tsetskhladze, who buid thracian royal tombs

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GOCHA R. TSETSKHLADZE

WHO BUILT THE SCYTHIAN AND THRACIAN ROYAL ANDELITE TOMBS?

To my Bulgarian friends and colleagues.

Summary. This paper discusses the complex and controversial problems of Scythian and Thracian royal and e lite tombs of the fifth/fourth centuries BC.

The similarities beween them are too great to be explained simply as

coincidence. Although the inspiration for the type of chamber tomb might have

been local, the architecture, painting and many other features show that

Ionian Greeks were constructing them for the local e lite. This conclusion is

strongly supported by the close similarities between these tombs and those of

the rulers and e lite of the Bosporan Kingdom in the Kerch and Taman

Peninsulas of a similar date.

INTRODUCTION

Since the discovery of the Scythian,

Thracian and Bosporan royal and elite tombs

in the nineteenth century much literature has

been devoted to them.1 The main question

addressed by many scholars is that of theorigin of these grand stone burials.

. . . The masonry of all is clearly Greek,though the plan rather suggests the

Mycenaean period. Are we to see in it asurvival of the old method of burial among

the Milesian descendants of the ancient

race? Are we to ascribe this way of

building tombs to the influence of Asia

Minor, if this be not saying the same thing

in other words, or should we not rather

regard these as the translation into stone of

the wooden roof and earthen pit with a

gallery leading down to it which formed

the typical Scythian grave? . . .

This is how E. Minns (1913, 194) viewed the

origin of the Scythian royal tombs.

Some academics have linked the

appearance of the Scythian royal and elite

stone chamber tombs to the evolution, from

simple, local constructions in wood, of theso-called ‘Timber’ cultures which werespread widely through the Eurasian steppes

in the Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age

(Minns 1913, 194; etc.).2 Other scholars have

found prototypes for the Bosporan royal and

elite tombs in the local tent type burials of the

sixth-beginning of the fourth centuries BC in

the Kuban region (Blavatskii 1955; 1964,

78). V. Gaidukevich stated that the form of

OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 17(1) 1998

Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1998, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UKand 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 55



these tombs (particularly the circular ones)

originated outside the region, perhaps inThrace (1971, 271); V. Fedak agrees with

him (1990, 169). A. Ivanova (1953, 69) links

them to influences from Asia Minor orThrace. Y. Boltrik and E. Fialko suppose

that Bosporan masons under the supervision

of a Scythian priest participated in the

construction of the Scythian tomb Oguz

(1989, 98).The origin of Thracian royal and elite

stone chamber tombs is another difficult

question, much debated. The close similari-

ties between them and Macedonian

(Tomlinson 1974; Valeva 1994a; etc.) andPhrygian tombs, as well as their local proto-

types, have been noted by many scholars (see

below). R. Hoddinot (1975, 98) writes:

The origin of the craftsmen with the skill

not only of brick-making but of building

circular domed chambers is, as is their

fate, an unsolved mystery. Perhaps aconsequential benefit of Seuthes’ relation-

ship with Antigonos was a visit from

Graeco-Syrian craftsmen who took their

secret with them when they departed or

died.

J. Boardman (1994, 191) thinks that Greek or

Macedonian masons might have been

employed in the building of the barrel-

vaulted tombs in Thrace.As this short and far from full

historiographical excursus demonstrates, the

problem of the origin and ethnicity of thearchitects and masons constructing the

Scythian and Thracian (as well as Bosporan)

stone chamber tombs is a matter of confusionand scholarly debate. I am convinced that

before investigating the origins of these

tombs, the main question to be asked and

answered is: who built the Scythian and

Thracian royal and elite tombs? The

inspiration for the type of tomb could indeed

be local burial practice but the realization of

it required skills and knowledge.

SCYTHIAN TOMBS

Thanks to Herodotus3 and archaeological

evidence, the Scythians have long been

known to scholarship and the literature about

them is extensive.4 However, many questions

connected with them are the subject of debate.Currently, in Russian and Ukrainian historio-

graphy many problems are being looked at

anew and reinterpreted (Murzin 1984; 1990;

Murzin and Skory 1994; Alekseev 1992;

Pogrebova and Raevskii 1992; Andrukh1995; Marchenko and Vinogradov 1989;

Melyukova 1989, 33–80; Olkhovsky 1991;

Davis-Kimball et al. 1995, 5–82; Chlenovaand Martynov in Genito 1994, 499–540 and

643–50; etc. Cf. Chernenko 1987, 3–12).

According to the latest investigations, the

Scythians appeared in the steppes of the

northern Black Sea region from northern

Siberia at the beginning to middle of the

seventh century BC. The middle to end of theseventh century is thought to be the period of

the Scythian movement to the Near East and

also of the migration of the vast majority of

the remaining Scythian population from the

steppes of the northern Black Sea to those of

the North Caucasus. At the end of the seventh/

sixth century BC the Scythians returned fromthe Near East, settling mainly in the present

day Kuban and Stavropol regions. The end of

the sixth-beginning of the fifth century BCsaw the final establishment of north Black Sea

Scythia, based in two centres: one in the

Crimean steppes (not far from the futureBosporan Kingdom) and the other in the

Lower Dnieper area (not far from Olbia). It is

at this period that close relations between the

Scythians and the Greek cities of the northern

Pontus began (Murzin 1984, 92–104; 1990,

66–78).

WHO BUILT THE SCYTHIAN AND THRACIAN ROYAL AND ELITE TOMBS?

OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

56 Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1998



The number of known Scythian graves

varies over time. It is, as yet, not possible todate many of them precisely. For the middle

seventh-beginning of the sixth century there

are 6 graves; for the sixth century, 21; forthe end of the sixth-beginning of the fifth

century, 12. Altogether, 39 graves (Murzin

1990, 51; Olkhovsky 1991, 56; Melyukova

1989, 54). More than 2500 date from the

fourth century BC (Melyukova 1989, 54).5

The reason for the small number of Archaic

graves in the north Black Sea steppes is that,

in the seventh/sixth centuries, the Scythian

tribes used to live mainly in the steppes of

the northern Caucasus — which is where thegreat majority of Archaic graves have been

found (Murzin 1990, 52–4; Makhortykh

1991, 17–81) (Fig. 1). Only a few richScythian royal and elite tumuli are known

for the Archaic period (Kelermess,

Melgunov’s barrow, Krasnoe Znamya

tombs, early Ulskie, Kostromskoi), all

situated in the present day Kuban and

Stavropol regions (Murzin 1984, 104). In

the fifth century the number of royal tombsincreases but most date from the fourth

century BC (Figs. 2–3).6

The chronology of the Scythian royal and

elite tombs of the Classical period is very

complex and much disputed. It is based

largely on the study of Greek imports

(particularly amphorae and amphora stamps)found in the tombs. Thus the dating of the

burials depends on the accuracy with which

the chronology of the amphorae and amphorastamps has been reconstructed; there have

been several changes already to the

chronology of amphora stamps with theinevitable consequences for the dating of

the burials (Melyukova 1981, 101–7;

Alekseev 1992, 144–57; Monahov 1995/96).

