umrabulo - issue no 38, 1st quarter 2013

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UMRABULO 1ST QUARTER | 2013

Cover theme: 50th AnniversAry of the foUnDinG of the oAU 3 Our collective view of the theory of the South African revolution President Jacob Zuma

10 Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance The 50th Anniversary of the formation of the OAU Eddy Maloka

16 Why did the ANC endorse the National Development Plan? Trevor Manuel

23 The meaning of a cadre Bongani Mkongi

33 The ANC and the church: A century of selfless struggle Kgolane Alfred Rudolph Phala

41 The theory of organisation Nathi Mthethwa

1st QUARTER 2013

UMRABULO was a word used to inspire political discussion and debate on Robben Island. This concept was revived in 1996 when the ANC published the first edition of Umrabulo. The journal’s mission is to encourage debate and rigorous discussions at all levels of the movement.

Call for contributionsUmrabulo welcomes contributions from readers. Contributions may be in response to previous articles or may raise new issues. Contributions may be sent to the address below.

SubscriptionsTo subscribe to Umrabulo, complete and return the subscription form at the back of this edition. Subscribers receive Umrabulo quarterly by normal post. This service is available to both South African and international subscribers.

Editorial CollectiveNathi Mthethwa – Editor in ChiefJoel NetshitenzheThenjiwe MtintsoJoyce MashambaEnoch GodongwanaDepuo Letsatsi-DubaDonovan CloeteSteyn SpeedMicheal SachsMuzi Ndlovu

Contact InformationAddress: Umrabulo PO Box 61884 Marshalltown 2107 South AfricaTelephone: 011 376 1000Fax: 086 633 1437e-mail: [email protected]

UMRABULO

The contents and views expressed in Umrabulo do not necessarily reflect the policies of the ANC or the views of the editorial collective.

Umrabulo on the web : www.anc.org.za

Contents

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ONthe16thofDecember2012,theoldestLibera-tionMovement inAf-

rica,theAfricanNationalCon-gressconvenedits53rdNationalConference inMangaung, itsbirthplaceacenturyearlier.

Theprimarytaskofaconfer-ence is to do the followingamongstothers;

“In order to review the past and reject therein all those things which have retarded our progress, the things which poison the springs of our national life and virtue… and as members of one house-hold to talk and think loudly on our home problems and the solution of them.”(ConferenceDeclaration).

ThecontinuousrenewaloftheANCoverthecenturyofitsexistencehasbeenguidedbythenatureandcontentofthestruggleagainstapartheidcolonialismanditslegacyaselabo-ratedinitsStrategyandTactics.TheANChasalwaysunderstoodthattoleadthenationaldemocraticrevolutionsuccessfully,ithastorenewitselfsothatitremainsrelevanttothechangingconditionsofthestruggle,bothlo-callyandinternationally.

Atthecoreoftheabove,hasalwaysbeenaunitedandrevolutionaryANCandAllianceformationsthatarerootedamongstthepeopleandhaveacommitted,conscientious,compe-tent,disciplinedandcapablecorpsofcadres.

TheConferenceresolvedto “declare the next ten years as the Decade of theCadre and commits itselfin implementing a decade-long programme of organizational renewal to safeguard the core values of the ANC and build its transformative capacity as a strategic centre of power and driver of funda-mental change”.

EachphaseofourrevolutionhasalwaysrequiredthemaximumunityoftheANCandtheAlliance,enablingustosharpenourcapac-itytoadvanceanddefendthenationaldemo-

craticrevolution. Italsore-quires that we buildmaximumunityofSouthAf-rica’speopleandthebroadestrangeofsectorsofoursocietyaroundthisprogramme.Thecurrentconjunctureisnodif-ferenttoitsprecedingphasesofourrevolution.

The Conference reaf-firmed theperspective that“our revolution will only suc-ceed if the movement continu-ously produces a contingent of cadres who are conscious, com-

petent, committed, disciplined and conscientious”.Itisinthisspiritthattheestablishmentand

rolloutoftheANC’scomprehensivepoliticalschoolsystem–national,provincial,regional,sub-regional/zonalandbranchlevel–isanurgenttaskthatfaceseverycadreofourglori-ousmovementduring“the Decade of the Cadre”.

IftheANC,wantstocontinuetobealoyalservantofthepeople,adynamicleaderofoursocietyandaneffectivemovementfortrans-formation.Wemustdothefollowingamongstothers:

• Wemusttakeurgentstepstoinstitution-alisethePoliticalEducationsystems.

• PrioritymustbegiventoPoliticalEduca-tion,academictrainingandskillsdevel-opmentoftheleadershipandthegen-eralmembership.

Umrabulo is a critical instrument in thehandsoftheorganisationtodeepenthepoliti-calconsciousnessamongstthecadresofourmovement.

AsChairmanMaoZedongoncesaid,that"Letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend…"Wethereforecalluponthecadresofourmovementtocontributearticlestothispublication.

Every ANC Member an Organiser, a Commissar.

Every ANC Member an Organiser, a Commissar

EDITORIAL

Nathi Mthethwa Editor-in-Chief

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THEStrategyandTacticsoftheANCsetsourorganisationapartinthecat-egoryofliberationmovementsinthe

world.Fromitsinception,theANChasal-wayshadclearstrategiesandtacticsthatitemployed in its pursuit of the struggleagainstcolonisationofaspecialtype,whichwasorganisedasapartheid.

TheadoptionatMorogorooftheStrat-egyandTacticsdocumentwasaculmina-tionofthisprocessofanorganisationthatunderstooditstacticalandstrategictasksasafunctionofstruggle.

OverthepastyearstherehasbeenanattempttosuggestthattheANChadstrat-egyandtacticsonlywhenitfirstadoptedthedocumenttitled:StrategyandTacticsatMorogoroin1969.ThisdemonstratesalackofunderstandingoftheANCandhowithasevolvedover theyears.TheANC iscomplexandthereforeweunderstandwhysomecommentatorsstruggle tokeepupwithourmovement.

Wehavearesponsibilitytoeducateour

Understanding the Strategy and Tactics document, and particularly how it

should guide the daily work of ANC members and structures, is essential to the

achievement of the liberation of South Africans from all forms of bondage, writes

President Jacob Zuma.

Our collective view of the theory of

the South African revolution

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membersaboutsomeoftheseissuessothattheydonotendupbeingmisledandconfusedbyhistorianswhodonotun-derstandourmovement.ThatiswhywemustmoveatafastpaceinsettingupourPoliticalSchooltocreatecadresthataregroundedinthetraditionsoftheANC.

Ourorganisationhasneverbeenrigid.Ithasalwaysbeendynamic.Therefore,truetoitscharacterasadynamicorgani-sation,theANChasalwayshadthecapacitytoadapttochangingconditionswhileatthesametimebeingcapableofskil-fullymaintaining its corevalues.This iswhy,despitechangingourtacticsandattimesmodifyingaspectsofourstrategy,wehavealwaysbeenconsistentinthepursuitofourstrategicobjective,whichisthestrug-glefortheemancipationofAfricansinpar-ticularandblacksingeneralfromeconom-icandpoliticalbondage.

In thecourseof thestrugglewehaveusedvariousstrategiesinthepursuitofthisstruggle.Somehavebeenconsistentandsomehavebeenovertakenbytime.OneofthoseaspectsofstrategythathasproventimelesshasbeentounitetheAfricanpeopleacrossethniclinesandevenraceinthepur-suitofthestruggle.ThishasremainedtrueoftheANCtilltoday.

Over the yearswe have pursued thestrategyofnon-violentaction,butwehadtoabandonthatstrategywhenitseemedthatweneededtomodifyourstrategytosuitchangingconditionsinoursociety.Welaterrevertedtonon-violentactionafter1990,whenconditionshadnormalised.

Overtheyearswehadalsopursuedastrategyofmobilisingtheinternationalcom-munitytoparticipatein,andsupport,ourstruggle,includingthroughtheuseofsanc-tions.After1994wecontinuedtopursuethesamestrategywithmodifiedtactics.Nowwenolongercallforsanctions;wenowcallfor increased investment inournationaleconomy.

TheStrategyandTacticsdocumentclear-

ly stipulates what is ourstrategyatthepresentmo-mentandwhatarethetacti-calmanoeuvresweneedtoemployinthepursuitofourobjectives.

Wehaveneverusedonestrategy.Wehaveneverel-evatedanaspectofourstrat-egy in the pursuit of ourstruggle. In the sameveinwehavealwaysadaptedourtacticstosuitchangingcon-ditions.Ourtacticshaveal-waysbeenasubjectofde-

batebetweenandamongourstructures,includingwithinthealliance.

Attimesthesediscussionstendtoelevatetacticaldifferencesintostrategiconesandasaresultwelosethecoreelementsofanecessarydebate.Wetrulyprideourselvesinthefactthatwhileotherorganisationsmuddlethrough,weareguidedbyclearlyarticulatedanddocumentedpolicies,strat-egiesandtactics.

CONTEXT OF 1969 STRATEGY AND TACTICSThefirstStrategyandTacticsdocumentwasadoptedattheMorogoroConsultativeCon-ferenceinTanzaniain1969.

Theconferencewasinmanywaysawa-tershed. It came immediately after theWankieandSipolilocampaignswhereUm-khontoweSizwefighters,alongsidetheircomradesfromtheZimbabweAfricanPeo-plesUnion, distinguished themselves incombatagainstsoldiersofthewhiteminor-ityregimesofSouthAfricaandRhodesia.Theseoperationsmarkedtheendofape-riodofavirtuallullinthestrugglefollow-ingthedisruptionofourmovementthroughbanningandthecaptureoftheHighCom-mandatLilieslieffarminRivonia.

TounderstandtheStrategyandTacticswehavetolocateitwithintheexperienceofthenationalliberationstruggleandthelivesofourpeoplebeforeandduringcolo-nialoppression.

TheCongressofthePeopleledbytheANCadoptedtheFreedomCharterinKlip-town,Johannesburgin1955.TheCharter

We truly pride ourselves in the fact

that while other organisations muddle through, we are guided by clearly articulated

and documented policies, strategies

and tactics.

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expresses the vision of ourNationalDemocraticRevolu-tioninclearandunambigu-ousterms.Init,thePeopleofSouth Africa declare “thatSouthAfrica belongs to allwholiveinit,blackandwhite,andthatnogovernmentcanjustlyclaimauthorityunlessitisbasedonthewillofallthepeople”.

Itgoesontoarticulatethevisionofanationaldemocrat-icsocietybyhighlightingitspolitical,economic,andsocialfeatures,aswellasitsinternationalposture.Thede-mandsareradicalandcallforthefunda-mentaltransformationofsociety.Thatistheantithesisofwhattheminorityregimestoodfor.Nowonderthenthattheachievementofthesedemandswouldrequirealongandprotracted struggle characterised by theviolenceoftheminorityregime,andthecounter-violenceoffreedomforces.

The1969StrategyandTacticsisground-edinthehistoryofourstruggleandtheconditionsfacedbythefreedomforcesatthetime.Whiletherehavebeenmanyit-erationssincetheadventoffreedomin1994,itisusefultobrieflyoutlinethemainele-mentsoftheearlierdocument.

Thedocumentstartsoutwithashortde-scriptionofthecharacteroftheregimeandthesupportitdrewfromtheforcesofim-perialism;itlocatesthefreedomstruggleasacontinuationofthelonghistoryofresis-tanceagainsttheforcesofcolonialism;anditexplainswhytheANCdecidedthatthetimewasripetoadoptarmedstruggleasakeyelementinthestrategytooverthrowtheminorityregime.

ItalsoexplainstheviewoftheANConthemeaningofarmedstruggleanditssub-ordinationtothepoliticalleadership.Thedocumentcontraststheturntoarmedstrug-glewiththepreviousnon-violentformsofstruggle and addresses theANCunder-standing of “revolutionary policy” and“revolutionaryleadership”.Weunderlinethisbecauseitappliesnotonlyinconditionsofarmedstrugglebutatallstagesofthe

NationalDemocraticRevolu-tion.

To quote from the docu-ment:“The art of revolutionary leadership consists in providing leadership to the masses and not just to its most advanced ele-ments; it consists of setting a pace which accords with objective con-ditions and the real possibilities at hand.

“The revolutionary-sounding phrase does not always reflect revolutionary policy, and revolu-

tionary-sounding policy is not always the spring-board for revolutionary advance”.

Thedocumentdiscussesthestrengthsandweaknessesofthe“enemy”facingtheliberationmovementatthetime.Itdrawsattentiontotheregime’sapparent“stable command of a rich and varied economy, which even at this stage when it is not required to ex-tend itself, can afford an enormous military bud-get. He has a relatively trained and efficient army and police force. He can draw on fairly large manpower resources”.

TheStrategyandTacticsgoesontoad-dressthesocialbaseoftheregimeanditssoft belly. This is contrasted with thestrengthsandopportunitiesoftheliberationmovement.Theserestonthesupportandinvolvementofthemotiveforces,andthetacticsofruralandurbanguerrillawarfare.

Thereisadeepanalysisofthemotiveforcesoftheliberationmovementintermsofitsracialandclasscharacter,andtheirpotentialtorisetothechallengeoffightingsuchaformidableenemy.

ThisunderlinesthedepthofanalysisandtheresponsiblemannerinwhichtheANCdischargesitsroleastheleaderofthena-tionalliberationmovement.Weexplainthecontentofthestruggle;theconditionsunderwhich it iswaged; the specific forms ofstruggleweshallfollow;thecharacteroftheenemy;andthecharacteroftheforcesfight-ingforfreedomanddemocracy.

REVISING STRATEGY AND TACTICSThistraditionhasbeenfollowedsince1969.Wedidsoin1997,2002and2007.Wedidso

The 1969 Strategy and Tactics is

grounded in the history of our struggle

and the conditions faced by the freedom forces at the time.

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atthe53rdNationalConfer-ence inMangaung last De-cember.WedonotrevisetheStrategyandTactics justforthesakeofdoingso.

The51stand53rdconfer-ences,in2002and2013,onlyaddedaprefacetotheearlierdocuments.The2007StrategyandTacticsbeginswithabriefdescriptionofwhereweareinourjourneytobuildaNation-alDemocraticSociety(NDS).ItindicatesthecoretaskstheANCwillexecuteasthelead-eroftheNationalDemocraticRevolution(NDR).Italsoex-plains the evolution of thevariousstreamsouremerging

nation, the challenges that theNDRhasfacedandovercome,aswellasthoseitstillhastoovercome.

Itexplainshowtheorganisationitselfcametoembracethebestinhumancivilisa-tionandvaluesystemsduringthestruggleagainstcolonialism.ItespeciallyunderlineshowtheANChaspursuedthepathofnon-racialism,andthemoralvaluesofhumancompassionandsolidarityfarbeyondtheconfinesofitsoppositiontotheapartheidsocialsystem.

Thedocumentprovideskeymessagesaboutwhatisexpectedofmembers,cadresandleadersoftheorganisation.

Firstly,theANCistheleaderofsocietyasawhole,withaparticularbiastothepoorandmarginalisedsectionsofourpopulationinbuildingaunited,non-racist,non-sexist,democraticandcaringsociety.ThismeansthatANCmembersineverycommunityshouldearntherespectandconfidenceofthecommunitybecauseofthepurityofcon-ductandabilitytochartthemostconstruc-tivewaytoaddressitsproblems.Respectandconfidencecannotbe imposed; theymustbeearned.

Amemberof theANCis thebestbe-haved,respectfulandconscientiousmemberofthecommunity.Theyarethemostknowl-edgeableabouttheConstitution,otherlawsandchannelsforaccessingpublicservicesandexercisingrightsaffordedbytheCon-

stitution.Theydonotusesuchknowledgefortheir

ownbenefitbutforthebenefitofthewholecommunity.

Secondly,thememberoftheANCalwaysstrivestobuildthehighestlevelofunityandsocialcohesionintheircommunity.TheANCisnotjustanotherpoliticalpartycom-petingtobethegovernmentoftheday.

Oneofitskeyobjectivesisthemobilisa-tion of the community behind the pro-grammesofgovernment.Itmobilisesnotjustitsownmembersandmembersofalliedformations,butthewholecommunity,re-gardlessofpolitical,culturalorreligiousaffiliation,oranyothermannerinwhichcitizensidentifythemselvesinkeepingwiththevaluesofourConstitution.

Thirdly,ANCmembersshouldalwaysbevigilantagainstbadtendenciesinsidethemovement,includingtheuseofpublicre-sourcesforprivategain.Theymustbevig-ilantagainstelementsthatseektosubvertinternal democratic processes; includingbuyingmemberstoboosttheirchancesofelectionintopositionsofleadershipatalllevel.Membersmustbealerttohowtheirownbehavioursandactivitiesmaybecon-struedandintheprocesshowtheimageoftheorganisationmaybetarnished.

MembersoftheANCmustbethefirsttodeclareandresolveanyconflictofinterestthatmayariseintransactionstheyarein-volvedin,especiallywheretheseincludepublicresourcesinanyform.Atthesametime, ANC members must be vigilantagainstwhattheStrategyandTacticscor-rectlyidentifiesasattemptsbyforcescon-nectedtotheoldapartheidorderandinter-nationalreactiontounderminethestateandtodisorganise,weakenanddestroythelib-eration movement through clandestinemeans,includingallkindsofmanipulationwithinandoutsideitsranks.

