in 2010, the Ghana Tourism Board reported international touristreceipts of 975.80 million dollars (USD) from 581.47 million dollars in2005 with a nearly 10,000 person record increase in visitation to theCoast (Cape Coast Castle Attracts, January 2011; More tourist,May 2010). Destinations develop tourism primarily to improve thequality of life for the local residents (McCool & Martin, 1994), howeversometimes resident desires and needs do not exactly line up with thoseof the tourists. In order for residents to benefit from tourism, a variety

Figure 7. Close-up of the Signage Door of no Return



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of economic avenues must exist. Although concessions (e.g., food, sou-venirs, lodging, etc.) often provide much needed capital for local res-idents and attractions such as national parks and museums, sensitivityand respectfulness are paramount.

CONCLUSION

In analysis, there are several emerging concepts for future researchfrom the set of interviews, elicited photographs, and narrative inclusionand analysis. Brannen (1992) states that, where qualitative methodsplay a subsidiary role in a project. . .they may act as a source of hunchesor hypotheses which quantitative work may then go on to test to pro-vide a larger picture of human activity (p. 24). This study stands along-

side other texts that discusses the significance of Slave Castles byproviding further responses that reinforce the notion that 1) Slave Cas-tles should be researched further; and, 2) if they are included under dis-cussions of dark tourism careful considerations should be taken sincethey do not follow the same conventions as many other dark sites.

Developing a Pedagogy and Need for a Focused Site Interpretation

Beyond the benefits of further qualitative inquiry and inclusion ofquantitative inquiry, discussions of pedagogy are rarely brought in asa necessary area of study. The physical information contained in thesites offer effective teaching tools on race, ethnicity, governmentality,identity, history, anthropology, economics, mental health, and interna-tional policy (Hartmann, 2002; Stern, 2005). The emphasis on peda-gogy would also be useful in the efforts of UNESCO but also in siteinterpretation by the Ghanaian authorities and Ghana Museum andMonuments Board (Macgonagle, 2006). However, interpretation ef-forts would need to consider the descendents of victims, descendentsof perpetrators or main instigators, and descendents of bystanders or

collaborators, as is the case with interpreting Holocaust sites (Ashworth& Hartmann, 2005; Ioannides & Ioannides, 2006; Tunbridge & Ash-worth, 1996). If education is made a priority, this may affect secondaryeducation or pre-college/professional schools in many countries. Slav-ery is not a mandatory part of history or social studies curriculums inthe U.S., although the Holocaust is mandatory, but with UNESCO urg-ing Slavery in curriculums could become more a reality (Hartmann,2002). U.S. universities are incorporating visits to Slave Castles as partof their curriculum. These student travelers could be a rich participantpool for researchers.

Development of Management Strategies Sensitive to the History, Interaction,and Uniqueness of the Sites

The UNESCO Slave Route Project, since its inception in 1994, seeksto provide improved management of the Slave Castles, and is aimed at



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fundraising, information sharing, and education (UNESCO, 2005).The World Heritage Site designation aids in conservation and preser-vation efforts and places UNESCO in a position as a mediator and edu-cator for the many interest groups (Teye & Timothy, 2004).

Management strategies need to consider local residents, visitors, andthe enslaved Africans who were held in the Slave Castles. Historical re-cords provide educational information for the attraction, while resi-dent studies provide a great deal of information on local needs andperceptions of tourism development (Teye, Sirakaya, & Sonmez,2002; William & Lawson, 2001; Yu, Chancellor, & Cole, 2009). Visitorstudies provide marketing and economic information as well as detailson needs and perceptions of tourists (Chancellor & Cole, 2008;Prideaux & Crosswell, 2006). Collectively this information can beassimilated into an appropriate management plan designed for a

World Heritage Site that embodies a testimony of Slavery.Slave Castles unlike most other attractions offers tourism and leisure

researchers an expanded discussion on the carefully intertwined com-plexities of race, heritage, violence, and place. Tourists see them-selves less as revelers in violence and much less as actual tourists intheir decision to travel to such destinations. For example, due to thepowerful emotional experience of visiting the Cape Coast Castle, thegroup elected to forgo visiting the Elmina Castle. Slave Castles evenstand aside from their sanctified Plantation cousins or erased lynch-ing sites on the other side of the Atlantic (Buzinde, 2007; Mowatt,2009). Rooms in the Cape Coast Castle, according to tourists, stillhold sensations of smell, sound, and appearance of the brutality thatoccurred within their walls.

LIMITATIONS

Despite the richness of the responses the study is not without limita-tions. The varied nature of responses in the interview called for furthertime in using the content analysis technique to pull emerging themes

in to categories. In doing so, there is always the possibility that respon-dents did not fully understand the line of questioning or embellishedresponses. Specifically all the interviewed respondents were vested inthe experience of visiting the Slave Castle. As such the results from thisstudy are not generalizable. A second sample could have yielded a con-firmation or divergence in responses and behaviors with this sample.However, the respondents stories were crucial in describing the inter-actions and interpretations of the site. The responses illustrate theneed to examine Slave Castles from a tourism research perspective.This study has provided initial insight and identified themes for further

research. Specifically, a larger sample could provide additional insightinto visitors motivations, interpretation needs, and reactions to theSlave Castles.

In conclusion, because of their treatment by tourists, Slave Castlesraise issues with the traditional conventions of dark tourism, thanatou-rism, dissonant heritage sites, and black spots. Just as Stone and



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Sharpley (2008) propose as a useful typology of conceptualizing, it maybe plausible that places of death and suffering require a case study cat-egorization to differentiate between sites of sadness and remembrance,war and national pride, and fanfare and bloodlust as they each identify

a particular set of values in visitor motivation, management interpreta-tion, and societal role. Despite the heavy emotions, scarred history, andsocial ambiguity, Slave Castles yield an important role in internationalrace relations. They offer Ghana an opportunity to develop a poten-tially thriving tourism economy. They offer UNESCO a focal point totackle ongoing issues of ethnic and racial superiority and exploitation.Visitors are confronted with a dark and ugly past which may help openthe doorway to a bright and attractive future.

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Submitted 20 February 2010. Resubmitted 19 March 2010. Resubmitted 21 August 2010.Resubmitted 19 January 2011. Final version 15 March 2011. Accepted 20 March 2011.Coordinating Editor: Christine Buzinde

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