Another problem is that scholars disagree

over which tombs are ‘royal’ and which not.

The latest chronology and identification of

royal tombs (Alekseev 1992, 156–7) is as

follows:

Four chronological groups.

Group A (end of fifth to first half of fourth

century BC):Solokha,7 Berdyansk Kurgan,8 Kazennaya

Mogila.

Group B (c.360/350–330/320 BC):Tolstaya Mogila,9 Tsimbalka, Chmyrev

(initial burial), Shchulgovka (initial burial),

Bashmachka.

Group C (c.340–320 BC):Chertomlyk,10 Kul-Oba, Melitopolskii,11

Oguz (initial burial),12 Kozel, Chmyrev

(secondary burial), Deev (initial burial),

Zheltokamenka (initial burial), Pyatibratnii

No. 8, Mordvinovski Nos. I and II,

Vishnevaya Mogila(?).

Group D (c.330–300 BC):

Aleksandropolskii, Krasnokutskii,13 Oguz

(later complexes),14 Deev (secondary burial),

Shchulgovka (secondary burial), Leme-shev(?), Ryzhanovka, Denisova Mogila,

Verkhnii Rogachuk (secondary burial),

Babina Mogila, Kamenskaya Bliznitsa.15

The burial customs of the Scythian elite

are very well described by Herodotus (4.71–

73) and have been studied thoroughly byscholars (Bunyatyan 1985; Olkhovsky 1991;

Raevskiy 1993, 15–23; Bessonova 1983;

Kamenetskii 1995; Rolle 1989, 19–37;Semionov 1993; etc.). Neither the burial rites

(Bunyatyan 1985; Olkhovsky 1991; etc.) nor

the role of Greeks living in the Greek citiesof the northern Black Sea in the creation of

Scythian elite culture16 is the subject of this

paper. I shall focus only upon the architecture

and design of Scythian royal and elite tombs,

and later upon Thracian ones in the fifth and

fourth centuries BC.



Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1998 57



Scythian royal and elite tombs of the

Classical period, especially those of the

fourth century BC, are concentrated on both

banks of the Lower Dnieper, in the Azov area(Don) and the Crimea (Melyukova 1989, 54)

(Figs. 4–5).17 The vast majority are situated

in the Lower Dnieper area, which is whereHerodotus located the special place of burial

of the Scythian kings — Gerrhi.18 Some of

them re-used the tumuli of the Bronze Age(Tumulus 1 not far from Kherson, Ostraya

Tomakovskaya Mogila, Malaya Tsimbalka)

but most tumuli were built specially for

burying the elite, and were constructed in

several stages (Melyukova 1989, 54).

The chief characteristic of these tombs is

the earth mound, the usual height of which

varied between 3 and 21 m and the diameter

between 30 and 350 m. By the height of themound they are divided into four groups

(Mozolevskii 1979, 152): tombs 3–4.5 m

high;19 5.7–7.5 m high;20 8–11 m high;21

and 14–21 m high.22

Another feature is thestone chamber and the dromos leading to it

— antechambers were rare. Usually, the

chamber was rectangular. The chamber hada step-vaulted stone roof (Oguz) (Fig. 4). The

chambers are very large and their height

varies between 4 and 14 m. Some tombs have

several chambers (Solokha, Verkhnii

Rogachik) (Fig. 4). There are several types

of tumulus, recently very well described and

Figure 1

Scythian sites in the northern Caucasus

1–Novokorsunskii; 2–Baturfinskaya; 3–Radzol’naya; 4–Ust’-Labinskaya; 5–Starokorsunskaya; 6–Ulyap (Ul’skii

Aul); 7–Kelermess; 8–Mokhoshevskaya; 9–Kostromskaya; 10–Novosobodnaya; 11–Podgornaya; 12–Besskorbnaya;

13–Kovalevskoe; 14–Stavropol’skie Kurgany; 15–Alekseevskii; 16–Krasnoye Znamya; 17–Sotnikovskoe;

18–Lermontovskii Razyezd; 19–Novozavedennoye; 20–Otkaznoe; 21–Nartan; 22–Gvardeiskoe. (After Petrenko

1995, 2, Map 2)






Figure 2

Scythian burials of the seventh-fifth centuries BC

I–catacomb grave; II–stone box (stone chamber); III–pit grave; IV–wooden tomb; V–mud-brick tomb; VI–type

pottery; VIII–burials of seventh-sixth centuries BC; IX–northern border of 1–Ogorodnoe; 2–Shevchenkovo; 3–Chervonyi Yar; 4–Artsyz; 5–Kholmskoe; 6–Rahkmanovka; 7–Novofilippovka; 8–Konstantinovka (Zaporozhskaya Reg

Luparevo; 13–Adzhigol; 14–Petukhovka; 15–Novoranzanovka; 16–Novovasilevka; 17–Roznovskii kurgan; 18–Kurgan Baby; 19–Raskopana Mogila; 20–P

kurgan; 24–Grushevka; 25–Timofeevka; 26–Novoalekseevka; 27–Shirikoe II; 28–Novokievka; 29–Kurgan Molaya Tsimbalka; 30–Semenovka; 31–Pervoko

Lyubimovka; 35–Sholokhovo; 36–Shakhty; 37–Chabantsova Mogila; 38–Zavadskie Mogily; 39–Ispanovy Mogily; 40–Pridneprovka; 41–Pervomaevka;

Dneproprudnoe; 45–Dnepryany; 46–Gusarka; 47–Verkhnetarasovka; 48–Vel. Znamenka; 49–Dubovyi; 50–Kichkas; 51–Bashmachka; 52–Voloshskoe; 53

Pereshchepino; 57–Vladislavska; 58–Minovka; 59–Verkhnyaya Maevka; 60–Aleksandrovka; 61–Obitochnoe; 62–Vladimirovka; 63–Konstantinovsk-na-Don

68–Rostov-na-Donu; 69–Raiskoe; 70–Elizavetovskii Mogilnik; 71–Krivorozhe; 72–Astantino; 73–mys Ak-Burun; 74–Adzhimushkai; 75–Kashtanovka; 76–

eximenie Bobovicha; 81–Mirnoe; 82–Fruktovoe; 83–Beloglinka; 84–Dolonnoe; 85–Arshyntsevo; 86–Martynovka; 87–Tankovoe; 88–Simferepol; 89–sovk

Izyumovka; 93–Zolotoi kurgan (? – GT); 94–Filatovka; 95–Frontovoe; 96–Temir-gora; 97–Semenevka (Aktashskii mogilnik); 98–Rybnoe; 99–Nymphaeum;

Melyukova 1989, 50, Map 6)