These attempts include the concertedonslaughttopresentourorganisationasresponsiblefortheintractablepovertyandinequalitiesinwhichmillionsofourpeoplefindthemselves.Atypicalexampleoftheseattemptsistheuseofinformationsourcestodownplaytheachievementsofthedem-ocraticgovernmentandexaggerateitsshort-

ANC members in every community

should earn the respect and confidence of the community because of the purity of conduct and ability to chart the most constructive way to address its

problems.

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comings.Sometimestheideaisevenpro-jected that things were better underapartheid.Wesaythisnottodenyourweak-nessesandfailuresbuttounderlinethatthosewhopurporttodefendtheinterestsofthepoorarenotnecessarilyfriendsoftherevolution,butoftenitsenemies.

MembersandleadersoftheANCmustbeexemplarsofintegrityandrespectthetrustextendedtothembyourpeople.Atthesametimewemustengagetheattemptstopresenttheunderlyingcauseofpovertyandinequalityascomingfromotherthantheapartheidcolonialsocialsystem.Lead-ersofthemovementandmembersgener-allymust always ask themselveswhoseideastheyarepeddlingwhentheypresenttheorganisationinapoorlight,especiallywhentheydothisoutsidetheitsstructures.

Fourthly,theANCmembermuststriveforexcellenceineverytasktheyperform.Theymustmaintainaself-criticalattitudeandchallengethemselvestodobetterallthetime.This is trueof thestudentand theteacher,medicalprofessional,socialworker,memberofthesecurityforces,civilengineer,administrativeofficerandeveryseniorpub-licservantandofficial.IndeedthisistruealsooftheANCmemberinanyarenawheretheywork,whetherprivate,publicornon-governmental.

ThesearesomeoftheattributesthatwereintendedwhenwespokeoftheDecade of Cadre;buildinganANCcadrewhowillrep-resentthetruecharacterandnatureoftheANC,andwhowillbeseenbythepublicasanembodimentoftheANC.

STRATEGY AND TACTICS ON CURRENT CHALLENGESContinuousself-evaluationandengagementwithourpolicies,strategiesandtacticsareamongthefactorsthatkeeptheANCfreshandrelevant.Weencourageconstructivedebate.Thisensuresthatasmembersandcadreswetrulyunderstandourpoliciesandourtasksateverygivenmoment.

We do not just memorise and repeatphrasesbutcanexplainwhatourpoliciesmeanandhowwearegivingeffecttothem.Wehavesaidthatthecoreissuebeforeusishowtoaddressthetriplechallengeofpov-

erty, inequality and unem-ployment.

OurStrategyandTacticsindicatesthat:“The main con-tent of the NDR is the liberation of the African people in particu-lar and blacks in general from political and socio-economic bondage. It means uplifting the quality of life of all South Afri-cans, especially the poor, the ma-jority of whom are African and female. At the same time it has the effect of liberating the white community from the false ideol-ogy of racial superiority and in-security attached to oppressing others.

“The hierarchy of disadvantage suffered un-der apartheid will naturally inform the magni-tude of the programmes of change and the atten-tion paid to those who occupied the lowest rungs on the apartheid social ladder.”

Membersmustinternalisethewholeofthisstatement,andnotjustthefirstpart.TheStrategyandTacticsoutlinesthe“main emphases in the work of the ANC in the coming decade”.

ThedocumentsaysallANCinterven-tionswillbemadewithintheframeworkoftheNationalConstitution.Thedevelopmen-talstatewillfollowa“strategic orientation: an approach premised on people-centred and people-driven change, and sustained develop-ment based on high growth rates, restructuring of the economy and socio-economic inclusion”.

Therewillbea“focusoncreatingdecentjobsandensuringanimprovingqualityoflifeforworkers.Governmentwillimple-mentprogrammestoeliminateeconomicdualismandexclusion”.Theseprogrammesincludeskillsdevelopment,specificatten-tiontoindustriesthatlendthemselvestoinvolvementbymarginalisedcommunities,accesstomicro-creditandsmallbusinessassistance,landreform,publicworksproj-ects,andpromotionofsustainableliveli-hoodsatcommunityandhouseholdlevels.

Itsaysgovernmentwillimplement“a comprehensive human development strategy which includes: improvement of the general education system; intensification of education

Continuous self-evaluation and

engagement with our policies, strategies

and tactics are among the factors that keep

the ANC fresh and relevant. We

encourage constructive debate.

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in mathematics and natural sciences; promotion of social sciences that help build social cohesion; expansion of the nation’s artisan base; improv-ing throughput and research in universities; and an effective adult basic education programme”.

“While encouraging individual initiative, drive and entrepreneurship, we shall also pro-mote appreciation or the responsibility on the part of those who command political, social, material and other forms of power towards the poor and vulnerable sectors of society. In this regard we will fight against all manifestations of racism, super-exploitation, patriarchy, ethnic chauvinism, religious and political intolerance, and abuse of women and children; discourage greed and arrogant display of wealth; and cam-paign against abuse of drugs and alcohol,”itsays.

AlltheserequireastrongANCwhichre-asserts itself as the leader of change.Thus,inourStrategyandTacticsweshouldbealerttothedomesticbalanceofforces.There-alignmentofoppositionforcesundertheleadershipoftheDemocraticAllianceisacaseinpoint.Theoppositionaugmentsitsminoritypositioninparliamentthroughthemobilisationofsmallerparties,themediaandright-wingthinktanksincivilsocietyandtheuseofthecourts.

Amongthekeythemesoftheright-wingagendatowhichweshouldbealertisthestrategytoappropriatethemeaningandcontentofournationalconstitution.An-otherthemeistocontinuouslyportraythepast18yearsoffreedomashavingbeena

failureandSouthAfricaashavingregressed.Whileweneedtoimprovethewaywedothings,wecannotallowourgainstoberub-bished.

Moreimportantly,weshouldcarefullyanalysethebalanceofforcesinrelationtothelabourmovement.Wehaveseenwhathappened in other countries in Africa,wheretheliberationmovementwasweak-enedthroughthelabourmovement.Theinvolvementofa foreignelement inourcountrymobilisingandmanipulatingthelabourmovement,thusweakeningCOSA-TUisaseriousmatter.Wehaveseenthishappeningintheplatinumbeltwithshad-owyinternationalelementsandmovementshavebeenworkingtofomentoppositiontoCOSATU, and to theNationalUnion ofMineworkersinparticular.Wemustthere-foretrytounderstandtheideologicaldi-mensionofthisoffensive.

Whatshouldourstrategyandtacticssayaboutthenatureofthisoffensive?Ourtasksremainthesameasbefore;isolatetheforcesthatwanttotakeusbackward,andbuildmaximumunityamongtheforcesofchange.Weneedtoavoidlimitingouranalysisofthebalanceofforcestoelectoralalignments.Thisanalysisisimportant,butnotsufficient.Wemust,inthespiritofthetheoryofNDR,assessthemotiveforcesandclasspositionsofvariousactorsinthepresentperiod,es-peciallytheroletheemergingblackbour-geoisie,theblackmiddlestrataand,aboveall,monopolycapital.

Freedom Day celebrations... The opposition continues to lie about the success of our democratic breakthrough.

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INTERNATIONAL ARENAIntheinternationalbalanceofforces,wenoteamovetowardsamoremulti-polarworld.

TheWestcannolongerdeterminetheglobalagenda,asthereisamajorshiftac-companiedbyincreasingeconomicandpo-liticalpowerofcountriesoftheSouth,es-pecially those organised around Brazil,Russia,India,Chinaand,recently,SouthAfrica(BRICS).AlsointheSouth,wehaveseentheresurgenceofleftpartiesandmove-mentsinLatinAmericawhohavelargelyrejectedpoliciesofneo-liberalism.

ThesedevelopmentshaveopenedmorespaceforprogressivealternativesthantherehasbeensincetheendoftheColdWar.Butthebalanceofforcesinfavourofthepro-gressiveforcesshouldnotbeexaggerated.Theircapacitytouniteandprovideaformi-dablechallengetothepresentworldorderremainslimited.Thepowerofimperialistcountrieshasnotbeenseriouslyshakenbythepresentglobaleconomiccrisis,althoughtheyareunderpressure.Itthereforeimpor-tanttoassesstowhatextentourownNDR

iscontributingtothechangingbalanceofforcesintheworld.WemustthereforeuseourlinkswiththeSouthinforumssuchasIBSAandBRICStomaximisethegainsofourrevolution.

On theAfricancontinent,weneed toworkhardertostrengthenparty-to-partyrelationswithformerliberationmovements.Arecentmeetingofformerliberationmove-mentsinSADCwasagoodstepforwardincementingrelations.

ItisofutmostimportancethatmembersandcadresoftheANCbefullyconversantwiththeStrategyandTacticsandusethedocumenteffectivelyasaguideininternaldiscussionsandpublicengagements.WeshouldalsonotlosesightofourStrategyandTacticswhenexecutingthetasksofso-cioeconomic transformation in linewithgovernmentprogrammes.AstrongerandmorecohesiveANCwillensure that theNDR,ledbytheANCadvancesandstaysoncourse.

Jacob Zuma is President of the ANC.

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TheAfricanUnionhasdeclared2013theYearofPan-AfricanismandtheAfricanRenaissanceasasloganfor

thecelebrationofthe50thanniversaryoftheformationoftheOrganisationofAfricanUnity(OAU).Theintentionistouseanni-versary celebrations to reaffirmAfrica’scommitment to the ideals of continentalunityandAfrica'squestforrenewal.

Pan-AfricanismisasoldasAfrica'sen-counter,first,withslaveryand,later,colonial-ism.ThroughthesetwoexperiencesAfricansonthecontinentandintheDiasporacametoseethemselvesasasinglecommunitywithcommondescentandhistory.Thisconscious-nesscrystallisedintothePan-Africanmove-mentwhoseearlyformwasaseriesofconfer-encesorganisedinWesterncapitalsbetween1900and1945.WithAfrica’sindependencefromthe1950s,thecentreofgravityofthemovementshiftedtothecontinent,whereithasremainedsince.The50thanniversaryoftheformationoftheOAUisseenasanop-portunitynotonlytorevivethePan-African

movement,butalsotoredefineitinthecon-textofthe21stcentury.

The“African Renaissance” developedasasub-setofPanAfricanthought.Wikipediasays:“The African Renaissance is the concept that African people and nations shall overcome the current challenges confronting the conti-nent and achieve cultural, scientific, and eco-nomic renewal. The African Renaissance con-cept was first articulated by Cheikh Anta Diop in a series of essays beginning in 1946, which are collected in his book ‘Towards the African Renaissance: Essays in Culture and Develop-ment, 1946-1960’. This concept has been popu-larised by South African President Thabo Mbeki during his term of office, heralding the beginning of The African Renaissance, and it continues to be a key part of the post-apartheid intellectual agenda.”

Thisispartlytrue.BythetimeAntaDiopwroteandpublishedhisworkontheAfri-canRenaissance,PixleykaSemehadal-readydeliveredhisfamous1906lectureon“The Regeneration of Africa”;andNnamdiAzikiwe’sRenascentAfricahadbeenincir-culationsincethelate1930s.Theideaof"renaissance" is rooted in Pan-Africanthoughtandpractice.IntheDiasporaitin-cludedtheso-called“right of return”,thehighlightofwhichwasMarcusGarvey’s“Back to Africa”movementofthe1920s.TheideaofanAfricathat isasleepinggiantforcedintoitsconditionbycolonialismbutwasnowabouttowakeupandrisetoclaimitsplaceinhistory,hasevolvedwithtime,takingdifferentshapeandforminthepro-cess,dependingoncircumstances.

Half a century after it was formed, the vision of the Organisation of African Unity

continues to inspire the people of the continent towards the achievement of an African renaissance, writes Eddy Maloka.

Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance The 50th Anniversary of the formation of the OAU

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THE BEGINNINGThe“DeclarationtotheColonialWorkers,FarmersandIntellectuals”,adoptedbytheFifthPan-AfricanCongressof1945,signedoffwiththeclarioncall:“ColonialandSub-ject Peoples of theWorld—Unite!” Suchgatheringsbeganin1900withthePan-Af-ricanConferenceorganisedbyaWestIn-dian,HenrySylvester-Williams,inLondon.Itwasthisconferencewhichintroducedtheword“Pan-African”intothepoliticallexi-conofthestrugglesinternationallyofpeo-pleofAfricandescent.In1919,attheinitia-tive of the African-American EdwardDuBois,theFirstPan-AfricanCongresscon-venedinParis;andsimilarcongressesfol-lowedinsubsequentyears,culminatingintheFifthoneof1945.

The1900conferenceandthefivecon-gressesweregatheringsofarelativelysmallgroupofmainlyintellectualsofAfricande-scentfromtheAmericas,Caribbean,EuropeandAfricatodeliberateonquestionsofco-lonialism and racial discrimination, andwhatoughttobedone.Smallinnumberastheywere,participantsatthesegatheringswoulddevelopabodyof thoughtandamovementthatwouldgrowintoaninter-nationalforceagainstimperialism,includ-ingcolonialruleinAfrica.Leadersofinde-pendentAfricasuchasKwameNkrumahandJomoKenyattawouldbeinitiatedintorevolutionarypoliticsandAfricannational-ismthankstotheirparticipationatthe1945Congress.DuBoisreminiscedaboutthe1919Congress as a modest beginning: “My

plans…hadinthemnothingspectacularnorrevolutionary. If indecadesoracenturytheyresultedinsuchworldorganisationofblackmenaswouldopposeaunitedfrontto European aggression, that certainlywouldnothavebeenbeyondmydream….Outofthistheremightcome,notracewarandopposition,butbroadercooperationwiththewhiterulersoftheworld,andachanceforpeacefulandaccelerateddevel-opmentofblackfolk".

DuBoiswascorrectwhenhewroteabouttheoriginsofthePan-Africanmovement:“TheideaofoneAfricaunitingthethoughtandidealsofallnativepeoplesofthedarkcontinentbelongstothetwentiethcentury,andstemsnaturallyfromtheWestIndiesandtheUnitedStates.HerevariousgroupsofAfricans,quiteseparateinorigin,becamesounitedinexperience,andsoexposedtotheimpactofanewculture,thattheybegantothinkofAfricaasoneideaandoneland”.However,withGhana'sindependencein1957,andundertheleadershipofKwameNkrumah, the centre of the Pan-Africanmovement shifted to the continent andwouldbeledanddrivenbyleadersofnew-lyindependentstates.

ForindependentAfrica,Pan-Africanismwasnotjustanidea;ithadtobeputintopracticeunderconcretecircumstancesofhistory.Twoissueswoulddominate–name-ly,theunityofthecontinentandthecom-pletionofthedecolonisationprocess.TheOAUwasformedinMay1963torealisetheobjective of unity, but as a compromise

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African leaders at the opening of the 20th session of the African Union in January 2013.

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abouthowsuchunityshouldbeachieved.ToNkrumah, the OAUwasjustasteptowardsa Union Governmentwhich would presideover the entire conti-nent.

Thisideawasburiedby twodevelopmentswithin the OAU, thefirstofwhichwaswhenthe1964SummitoftheOAUheldinCairodecidedtorespectgeographicbordersastheyhadbeeninher-ited fromcolonialauthorities.Topropo-nentsofNkrumah’sdreamofaunitedAf-rica, thiswas seen as a serious setback.Buildingonthisdecisionandthe“non-in-terference”provisionintheCharteroftheOAU,AfricanleadersretreatedbehindthecoverofstatesovereigntyasopposedtobuildingaUnitedStatesofAfrica.JuliusNyerere recalledhow the ideaofUnionGovernmentdied:“Once you multiply na-tional anthems, national flags and national pass-ports, seats of the United Nations, and indi-viduals entitled to a 21-gun salute, not to speak of a host of ministers, prime ministers and en-voys, you would have a whole army of powerful people with vested interests in keeping Africa balkanised. That was what Nkrumah encoun-tered in 1965.”

In1965,Nkrumah’sdreamsufferedan-other blow when Ghana’s proposal forUnion Government was shelved by theOAUSummitofthatyearanddeferredtoafutureprocesswhichwouldnotmateri-alisebecausethefollowingyear,in1966,Nkrumah was toppled through a coupd’état,bringingtoanendhisillustriousca-reerofcreatingaunitedAfricawithoutbor-dersandunderasingle,continentalgovern-ment. In recent years, beginning in the1990s,theUnionGovernmentdebatere-turnedtotheagendaoftheOAUanditssuccessortheAU,thistimebeingledbythelateColonelMuammarGaddafi.

TheideaofAfricanunityasenvisagedbyNkrumahdidnotdiecompletely,how-ever.Severalattemptsatcreatingfedera-tionsdidtakeplaceinWestandEastAfricainparticular,albeitwithlittlesuccess.Com-

pletingthedecoloni-sationofthecontinentwasanotherobjectiveofleadersofnewlyin-dependentAfrica.ALiberationCommitteewasestablishedwith-in theOAUtodrivethisagenda.Thisbodyplayed a key role insupportingliberation

movementsinSouthernAfrica,includingtheANC.Fromitsinauguralsummitandthroughoutitsexistence,theOAUwascon-sistentinitsoppositiontocolonialruleonthecontinents.