OXF ORD J O UR NA

L OF AR C HAE OL O GY

Bl a c k w e l l P u b l i s h e r s L t d .1 9 9 8

5 9



Figure 3

Tombs and city-sites of Steppe Scythia of the fourth-third centuries BI–catacomb grave; II–stone box (stone chamber); III–pit grave; IV–wooden tomb; V–type uncertain; VI–city-sites; VII–n

1–Ostrovnoe; 2–Borisovka; 3–Balabany; 4–Butory; 5–Tiraspolshchina; 6–Nikolaevka; 7–Kovalevka; 8–Aleksandrovka; 9–Baratovka; 10–Lyparevo; 11–Olshanka; 15–Sambrokovka; 16–Sholokhovo; 17–Novopodkryazh; 18–urochishe Morskaya koshara; 19–Baltasarovka; 20–Babenkovo; 21–Zheltokamen

urochishche Nosaki; 26–Nikopolskoe; 27–Voloshskoe; 28–Solokha; 29–Strashnaya Mogila; 30–Lisaya Mogila; 31–Kapulovka; 32–Kirovo; 33–Shakhty; 34–g

Deev kurgan; 39–Pokrovskii kurgan; 40–Chmyreva Mogila; 41–kurgan Orel; 42–kurgan Kozel; 43–Otradnoe; 44–Mikhailovka; 45–Verkhnetarasovka, Dolin

49–Shirokoe I-III; 50–Lyubimovka; 51–Arkhangelskaya sloboda; 52–Volnaya Ukraina; 53–I Mordvinskii kurgan; 54–Velikii Tokmak; 55–Berdyanskii kurga

59–Tolstaya Mogila; 60–kurgan Oguz; 61–Chertomlyk; 62–Glavnaya Blizitsa; 63–Krasnokutskii kurgan; 64–Aleksandropolskii Kurgan; 65–Bolshaya B

Tomakovskaya I Bliznitsa; 67–Clonovskaya Glavnaya Bliznitsa; 68–Plavni; 69–Krasnoe Podole; 70–Balki (Gaimanova Mogila, Gaimanovo pole, urochishc

Kul-Oba; 74–kurgan Patiniotti; 75–kurgan Kekuvatskogo; 76–Ilechevo; 77–Lenino; 78–Kirovo; 79–Astantino; 80–Brannoe pole; 81–Ogonki (groupe of ‘Tri b

86–Frontovoe; 87–Koloski; 88–Privetnoe; 89–Aktashskii mogilnik; 90–Semenevka; 91–Nadlimanskoe; 92–Peski; 93–Kalinovka; 94–Khirovka (Bogdanovk

Shmalki (Kazennaya Mogila); 99–Chkalovo; 100–Vyvodovo; 101–Volnyansk; 102–Volnogrushevskoe; 103–Primorskoe (Dvygorbaya Mogila) 104–Ka

OXF ORD J O UR NA

L OF AR C HAE OL O GY

6 0

B

l a c k w e l l P u b l i s h e r s L t d .1 9 9 8



classified by V.S. Olkhovsky (1991).

The architecture and layout of tombs

situated on the Lower Don and in the Crimea(Fig. 5) have some differences from those in

the Lower Dnieper area. They are indeed

very similar to the Bosporan royal tombs (seebelow): each has a dromos, single rectangular

chamber and step-vaulted stone roof.

Four tombs (Chertomlyk, Kozel,Mordvinskii I and II) have a cruciform plan.

Study of tombs of this type in many parts of

the ancient world, and character of the grave

goods found in them, has given some

scholars (probably correctly) grounds for

concluding that, in view of the widespread

cosmological significance of the cross, these

contained the burials of high priests(Bessonova 1997; cf. Boltrik and Fialko

1989, 98).

Funeral couches (klinai) are found chiefly

in the tombs of the Lower Don and Crimeanregions; they are rectangular, constructed of

either one stone or several and situated in the

middle of the chamber or adjoining the wall.More usually, the body of the deceased was

placed in a wooden sarcophagus (Oguz, Kul-

Oba, etc.). This custom is typically Bosporan

and study of these sarcophagi shows that they

were made by Bosporan craftsmen (see

below). Chamber entrances were often closed

Figure 4

Plans of Scythian royal tombs

1–Verkhnii Rogachik; 2–Solokha; 3–Oguz. (After Melyukova 1989, 318, Table 13)






by wheels from the burial chariot(Gaimonova Mogila, Tolstaya Mogila, etc.)

(Melyukova 1989, 56).

There is a greater similarity between the

architecture of Thracian tombs (see below)

and those Scythian ones situated in the Lower

Don and Crimea (situated next to the territory

of the Bosporan Kingdom) than tombssituated in the Dnieper area.

BOSPORAN TOMBS

Of crucial importance to my discussion are

the royal and elite tombs of the BosporanKingdom.23 They are well known in

scholarly literature (Minns 1913, 422–36;

Rostovtsev 1925; Gajdukevic 1971, 256–80;

Gaidukevich 1981, 6–54; Koshelenko et al.

1984, 95–8; Fedak 1990, 168–70; Savostina

1993, 58–67; etc.). These tombs are situated

in the Kerch and Taman Peninsulas (Fig. 6)and can be divided into two main groups: 1

— tombs which probably belong to monarchs

of the Bosporan Kingdom (Tsarskii Kurgan,

Zolotoi Kurgan) and its elite (Melek-

Chesmenskii Kurgan, the double tumulus in

Panticapaeum, Yuz-Oba group, Zmeinyi,etc.). These are all situated in the Kerch

Peninsula near to Greek cities and the royal

tombs are close to Penticapaeum, the capital

of the kingdom; 2 — tombs belonging to thelocal Sindian elite. These are all situated in

the Taman Peninsula (Artyukhovskii,Zelenskii, Vasyurinskii, Bliznetsy, Sem

Bratev, etc.). Both groups together number

17 tombs. Practically all of them were

discovered in the nineteenth century.

Information about them is sketchy. Many of

them were robbed in antiquity and dating

them is a great problem. Overall, they are

Figure 5

Kul–Oba.

(After Melyukova 1989, 320, Table 15)






dated to the fifth/fourth centures BC, but the

vast majority (like the Scythian tombs)

belong to the fourth century.

All of these tombs are built of stone andcovered by a mound. Here a stone-roofed,

step-vaulted dromos leads to one or more

chambers. The chambers are usually

rectangular — only at Zolotoi Kurgan (Fig.

7, 5–6) is one of the three chambers round. In

the literature these tombs are called ‘ledged’

tumuli because of the corbels in the form of stepped, projecting ledges used to link the

chamber walls to the vaulted roof (corbel

vaulting). There are three types of ledgedchambers: those with corbels stepping out

from two corners (the most widespread with 8

examples); those with corbels from threecorners (2 examples); and those with corbels

in all four corners (7 examples). In these

graves the body was placed either in a wooden

or stone sarcophagus24 o r o n a klinai adjoining

the wall opposite the entrance to the chamber

(Gaidukevich 1981, 6–54) (Fig 7).

For my purpose three tombs (the first two of

which have been identified as those of kings

of the Bosporan Kingdom) are the most

important. The mound of Zolotoi Kurgan(Fig. 7, 5–6) is elliptical (67 88 m), and

16 m high. Inside there are three separate

chambers — two rectangular and one circular

(6.30 m in diameter and 11 m high) —

approached by a dromos (18 m long, 2.22 m

wide and 6.80 m high). The floor of thecircular main chamber was at a lower level

than that of the dromos and entrance way. This

chamber is dated to the late fourth century BC;

the other two chambers, also corbel-vaulted— are considered to be earlier and it is

probable that each of the earlier burials had itsown separate mound (Gaidukevich 1981, 6–

24; Fedak 1990, 168–9). Tsarskii Kurgan is

situated 4 km north-east of Panticapaeum and

is believed to be the burial place of Leukon I

(389/8–349/8 BC) or Parisades I (344/3–311/

10 BC). The mound is 17 m high; the dromos

is 36 m long and for the last 20 m towards the

Figure 6Map of Bosporan Kingdom (Kerch and Taman Peninsulas) with main Greek cities, and tombs

Greek cities; tombs.

1–Myrmekion; 2–Panticapaeum; 3–Tyritake; 4–Nymphaeum; 5–Theodosia; 6–Hermonassa; 7–Phanagoria; 8–Kepoi;

9–Patraeus; 10–Gorgippia.

I–Tsarskii; II–Zolotoi; III–Zmeinyi; IV–Yuz-Oba group; V–Kukbatskii; VI–Zelenskii; VII–Artyukhovskii;

VIII–Vasyurinskii; IX–Bliznetsy; X–Sem Bratev (Seven Brothers).






Figure 7

Plans of Bosporan royal and elite tombs (I) and roofs (II)

I. 1–4–Tsarskii; 5–6–Zolotoi; 7–9–Vasurinskii; 10–12–Double tumulus in Panticapaeum. II. 1–Tsarskii; 2–Melek-

Chesmenskii; 3–Cheroesus; 4–5–Olbia. (After Koshelenko et al. 1984, 276, Table LXXXVI and 285, Table XCV)






chamber it is covered by a corbelled vault

2.80 m wide and 7.14 m high. the corridor isfaced with perfectly fitted drystone masonry,

whose blocks have a rusticated panel. The

tomb has one chamber which is square (4.22 4.37 m) and is covered by a corbelled dome

(Gaidukevich 1981, 25–45; Fedak 1990, 169)

(Fig. 7, I, 1–4, II, 1).25

Melek-Chesmenskii Kurgan represents a

typical example of the elite tombs in theBosporan Kingdom — different and smaller

than the previous two examples. It has a

pyramid-like roof, though entirely under-ground. The top of the false vault is closed

by a large slab. The mound is 8 m high. The

roughly square tomb chamber (3.70 m) is

Figure 8

Painting from Shipka area. (After Kitov 1994f, 315)






approached by a dromos 9 m long and about

1.35 m wide. The corbelled vault starts abovethe fifth course and consists of seven courses,

narrowing until the opening could be closed

by a wedge-shaped slab. The tomb datesfrom not later than the second half of the

fourth century BC (Fedak 1990, 170, Fig. 7,

II, 2).26

The first mural paintings in Bosporan

tombs appear in the last quarter of the fourthcentury BC. The best example of such early

painting is a head of Demeter from the roof

of the Bolshaya Bliznitsa Kurgan in the

Taman Peninsula (Ivanova 1953, 67; cf.

Schwarzmaier 1996).Even simple visual comparison (Figs. 4–7)

demonstrates the extremely close similarities

in shape, type, construction technique (bothbuilt from stone blocks) and design between

the royal tombs of the Scythians and those of

the Bosporan Kingdom. One thing is also

obvious: there are parallels between the

tumuli of the Bosporans and Scythian tombs

of the Lower Don and Crimean regions (the

best examples are Scythian Kul-Oba, andBosporan Zalotoi Kurgan and Tsarskii

Kurgan — Figs. 5; 7, I, 1–6). For this there

is a simple explanation. The Scythians in

these ares lived next to the Bosporan

Kingdom and Bosporan Greeks contributed

greatly to the creation of Scythian elite

culture. Indeed, we know of workshops inPanticapaeum producing metal objects for

Scythian customers (Treister 1992, 93–4).27

The evidence discussed above providesgood grounds for concluding that Scythian

royal tombs were built by Bosporan Greeks in

the same manner as they built tombs for theirown royal family. Why did the Scythians, a

nomadic people, want to be buried in the same

way as the Greeks? Archaeological and

written sources make clear that the Scythian

elite was highly Hellinized (Boardman 1994,

192–217). Herodotus (4. 77–80) has stories

about the philhellenic Anacharsis and Scyles.

The Scythians had become familiar withchamber tombs from having lived in the Near

East, especially Asia Minor where such tombs

were very common, and this type of tumulusmust have been brought to the northern Black

Sea (particularly the Kerch and Taman

Peninsulas) by the Ionians, who established

colonies there. The Ionians themselves had in

turn become familiar with such tumuli fromtheir neighbours in the hinterland of Asia

Minor (see below).

THRACIAN TOMBS

The question of the origin of the Thracian

royal and elite chamber tombs is more

complex.28 From the end of the sixth centuryBC, and especially the beginning of the fifth

century with the establishment of the

Odrysian Kingdom, Thracian tribes living in

the territory of modern Bulgaria achieved

prosperity (Fig. 9). This can be seen in the

changes which took place in the structure of

the royal and elite tombs and burial customs:large tombs became common.29 The grave

goods show the wealth of the rulers and elite

of the Odrysian Kingdom. Thracian kings

and members of the elite began to think about

their dwelling places after death, as the rulers

of Mycenaean Greece had done even before

the twelfth century BC and those of Phrygia,Caria and Lydia by the end of the eighth

century. Previously, only simple tombs with

rectangular chambers had existed in Thracia:the new tombs were round. They were

widespread only in eastern Rhodopos.

Characteristically, their chamber (oftenround) was reached by a short tunnel cut

into a vertical cliff-face. Although entirely

new to Thracia, these rock-cut tombs were to

be found elsewhere — in Persia, Phrygia and

throughout Asia Minor (see below). The

entrances to such tombs were blocked with






stones. The chamber was shaped like ahemisphere or beehive and, with its dromos,

closely resembled the rock-cut tombs of Asia

Minor (despite a difference of form andstructure) (Venedikov and Gerasimov 1975,

53–5). The domed tombs in that region,

widespread from the eighth/seventh centuries

BC, were built of blocks then covered with

earth, forming burial mounds. It is extremely

difficult to date Thracian rock-cut tombs: all

were empty when discovered. Some assignthem to the eighth or seventh century BC.