NyereresummarisedthefirstfewyearsoftheOAU:“In 1965, the OAU met in Accra [Ghana]. That summit is not well remembered as the founding summit in 1963 or the Cairo Summit of 1964. The fact that Nkrumah did not last long as head of state of Ghana after that summit may have contributed to the comparative obscurity of that important summit. But I want to suggest that the reason why we do not talk much about [the 1965] summit is probably psy-chological: it was a failure. That failure still haunts us today. The founding fathers of the OAU had set themselves two major objectives: the total liberation of our continent from colo-nialism and settler minorities, and the unity of Africa. The first objective was expressed through immediate establishment of the Liberation Com-mittee by the founding summit [of 1963]. The second objective was expressed in the name of the organisation – the Organisation of African Unity.

“Critics could say that the [OAU] Charter itself, with its great emphasis on the sovereign independence of each member state, combined with the Cairo Declaration on the sanctity of the inherited borders, make it look like the ‘Organi-sation of African Disunity’. But that would be carrying criticism too far and ignoring the objec-tive reasons which led to the principles of non-interference in the Cairo Declaration.”

Unityanddecolonisationwerenottheonlyissues,however.Newlyindependentstateshadtoconfronttherealitiesofgover-nance.Twochallengeswereofparamountimportance and couldnotbedeferred–namely,developmentandnation-building.

13


ThelatterinformedtheOAUdecisionontherespectofcolonialborderstoavoidciv-ilwarasnewlyindependentstatescouldimplodeintopiecesoraninter-statewartakeplacebetweenneighoursoveraborderdispute.Butthiswasnotall.Borderscouldbesettledbydecreebutnotsofornationalidentitywhichhadtobeconstructedoutofdisparateethnicandreligiousentitiesthathadbeenputtogetherarbitrarilybycolonialauthorities.AsAfrican leadershad theirownmisgivingsabouttheWesternmodelofapoliticalpartysystem,whichtheysawasathreattonationalunity,atrendemergedofone-partystates.Asthispoliticalpartymodelbecameentrenchedasanalternativetothemultipartysystem,thepost-colonialstatebecamemoreandmoredeformed,los-ingitsprogressive,people-centredcharac-ter.Italsobecamerepressiveasanypoliticaloppositiontotheestablishmentwasper-ceivedandportrayedasathreattonationalunity.Themasseswhohadbeenmobilisedduringtheyearsoftheindependencestrug-gleweresilenced,demobilised,andforcedintoslumber.

Thedevelopmentchallengehadtobead-dressed also. At independence, Africancountrieshadnoinfrastructureexeptforthefewroadsleadingtotheportstoexportrawmaterials.Therewasnoindustrialisation,letaloneanysemblanceofmoderntechno-logicaldevelopment.Thehumanresourcesbasewasslimasnoeffortwasmadeduringcolonialruletodevelopthecoloniesandtheirpeople.Intheabsenceofmassivecap-italavailableforinvestmentandwithnodevelopedentrepreneurialclass,thestatetookthecenter-stage.Thusdevelopmental-ismbecameapreferredrouteformostin-dependentAfricanstates.

Attheideologicallevel,andbecauseoftheassociationofcapitalismwithcolonial-ism,mostleadersfoundsocialismmoreat-tractive,butan“African”brandofsocialism.“African socialism”becamepopularasanAfricaninnovationandanalternativetobothcapitalismandsocialismasitwasbe-ingpracticedintheformerSovietUnion.ToAfricaleaderslikeNyerere,ModiboKeitaofMali,SekouToureofGuineaandSenghorofSenegal,pre-colonialAfricawasanegal-

itariansocietywherethemeansofproduc-tion, especially land, were communallyowned.Colonialismrepresentedacounterlogictothesesocieties,introducingprivatepropertyandinequality.Thesolutionthen,totheseleaders,wastorebuildpost-colonialAfricaonthebasisofthepoliticaleconomylogicandvaluessystemoftraditionalsoci-eties.SenghorelaboratedhisAfricanSocial-ismthesiswithhisNegritudephilosophy.Nkrumah’sConsciencismwasalsobasedonsimilarassumptionsaboutpre-colonialAfricansociety,andsowasNyerere’sUja-maathoughtandvillagisationprogramme.KennethKaundachurnedoutbookson“hu-manism”,alsoabrandofAfricansocialism.

AfricansocialismfailedtodelivertheexpectedrenaissanceoftraditionalAfrica.Nkrumahwouldtakeissuewithithimself:“Today, the phrase ‘African socialism’ seems to espouse the view that the traditional African society was a classless society imbued with the spirit of humanism and to express a nostalgia for that spirit. Such a conception of socialism makes a fetish of the communal African society. But an idyllic, African classless society (in which there were no rich and no poor) enjoying a drugged serenity is certainly a facile simplifica-tion; there is no historical or even anthropolog-ical evidence for any such society. I am afraid the realities of African society were somewhat more sordid.”

The 1970s and 1980swas aperiod ofmixedfortunesforthecontinent.Astheide-alismoftheimmediatepost-independenceperiodfadedintothebackgroundinthe1970s,overshadowedbytherepressivema-chineryofone-partystates,thefailuresoftheAfricansocialistdevelopmentmodel,andtheadventofmilitarycoupsandjuntas,apathwaspreparedforAfrica’sentryintothe“lost decade”ofthe1980s.Bycontrast,

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The Chairperson of the AU, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma listening to a delegate from one of the member states addressing the assembly.

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southernAfricawasexperiencinganoppo-sitetrend.Inthispartofthecontinent,lib-eration movements had seized powerthrougharmedstruggleinthemid-1970sinAngolaandMozambiqueandintroducedaformofsocialismalaformerSovietUnion.Zimbabwefollowedsuitin1980.

Notwithstandingthesedevelopments,thestructuraladjustmentprogrammesim-posedonAfricancountriesbytheBrettonWoodsinstitutionsinthe1980sinthewakeofthedebtcrisis,dismantledtheAfricandevelopmental state created at indepen-denceandrolledbackpublicfundingtothesocialsector,notablyhealthandeducation.Thisdidnothelpinhaltingtheerosionofthelittlegainsofindependence.ItwasjustamatteroftimebeforetheAfricanmasseswouldrisefromtheirslumber;andthisbe-ganinthe1990swiththedemocratisationwavethatsweptthroughoutthecontinent.AngolaandMozambique, for theirpart,couldnotenjoythefruitsoftheirindepen-denceasthetwocountrieswereplungedintoyearsofexternallysponsoredcivilwar.

TheOAUhadidentifiedthepromotionofcooperationasoneofitsobjectivesbutnotmuchhappenedinthe1960sinthisarea.Inthecourseofthe1970s“regional integra-tion”enteredthecontinent’sdevelopmentdiscourse.ThisresultedinthenotionofRe-gionalEconomicCommunities(RECs)asbuildingblocstowardsanAfricanEconom-icCommunity;andtheestablishmentoftheeightRECsthatarerecognisedbytheAUtoday.ThisthesisgavebirthtotheLagosPlanofAction(plusitsFinalActofLagos),theAbujaTreaty,and,subsequently,theAf-ricanUnion.

Self-reliancealsoemergedandbecameentrenchedinpost-colonialdevelopmentthought.NyererehadpopulariseditwithhisUjamaaproject,andwasdevelopedfur-therintheLagosPlanofAction.TheideaisthatAfrica’sdevelopmentmustbeonthebasisofitsownresourcesandendogenous-lyinformeddevelopmentmodels.Theex-ternalwillbecomplementary.Aself-reliantdevelopmentalapproachenvisagesadevel-opmentalstatetakingaleadinthedevelop-mentofacountryintheabsenceofwell

developedproductiveforcesandentrepre-neurialclass.Boththeregionalintegrationagendaandself-reliancesufferedheavilyinthe1980sundertheattackofstructuralad-justmentprogrammeswhosedevelopmentthesisandapproachwentagainstthelogicofself-relianceanddevelopmentalism.

AFTER THE OAUTheOAUsurvivedtheseyearsbutnotcom-pletelyuntainted.TomanyAfricans, theorganisationcametobeperceivedasaclubofdictatorsbecauseofitsindifferencetounconstitutional change of governmentwhichwastakingplaceinmanycountriesandtheviolationofhumanrights.Forthisreason,theorganisationcouldnotescapetheeffectsofthedemocratisationwaveofthe1990sandtheendoftheColdWar.Un-derthesechangedcircumstances,theOAUhadtorevisititsrole,includingthecharac-ter of the post-colonial state. This soul-searchingexerciseresultedinitstransforma-tion into the AU whose core focus isdevelopment,theeradicationofconflictsonthecontinent,andthepromotionofdemoc-racy.

AconcepthadevolvedwithintheOAUinthelate1980sandtheearly1990s(afterthecollapseoftheEasternbloc)whichsawadialecticallinkagebetweendevelopmentandpeaceandsecurity;thatAfrica’sdevel-opmentchallengesgohandinhandwiththerestorationofpeacetothecontinent.Towardstheendofthe1990sdemocracyandgoodgovernancewerebroughtintotheequation.ThisthinkingresultedintheNewPartnershipforAfrica’sDevelopment(NE-PAD)andtheAfricanPeerReviewMecha-nism(APRM).TodayAfricahasnowafullydevelopednotionofsharedvaluesandtheAfricanGovernanceArchitecturebuiltontheAU’sCharteronDemocracy,ElectionsandGovernance,amongothers.Includedin thisarchitecture,amongothers, is theAPRM,PanAfricanParliament,AUCourtsandtheHumanRightsCommission.Onthepeacefront,anAfricanpeaceandsecurityarchitectureisalsointhemaking.TheAUrecognisesthistrilateraldialecticallink–development,democracyandgoodgover-

15


nance, and peace and security. NEPADstandsasapillarforthedevelopmentlink.

Theconceptofstatesovereigntyhasalsoundergone some evolution. In 1999 theOAUadoptedtheAlgiersdeclarationonunconstitutional change of government.Sincethen,andwiththeinclusionoftheel-ementsofthisdeclarationintheConstitu-tiveActoftheAU,Africanolongertoleratesleaderswhocometopowerthroughuncon-stitutionalmeans.TheyarenowsubjectedtoaregimeofAUsanctions.Non-interfer-enceininternalaffairsofmemberstatesisstillsacrosanctbutwithaqualificationthistime.TheAU,intermsofitsConstitutiveAct,cannowinterfereunderthedoctrineofResponsibilitytoProtect.

The50yearshavebeenlong,andhaveseenleaderscomeandgo.Intheprocess,

Africahasmatured.Today,thereistalkofRisingAfrica.

Eddy Maloka is a member of the ANC International Relations Sub-committee.

REFERENCES1 Cited in Peter Abrahams, “The Congress

in Perspective”, in George Padmore, (ed), The History of the Pan-African Congress, (London, 1947 ), p.11.

2 WE DuBois, “The Pan-African Movement”, in Ibid., p.13.

3 Julius Nyerere, “Without Unity, There is No Future for Africa”, New African, 21 March 2013.

4 Kwame Nkrumah, “African Socialism Revisited”, Paper read at the Africa Seminar held in Cairo, 1967.

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THEANC’s53rdNationalConferenceendorsedtheNationalDevelopmentPlan(NDP)asaframeworktoguide

policytoeliminatepovertyandreducein-equalityoverthenexttwodecades.WhatistheNationalDevelopmentPlan?WhydidtheANCendorsetheNationalDevelopmentPlan?Whatdoes‘endorsement’mean?HowshouldtheNDPguidepolicyoverthenexttwodecades?HowdoestheNationalDe-velopmentPlanrelatetootherANCorgov-ernmentpolicies?Theseare someof thequestionsthatthisarticleaimstoanswer.

Insummary,theNationalDevelopmentPlanisacoherentandrationalplantotack-leSouthAfrica’smostpressingchallengesofpovertyandinequality.ItwasdraftedbyacommissionofexpertsappointedbythePresidentthathavebroadcredibilityinso-ciety.Theplanisalsobasedonextensivepublicconsultation.Itisapragmaticplan,basedonevidenceandexperience.Moreimportantly,itisaplanconsistentwiththeNationalDemocraticSocietyinbothformandsubstance.

The broad approach of the plan is touniteSouthAfricansacrossraceandclasstobuildasocietywithoutpovertyandwithfar lower levels of inequality. The keythemesoftheplanaretheneedforsocialcohesionandunityinfightingpovertyandinequality,theneedforactivecitizenstoplayanimportantroleintheirowndevelop-ment,theneedforacapableanddevelop-

mental state and for strong leadershipthroughoutsocietytocometogethertosolveourproblems.Theeconomicphilosophyoftheplanisbasedonacapabilitiesapproach,buildingthecapabilitiesofpeopleandcoun-tryinadynamicsensetoenablepeopleandthecountrytolivethelifethattheydesire.

TheNationalDevelopmentPlan,settingoutavision,keytargetsfor2030andspe-cificimplementationsteps,wasreleasedon15August2012bytheNationalPlanningCommission. It is not thefirst plan thatSouthAfricahasproduced,butitisthefirstofitskind:along-termnationaldevelop-mentplanthattakesastrategic,cross-cut-tinglookatthechallengesandopportunitiesthatlieaheadofusforthenext18years.

Theoverallobjectiveof theplan is toeliminateabsolutepovertyandreducein-equalityby2030.Intermsofnumbers,thismeansensuringthatnobodylivesonlessthanR419permonthin2009prices–39per-centofthepopulationcurrentlylivebelowthislevel–andtheGinicoefficientfallingfrom0.69to0.6.Thesetargetsareambitiousanditwilltakeconcertedactionoverthenext18yearsifwearetoachievethem.

BUILDING CAPABILITIESPoverty and inequality are about muchmorethanjustincome.Highlevelsofin-comeinequalityareinterlinkedwithformsofsocialandpoliticalinequality,suchastheability to participate fully in public dis-

Although it is not an ANC document, the National Development Plan contains a clear set of proposals that are consistent with the ANC’s

understanding of the national democratic revolution, writes Trevor Manuel.

Why did the ANC endorse the National Development Plan?

Trevor Manuel is Minister in the Presidency in charge of the National Planning Commission.

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courseoraccesspublicspace.Similarly,in-come poverty is interlinked with otherformsofpoverty. The fact that thepoortypically live onpoorly located land farfromplacesofworkmakesitmuchharderforpeopletoaccessemploymentopportuni-tiesandthehighcostofpublictransportimposesasignificantburdenonthosewhomanagetofindwork.

Theplanisrootedinthecapabilitiesap-proachtodevelopment,whicharguesthatdevelopmentisaboutenablingpeopletoleadthelivestheyvalueandhavereasontovalue.ThisapproachwasputforwardbyAmartyaSeninhisbookDevelopmentasFreedom,butdrawsonalongertraditionin development of focusing on people’squalityoflifeandtheconditionsthatareneededtoenablepeopletoshapetheirownlives. In this respect, the plan shares itsmethodologywith the Freedom charter,seeking to intervenedirectly to improvethosethingsthatmakethemostdifferencetothequalityoflifeofpeople,thepoorinparticular.

Theconceptofcapabilitiesreferstotheopportunitiesthatpeoplehaveaccessto.Ithighlightsthebroadrangeofsocialfactorsthataffectpeople’sopportunitiesandtheroleofpublicpolicyinexpandingthoseop-portunities. The ability to access qualityeducationandhealthcareaffectpeople’sopportunities,sodoadequatenutritionandhousing.Safeandaffordablepublictrans-port isalsocritical.Employmentplaysacentralroleinbuildingcapabilities:thein-comeearnedcanbeinvestedineducation,nutrition,housingandtransport,buttheopportunitytoworkisalsovaluableinitsownright.

Capabilitiesaremutuallyreinforcing,butinequalitiesalsotendtoreinforceonean-other.Ifyouarepoor,youaremorelikelytoliveinatownshiporformerhomelandareasthatarelocatedfarawayfromthecen-treofeconomicactivity.Thismakesitdif-ficulttofindworkandraisesthecostofliv-ing.Thequalityofeducationintheseareastendstobeofmuchlowerqualitythaninformermodel-Cschools.Thecapacityofthestate,andparticularlyoflocalgovernment,

isalsoatitsweakestinformerhomelandareas,wherethestatehasaparticularlyim-portantroletoplayinovercomingservicedeliverybacklogs.Theoverallresultisthattheunevenqualityofservicesprovidedbythestatetendstoworkagainstoureffortstobuildamoreinclusivesociety.

Thisisnotsurprising;thelegacyofapart-heidrunsdeep,butitneedstobeaddressed.Thismeansitisnotenoughtofocusonde-liveringservices,thequalityofthoseser-vicesisabsolutelycritical.Housingprovi-sionisperhapsthemostobviousexampleofthis.Governmenthasbuiltlargenumbersofhousessince1994.Thisrepresentsimpor-tantprogress in tackling the shortageofformalhousing,buthouseshaveoftenbeenbuiltontheedgeofexistingtownshipsthusreinforcingthespatialdivisionsofapart-heid.ThereisnowincreasedrecognitionthatmoreconsiderationneedstobegiventowhereRDPhousesarebuiltinordertoenablebetteraccesstoeconomicopportuni-

➤

Image of the NDP document cover.

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ties.Theplanmakesproposalsforcreatingmoreliveable,inclusiveandvibranthumansettlements.

WHAT THE PLAN PROPOSESTheplanfocuseson13keyareasrangingfromenvironmentalsustainabilitytofight-ingcorruption.Eachareacontainsspecificproposals. The proposals start from thepremisethatwemustlookatwhatisal-readyhappening;identifygaps,shortcom-ingsorblockages;andthenproposerealis-ticwaysforward.ThisapproachdrawsontheCommission’s observation that, as acountry,weswitchpoliciestoooften.Thechallengesinimplementingpolicieseffec-tivelyhavefrequentlyresultedinfrustra-tion.Theresponsehasoftenbeentoseeknewpoliciesorrestructureourinstitutions.Majorchangesaresometimesnecessary,butasadefaultresponsethiscreateschronicinstability thatmakes itmuchharder toachieverealandsustainableprogress.Inmostareasweneedtosticktothetaskandconcentrateonovercomingspecificobsta-cles. This is less about broad policy ap-proachesandmoreabouthowwegovern.

Theplanidentifiessixpillarsthatwillneedtounderpinoureffortstoeliminatepovertyandreduceinequality.Theseare:

• Uniting South Africans of all races and classes around a common pro-gramme to eliminate poverty and re-duce inequality.

• Citizens active in their own develop-ment, in strengthening democracy and in holding their government account-able.

• Raising economic growth, promoting exports and making the economy more labour absorbing.

• Focusing on key capabilities of both people and the country. Capabilities include skills, infrastructure, social security, strong institutions and part-nerships both within the country and with key international partners.

• Building a capable and developmental state.

• Strong leadership throughout society to work together to solve our prob-lems.

Thesepillarsguidethespecificproposalsmadeineachofthe13policyareascoveredintheplan.

KEY IMPLEMENTATION PRIORITIESTheplanisrealisticabouttheobstaclestoturningpoliciesintoactions.Manyoftheplan’sproposalsfocusonhowwecanover-cometheobstaclestoachievingourobjec-tives.Wheregovernmentalreadyhaspoli-ciesinplacetheCommissionhasnotalwaysproposednewpoliciesbuthaveratherfo-cuseditsattentiononwhatcanbedonetoensureexistingpoliciesareimplementedmoreeffectively.ThisisapparentifyoulookatthethreeareasthattheCommissionhasidentifiedasthemostpressingpriorities:increasingemployment,improvingthestan-dardofeducation,andbuildingacapableanddevelopmentalstate.Ineachoftheseareas,theplanprovidesspecificproposalsbasedonacarefulanalysisofwherewearegoingwrong.

• Raising employment:Toofewpeoplehave the opportunity towork.Wehaveayoungpopulationwhoshouldbe our greatest asset, butmany ofthemareunable toaccessemploy-ment.Ifwedonottakeactionsoon,thereisarealdangerthatmanyofthemwillneverhaveaccesstowork.Thisisacolossalwastethatimpactsonthem,theirfamiliesandthecoun-try.Theplanprovidesaseriesofpro-posalsforhowwecangetmorepeo-pleintowork,andultimatelygetcloseto full employment by 2030. Thismeanscreating11millionjobs.Theproposalsbuildontheprioritiesiden-tified in theNewGrowthPath forcreating5millionnewjobsby2020.Theseincludeloweringthecostofliv-ingforpoorhouseholds,improvingthebusinessenvironment,increasinginfrastructureinvestment,focusingonsectorswithstrongdomesticlinkages,andwagemoderationinthemiddleandtopoftheincomespectrum.The

19


planalsohighlightstheneedforbet-tercoordinationwithingovernmenton economic policy, increasing ex-portsasameans tofinancehigherinvestment,andreformstoimprovethefunctioningofthelabourmarkettoreducetensionandmakeiteasierforyoungpeopletoaccessemploy-ment.

• Improving the quality of education:Itisnotenoughthatchildrenattendschool,theschoolstheyattendneedtoprovideagoodqualityofeduca-tion.Achievingthisrequiresthatwetakes steps to improve the perfor-manceofteachersandprincipals,andaddresssocietalfactorsthatimpactupon children’s performance inschool.Thefactorsthatshapeachild’seducational prospects start beforebirthasundernourishmenthasama-jorimpactonachild’sdevelopment.Theplanthereforehighlightstheneedtofocusonearlychildhooddevelop-mentwithregardtobothnutritionandpre-schooleducation.Intermsofschooling, ithighlightstheneedtoimproveprofessionalisminteachingbyensuringallteachersaresuitablyqualifiedandthatteachersareheldaccountableiftheydonotperform.Thismeansreducingunionandpo-liticalinterferenceinappointments,so that teachers are appointed onmeritratherthantheirallegiancetoparticularorganisations.Thereisanimportantroleforunionsinscrutinis-ingthewayinwhichappointmentsaredone,butconflictsofinterestarecreatedwhenunionsareabletodi-rectly influence a specific appoint-ment.Intermsofpost-schooleduca-tion,theplanhighlightstheneedtoensurethatincreasedenrolmentdoesnotoverwhelmlimitedcapacityandsostressestheneedtofocusonbuild-ingcapacityandimprovingquality.

• Building a capable and developmental state: The Commission has raisedconcerns about the capacity of thestatetodeliverontheobjectivesset

outintheplan.ItarguesthatSouthAfricaneedsacapableanddevelop-mentalstate,andthatspecificmea-suresneedtobetakentoachievethis.TheconceptofadevelopmentalstatehasgainedtractioninSouthAfricainrecentyearsbecauseithighlightstheneedforthestatetoplayadevelop-mentalandtransformativerole.Thetermisgenerallyusedtorefertostatesthatinterveneeffectivelytotackletherootcausesofpovertyandinequality,andhasbeenappliedtomanycoun-triesthathavesucceededinbringingaboutrapidandsustained socialor economictransformation.The plan high-lights the needfor the state toplay such a de-velopmentalrolein SouthAfrica.However,italsoemphasises theimportance ofbuilding thestate’scapabilitytodeliveronitsdevelopmentalcommitment.

Theplanproposesaseriesofmeasuresthatwould encouragegreaterprofessionalismin the public sector.Thecorefocusisontheneedtotakeamorelong-termapproachtodevelopingskills.Whilethepublicsectorispartlyavictimofskillsshortagesinthewidereconomy,itisalsosufferingbecauseofafailuretogiveadequateattentiontoitsownroleindevel-opingtheskillsthatitneeds.Theplanthere-foreincludesproposalsforaformalgradu-aterecruitmentsystemaswellasgivinggreaterattentiontotheroleofapprentice-shipsasamechanismfordevelopingtechni-calskills.Thiswillnotbepossiblewithouteffectivesystemsforrecruitment,trainingand management to ensure people are

The overall objective of the plan is to

eliminate absolute poverty and reduce

inequality by 2030.

20


stretchedandchallengedsothattheyde-veloptheirskillsthroughoutthecourseoftheircareers.

The plan also identifies the need toachieveamoreconstructivebalanceinhowwemanagetherelationshipbetweenpo-liticalleadersandsenioradministrativeof-ficials.Torealiseourvisionofacapableanddevelopmentalstate,weneedtoensurethepublicserviceisimmersedinthedevelop-mentalagendabutinsulatedfromunduepoliticalinterference.However,theCom-missionhasexpressedconcernthatthecur-rentsystemallowsfortoomuchpoliticalinvolvementinareassuchasrecruitment.Thiscancreatehighlevelsofinstabilityinadministrativestructures,and leads toalackofclarityaboutthedivisionbetweenpoliticalandadministrativeresponsibilities.TheCommissionmakesanumberofrecom-mendationsforhowwecanachievethisbalanceincludingproposingthecreationofanadministrativeheadofthepublicservicewithresponsibilityformanagingthecareerprogressionofheadsofdepartment.

Attheheartoftheseandotherproposalsintheplanliesthechallengeofensuringwehaveeffectivesystemsandclearlinesofac-countability.

WHY WE NEEDED A PLANTheprocessofproducingaplanisnotanexerciseinblueskythinking.Itisanoppor-tunitytobringdiversegroupstogethertoreflectonwhatworksandwhatdoesnot,tothinkcollectivelyaboutwherewewanttogoasacountryandwhattheobstaclesaretogettingthere.ThemandategiventotheCommissionbythePresidentwasthereforenotjusttoproduceaplan,buttobuildcon-sensusandmobilisesupportfortheplan.

ThroughouttheCommission’slifespantherehavebeenconsultationsandwork-shopswithrelevantexperts,thousandsofSouthAfricanshavesubmittedcomments,theCommissionhasheldmeetingswithawiderangeofstakeholders.Thedraftplanwasdiscussed,debatedandanalysedexten-sivelyinthemedia.WithintheANC,therewasextensivediscussiondowntobranchlevelontheplan.Theseinputshavecontrib-utedtotheCommission’sthinking.TheyhavebeenparticularlyvaluableinhelpingtheCommissionreviseandstrengthenthedraftplanthatitreleasedinNovember2011.Theplanthatwasreleasedon15thAugustisnotjusttheworkoftheCommission;itistheproductofextensiveconsultationanddialoguewiththecountry.

Theinputsalsodemonstratethelevelofsupportthattheplanenjoysfromawiderangeof SouthAfricans.WehaveheardmanytimesthatSouthAfricahasfailedtoimplementmanyof its existingpolicies.However, this is not just another policydocumentbutrathertheoutcomeofapro-cessdesignedtobuildconsensusonourkeypolicyobjectives.Thechancesofpoliciesbeingimplementedareshapedbythewaytheyareformulated.TheNationalDevelop-mentPlanstatesexplicitlythatwewillallneedtoworktogethertomakeitasuccess,andthelevelofpublicengagementinde-velopingtheplanprovidesanimportantfirststepinthatprocess.

WHY DID THE ANC ENDORSE THE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN?WhileitistruethattheNDPdoesnotmirrorANCpolicycompletely,thereisahighde-greeofsimilarityandconsensusbetweenANCpolicyandtheNationalDevelopment

➤President Zuma and Minister Manuel speaking to pupils about the NDP.

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Plan.TheANChasalongtraditionofusingthebestevidenceandofusingexpertpanelsinthedevelopmentofpolicy.Themainrea-sonwhytheANCendorsedtheNDPisthattheplanishighlyconsistentwiththeANC’sunderstandingoftheNationalDemocraticRevolution.TheNDPcallsforacrossclassalliancetocombatpovertyandinequality.

TheNDPcallsforradicaltransformationin the economywithin the context of amixedeconomy.Itseeksastrongandeffec-tivestateabletointerveneonbehalfofthepoorandmarginalisedtocorrecthistoricpowerimbalances.Whilerecognisingtheurgentneedtotransformtheeconomyinordertoaccelerategrowthandtobenefitmanymorepeople,theNDPproposesacol-laborativerelationshipbetweenthestateandcapitalandasocialcompactbetweenbusiness,labourandgovernmenttodriveinvestment,employmentandgrowth.

ThiscollaborativeapproachisbasedonbothanassessmentofthebalanceofforcesintheworldandthecountryaswellastheANC’sunderstandingofthenatureofcap-italinourcountry.TheANC’sstrategyandtactics document asserts that monopolycapital isbothanenemyof thenationaldemocraticsocietyandapotentialallyinreconstructingsocietytowardsanationaldemocraticone.

WHAT DOES ENDORSEMENT OF THE NDP MEAN?The National Development Plan is notmeanttobeadogmaticblueprint.Neitherisitmeanttoclosedownpolicydebateforthenexttwentyyears.No.Itisasetofclearproposals,broadlybasedonthevaluesofthedemocraticmovementandtheConstitu-tion.Itisanapproachtosolvingproblems.Itisaboutlearning,beingpragmatic,aboutusingtheory,evidenceandpracticetoin-formthinkingandpolicy.

Endorsing the NDP implies severalthingsfortheANCandforgovernment.ItcommitstheANCtoabroadlyaccepted,longtermplantotacklepovertyandin-equality.ItcommitstheANCtoseekingthebroadest possibleunity of thepeople ofSouthAfrica tomeet these objectives. It

commitstheANCtoaradicalprogrammeofeconomictransformationaimedatgrow-ingtheeconomyfasterandinamoreinclu-sivemanner.ItcommitstheANCtoseekcollaborationwithothersocialpartnersinpursuitoftheANC’slongtermobjectives.ItcommitstheANCingovernmenttoadoptprogressiveapproachesthatuseevidenceandlearnfrompractice.ItcommitstheANCtobuildacapableanddevelopmentalstateandaprofessionalbureaucracywillingandabletoservetheConstitutionandthepoor.

Whilepolicyisanon-goinganditerativeprocess,theNDParguesthatmostofourproblemsdonotrelatetopoli-ciesbuttoimplementation.TheANCiscommittedtoaruthlessandrigorousfocusonimple-mentationofexistingpolicies.EndorsingtheNDPisacom-mitment to ensure effectiveimplementationacrossallthreespheresofgovernmentandtoworkactivelytoalignimple-mentationacrossthestate.

CONCLUSIONTheMangaungconferencere-solvedtoenteranewphaseofstruggle,totakeourstruggleforamorejustsocietytoanewlevel. TheNationalDevelop-mentPlanprovidesaclearandcoherentplantotacklesomeofthemost pressing challengesconfrontingSouthAfrica.Thebasicmethodologyoftheplanis consistentwith theANC’sownethosandvalues–toworkacrossracialandclassdividestobuildasocietythatisnon-racial,non-sexist,democraticandpros-perous.

Astheleaderofsociety,theANCisthemostcapableinstitutiontodriveitslongtermtransformation.Transformingsocietygoesbeyondtransformingthestateortheecono-my.Similarly,transformationrequiresclarityofpurpose,aframeworkwithinwhichtoconsultandcollaboratewithsocialpartnersandaclearplantofixthestate.TheNation-alDevelopmentPlanservesthispurpose.

The Mangaung conference resolved to enter a new phase of struggle, to take our struggle for a more

just society to a new level.

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FOR A LOOK BEYOND THE HEADLINESRead everything about the African National Congress,

brought to you unedited, by the African National Congress.

www.anc.org.za

23


The meaning of a cadre As it embarks on the decade of the cadre, the

ANC needs to examine what it means by a ‘cadre’, what qualities cadres should possess, and how these qualities should be developed, writes Bongani Mkongi.

Apointhastobemadethateachphaseof the struggle imposes new de-mandsandtasksforrevolutionary

movementsacrosstheworldanditsmem-bersalike.Thereforenewrequirementsarenecessarytoolsforbuildinganew,freshanddynamicrevolutionaryorganisationandmovementtotacklenewchallengesthatconfronttherevolution.Thereisnoth-inglike"once a cadre, always a cadre"asiftheANCwaslikeOrlandoPirates:“Once a Pi-rate; Always a Pirate”.TheANCisadisci-plinedforceoftheleft.Ithasrecentlybe-comeunavoidablethatnewconditionscanrenderpreviouslytrainedcadresirrelevantandthatthereisaneedforpoliticalreha-bilitation.Hencetheneedtocontinuously

traina"new cadre of the ANC”moreespe-ciallyintheeraofthe21stcentury.NotallmembersoftheANCarecadres.

Atitshistoric53rdNationalConferenceinDecember2012,theANCresolvedthatfrom2013 to 2023 its structures and thebroadermovementwouldfocusoncadre-shipasthebedrockofthemovementandthatoftheNationalDemocraticRevolution(NDR)inthestruggletowardsthecreationofanationaldemocraticsociety.

ThedecisionoftheANCtodeclare2013-2023‘Decade of the Cadre’isinformedbymanyfactors,includingthesizeofthemem-bershipoftheANC,whichhadreached1.2millionin2012.Thesubstantialgrowthinmembership of themovement has been

“A child educated only at school is an uneducated child.”George Santayana

➤

Tried and tested leaders...Veterans at an ANC Rally.

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morethanwelcomedsincetheunbanningoftheANCin1990.However,thisrapidincreaseinmembershipalsocamewithitssubjectiveandobjectivechallengeswithintheANC,thebroaderdemocraticmovementandtheNDR.TheANCastheleaderoftheNDRinSouthAfricaisawareofthefactthat“the strength of any revolutionary organisation lies not only in numbers but primarily in the quality of its cadres”.

Someofthesubjectivechallengesfacingthemovementaretheadministrationandmanagementofthenewmembersthatthe

ANC is recruiting into itsownranks;thesustainabilityandretentionofsuchamem-bership;andthequalityandpolitical acumen of suchmembersdiscipline.Theob-jectivechallengesfacingthemovementarethemanage-mentofitsseasonedcadresin government and otherstrategicpoliticalandsocio-economic centres of SouthAfricansociety;thesustain-abilityandretentionofsuchcadrestotheirassignedde-ploymentsuntil themove-ment is satisfied with thecompletionofthetasks;thequalityandpoliticalintelli-genceofsuchdeployedcad-res;anddiscipline.

Thesesubjectiveandob-jectivechallengeswouldre-quiretheANCandalliancepartnerstoclearlydefinethe

meaningofa‘cadre’.Failuretodothiscon-sistentwiththeANC’shistoricallyunder-standingofthisconceptshallleadtoun-necessaryconflictsandmisunderstandingsbetweenandamongthemembersoftheANCandthebroaderdemocraticmove-ment.

Thereforethispaperproposestobroadentheconceptualisationandcontextualisationof theword ‘cadre’ in thehistoryof themovementbyincorporatingotherelementsofcadrebuilding,qualitiesofacadrevsamember,cadrevsleader,cadreoftheANCorganisationvscadreofthedevelopmental

stateandleadershipwhichareoftenomittedindiscussions.