Rock-cut tombs are also found here and there

on the Black Sea coast, north of Odessos, butin shape they are always like other tombs and

never round (Nehryzov 1994).30

In Thracia, chamber tombs with dromos

covered by burial mounds date from the fifth/

third centuries BC, with the vast majority

built in the fourth century as in Scythia and

Figure 9

Thracian sites and tribal territories of the Classical period

1–Alexandrovo; 2–Arzos; 3–Asenovgrad; 5–Brezevo; 6–Boukyovtsi; 7–Branichevo; 8–Chirpan; 9–Daskal Atanas-sovo; 10–Derveni; 11–Didimotikhion; 12–Dolno Sahrane; 13–Dulboki; 14–Duvanlij; 15–Edirne; 16–Ezerovo; 17–

Glozhene; 18–Gotse Delchev; 19–Gradnitsa; 20–Izgrev; 21–Kaloyanovo; 22–Kazanluk; 23–Kirklareli;

24–Kjolmen; 25–Koprinka; 26–Kozarevo; 27–Krivodol; 28–Letnitsa; 29– Loukovit; 30–Lovech; 31–Madara;

32–Mezek; 33–Mumdjilar; 34–Nevrokop; 35–Nova Mahala; 36–Novoselets; 37–Opulchenets; 38–Oryahovo;

39–Panagyurischte; 40–Pastousha; 41–Pazardjik; 42–Philippi; 43–Pomorie; 44–Pudrija; 45–Purmovaj; 46–Pustrovo;

47–Razlog; 48–Rozovets; 49–Seuthopolis; 50–Skalitsa; 51–Slavyanovo; 52–Smoljan; 53–Stara Zagora; 54–Staro

Selo; 55–Stojanovo; 56–Strelcha; 57–Svetlen; 58–Svilengrad; 59–Sarnevets; 60–Tatarevo; 61–Tchernozem;

62–Teteven; 63–Toros; 64–Topolovgrad; 65–Topolovo; 66–Troian; 67–Turnovo; 68–Velingrad; 69–Beroea;

70–Vetren; 71–Voinitsine; 72–Vulchitrun; 73–Vurbitsa; 74–Yankovo; 75–Yourukler; 76–Zlokoutchene; 77–Kabyle

(Cabyle). (After Archibald 1994, 446, Map 14)






Figure 10

Plans of Thracian tombs

1–Mal Tepe; 2–Staro Novo Selo; 3–Vulchepol (Kurt-Kale); 4–Tatarevo. (After Venedikov and Gerasimov 1975,

57–65)






the Bosporan Kingdom. They were found in

the hinterland where the Thracian royalfamily and elite used to live — the royal

cities of Seuthopolis (Chichikova 1991b;

Dimitrov and Cicikova 1978; Getov 1991;Lilova 1994; Tacheva 1991; Zarev et al.

1994; Dimitrov et al. 1978) and Kabyle

(Velkov 1982; 1991a; 1991b; Velkov et al.

1990) are known thanks to archaeolgical

investigation. We do not know the location of two other cities: Kypsela, capital of the

Odrysian Kingdom; and Helis, residence of

the Getic ruler Dromichaetes.31

In the development of the shape of the

chamber, two periods can be distinguished(Fig. 10). The first is the middle fifth–middle

fourth century BC, when the chamber is

rectangular; and middle fourth–third centuryBC when round tombs built of stone blocks

appear and they co-existed. This is probably

two stages of an architectural development:

the same can be said for the Bosporan royal

tombs where rectangular chambers pre-

dominate (Venedikov and Gerasimov 1975,

55–7). Within these two groups a furtherclassification can be made: first, tombs with

one chamber, secondly those with two or

multiple chambers. Within one and two

chamber tombs we can distinguish tombs

with or without dromos (Fig. 11, 1). Tombs

with multiple round chambers are mainly

built of quadrae and divided into threesections: an antechamber, a dromos and a

burial chamber, with a saddle roof consisting

of a corbelled vault and corbelled dome. Thevault was built by placing the blocks stepwise

on two opposite walls, and cutting the steps

to an angle on the lower side. The dome wasbuilt by arranging the quadrae in quad-

rangles, the sides of each cutting off the

angles of the one below it, and projecting

farther into the tomb. The blocks were cut out

spherically on the inner side. Corbelled

arches and domes were used in Asia Minor

and Etruria in the tombs and buildings of the

eighth/seventh centuries BC (see below).Another construction technique to achieve

symmetry involved domes made by steadily

reducing the radius of the courses of blocks,placed stepwise on the walls of the round

chambers, while the remaining areas were

covered on the principle of the corbelled

vault or dome resting on a rectangular

chamber (Venedikov and Gerasimov 1975,53–63; Russeva 1995).32

Three types of chamber roof can be

distinguished: flat roofs in tombs with a

rectangular chamber; and so-called false and

cylindrical vaults (Russeva 1995, 32) (Fig.11, 2). The same types of roof are also to be

seen in the Bosporan Kingdom (Fig. 7, II).

A characteristic feature of the Thraciantombs is the stone entrance door to the

chamber.33 This is also the case for

Macedonian tombs and the rock-cut tombs

of Lycia and Phrygia (see below). In the

tombs of the Bosporan Kingdom no entrance

doors survive but some architectural details

point to their having existed. There is avariety of decoration on the cornices in

Thracian tombs and sometimes there are

columns (Doric, seldom Ionic) supporting

the roof of the antechamber (one,

occasionally two columns). In a very few

cases the roof of the chamber is supported by

columns as well (Venedikov and Gerasimov1975, 58; Kitov 1979, 7–10, figs. 7–11, 13,

fig. 15, 22, fig. 27; Kitov and Krasteva 1994/

95, 14, fig. 6; Valeva 1994b).34

Unique is theinterior of the chamber at Sveshtari where ten

women support a Doric entablature on their

raised hands, with the help of ten Doric half-columns (Fol et al. 1986, 64–105; Cicikova

1989; Chichikova 1988; 1992; Teofilov 1988;

Valeva 1993; Gergova 1996) (Fig. 12).