A CADRE“We must welcome the future, remembering that soon it will be the past; and we must respect the past, remembering that it was one all that was humanly possible… A conception not reducible to the small change of daily experience is like a currency not exchangeable for articles of con-sumption; it is not a symbol, but a fraud.”George Santayana (Change, Future, Respect and Must)

Thecommissiononcadrepolicy,politicalandideologicalworkattheANC’sConsulta-tiveConferenceinJune1985inKabwede-scribedcadresas“all members of the Movement involved in the formulation and practical imple-mentation of policy, and willing to carry out all tasks assigned; … a correct cadre policy produces activists equipped to perform special and general skills and tasks; … (and that) the cadre policy of an organisation is determined by the tasks which are short and long-term in the revolution; …cadre policy becomes an important component of the political life of the organisation”.

TheANCmadetheseassumptionswithadeepunderstandingthat“a fundamental prerequisite for the success of a revolution is the existence of a strong revolutionary mass and united organisation”.

MarcNewmaninhisleaflettitled‘Cadre,GrowthandPoliticalPractice’,says“the term cadre is derived from a military analogy. The word means officer. The cadres of an army are the officer corps that lead particular actions, and translate experiences on the ground to the gen-eral staff, and directions from the general staff to the troops. Any political movement needs them, it is the layer of people who really carry a movement, the glue that holds it together and makes mass action a real possibility because of the approximation of their political function as cadres”.

AccordingtotheFreeDictionarybyFar-lex,acadreisanucleusoftrainedpersonnelaroundwhichalargerorganisationcanbebuiltandtrained.Forexample,acadreofcorporalswhotrainnewrecruitsoratight-lyknitgroupofzealotswhoareactiveinadvancingtheinterestsofarevolutionarymovementorparty.

In Marxism-Leninism, a cadre

or professional revolutionaries

are revolutionary activists who spend

the majority of their free time organising their party capable

of leading a workers’ revolution.

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InMarxism-Leninism,acadreorprofes-sionalrevolutionariesarerevolutionaryac-tivistswhospendthemajorityoftheirfreetimeorganisingtheirpartycapableoflead-ingaworkers’revolution.Thesizeofthiscoreisnaturallyproportionaltothesizeofthepartyitself.

However,ErnestoCheGuevarainhisarticletitled ‘The Cadres: Backbone of the Rev-olution’,doesnotrefertotheword‘all’asusedbytheANCinits1985document.Hestatesthat“a cadre is an individual who has achieved sufficient political development to be able to interpret the extensive directives emanat-ing from the (structures of the movement), make them his, and convey them as orientation to the masses, a person who at the same time also per-ceives the signs manifested by the masses of their own desires and their innermost motivations”.

Hegoesfurthertodescribeacadreas“an individual of ideological and administrative dis-cipline, who knows and practices (democracy) and democratic centralism and who knows how to evaluate the existing contradictions in this method (including the understanding of African leadership and non-racialism) and to utilise fully its many facets; who knows how to practice the principle of collective discussion (and leader-ship) and to make decisions on his own and take responsibility in the (growth of the organisation) and in production; whose loyalty is tested, and whose physical and moral courage has developed along with his (organisational, political) and ideological development in such a way that he/she is always willing to confront any conflict and to give his life for the good of the revolution. Also, he is an individual capable of self-analysis, which enables him to make the necessary deci-sions and to exercise creative initiative in such a manner that it won’t conflict with discipline”.

IfweselectCheGuevara’sdescriptionofacadre,itwillmeanthattheANCshouldinthenextdecadebeabletoproducesuchacadrewiththosenoblequalitiesandval-ues;anactivist,acadreofnoteinsociety,apersonofhighstandardsandmorale,acre-ativeperson,apersonofhighpersonalitybothintheANCandsociety,anexemplaryindividualtoANCmembersandmembersof the community, an individualwho isabove reproach, a revolutionaryAfricandemocratandan individualwithahigh

revolutionarymoralityandintegrity.Thistypeofacadreisnotnecessarilyreadilyavailablebutitiscarefullyproducedinthecourseofarevolution.Itisproducedbythedaily implementationof the tasksof therevolutionwhichareassignedtodifferentstructuresandindividualcomradesintheconductoftherevolution.ThiscropofANCmembershipistheonewhounderstandsandhasintegratedintotheirthinkinganddailylivesthepoliticsoftheANCandhis-toryoftheSouthAfricanrevolution,includ-ingthewarsofresistance;strategyandtac-tics of the NDR; organisational skills,governanceandtoolsofanaly-sis, tomentiona few.Theseindividualsshouldbecapableof becoming leaders in theworldoutsideoftheANC.

This type of a cadrewillhelptheANCtoaddressitswide-rangingimmediatechal-lenges,includingmembershiprecruitmentandretention,so-cialdistanceoftheANCfromitstraditionalbase(theindig-enousAfricanmasses)andtheprogrammatic and targetedmobilisationofother‘nationalgroups’ (theminorities), ill-discipline, institutionalisedfactionalism and perceiveddisunity.ThistypeofanANCcadreismoreimportantthaneverbeforeespeciallyinthissecondphaseofthetransitionoftheNDRandtheusheringinofthesecondcentenaryoftheexistenceoftheANC.

Thisisnecessarilyimportantbecause“by the time the China Communist Party made the historic decision to shift its main goal to eco-nomic development, China had a gigantic cadre corps shaped cumulatively by the past policies. As a historical product of guerilla warfare in the early 1940s, the Socialist Revolution in the 1950s, the “continuing revolutions” in the ear-ly 1960s, and the inter-elite conflicts during the China Revolution, the existing cadre corps was ill-suited for the new tasks of modernisation: it was too large in size, old in average age, low in educational level, ossified in political outlook,

...a cadre is an individual who has achieved sufficient

political development to be able to interpret the extensive directives emanating from the (structures of the movement), make

them his...Che Guevara

26


demoralised, and factionalised. Through their prolonged and checkered careers, the cadres learned that the best way to preserve their posi-tions in the bureaucracy was to play it safe by refusing to take clear-cut positions while culti-vating extensive personal networks. This offered ample opportunity for cadres to use their formal authority for personal gain”. (Communist Party of China: Cadre Policy)

At present Communist officials areknownascadres.AcadreisdefinedbytheOxfordUniversityPressDictionaryas“asmallgroupofpeopletrainedforaparticu-larpurposeorprofession”.High-levelof-ficialsaresometimesreferredtoasmanda-rins,atermusedtodescribeelitebureaucratsin imperial times. Senior cadres remainoverwhelminglymale,butthereisnowacompulsoryretirementageandeven(verylow)quotasforwomen.

AccordingtotheLibraryofCongress,thepartyandgovernmentcadre(ganbu)systemistheroughequivalentofthecivilservicesysteminmanyothercountries,Thetermcadrereferstoapublicofficialholdingaresponsibleormanagerialposition,usuallyfulltime,inpartyandgovernment.AcadremayormaynotbeamemberoftheCom-munistPartyofChina,althoughapersoninasensitivepositionwouldalmostcer-tainlybeapartymember. (Library of Con-gress)

TheChinesecadresystemwentthroughamassiveoverhaulinthe1980sthatreduceditssize,madeitmoreefficientandtrans-formeditintotheoneoftheprimaryinstru-mentsofnationalpolicy.InanAugust1980speech,"On the Reform of the Party and State Leadership System,"DengXiaopingdeclaredthatpowerwasovercentralisedandconcen-tratedinthehandsofindividualswhoact-edarbitrarily,followingpatriarchalmethodsincarryingouttheirduties.Dengmeantthatthebureaucracyoperatedwithouttheben-efitofregularisedandinstitutionalisedpro-cedures,andherecommendedcorrectivemeasuressuchasabolishingthebureau-craticpracticeoflifetenureforleadingpo-sitions. In 1981 Deng proposed that ayounger,bettereducatedleadershipcorpsberecruitedfromamongcadresintheirfor-tiesandfiftieswhohadtrainedatcolleges

ortechnicalsecondaryschools.(Library of Congress)

Itisforthisreason,amongothers,thattheANC’s53rdNationalConferencefeltitnecessarytodedicatethenexttenyearstothe recruitment of newmembers to theranksofthemovementandorganisationalrenewal,revitalisationofpoliticaleducationandcadredevelopment,reeducationofeachandeverymemberoftheANCfrombranchleveltonationalexecutivecommitteelevel,up-skillingallmembersoftheorganisationwiththenecessarymodernskillstogovernfromlocaltonationalgovernment,andtoestablish anANCPolitical School and aCadreDevelopmentProgrammeforsuchapurpose,andinkeepingwiththe21stcen-turyethos.

LEADERSHIPNot everyone is a leader in theANC.Asimpleelectionintoaparticularpositioninthemovementdoesnotmakesomeonealeader.Leadershipisearnedinthemove-ment;itshouldnotbeasimplearithmeticandslate-ism.

The‘Through the Eye of a Needle’docu-mentguidesallthemembersofthemove-mentonthekindofleadersitrequires.Itsetsparametersandputsminimumstan-dardsonwhoisdeemedfitandcapabletoleadthemovementaswellasminimumstandardsthatshouldbemetbyacadrebe-foreheorsheassumesaleadershippositionintheANC.

‘Through the Eye of a Needle’ remindsusthat“a leader should constantly seek to improve his capacity to serve the people; he or she should strive to be in touch with the people at all times; listen to their views and learn from them. He or she should be accessible and flexible, and not arrogate to themselves the status of being the source of all wisdom. A leader should win the confidence of the people in his or her day-to-day work. Where the situation demands, he/she should be firm and have the courage to explain and seek to convince others of the correctness of decisions taken by constitutional structures even if such decisions are unpopular. He/she should not seek to gain cheap popularity by avoiding difficult issues, making false promises or merely pandering to popular sentiment."

27


Thedocumentgoesfurthertosuggestthat“a leader should lead by example. He/she should be above reproach in his political and so-cial conduct – as defined by our revolutionary morality. Through force of example, he or she should act as a role model to ANC members, cadres and non-members alike. Leading a life that reflects commitment to the strategic goals of the NDR includes not only being free of cor-rupt practices; it also means actively fighting against corruption."

FormerANC President ThaboMbekitakesthisfurtherbysuggestingthatleadersshouldhave“an unwavering commitment to serve the people of South Africa with no expecta-tion of any personal benefit. He/she must never betray the ethical standards which the masses he/she represents and lead view as fundamental to their definition of themselves; he or she should be prepared to commit, to its fullest extent, the entirety of his/her enormous intellectual capac-ity and personal energy to pursue the objectives of the National Democratic Revolution; he/she should poses an ability to be an outstanding strategist to lead the broad forces of the national democratic revolution through the twists and turns of an ever-changing and therefore dynam-ic national, continental and international situ-ation, ensuring that the revolution do not lose its focus on its fundamental goals.” (Mbeki, T. 2012. Centenary Lecture on OR Tambo at Fort Hare University)

CADRE POLICY“A school should not be a preparation for life. A school should be life.”Elbert Hubbard

ContinuouspoliticaleducationhasbeenacceptedaspolicyintheANC.IthasbeenadoptedbymanyconferencesoftheANCasaminimumrequirementforallthemem-bersoftheANC,especiallynewrecruits.Itensures a basic minimum standard ofknowledgeformembers,andcontributesinbuildingacadreoftheANCtoachievethestrategictasksoftheNDR.

Consequently,the1985NationalConsul-tative Conference of theANC acknowl-edgedthatthecadre(development)policyofarevolutionaryorganisationisalwaysdeterminedbythetasksoftherevolution.Itisdeterminedbythetaskswhichareim-mediate(short-term)andlong-term.

InthecaseoftheANCduringtheperiodofthe1980s,thelong-termtaskoftheNDRwastheoverthrowoftheapartheidcolonialsystemandtheestablishmentofaunited,democratic,non-racial,non-sexistandjustSouthAfricaasenshrinedintheFreedomCharter.Thereforetheshort-term(immedi-ate)taskoftheNDRwouldchangefromtime-to-timebasedonthecurrentprioritiesofthestrategyandtacticsofstruggle.

Todaythetaskofthestruggleistofur-theradvancetheobjectivesoftheNationalDemocraticRevolutioninthe‘second phase of the transition’.Itistheeradicationofthelegacyofapartheidcolonialismthroughthetacklingofthetriplechallengesofpoverty,unemployment and in-equalities.ThistaskneedscapablecadresoftheANCwhocanbeequaltothetaskoftakingtheNDRtohigherlevels. First and foremostthesecadresshouldberev-olutionarieswho are pre-pared“to fight for the revolu-tionary transformation of society, and to create a new social order which would ben-efit the majority of ordinary South Africans in all our com-munities”.

Thecadrepolicyshouldprepareallthemembersofthemovement to becomecadres.Atthepointofbe-comingacadre,memberswouldhavemadeanefforttounderstandwhathavebeendescribedasrevolutionaryprocesses.Cadresshouldbeabletoexercisecorrectleadershipatmomentsofrevolution-arychange.Theyshouldbeabletoassistthemovementwithanoutstandingrevolu-tionarymoralityandenergyastoprovidethemovementwithboththeabstractandconcreteperspectiveoftheNDRtowhichtheANCiscommitted.Intheend,ourcad-reshipshouldbethechampionsofourpop-ularforceswhichwouldhaveanobligationtoleadtheoffensivetoachievetheNation-alDemocraticSociety.

Thiscadrepolicyshouldincludeallourmemberswhoaredeployedingovernment,

The tasks of the NDR needs capable cadres of the ANC who can be equal to the task of taking

the NDR to higher levels

28


business and civilsociety. The ANCshould deliberatelyconstruct ‘a cadreofthedemocraticstate’;apublic service cadrewhoiscommittedtopro-

mote the objective of theNDRandthedevelopmental

state.A cadre of the develop-mental state shouldbe capableof

planningservicedeliveryinformedbythecentralagendaoftheNDRandthedevel-opmentalstate.

Thiscadre,beforedeployment,wouldbeexpectedtograspthat“the central and im-mediate task of the NDR after the 1994 demo-cratic breakthrough is to dismantle the legacy of colonialism and apartheid”.(Mbeki 2012)

Theywouldneedtoknowthelegacyofapartheiddidnotdiein1994;andthereforeourimmediatetaskisthetotaleradicationofthelegacyofcolonialismandapartheid;whichinessenceistheeradicationofthetriplechallengesofpoverty,unemploymentandinequality.

Thiscadrewhendeployedshouldbeex-pected tounderstand that the long-termstrategicgoaloftheNDRandtheANCisthecreationandentrenchmentofthena-tionaldemocraticsocietywhichisbasedontheprinciplesofequality,justice,democ-racy,non-racialismandnon-sexism;asoci-etythatisunitedandprosperous,ascham-pionedby theFreedomCharter and theConstitutionoftheRepublicofSouthAfrica.

ThereforetheaforementionedtasksoftheNDRandcadreshipcouldthendeter-minethecadrepolicyofthemovement.AsErnestoCheGuevaraoncesaid“when the first state interventions took place in the econo-my, the task of finding cadres was not very com-plicated, and it was possible to select them from among many people who had the minimum ba-sis for assuming positions of leadership. But with the acceleration of the process (of the revo-lution and mass recruitment many errors were committed in the process) the main cause of our errors was our lack of a feeling for reality at a given moment; but the tool that we lacked, that which blunted our ability to perceive and which was converting the party into a bureaucratic

entity and was endangering (administration of the state and production of the country) was the lack of developed cadres at the intermediate level; as well as the difficulty of finding the best cadres who were time tested”.

CADRE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME“Most gifted students are going to grow up seg-regated from the rest of society no matter what. They will then go to the elite colleges no matter what, move into successful careers no matter what, and eventually lead the institutions of this country no matter what. Therefore, the nation had better do its damnedest to make them as wise as it can.” Richard Herrnestein and Charles Murray (The Bell Curve)

AsperJune1985ANCSecondNationalConsultative Conference, themovementproducedthemainprinciplesofcadrede-velopment.TheANCreportcommissiononcadrepolicyproposed5strategicprioritiesin the cadre development programme,whichare:

• Recruitment;• EducationandTraining;• Deployment;• PromotionandAccountability;• PreservationofCadres.Guevarasuggeststhatthedevelopment

ofacadreindividualisachievedinperform-ingeverydaytasks;butthetasksmustbeundertakeninasystematicmanner,inspe-cialschoolstoencouragethemostrapidideological advancement. In these cadreschoolsweshouldtakeintoaccountdiffer-entlevelsofpoliticaldevelopmentandma-turityofcomradesbasednotonmechanicalmaturityor/andsenioritybutshouldbebasedonscientificmaturityor/andsenior-itythatisbasedonhorizontalandverticalmobilityofcadresinthemovementforaperiodoftime.

Asthe1985conferenceoftheANCsug-gested,thesecadresshouldbestaunchintheirbeliefinourideologicalline,namely,revolutionarynationalismandcommitmenttoanti-imperialism.Theyshouldbewellvestwiththepoliticalandideologicalforc-esopposedtotheobjectivesoftheNDRandtheANC.TheyshouldbeabletotransmitindependentlyANCpolicytoallsectionsofthepeopleofSouthAfricaandabroad.The

Ernesto Che Guevara

29


high levelofconsciousnessof thiscadreshouldbroadenthespiritofpatriotism,co-hesionandnationbuildingandboundlesshatredforthedemonoftribalism,racism,sexismandregionalism.Internationalismmustbesecondnaturetothemasthestrug-gleforjusticeisinessencethestruggleforabetterhumancondition,avisionwhichtranscendsphysicalbordersorterritorialsovereignty!

Theeducationandtrainingofthiscadreor the cadre development programmeshouldnotinanywaylimititselftorevolu-tionarynationalismandanti-imperialismeducation.Itshouldwithinitssyllabide-mandresponsibilityoftheindividualcadreforhis/her actions,mouldadisciplinedcadre – a disciplinewhich restrains anypassingweaknesses.

Chegoesfurthertosuggestthatintheprocessofrecruitmentandeducationandtrainingofacadre“we must begin by estab-lishing the principles of selectivity among the members;"itistherethatwemustfindthebuddingpersonalities;thisinessencemeansthatfromtherecruitmentprocesstheANCshouldrecruitthebestpersonalitiesinoursociety;personalitiesthataretestedbysac-rificeorjustbeginningtodemonstratetheirstirrings,andassignthemtospecialtasksand thereafter to special education andtraining in special (political) schools orwhen these are not available give themgreaterresponsibilitysothattheyaretestedinpracticalworkontheground.

Eveninthisway,themovementwillstillfindthatitwouldbeabletogroomamul-tipleofnewcadres;buttheirdevelopmentwouldnotbeanevenone.Themovementshouldclassifyitsmembershipaccordingtotheirtenureinthemovement,politicalacumen in theprocessof educationandtraining,abilitytocompletetasksprudent-lyanddiligently,politicalandpersonaldis-cipline. Every member before could begivenanaccoladeofbeingacadreshouldundergoandpasswithflyingcoloursanadequateorientationofthepartyanddem-onstrateacleargraspoftheobjectivesoftheNDRbeforetheycouldfacetherealityofrevolutionarycreationtobeturnedintoafullyfledgedcadre.

Guevaraagreesthatwehavetodevelopdifferenttypesofcadres.ForthepurposeofthisdiscussionIwouldliketoquotethewholeproposalofGuevarainthisregard.Hearguesthatweneedtobuilda“(a) po-litical cadre who will be the base of our mass organisations, and who will orient the masses of our people"throughtheactionoftheCon-gressMovementandthedemocraticstate.Thecongressmovementshouldbegintoestablishthesebasesthroughbuildingofstrongbrancheswithnational,provincialandregionalpoliticalschoolsandinstitu-tionsofrevolutionaryinstructioncoupledwithstudygroupsatsub-regional,zonalandinter-branchlevels;(b)the congress movementshould also deliberatelygroom its own economiccadreswhowill dedicatethemselves specifically tothe difficult tasks of eco-nomictransformation,in-cluding the task of plan-ning, monitoring andevaluation. The commondenominatorofthesetypeofcadresshouldbepoliticalclarity;(c)theaboveskillscombinedshouldproduce‘acadreofthedevelopmen-tal state’oraprogressiveandrevolutionarybureau-cratorarevolutionarycad-reofthepublicservice.Itisimperativetocreateanad-ministration team of the developmentalstate,whichwillknowhowtotakeadvan-tageofthespecifictechnicalknowledgeofothersandtoco-ordinateandguidethestateandtheeconomyincludingotherorganisa-tionsofthestatetobringthemintostepwiththerhythmofthe“second phase of the transition”.

Ifwedothiscorrectlyanddecisivelythepoliticaleducationandcadredevelopmentpolicyofthemovementasawholewillberobustanddynamictotheextentthatthecadreisnotsimplyan‘upwardordown-wardtransmitterofslogansordemands,butacreatorwhichwillaidinthedevelopmentofoursocietyandintheinformationofthe

A simple election into a particular position in the

movement does not make someone a leader. Leadership is earned in the movement...

30


leaders,servingasapointofcontactandreferencewiththemasses of our people’. ThiscadreshouldbepreparedtocontinuouslybuildtheANCasthestrategicleaderoftheNDR.

BUILDING THE ANC“Most perfect exercise of phrone-sis is the application of that virtue to the common good of a commu-nity. A citizen is defined as one who is able to participate in the organs of society for the common good of a community, promotion of good life for the whole commu-nity through active participation in the government of a self-governing commu-nity.” Elizabeth Mays (The Educational Theory of Aristotle)

The50thNationalConferenceoftheANCresolved‘to reaffirm our commitment as mem-bers, cadres, leaders and structures of the ANC to actively work for the affirmation of the demo-cratic and mass character of the movement, by putting in place a programme to educate our members about these principles and traditions, and to create the climate and forums for debate, free flow of ideas and political discussions, as the basis of broad political discipline within the structures of the movement’.The50thnationalconferencewentfurthertoemphasisethattheprinciplesoforganisationaldemocracywhichhaveguidedthemovementforthepast100yearscanonlyflourishinthecon-textofastrongorganisationandconsciouscadreshipandmembershipofthemove-mentatalllevels.

TheANCcontinuedtoexpressthatthereisaneedtocontinuallyseektoexpandourmembershipandcadreshipbase,withevergrowingnumbersofpeoplecommittedtotransformationandchange.TheexpansionoftheANC’smembershipandcadreshipbaseofthemovementalsodependsonthemassbasefromwhichtheANCisrecruiting.

ThemovementneedstobepartoftheAfricanmassesinparticularandblacksingeneralbecausetheANCwasbornthereanditlivesthereinourtownshipsandruralareas.Thisisnotsomemetaphysicalab-

straction but an actual de-scriptionofthecontentoftheNationalDemocraticRevolu-tionandthetasksoftheNDReventoday. Ifwearereallyseriousabouteradicatingthelegacyofapartheidcolonial-ism itmeans thatwemustdestroy the colonial andapartheidheritage.BydoingsothemovementwouldhelpAfricans in particular andblacksingeneraltojointhestruggletodestroythecolo-nialandapartheidlegacyandheritage.

The congress movementshoulddeliberatelymobilise

Africansandblacksingeneralandpatri-oticwhitestoappreciateandfullyunder-stand,asThaboMbekiputsit,that“among others colonialism and apartheid have meant that the democratic South Africa has inherited (a) the legacy of the impact of the most pervasive colo-nial and imperialist system in terms of the dis-possession of the indigenous African majority and the destruction of its communities; (b) a predominantly landless, propertyless and un-skilled African majority, constituting more than 75% of our population, much of which is unem-ployed/unemployable because it does not have the skills required by a modern economy; (c) the creation of an entrenched social order of privilege and power characterised in the main by an es-sentially three-layered hierarchy of racial divi-sions; (d) the absence of a rural peasantry with access to land, steeped in peasant productive culture, having the means and capable of sus-taining even subsistence peasant farming, there-fore representing a significant section of the indigenous majority capable of acting indepen-dently”.

ItisthereforeimportantfortheANCtoreconnect itself with theAfrican people(whoarethemajorityvoters)inparticularandblacksingeneralastheyhavebeenitstraditionalbaseforthepast100yearsofstruggle,whilst,atthesametime,showingthewhiteminoritythatitisequallyintheirownintereststoalsocontributetowardsthereconstructionanddevelopmentofSouthAfrica.AccordingtoMbeki,“it is therefore

...there is a need to continually seek to

expand our membership and

cadreship base, with ever growing numbers of people committed to transformation

and change.

31


obvious that necessarily the ANC as a credible organisation of the African oppressed had no choice but to strive for the reconstruc-tion of South Africa away from the paradigm representative and characteristic of South African colonial reality”.TheANCandits cadreship should not beseenasbeingshytoconfrontthisreality.OurpeoplemustseetheANCanditscadreshipaswell as leadershipof themovementasbeingpreparedandcommittedtothisnoblecausetoconfrontthislegacyandheritage.TheANCanditsleadershipshouldgobacktothebasics–toliberatetheAfricanmajorityfromsocio-economicbondages.

Asaresult inanattempttobuildtheANC,wemustappreciatethe53rdNationalConferenceResolutiononelectionsofcadresintotheNationalExecutiveCommitteethat‘membersoftheANCwhointendtostandforthepositionintheNECmusthaveatleastaminimumoftenyearsintheserviceofthemovement.

But in the spirit of building a strongANC,thenextnationalconferencemighthavetoconsiderthatallthosecadreswhowishtobeelectedintotheexecutiveposi-tionsofthemovementshallbetimeandtestedANCcadreswhohaveuninterruptedserviceintheANCstructures.Forqualifica-tiontobeelectedintheNEC,themovementshouldconsideraserviceofthirty(30)un-interruptedyears,forPECaserviceofun-interrupted20years,forREC15years,Sub-region10yearsandBEC5years.

Inhisspeechinthe2011ANCJanuary8StatementPresidentZumaspokeabouttheneedtodevelopanewtypeofacadreandleaderoftheANC.Thistypeofacadreandleaderofthemovementshouldacquireaparticularlevelofeducationandtraininginthemovement.

TheutterancesofthePresidentre-enforcetheresolutionsofthenationalconferenceonOrganisationalRenewalwhichsuggest-edthat“the level of political education should determine the positions to which ANC members

are deployed within the party and in government. Massive political education and academic training of ANC members is therefore crucial for the survival of the ANC as a progressive force and its success as a capable governing party”.

MonicaBaltodano inherdocumenttitled“Practical Ex-periences of Cadre Formation in Nicaragua”inthesubsectiondealingwith“Knowing how to use your Head”;shewritesthat“what is important is the high morale of the people’s soldier. Bravery is important, but to par-ticipate in combat is not the end-

all, be-all of the soldier. The most important thing is to achieve victory. And for this to hap-pen there is something more important than bravery, and is knowing how to use your head, using man’s five senses, which can illuminate the battlefield and teach us in which spots the enemy is weakest … nobody in the world needs to be more aware of reality than the revolution-ary soldier.”

Shegoesfurthertosuggestthat(fortheANC)itsfundamentalcharacteristicshouldbeinpermanentcontactwiththepeopleasawholeespeciallytheblackmajority.Tobeinpermanentcontactwiththeproblemsoftheblackmajority,identifyingwiththeirpainandsuffering,istherevolutionary’smost valuable school. The labour of theANCcadreshouldbethatofaccompanyingthe people in their interpretation of thecauseoftheirproblems,theirorigin,andthehistoricalfactsoftheirproblemsandallowthediscoveryoftherootofpoverty,unem-ploymentand inequalitiesespecially therootofexploitation,leadingtoadedicationtoactioninordertotransformreality.

“But, if constructing the future and settling everything for all times are not our affair, it is all the more clear what we have to accomplish at present: I am referring to ruthless criticism of all that exists, ruthless both in the sense of not being afraid of the results it arrives at and in the sense of being just as little afraid of conflict with the powers that be.”Karl Marx, Letter from the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (1843)

Political work should be undertaken among

the masses of our people, it must open

spaces for the develop-ment of our mass struggle against the

heritage of apartheid colonialism.

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ItistruethatmembershipoftheANCdoesnotmechanicallytranslateintoacad-reshipand/orleadershipofthemovement.Cadresareaproductofaprotractedpassagethroughtherevolutionaryfiresandovensofthestruggle.Notallcoalsarecharcoals!

Political work should be undertakenamongthemassesofourpeople,itmustopen spaces for thedevelopmentofourmassstruggleagainsttheheritageofapart-heidcolonialism.Butwestillneedmemberswhoareendowedwithsufficientpoliticaldevelopment,capabilityanddeterminationtoleadthepeople’sstruggleagainstpov-erty,unemploymentandinequalities.

Thereforethenecessitytotransformourmembers into cadres is the necessity ofstudyandstrugglewhichisboundtoneces-sitytogivetheNDRarevolutionarychar-acter;thatofradicalsocialchange.Ithere-fore invite comrades to enhance thisdocumentforthebenefitoftheANCanditsentiremembershipforthebattlesahead.

Bongani Mkongi is a member of the ANC Elijah Loza branch, Dullah Omar region, Western Cape and a former ANC Youth League Western Cape Provincial Chairperson.

REFERENCES• African National Congress (ANC) National

Consultative Conference Report: 1985

• ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) document: Through the Eye of a Needle.

• ANC NEC Statement: January 8 Statement: 2012

• Baltodano Monica: Practical Experiences of Cadre Formation in Nicaragua.

• Che Guevara: The Cadres: Backbone of the Revolution

• Chinese Communist Party (CCP): Organisation, Power and Members.

• Newman Marc: Cadre, Growth and Political Practice

• Organisational Renewal: ANC 53rd National Conference discussion document

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THEhundredyearssincethefoundingoftheANChasbeenacenturyofself-lessstrugglebythepeopleofSouth

Africa.Itisacenturyofcontinuous,onoc-casionquite close, relationsbetween theANCandthechurch.Partoftheanniver-sarycelebrationisthecommemorationoftheANC’s own church background. Itsfounderswerefrommissionschoolsandgraduates of missionary education. TheANCitselfwasformedinachurchbuilding,inwhatresembledachurchservicepunctu-atedbysingingofhymns.

In its 2012 January 8th Statement, theANCpaystributetothiscentury-oldrela-tionship:“Many Christian, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim and leaders from the African indepen-dent churches were involved in the formation and nurturing of the ANC over the years. The South African Council of Churches in collabora-

The ANC and the church A century of selfless struggle

The ANC was born out of the church and, throughout its history, its struggle against

oppression has been supported and championed the church. To this day, there remains a strong bond

between the ANC and the church, writes Kgolane Alfred Rudolph Phala.

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tion with the World Council of Churches and church organisations from many other countries became involved in the campaign to have sanc-tions applied to South Africa. We particularly recall the involvement of Archbishop Trevor Huddleston, Canon Calata, Reverend Beyers Naudé, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Dr Allan Boesak, Reverend Frank Chikane, Iman Gasant Solomon, the Muslim Judicial Council, the Hin-du religious organisations had all become part-ners with the ANC in the struggle for the end of apartheid.”

It is because of this relationship thatmanypeoplebecamemembersandleadersoftheANCnotdespite,butbecauseof,theirreligiousbeliefs.OliverTambo,thatout-standingleaderoftheANCisthebestex-ampleofthis.ChrisHani,ChiefAlbertLu-thuli,YusufDadoo,MahatmaGandhiandmanyotherfallintothiscategory.

WhilethefocusofthisarticleisonChris-tianityandtheANC,theANCisnotjustaboutChristians:“There are many people of faith in the ANC. Christians from the ‘main line’ churches, African indigenous churches, many Pentecostal groups, Muslims, Hindus, Bud-dhists, Baha’is and many people who do not have religious institutions, but who have the energy of faith inspired by other traditions, visions and philosophies.”(Phakamani: 3)

THE CHURCH AND EARLY AFRICAN INTELLECTUALSInthelatestagesofthecolonisationofSouthAfricamissionariesfromEuropecametointroduceChristianitytotheAfricans.Intheprocess,theybegantointroduceliteracyamong the early Africans converted toChristianreligion.TheytaughttheconvertshowtoreadandwritesotheycouldreadandunderstandtheBibleandhelptospreadthegospelofGodamongtheirpeople.

ChiefAlbert Luthuli explains, for in-stance,howhismothercametobeliterate:“Before her marriage to my father in Groutville, Mtonya became a Christian, and lived for a while within the mission precincts. There she learned to read, and to her life’s end she was a fluent, devoted, and assiduous reader of the Bible in the vernacular.”(Luthuli)

Missionariesthenbegantoestablishmis-sion schools in the vicinity of the early

churches.Infact,mostoftheearlychurchesdoubledupasschoolsduring theweek.GraduatesofthoseschoolswerethentakentofurthertheireducationincollegesanduniversitiesinEuropeandNorthAmerica.ManyoftheintellectualswhocametofoundtheANC in 1912were early converts toChristianity who went through missionschoolsandmostweregraduatesoffurthereducationelsewhereintheworld.

Inthismanner,thechurchmadeanear-lycontributiontothedevelopmentofearlyAfricanintellectuals.SomeofthoseearlyintellectualswhocametoestablishtheANCin1912includeThomasMaphikela,SelopeThema,WalterRubusana,PixleyKaIsakaSeme, Sefako Mapogo Makgatho, SaulMsane,GeorgeMontsioa,AlfredMangena,SolPlaatje,JohnDube,RichardMsimang,MeshakPelemandCharlotteMaxeke.Theywerelawyers,teachers,priests,writersandso on, who gathered in Bloemfontein’sWaaihoeklocationtoestablishtheANCin1912.

ThechurchthereforehelpedtoproduceearlyAfricanintellectualwhoformedaneweliteamongthepredominantlypeasantandpastoralist community. This new eliteformedandwasfoundintheANC.Forin-stance,“the first National Executive of the ANC is interesting in many respects: it consisted of four ministers of religion, lawyers, and an editor (Plaatje), a building contractor (Maphikela), a teacher and estate agent (Makgatho) and a teach-er, interpreter and Native Labour Agent (Pelem). These are people who went to mission schools and five of them studied abroad (UK and USA) and others had attended conferences overseas.”(ANC 1982: 5)

AsearlyAfrican intellectualsmost ofANC’sfounderswerethemselvesall-round-ers, involved inavarietyofprofessions.Theywerepathfindersinallsortsofareas.Forinstance,SolPlaatjewasawriter,jour-nalist,intellectual,linguist,translatorandpolitician;JohnDubewasapoet,teacher,philosopher,editor,writer,reverendandpublisher;whileSefakoMakgathowasateacher,preacher,estateagent, journalistandpolitician.