Although they recall Greek caryatids in style,

they are closest to the half-figures depicted on

the Scythian gold horse frontlet from






Figure 11

1. Classification of Thracian chamber tombs: I–tombs with rectangular chamber(s); II–tombs with round chamber(s).

2. Roofs: I–plan of chambers; II–flat roofs; III–false arch; IV–round arch. (After Russeva 1995, 32)






Figure 12

Detail of the interior of the Sveshtari tomb. (After Fol et al. 1986, 57)






Bolshaya Tsymbalka tumulus (which

represent, according to Herodotus’ Scythian Logos, the mother of the Scythians —

Herodotus 4. 9) (Fig. 14). The frontlet has

snaky and floral lower extremities, ending inhorned lion-, griffin- and snake-heads

(Piotrovsky et al. 1987, fig. 144). Such

depictions are spread extremely wide in the

Near East, Bosporan Kingdom and Greek

world (Boardman 1994, 191–2; Valeva

1995).35 The same women can be seen in

the mosaic from the Macedonian tomb inVergina (Andronicos 1988, 45, fig. 20), but

stylistically the Sveshtari figures are closest

to Scythian half-female figures (Piotrovsky et

al. 1987, figs. 203, 208), and especially to that

from a grave stele from Kerch (Marchenko

1984, 65, fig. 9; Savostina 1996). Recently, a

tomb-mausoleum of the mid-fourth century— a type previously unknown in Thracia but

widespread in Anatolia — was found at

Shipka, in an area known as The Valley of the Thracian Kings (Kitov and Krasteva 1994/

95, 9–14) (Fig. 13).36

In the Thracian tombs, klinai were placed atthe wall opposite the entrance to the chamber.

The same practice is visible in the Scythian

and Bosporan tombs. Sometimes the deceased

was placed in a sarcophagus (Venedikov and

Gerasimov 1975, 60; Fol et al. 1986, 106;

Kitov and Krasteva 1994/95, 9).

If we turn to tomb paintings, in the

Hellenistic period these are more common

in Thracia and Macedonia (Venedikov and

Gerasimov 1975, 61–3; Andronicos 1988,

106–18; Miller 1993, 12–14; Zazoff et al.

1985, 618–26) than in the BosporanKingdom. Well-known is the painting from

the tomb at Kazanluk where the main

chamber has a corbelled roof painted in a

colourful manner. There are chariot races, a

Greek decorative frieze of bowls and

bucrania, and the main scene contains figures

approaching the dead prince and his consortseated at the table (Verdiani 1945; Zhivkova

1974; Ognenova-Marinova 1991; Tabakova-

Figure 13

Reconstruction of the tomb-mausoleum. (After Kitov

and Krasteva 1994/95, 13)

Figure 14

Gold horse frontlet from Bolshaya Tsimbalka. (After

Piotrovsky et al. 1987, 144)






Tsanova 1994; Vasileva 1991). Although

some scholars think that this is the work of a local Thracian artist (Ognenova-Marinova

1991, 16–18), all signs point to its being

Greek work (as in Macedonia) with the artistadapting to the taste of the local Thracian

elite, a practice well known throughout the

colonial world (Boardman 1994, 191). At

Shvestari there is also a painting of a

horseman, followed by a man on foot, beinggreeted by three female figures (Fol et al.

1986, 110–15) (Fig. 12). Recently, in a tomb

in the Shipka region, a painting of the middle

of the fourth century BC was discovered on

the ceiling of the main chamber with humanand animal images, floral ornaments and the

tail of a fish, dragon or some unidentified

fantastic animal (Kitov and Krasteva 1994/95,17, pl. 1). Best preserved and most impressive

is the head of a woman, bent down slightly

onto her right shoulder (Kitov 1994f, 315;

Kitov and Krasteva 1994/95, 18, pl. 2) (Fig.

8),37 a pose which is reminiscent of the

woman’s head from the grave stele found in

the fill of the Great Tumulus at Vergina(Andronicos 1988, 83, fig. 43). In its realistic

style it is closest to a male figure from the

painting on a grave stele of the fourth century

BC from Chersonesus (Koshelenko et al.

1984, 298, tabl. CVIII, 6). Another recent find

is a polychrome wall decoration (red, yellow,

white and black) from a tomb in the SarafovaMound in the Shipka-Sheynovo necropolis

(Kitov and Krasteva 1994/95, 16, fig. 11).38

This is reminiscent of wall decorations inHellenistic Bosporan houses and tombs (and

the similarity of decoration of both houses

and tombs once again indicates that the latterwere seen as houses for the dead)

(Koshelenko et al. 1984, 298, tabl. CVIII,

2–3). Floral decoration and certain painted

architectural features found in Thracian

tombs have parallels in the Bosporan

Kingdom.

CHAMBER TOMBS ELSEWHERE

The plan of the chamber tomb with its

antechamber and column facade is

considered to be a reflection of a Greek house or megaron. The use of stone klinai

mirrors the bedroom or symposium where

feasters lie down on couches set around the

walls. Chamber tombs are found in many

places (Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 272–326;

Fedak 1990. Both with extensive literature).

The early chamber tombs in Aegina andRhodes were situated underground and had

no tumuli. In Thessaly round tholos tombs

resembled Mycenaean ones with tumuli,dromoi and corbelled vaults. Similar tholos

tombs with tumuli were also widespread in

Thrace. In Epirus there are small, temple-

shaped tombs with engaged Corinthian

columns as well as tombs with a vaulteddromos. At Elaia, not far from Pergamon, a

tomb with an antechamber and three

sarcophagi was found; at Euboea, a tomb

with an antechamber and two klinai.

Chamber tombs are found in Locris, Aetolia,Arcadia, Delphi and Eretria. Some of them

have vaulted roofs, others do not; some also

have marble doors. Painted chamber tombsare known from Tanagra (Kurtz and

Boardman 1971, 274–81).

Macedonian tombs need more detailed

examination. They are situated along the

course of roads, not always near a city: some

are located on family estates. All were

covered with an earth tumulus and most of the construction work was underground.

They have a dromos, either vaulted or

stepped and the facade of the tombs is

typically of painted, finely dressed masonry.

The richest tombs have marble doors, with a

pediment above, set in an engaged columnarfacade. The columns are Ionic (Vergina and

Langaza) or Doric (Dion, Salonika, etc.). In

Lefkadia a tomb has a two-storied facade






with paintings. Most tombs have an

antechamber behind the facade, usuallyvaulted but in some cases with a flat roof

and sometimes with interior engaged Ionic

columns (Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 274–7;Fedak 1990, 104–8; Andronicos 1988; Miller

1982; 1992, 1–20, 105–16; 1994; Andronicos

in Ginouves 1994, 144–91).

The main chamber is rectangular and

vaulted, with one or two klinai along theback or side walls. The klinai were either

simple block benches or cut in stone,

stuccoed and painted. Some have figures

painted on their sides. Several tombs

(Amphipolis, Philippi and Lefkadia) havewall niches to house the ashes of the dead. In

a few instances the burial is in a sarcophagus

set below the floor of the tomb. At Vergina,in addition to a kline the chamber contained a

throne. Some chambers were floored in

pebble mosaic. Other Macedonian tombs

are simpler: flat roofed, rock-cut or made of

slabs. Their stepped dromoi are short and the

chambers and antechambers smaller. It is

very important to mention that at Verginasmall chambers made of mud-brick were

found. Tombs with chambers made of mud-

brick are known from Scythia as well as the

necropoleis of Greek cities of the northern

Black Sea (Koshelenko et al. 1984, 222–4).