EarlyChristianconvertswereatthefore-frontofthestruggleagainstoppressionand

35


segregationbothinandoutsidethechurchfromearlyon.Thatiswhy,“by the mid-19th century African Christians were rejecting these imported church structures and people like Ne-hemiah Tile, James Dwane, Isaiah Shembe, Mother Christina Nku and Bishop Lekganyane formed their own indigenous churches. Chris-tians were at the heart of the struggle for politi-cal liberation from the earliest years, and when the African National Congress was formed in 1912, clergy led it. They have been in it ever since.” (Phakamani: 46)

ChiefLuthuli,whowasaministerofre-ligion,teacherandchief,andlaterrosetobecomeANCPresidentfrom1952to1967,talkedabouthisownupbringingasachildofearlyChristianconvertsasfollows:“All the time, unconsciously, I was busy absorbing the Christian ethos of home, and church congre-gation, and the social ethos of the community. As in earlier times, it was still a mixed com-munity of heathens and Christians, of relatively well-educated people, and people with no liter-acy at all. Looking back, I realise that I was aware at the time of the distinction between Christian and non-Christian. But a fortunate feature of Groutville life was the fact that distinction did not mean discrimination.” (Luthuli: 11)

TheANCisthereforebothdirectlyandindirectlyaproductofthechurch.Thecom-ingofmissionariestoourshores,theirin-troductionofliteracyamongearlyAfricanconverts, the establishment of missionschools and taking some of themissiongraduatestofurthereducationabroad,allcontributedtotheevolutionofanearlyAf-ricaneducatedelitethatcametoestablishtheANC.Characteristically,JohnDube,inhisfirstaddressaspresidentof thethenSouthAfricanNativeNationalCongresson8January1912,said,“but while we wage our little war, it shall always and only be along the constitutional way of peaceful endeavour and patient pegging away. An honest, manly fight every British admires. We propose to put one up, and by God’s help we shall win.”

Thatiswhyinthenecessaryandcorrectprogressionof the freedomstruggle, theANC had continuous relationswith thechurchanditsleaders.Manychurchleadersparticipatedactivelyinthefreedomstruggleto the bitter end. The struggle from the

foundingoftheANCin1912uptofreedomin1994isawashwithchurchleaders:RevJohnDube,RevSefakoMakgatho,RevZMahabane,RevHRNgcayiya,RevMqoboli,CanonCalata,BishopAmbroseReeves,Fa-ther TrevorHuddleston, BishopWilfredNapier,BishopDenisHurley,BishopRegi-naldOsmond,ArchbishopDesmondTutu,BishopStanleyMogoba,RevPeterStorey,RevBeyersNaudé,RevPaulVerryn,RevFrankChikane,RevSotyu,RevButiTlhag-ale, Father SmangalisoMkhatshwa,RevAbramMaja,SisterBernardNcube,RevAr-noldStofile,FatherAlbertNolan,RevAllanBoesak,RevSamButi,BishopKhosaMkho-tjo,RevMotlalepulaChabaku,DeanTshe-nuaniFarisaniandmanyothers.

THE ANC FOUNDED IN A CHURCHItissignificantthattheANCwaslaunchedinachurchbuilding,theWaaihoekWes-leyanChurchinBloemfontein.Itisalsosig-nificant thatasermonwasconductedinopeningtheconference.Theconferenceit-selfresembledachurchservice.Evenmostofthedelegateswerewearingclothestheyusuallywearwhentheygotochurch.Songsthatweresungwerechurchhymns,notslo-gansinthemodernsenseoffreedomsongs.TwohymnsdominatedtheproceedingsRev

➤

The Waaihoek Wesleyan Church where the ANC was founded.

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Tiyo Soga’s Lizalis’ idingalakhoThixoNkosiyenyaniso(FulfilThyPromiseTheeGodoftheTruth)andEnochSon-tonga’sNkosiSikelel’iAfrika(GodBlessAfrica).

TheyelectedRevJohnLan-galibaleleDube,aministerofreligion,tobeANC’sfirstPres-ident. While the conferenceitselfwasfullofearlyChris-tian converts, it had invitedKingsofthepeopleofSouth-ernAfricatobepartofitspro-ceedings.Intheexecutive,atleastfourwereministersofre-ligion. The first three presi-dentswereallordainedminis-tersofreligion:RevJLDube,RevSMMakgatho,andRevZRMahabane.

Atthefoundingconference, theANCelected Rev Mqoboli of the WesleyanChurchChaplain-in-ChiefandRevHRNg-cayiyaoftheEthiopianChurchasAssistantChaplain.RevMqobolihadalreadyofferedprayersattheopeningoftheconference.

InallannualconferencesoftheANC,theysanghymnsandNkosi Sikelel’ iAfrikadominatedtheproceedings.ItwasduringthePresidencyofSMMakgathothatMosesMphahlele added the Sepedi stanzas toNkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika.TheXhosastanzasbyEnochSontongacombinedwiththeSepedistanzasbyMosesMphahlelewereadoptedbytheANCasanationalanthem.

THE CHURCH AS AN ORGANISATION AND THE ROLE OF INDEPENDENT AFRICAN CHURCHESTheinstitutionofthechurchistheoldestandmosteffectiveorganisationintheworld.Thechurchreproducestheskillsneededforrunningmeetingsandconferencesintheformofsynods,Kerkrade(ChurchCouncils)andconventionsofallkind.Thereforethechurchteachessuchcriticalorganisingskillsaschairingmeetings,recruitingnewmem-bers,writingminutes,keepingmoney,time-keeping,handlingdonationsandkeepingproper records. The church also teachessuchinvaluableskillsasmanagingpeople,

handlingdiscussionsandreachingcollec-tivedecisions.Theseskills, learntbytheearlyChristianconvertsinthechurchandmissionschools,werecriticalintheultimateformationoftheANCin1912.

Theorganisationskillslearntwithinthechurchwerealsousefulintheestablishmentofearlynon-politicalorganisationssuchasdebatingsocieties,soccerclubs,sportbod-ies, teacher associations, andothers thatwereimportantpreparatoryorganisationsforultimateformationoftheANCin1912.

TheevolutionofearlyAfricanindepen-dentchurchesalsolaidafoundationfortheultimategerminationoftheANC.Nehe-miahTile,PJMzimba,IsaiahShembe,AlfredMangena, JamesMataDwane,CharlotteMaxeke,RevMokone,KanyaneJTantsi,SelopeThema,JohnGXabaandmanyoth-erswerepioneerswhoformedindependentAfricanchurcheswhichdirectlyandindi-rectlywereforerunnerstotheestablishmentoftheANCin1912.TheearlyAfricaninde-pendentchurchesopenedthepathfortheemergenceoftheANC,becausethefirstna-tionalorganisationwasthechurchmove-ment,notapoliticalorganisation.

EdwardRouxexplains:“It is an interest-ing fact that the first Bantu mass movement on truly national lines was a religious one. What came to be called Ethopianism was an attempt on the part of Christian Africans to set up their own churches independent of the white ones. Though some of these churches were confined to particular areas, others made a nation-wide ap-peal to all black Christians and tried to unite people of all tribes and nations. Though out-wardly religious, they were also to a large extent political in their appeal. They began as a revolt of the black members within the missionary churches. Bantu Christians almost always found that there were colour bars in white churches, even some of the most enthusiastic missionaries insisted upon treating all members of their na-tive flocks as children, refusing to ordain black men as priests or, if they did so ordain them, always putting them in positions where they had to take orders from white superiors.”(Roux: 77)

AsMcebisiNdletyanaargues:“Suffrage had always been the reward to the African elite, since the 1850s, for it achieving ‘civilisation’, which entailed both education and Christianity.

The early African independent churches opened the path for the emergence of the ANC, because the

first national organisation was the church movement,

not a political organisation.

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The two went hand-in-hand. The early African elite were educated at mission schools. That made suffrage more than just a civil right to them. It was a pivotal tenet of Christianity, for it affirmed equality. Christianity had tought them that all mankind is created in the image of God. Disenfranchising African converts implied that the Christian injunction of equality was a falsehood. But, they wouldn’t believe theirs was a deceptive God. They were unyielding in their demand for equality.”(Ndletyna 2012: 17)

In‘Unity in Action’,theANCitselfsays:“The formation of the ANC on 8 January 1912 was not an accident of history, it was a continu-ation of the anti-colonial struggle of our people which began with colonialisation itself. Of course it did not all happen overnight. There were many factors which led to the formation of the ANC. The introduction of Christianity in South Af-rica led to an emergence of black Christians, who later rejected the white Christian values, formed their own independent churches with new con-cepts and values. The first of these black converts to form an independent church was Nehemiah Tile who played a significant religious and po-litical role. He formed the Thembu church in 1883 in the Transkei. The founding of the Ethi-opian Curch by Rev MM Mokone on the Wit-watersrand in 1892 was tantamount to widen-ing the battlefront started by Tile.”(ANC 1982)

TheEthopianMovementwasthereforeverycriticalnotjusttothechurch’sevolu-tionandindigenisationinAfricansocieties,butbecauseitalsodirectlygavebirthtoAf-ricanpoliticalorganisations,notleasttheANC.TheANCthereforegerminatedonthefertilegroundpreparedbytheEthiopianbreakawaychurchmovementthatbeganmanyyearsbeforetheANCitselfwasborn.TheANCinitsoriginsandevolutionisborn

outofthewombofthechurch.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN STRUGGLE AND THE CHURCHThebedrockoftherelationshipbetweenthestruggleandthechurchcomesfromtheun-derstandingintheBiblethatGodalwaystakesthesideoftheoppressedandsufferingpeople.ThehistoricalchaptersoftheBiblearedominatedbyastoryofthereleaseofthechildrenofIsraelfromslaveryinEgypt,andhowGodsidedwiththeminthewarstheyfoughtagainsttheiradversaries.

Therelationshipbetweenthestruggleandthechurchwasclearlyseeninthetrag-icstoryofaChristiansectcalledtheIsrael-itesledbyRevEnochMgijimainMay1921.Theygatheredforapilgrimagein1920andrefusedwhenauthoritieswantedtoremovetheirsettlement.Itwasanactofdefianceofthewhiteregimebyblackcongregantsandtheyweremassacred,163killedand129in-jured.ItwasanutterlybloodthirstyactofbarbarismagainstunarmedChristianbe-lievers.

Throughoutthefreedomstruggle,thechurchtooksideoftheoppressedpeople.TheWorldCouncilofChurches(WCC)andtheWorldCouncilofReformedChurches(WCRC)ledthestruggleataninternationalinterdenominational level and declaredapartheidaheresy.TheystoodfirmfortheimpositionofsanctionsonSouthAfrica.RevAllanBoesakwasatonetimePresidentofWCRC,whichhadamembershipof70mil-lionpeoplein46countries.

Inside the country, the SouthAfricanCouncilofChurches(SACC)andSouthernAfrican Catholic Bishops Conference(SACBC)activelyinvolvedvariouschurch

ANCs first President, Rev JL Dube, with Dr W Rabusana, Thomas Mapikela, Sol Plaatjie and S Msane.

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denominationsinfightingagainsttheher-etic and evil system of apartheid. TheyfundedsuchprojectsastheDetaineesPar-entsSupportCommittee(DPSC)andtheDetaineesSupportCommitee(DESCOM).SuccessiveSACCSecretaries-Generalledthestrugglefromthefront,tastingteargas.TheseincludedDesmondTutu,BeyersNau-déandFrankChikane.ArchbishopTutuwontheNobelPeacePrizein1984.TherewasalsotheChristianInstitute,theInstituteofContextualTheology,theKairosDocu-ment,liberationtheologyandmanyothersimilarinterventionsfromthechurchfront.Allthesebecause,accordingtoNolan,“God has given the church in South Africa an oppor-tunity and a calling that is special, if not unique, in the history of the Christian faith.”(Nolan: 22)

ThechurchinSouthAfricafoughttire-lesslyagainstsegregation,repression,forcedremovals,detentionwithouttrial,thedeathpenalty,necklacemurders,policebrutality,politicalassassinationsandunjustlaws.Itfoughtforjustice,peace,freedomandequal-ity.Itrancampaignsforthereleaseofde-taineesandpoliticalprisoners,andclem-ency for the Sharpeville Six and theUpington29.Thatiswhytheheadofficesof the SACC and the SACBC inKhotsoHouse,JohannesburgandKhanya,HousePretoriawereperenniallyraided,searched,attacked and one was even bombed byforcedoftheapartheidregime.

TheSACC,foritspart,rananumberofcampaigns in support of the liberationstruggle.In1988itlaunchedacampaigncalledStandingfortheTruthCampaignandcalledforeffectivenon-violentaction.Inajointleafletannouncingthecampaign,theSACCandtheSACBCstated:“This campaign was initiated by and launched at a convocation of churches which was held on May 30-31, 1988. The convocation to which all churches and church groups in South Africa were invited, re-solved to develop effective non-violent actions in the face of the deepening crisis in the country caused by the apartheid regime. The aim was to end the apartheid system by putting pressure on the South African regime to abandon apartheid and to participate in the negotiated settlement to establish a just, non-racial and democratic society in South Africa. In the face of the deepen-

ing crisis the churches felt that they had no choice but to stand for the truth and witness against the evils of the apartheid system. They felt obliged, in the face of suffering, victimisation and oppression of the people of God, to be in compassionate solidarity with the people and also to oppose the present apartheid system and the related regime.” (SACC/SACBC 1988)

Indefiningthegoalsofthecampaign,theSACC and SACBC further elaborated:“Whilst being aware of the general mandate of the church to work for and toward the Kingdom of God, the immediate and specific goal of the campaign was identified as the establishment of a non-racial, democratic, unitary, free South Africa. The convocation of churches was aware that to achieve these goals, the following steps would necessarily have to precede this:

• The unbanning of people’s organisations and the returning of exiles.

• The release of all political prisoners and detainees.

• The abandonment of apartheid.These actions would create the necessary con-

ditions conducive for a negotiated settlement in the country which the churches see as the only peaceful way of resolving problems of South Af-rica and affecting the justice and reconciliation we are hoping for.” (SACC/SACBC 1988)

ThisrelationshipbetweenthechurchandtheoppressedpeopleinSouthAfricawasnotunique.Ithadpreviouslybeendemon-stratedablyinothersituationsparalleltoapartheidSouthAfrica.Forinstance,duringHitler’sfascistruleinGermanytherewasabraveGermantheologiannamedDietrichBonheofferwhostoodagainsttheNazire-gimeandallegedlyevenconspiredtohaveHitlerkilled.HetoldhiscongregationthatiftheycannotstandagainstAdolfHitler,theyshouldnotsingchurchhymns,becausetheyhadnorighttodoso.

InSouthAfricachurchbuildings,mon-asteriesandmissionhouseswereusedbythestrugglingpeopletohidepeopleontherunfromthesecuritypolice,tohidestruggleparaphernalia,tophotocopypamphletsandtoholdmeetings.TheReginaMundichurchinSowetoandotherchurchesacrossthecountryplayedasignificantroleasatheatreofstruggle.

Evenintertiaryinstitutions,politicalstu-

39


dentorganisationsSANSCOandNUSAS,andlaterSASCO,existedalongsideStudentUnion forChristianAction (SUCA) andYoungChristianStudents(YCS),andhadsolidallianceswiththem.Therelationshipbetweenthechurchandthestruggleoftheoppressedwentbeyondthepulpitandpen-etratedeverycornerofsociety.

TheNationalPartyregimeforitspartsoughtandfoundareligiousmouthpieceina sectionof theNGKerk.TheNGKerksoughtBiblicaljustificationofapartheidandbecameaspiritualbankoftheapartheidregime.ItwasreferredtoastheNationalPartyatPrayer.ItwasareligiousbackuptotheblasphemouspoliticsoftheNationalParty.ThesynodsoftheNGKerkspendsleeplessnightstryingtocultivateaBiblicaljustificationofoppression,ofwhiteminor-ityrule,ofracialdiscrimination,ofinjusticeandinequality.RevBeyersNaudéwasex-pelledandexcommunicatedfromtheNGKerkanddefrockedasministeroftheAas-voelkop,NorthcliffcongregationinNovem-ber1963,whenhedifferedwithitsfaulty,false,hereticandunChristiansupportofapartheid.

AlbertNolan explains the role of thechurchintheSouthAfricanstruggle:“The church in South Africa today, or at least part of the church which is on the side of the struggle, has a unique prophetic calling or vocation. The

role of the church may be the same in all circum-stances or in all circumstances of conflict, but in South Africa the church also has a special, if not unique, calling because of the particular Kai-ros in which we find ourselves. From the point of view of the struggle itself, the church, or at least apart of it, has an irreplaceable role to play…The struggle itself is a human project that proposes to build a truly human community, but, because by far the majority of the people involved believe in God, the project will not suc-ceed unless God is brought into the picture ex-plicitly and by name.” (Nolan: 281-9)

TheSACC/SACBC’sStandingfortheTruthCampaignleafletstatescategorically:“The year 1988 was a turning point in the life of the church. It was a year when the church moved forward from just condemning apartheid to a commitment of effective non-violent action to end apartheid. It was a year when the church-es stopped debating about violence and non-vi-olence and chose to rather act non-violently to end this evil apartheid system thus making vio-lence unnecessary.”

FromtheformationoftheANCin1912inachurchbyearlyChristianconverts,thechurchplayedacrucialroleintheliberationstruggleuptofreedomin1994.Thehistoryofstruggleisrichwiththeroleplayedbychurchdenominations,churchleaders,andministersofreligionandchurchorganisa-tionsofallkind.Itisnosurprisethatthe

Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu and other churchleaders praying over the ANC Centenary flame.

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LearnandTeachMagazinespokesoglow-inglyaboutRevBoesakin1989:“When Dr Allan Boesak starts to talk, you soon understand why he has such a huge following. In his own beautiful way, he knows what to say and how to say it. He does not mince his words. Nothing stops him – not death threats, not the threat of banning or detention, and definitely not the hate and anger of any apartheid government. Nobody can make likes of Adriaan Vlok froth at the mouth like he can!” (Learn and Teach: 3)

THE ANC AND THE CHURCH TODAYTheANC’schurchrootssurvivetothisdayinvariousshapesandforms,includingtheopeningofmeetingswithaprayer,theex-istenceofreligiousdepartmentordeskatalllevelsofANCstructures,theinter-de-nominationalprayersinopeningANCgath-erings,theNationalAnthemofthecountryandtheexistenceoftheOfficeofNationalChaplainintheANCConstitutional.

TheANCemergedandevolvedoutofthewombofthechurchandthatfactmustbecherished.ThatiswhyaprayerfunctionandChurchserviceprecededtherallycel-ebrating100yearsofthefoundingoftheANCintheWaaihoekWesleyanChurch,Bloemfonteinon8January2012.TheANC,correctlyso,wascelebratingitscentury-oldbirthdayatitsbirthplaceinitsbirthmanner.Themidwifery thathelped itsbirthwasthere.

To celebrate a hundred years of thefoundingoftheANCbyearlyconvertsinachurchinWaaihoek,let’srecalltheprayerofferedattheopeningofANC’s50thNa-tionalConferenceinMafikengon16Decem-ber1997:“Lord Bless Africa! There was a great spirit in our ancestors and forerunners. We re-member those who first saw the coming of a new South Africa over a century ago; those who brought this movement into being; we remember the names and faces of the men and women of spirit who have nurtured it though all the years. Great spirit of God we recognise that you have been among us from generation to generation. We came to you through many traditions, and call you by many names: Umvelinganqi, Qa-mata, Modimo, U Thixo, Nwali, Nkulunkulu, Xikwembu, Ramasedi, Mudzimu. The Supreme

Lord. The enlightened one. Yahweh. Jehovah. Al-lah. We come to you in the footsteps of our ances-tors, of Krishna; of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; of Jesus; of Mohammed. Others come to you through the great philosophers.”(Phakamani: 6)

The ANC was given birth to by thechurchand,likeeverychild,mustremem-berfondlyitsbiologicalandhistoricalroots.Let’srecalltheprayerbyRevFrankChikaneatthe100thANCAnniversaryprayerserviceintheWaaihoekWesleyanChurch:“God, You knew at our beginning that we would be here today and You know our today and our to-morrow and where we will end. Amen.”

Rudolph Phala is a Member of the Ike Maphoto Branch, Polokwane Sub-Region in Limpopo.

REFERENCES• ANC. 2002. Afrika ke nako – 90 years of

struggle 1912-2002. Johannesburg. p.1-3.• ANC. 1982. Unity in Action – A short history

of the ANC. 1912-1982. Lusaka.• ANC. 2004 Phakamani - Magazine of the ANC

Commission for Religious Affairs p 3, 6, 46.• ANC. 2012. 8 January ANC NEC statement

2012. Mangaung. p.27• Learn and Teach. 1989. Number 2.• Lerumo A. 1971. Fifty fighting years.

Inkululeko Publications. London.• Limb P. 2010. The ANC’s early years –

Nation, Class and place in South Africa before 1940. UNISA Press.

• Luthuli AJ. 2007. Let my people go. Paarlmedia. Paarl p.8,11

• Meli F. 1988. South Africa belongs to us. Zimbabwe Publishing House.

• Ndletyana M. 2008. African intellectuals in 19th and early 20th century South Africa. HSRC. Press Cape Town. p.45

• Nolan A. 1988. God in South Africa – the challenge of the gospel. Clyson Printer Cape Town. p.22, 218-9, 220

• Roux E. 1964. Time Longer than Rope. Wisconsin University Press. Madison. p.77

• SACC & SACBC. 1988. The standing for the Truth campaign leaflet. Johannesburg.

• Mcebisi Ndletyana. 2012. The Sunday Independent. 8 January 2012. p17. ‘An honest, manly fight....and by God’s help we shall win,’

• Turok B. 2010. The historical roots of the ANC – Understanding the ANC today. Jacana Press, Johannesburg.

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THEANC53rdNationalConferencere-solvedtomakethenextdecade,ape-riodoffocusoncadredevelopment.

TheConference further resolved that the“ANC and the Alliance should, collectively and individually, pay urgent and systematic attention to the task of developing a contingent of cadres who have attributes that accord with the tasks of the national democratic revolution in the second phase”.

TheunfoldingNationalDemocraticRev-olutionhasgonethroughmanyphasesinitsdevelopment.Atonepointitbringstotheforeanewsetofchallengesandyetatan-otheritbeckonsforchangeintacticsandap-proach.Thenationalliberationmovementhasalwaysdemonstrateditscapacityandresilienceinmeetingthechallengesthrownupbytheintensificationofstruggle.

ThemaincontentoftheNationalDemo-craticRevolutionistheliberationofAfricansinparticularandblacksingeneralfrompo-liticalandsocio-economicbondage.ItmeansupliftingthequalityoflifeofallSouthAfri-cans, especially the poor, themajority ofwhomareAfricanandfemale.Atthesametimeithastheeffectofliberatingthewhitecommunityfromthefalseideologyofracialsuperiorityandtheinsecurityattachedtoop-pressingothers.

Itisabouttheresolutionofthena-tionalquestion,whichisattheinter-sectionofeconomicexploitationand patriarchal power rela-tions. The consequence ofthiswas the transferofpolitical power intothe hands of thedemocraticma-jority,aswit-nessedin

Theory of organisationAs the ANC enters the Decade of the Cadre, it needs to locate the challenge of cadreship development within a coherent theory of revolutionary organisation.

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the1994breakthrough.Thepathhithertotraversedhasbeenlong

andbitter,andyetweneedtoperiodicallypausetocriticallyassessourstrengthandweaknesses.Weshalldosowithinourmassformations,tappingonourorganisationalexperiencesespeciallyduringthestruggleforliberation,inthecurrentepoch,whilstatthehelmofthedemocraticstate.Evenbeforewedoso,letusoncemoreequipourselveswithascientificunderstandingofwhatorganisa-tionis,andalltheelementsthatconstituteit.

Attheheightofthestruggleforliberation,thisinsightonorganisationwaspassedbytheAfricanNationalCongresstotheyoung-er generation through the SouthAfricanYouthCongress(SAYCO).SAYCO’slivingorganisationalexperienceandthebroaderMassDemocraticMovement(MDM)atthetimewillassistinensuringthatthisinputisnotjustanotheracademicoffering.Ourun-derstandingwillbetemperedbyourownexperiencefromtheuniversityofmassstrug-gle.Thiscontributionisenrichedbytheper-spectiveoftheVietnameserevolutionaryLeDuanonOrganisationandCadreship.

ORGANISATION:AN INDISPENSABLE WEAPON FOR VICTORYThehistoryofsocietydemonstratesquiteclearlythathumankindhavealwayssur-vivedbecausetheyhavealwaysengagedinproductiveactivity.Fromprimitivesocietiestodate,therehasalwaysbeeninteractionbetweenhumansandnature.Associetyde-velops,humanbeingsenterintodefinitere-lationswithnature,whichisdefinedprimar-ilyinproductiveactivitymeanttoprolonglife,toproducefood,tobuildshelter,tomakeclothingforthehumanraceandtoaddressmanyothernecessities.

Onceahumanengagesinproductiveac-tivitydefiniterelationsarisebetweenthemandtheotherswhoarealsoengagedinpro-duction.Productiveactivityitselfbecomesamodeororganisationofproduction.So,fromtheveryearliestformsofsocietythehumanracehasbeenpartofanorganisationinoneformoranother.Societyitselfpresupposesformsoforganisationintheexistenceofhu-mansdependingonthelevelofdevelopment

ofthatparticularsociety.Primitivecommu-nalsocietywasmainlycharacterisedbyamodeofproductionwhereinthemeansofproductionwereownedcommunally.

Organisationisthereforeattheheartoftheveryexistenceofhumanity.Theinterac-tionbetweenhumansandnatureisnotal-waysaharmoniousrelationship.Atworstthisinteractionreleasesearthquakes,floods,diseases,dryseasonsandsoon.Inthefaceofsuchproblems,humanbeingscooperatewithotherstoconfronttheseproblemsandthuslayabasisfortheirsurvival.Inconfront-ingtheseproblems,humankinddoessonotaspartofanamorphousmass,butanorgan-isedentityofpeopleconscioustoachieveaparticularobjective.Thusanorganisationbecomescentralnotonlytotheirinteractionwithnature,butalsointheirrelationshipwiththeirfellowhumans.

Themostimportantweaponavailabletohumanbeingsinchartinganexistenceforthemselvesisorganisation.Astrongorgani-sationreleasesapotentialstrengthineachperson and the strength of each personmakesthestrengthofanorganisation.Thisconclusionhasnotbeenarrivedatbydeduc-tionofasumtotalofsimpleexperiencesasmereevents.Ithasbeenarrivedatfromcon-cretehistoricalconditionsattendingtotheexistenceofhumans,theirrelationshipwithnatureontheotheronehand,andtheirin-teractionandrelationshipwiththeirfellowhumansontheother.Withoutorganisation,anygroupofpeoplewillbedefencelessandareboundtofailintryingtoaddressanysocial,politicaloreconomicproblem.Thisisthelessonlefttousbythemarchofhistory.

Intheirresolvetodestroythesystemofcolonialismofspecialtype,thepeopleofourlandresisteditbycomingtogethertoformanorganisation.Foranyorganisationtosuc-ceedinachievingitsgoalstherehastobeobjectivereasonforitsexistence.Theotherimportantaspectoforganisationistheissueorissuesaroundwhichitorganisesthosewhoarepotentialmembers.IntheSouthAf-ricancontextithasalwaysbeenunityofallthe oppressed, one organisation unitingthem,nationalconsciousness,onenationalprogramme,thatweretherallyingpointsat

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Collective leadership:Individual leaders are elected into collectives which should work as a unit, fulfilling their mandate as dictated to by the constitution. No single person is a leader unto themselves, but a member of a col-lective that should give considered, canvassed guid-ance to the membership and society as a whole.

Consultations, accountability and mandates:Regular meetings of branches, regions and prov-inces, and national conferences, provide the mem-bership with the platform to assume collective ownership of the movement's fate. They set out the mandate that guides the leadership, and are important fora for report-backs and consultations across the movement.

Discipline:A leader should seek to influence and to be influ-enced by others in the collective. They should have the conviction to state their views boldly and openly with-in constitutional structures of the movement; and – without being disrespectful – notto cower before those in more senior positions in pursuit of patronage, nor to rely on cliques to maintain one's position.

Democracy and democratic centralism:Individual members and leaders will have differing opinions on how particular issues should be ad-dressed. The strength of revolutionary organisation lies among others in the ability to synthesise these views and emerge with the wisest possible approach. Once a decision has been taken on the basis of the majority's views, it binds everyone, including those who held a contrary view.

Human solidarity:The vision that the ANC pursues is informed by the morality of caring and human solidarity. The kind of democracy it pursues leans towards the poor; and it recognises the leading role of the work-ing class in the project of social transformation.

Humility:Criticism and self-criticism: It is to be expected that in leading social activity, leaders and members will from time to time make mistakes. The most important thing is that these individuals and collectives should have the capacity and humility to honestly review their work critically, and correct the weaknesses.

thefoundingconferenceoftheANCin1912.Indeedourforebearsleftusatraditionofaneverpresentneedforthedowntroddenma-joritytobuildorganisationasaneffectiveinstrumentofstruggle.TheANC,foracen-tury,hasstubbornlystoodattheforefrontasthespearheadoftheliberationmovementandthestruggle.

ThusbyforceofexampletheformationoftheANCin1912bringsusbacktohistory’sinjunctionthattheguarantorandtheessen-tialconditionofhumanity’svictoryoveranychallengeisorganisation.

TheANCsetaboutmarshallingthecol-lectiveenergiesofthepeopleasafoundationstoneuponwhichnationalunitywasforgedin the crucible of heroic campaigns overyears.AstheSouthAfricaneconomywasgoingthroughphasesofdevelopmentsodidtheformsoforganisationgrowanddevelop.

MoreandmoreAfricanpeoplebecamepro-letarianisedintheburgeoninggoldanddia-mondurbancentres.Inthelateryearsthesuper-exploitedsectionoftheworkingclassbegantoformtheirowntradeassociationsandtradeunionstogiveexpressiontotheirdeterminationtofighttheownersofcapitalandtheminesforbetterpayandworkingconditions.Thesewere theoriginsof thetradeunionmovementinSouthAfrica.So-cialistideaswerebroughttothiscountrybymilitantwhiteworkersfromEuropewhohadalreadyacquiredexperienceintradeunionorganisationandinstruggleagainstcapital-istexploitation.Thusanotherfoundationoforganisationemerged,characterisedbythespreadofsocialistideas,particularlyamongtheblackworkingclassinthelateryearsofthedevelopmentofdemocraticorganisation.TheCommunistPartyofSouthAfricawas

Key values of a revolutionary organisation

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thenformedasavanguardpoliticalpartyoftheworkingclass.

WHAT OF CADRESHIP AND LEADERSHIP IN AN ORGANISATION?Leadershipisessentialandkeytotheexis-tenceofanyorganisation.Leadershipiscon-stitutedbyacollectiveofcadresdrawnfromthemostcommitted,disciplinedandpoliti-cally advanced sections of the people.Aleaderisaprototypecadreofanyorganisa-tion,especiallyarevolutionaryone.Aleaderisalsoacadreofthepeople.Theyprimarilyservethemassesandaregivenapopularmandatebythem.Itisprimarilyimportantthereforetounderstandthatintrinsictothenatureofleadershipisthatthemassesmustofnecessityhaveconfidenceintheirleader-ship.Ifthemasseshavenoconfidenceintheirleadership,theleadershipcannotlead.Truecadresneveraspireorhaveanuncon-trollablelusttolead.Themainmotivationfortrueleadersistoservethemovementandthemassesatanylevel.TothisextentthelateVietnameseleaderHoChiMinhsaid“be true to the Party and loyal to the people, fulfil any tasks, overcome any difficulty and defeat an en-emy”.

Aleadermustalwaysdemonstratethereadinesstobethelasttoretreatandthefirsttotheoffensive.Selflessnessandservicemustinformtheoverallqualityofleadership.

Leadershipintheorganisationdevelopsandmaturesinthetrialsandtribulationsofthestruggleitself;itisneverbornnordoesitemergesfromnowhere.Theveryhardex-periencesofstruggleproducecadreshipandleadershipwhichinturndevelopqualitiesofcreativity,imaginationandtheabilitytoseizetheinitiative.Theleadershipemergesfromthepeople,itlearnstoarticulateandchampionstheaspirations,demands,fearsandhopesofthepeople.Leadershipleadsbyforceofexample;itlearnsfromthemass-es,andthenteachesthem.

Leadershipandcadreshiphaveadirectrelationshipwithacadrepolicythatexpress-

esinconcretetermsthegeneralpoliticallineofanymovementandcadredevelopment,whichincludespoliticaleducationandde-ploymentofitscadres.

Ifaleaderisaprototypecadre,itfollowsthereforethatacadreisaprototypememberinarevolutionaryorganisation.Thereisadialecticalinterrelationbetweencadresandarevolutionarymovementofthemasses.Acadre’slifeislivedwithintheframeworkofmulti-facetedrelationships.Itistheserela-tionsthatmakeacadreacadre.Inthesere-lationships,acadreisatthesametimethecauseandeffect.Acadrecannotbeconceivedoutsideofanorganisation,foracadreisanelementofanorganisation.

Acadrelivesinadefiniteorganisation.Theymakeanorganisationalivingorgan-ism.Ontheotherhand,afteranorganisationhasbecomeaquantityexistinginitsownrightandhasstruckdeeprootsinlife,or-ganisationinitsturnhasadecisiveeffectonpeople.Itdetermineswhowilldowhat,whatpositionandfunctiontheyshouldholdinapparatusofactivity.Itdefinesbeforehandthedirectionandobjectiveofhumanbeings’actions.Itdirectspeopleandobligesthemtoactonewayinsteadofanother.Organisationinitsactivity,bringsforthinpeopledefinitecharacteristicsandqualities.

Acadreissomebodywhoispreparedtolearn,learnmoreandlearnforever.AstheChineseproverbgoes“live as if you are going to die tomorrow and learn as if you are going to live forever”.

Cadresneedtolearnnotonlythroughbooksbutalsoinpracticallife.Inourwork,insumminguptheeffectivenessofourwork,wemustengageinfrequentself-criticismandcriticism.Withoutlearningfromstruggleandtappingonhumanity’sexperiencein life,bookknowledgeisworthless.

Theessentialdutyofcadreshipandleader-shipistoagitateforthepoliticalconscious-nessofthepeople,tomobilise,andcontinu-ouslyorganisepeopleasaconsciousforcetoseizeandmaintainpoliticalpower.

umrabulo - issue no 38, 1st quarter 2013

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