To answer the question of who built the

Scythian and Thracian royal and elite tombswe must also examine evidence from Asia

Minor (Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 278–9;

Fedak 1990, 65–102; Akurgal 1961). Theroyal cemetery at Gordion yielded wooden

tomb chambers without dromoi, all dating

from the ninth/eighth–sixth centuries BC(Young 1981, 4–7, 85–100, 194–200; see

also Kohler 1980). Recently, a tomb was

found near Daskyleion which resembled

Thracian vaulted tombs — with an 8 mdromos and an open antechamber at the

entrnace. Probably, it had been robbed by

soldiers of Alexander the Great. In the

antechamber scattered, burnt grave offeringswere found (Mellink 1992, 148; 1993, 121).

These and the burial rites have been thought

by some scholars to resemble contemporaryThracian practices (Vassileva 1995b, 28).

In Lydia, there are fifth century tumuli,

some of them vaulted, with dromoi and klinai

(Hanfmann 1983, 54–9; Butler 1922, 115–

17). In Caria from the early Iron Age down tothe Classical period tumuli with dromoi to

rectangular chambers with tall corbelled

roofs are known. A few years ago in

Camlibel a small tumulus, about 35 m in

diameter and 5 m high was discovered: thechamber was built of limestone blocks, with

a dromos as well (Smith and Ratte 1996, 25).This tumulus and a similar one found in 1993

near Aphrodisias (Smith and Ratte 1995, 36–

7) are similar in plan and construction to

Lydian tumulus tombs of the sixth and fifth

centuries BC (Ratte 1992; cf. Gates 1995,

240; 1996, 322; Ratte 1994). In Lycia morethan 1085 tombs are known. These may be

divided into four types: monumental orheroon type;39 pillar tombs; ‘gothic’

sarcophagi; and rock-cut house tombs (Zahle

1983, 142–3; Kjeldsen and Zahle 1976; Keen

1992). The most interesting is the last type,

which was also widespread in Paphlagonia

(cf. Akurgal 1970, 263–4). Rock-cut tombs

have klinai (Xanthos and Kalekapi). A lateArchaic tomb chamber at Elmali in Lycia

contains wall paintings (Kurtz and Boardman

1971, 278–9). The entrances to the Lycianrock-cut tombs (at Massikytos, Pinara and

Limyra) resemble the doors and entrances to

the Thracian royal tombs (Shipka) (Kitov1995a, 9–11) — there are considerable

similarities in the decoration of their

pediments.

In Asia Minor in the fourth century and

Hellenistic period there are tombs built

above-ground. The tombs of the Lycian






dynasts of the Persian period were decorated

by Greek artists (Xanthos) (Kurtz andBoardman 1971, 278–9; cf. Keen 1992).

The important role of Ionian craftsmen and

artists in the creation of the elite culture of the Anatolian native kingdoms, as well as the

Achaemenian Empire, is discussed through-

out the literature. They were working for the

local rulers, adapting their craftsmanship to

the tastes and demands of their clients(Boardman 1994, 21–48).40

This brief survey41 of the distribution of

chamber tombs shows that this type of grave

was widespread throughout the whole Greek

world, including the Greek mainland. But thegreatest variety and density is in Asia Minor,

and in the territories of the native kingdoms

of Anatolia, particularly in Phrygia andLycia. The architecture and decoration show

clearly that Greeks participated in their

construction. Ionian features are especially

noticeable, which is no surprise since the

Ionians, Lycians and Phrygians were neigh-

bours and it was quite easy for the Ionians to

become familiar with the practice of buildingchamber tombs. Scythian, Thracian and

Bosporan (and also Macedonian) royal tombs

have many architectural features in common

with their Phrygian and Lycian equivalents.

Were the dromos to be removed from a

Thracian tomb the resemblance to the rock-

cut tombs of Lycia would be even morestriking: the same design of door, same

decoration, etc. And there are many newly-

found examples of Thracian tombs without adromos, particularly in the Shipka region.

The landscape of these vairous states was

similar — hilly, with plenty of building-stones, fertile valleys and a royal family

living in the hinterland. Even the political

structures of these Black Sea states have

many parallels with those of Anatolia: the

principal figures was the king and everything

was done according to his wishes and tastes;

whilst the tastes of the various royal and elite

families were very similar and became moreso as they became ever more Hellenized

under Greek influence.

GREEKS AND SCYTHIAN AND THRACIAN RU-

LERS

The first Ionian settlements in the Black

Sea appeared in the second half of theseventh century BC (Tsetskhladze 1994, with

bibliography) (Fig. 15). The relationship

between the first colonists and the local

population was quite peaceful. If we accept

that the handmade pottery found in the Greek settlements of the northern Black Sea is an

indication that the local population lived in

those settlements, the proportion of allpottery represented by it (12–23%) is quite

high; and this could be evidence of a pacific

relationship.42 Speaking generally, the

seventh and sixth centuries BC saw no

complications in the relations between the

Greeks and the local populations of the

northern and western Black Sea — only afew Scythians, for example, used to live there

and they were busy with their own internal

affairs (Marchenko 1996, 70–1). The

excavations of the last ten years in the Kerch

Peninsula have revealed traces of fire and

destruction in some Greek cities and

settlements, dating from the middle-secondhalf of the sixth century BC. At this stage it is

too early to say whether this was connected

with the opposition of the Scythians to Greek cities: the evidence still needs to be examined

thorough (Vinogradov Y.A. 1995).

From the end of the sixth/beginning of thefifth century BC the situation altered

completely after Darius’ Scythian campaign

(Tsetskhladze 1996, 966–7, with literature).

This is the time whent he Scythians felt

strong enough (as I mentioned previously) to

establish two political centres — one not far






from the Bosporan Kingdom and the other

near Olbia. At the same time, the Odrysian

Kingdom was coming into being in Thracia.

There was immediate conflict between these

two, newly-formed political entities, which

concluded in a peace at the beginning of the

fifth century BC (Yordanov 1991, 74–5).Thereafter, the Scythians directed their atten-

tions towards the Greek cities — Olbia, and

the cities of the Kerch and Taman Peninsulas.The theory put forward by Y.G. Vinogradov

(1989, 90–109) has gained increasing

acceptance. According to this, the Scythiansestablished a so-called protectorate over the

Greek cities (cf. Marchenko 1993). Although

the reasons for the unification of the Greek

cities of the Kerch and Taman Peninsulas

into a single state, the Bosporan Kingdom

with its capital at Panticapaeum, remain a

matter of debate, many scholars link it to the

need to combat increasing Scythian pressure

on the cities situated in the Kerch and Taman

Peninsulas (Tsetskhladze 1996, 967, with

literature). To the west of the Black Sea

pressure on the Greek cities came from theOdrysian Kingdom. The relations between

the Odrysian kings and the Greek cities have

been well studied in the literature. The nature

of the relationship is very well described byThucydides (2. 97) in these words:

The tribute that was collected from theGreek cities and from all the barbarous

nations in the reign of Seuthes . . . was

valued at about four hundred talents of

coined money, reckoning only gold and

silver. Presents of gold and silver equal in

value to the tribute, besides stuffs

Figure 15

Map of the Black Sea with major Greek colonies. (After Tsetskhladze 1994, 116, Fig. 7.1)






embroidered or plain and other articles,

were also brought, not only to the kinghimself, but to the inferior chiefs and

nobles of the Odrysae. For their custom

was the opposite of that which prevailed inthe Persian kingdom; they were more

ready to receive than to give; and he

who asked and was refused was not so

much discredited as he who refused when

he was asked. The same custom prevailedamong the other Thracians in a less

degree, but among the Odrysae, who were

richer, more extensively; nothing could be

done without presents.43

Archaeological material also illuminates

this relationship based on tribute and the

giving of gifts. The best example amongmany is the Rogozen Treasure (Archibald,

Fol, Hind and Hoddinott in Cook 1989;

Nikolov 1989; Marazov 1989).44

If we turn to the northern Black Sea, Strabo

may be cited. He says that land for settlement

and agriculture was given by local tribal

chiefs — i.e. Scythians — either by specialagreement or in exchange for a moderate

tribute (7. 4. 6). One inscription of the late

fifth century, from Kerkinitis in western

Crimea, indeed mentions the payment of

tribute to the Scythians (Solomonik 1987,

126; cf. Vinogradov Y.G. 1994, 66 = Bull. e p.

1990, 566; 1995, 16; see also Molev 1986).From the cultural point of view, the

political difficulties between the Thracians,

Scythians and Pontic Greek cities resulted inthe creation of a unique phenomenon:

Graeco-barbarian art. The Greeks produced

many highly artistic objects for the localroyal family and elite. From the fifth century

BC, these local upper classes were

Hellenized — a process which went further

in the fourth century. Greek craftsmen were

employed at the courts (Boardman 1994,

183–224; Tsetskhladze forthcoming). The

residences of the local elite were built after

the Greek manner — examples are at Vani inColchis (Lordkipanidze 1991, 185–95; 1994,

83–123; cf. Wasowicz 1992 and Braund

1994, 145–51), Scythian Neapolis (of theHellenistic period) in the Crimea

(Vysotskaya 1979, 57–72, 155–88) and

Seuthopolis in Thrace (Dimitrov and

Cicikova 1978, 6–15, 43–56; etc.). As in

Anatolia, these Greek craftsmen wereemployed by local kings to produce objects

for them in the Greek style but adapting their

work to the tastes of the local elite

(Tsetskhladze forthcoming).

As I have already mentioned, Scythian andThracian royal tombs have many similarities

with those of Anatolia. The key to unlockingthe answer of who built these tombs is their

close parallel with the royal tombs of the

Greek Bosporan Kingdom. All the evidence I

have presented here shows that all of these

tombs were indeed built by the same

architects, namely Ionian Greeks, who werefamiliar with such kind of chamber tombs

through their neighbours in Asia Minor and,indeed, were also constructing such tombs for

themselves (Ta Marmara, Diocaesarea tower

tomb, Heroa at Miletus, Termesos, Golbasi,

etc. — Fedak 1990, 87–101).45 At the same

time, the Scythians were familiar with these

tombs from the time they spent in the Near

East, with the same neighbours. Then theysaw the same practices among their new

neighbours in the Crimea. One fact is

noticeable: chamber tombs appear in bothScythia and Thracia from the second half of

the fifth century BC. As we saw, this is the

period when both began to exert politicalpressure on Greek cities, demanding tribute

and gifts from them (cf. Yordanov 1994). At

the same time, Greek craftsmen were actively

participating in the creation of local elite

culture. From employing Greeks to build

their local residences, it was but a short step






to employing Ionian architects to build their

‘residences’ for the afterlife.46

The similar chronology and type of

architecture of Thracian and Bosporan tombs

could also have a political explanation. Inc.438 BC there was a change of dynasty in

the Bosporan Kingdom — from the

Archaeanactidae to the Spartocids. The latter

were of Thracian origin (Hind 1994, 491–

502) and could have brought this practicefrom Thrace, where such tombs had begun to

appear slightly earlier than in the Bosporan

Kingdom and, consequently, in Scythia. In

general, the relationship between Thrace and

the northern Black Sea was very close, atleast from the sixth century BC. Thracian

ethnic groups used to live in the northern

Pontus, including the Greek cities there(Melyukova 1979; Fol and Ognenova-

Marinova 1975; Krykin 1991; 1993). I have

underlines that the vast majority of these

tombs date from the fourth century BC,

especially from its first half and middle. This

is a period of economic and political strength

in the Bosporan Kingdom, when, during thereign of Leukon I (389/8–349/8), Theodosia,

Nymphaeum and the local population of the

Taman Peninsula were incorporated within

the kingdom, and very close economic links

with Athens were established (Hind 1994,

495–502). A similar prosperity was experi-

enced at this time in the Odrysian Kingdomduring the reigns of Kotys I and Seuthes III

(Archibald 1994, 457–65). Prosperity pro-

vided the financial means for the constructionof these huge, expensive tombs.

If we go to another area of Ionian

colonization, the Iberian Peninsula, we cansee exactly the same situation. Thanks to the

Ionians, the Iberians began to build their

tombs in the Anatolian manner (Almagro-

Gorbea 1991; Ramos 1990; Harrison 1988,

114–20; cf. Dominguez Monedero 1994).

Grave No. 75 at Galera is very important. It

shows exactly the same practices: a chamber

tomb constructed of stone blocks under anearth mound, with a dromos, antechamber

and chamber. The chamber is rectangular

with a flat roof supported by a pillar(Dominguez Monedero 1988, 15).

Similarities in the chamber tombs of

Macedonia and Phrygia have been con-

sidered an argument for Phrygian migration

from Macedonia to Asia Minor. At the sametime, to demonstrate the kinship between

Thracians and Phrygians, as well as the

information of Herodotus (7. 73), close

parallels in Thracian and Phrygian tumuli

are cited (Vassileva 1994a, 63). As in Lydiaso too in Thracia some tumuli played the role

of sanctuaries at particular times (Vassileva1994a, 63; cf. Kitov 1990/91, 36–7). To use

the type of chamber tomb found in Thracia,

Macedonia, Phrygia and Lycia as an

argument to support migration between these

territories seems to me unconvincing. There

are differences, not just similarities and thesehave been examined recently by M.

Vassileva (1994a, 63–5; see also Vassileva1994b; 1995a–b). It was quite easy for

Thracians to be familiar with this type of

grave — one of the Thracian tribes having

lived south of the Black Sea, close to

Phrygia. On the other hand, two publishedgraves from Apollonia Pontica can be used to

show that the idea of building chamber tombs

was familiar to the Greeks living in colonies

on the Thracian Black Sea coast. One grave

(No. 368) has been cut into the ground — astone box. The second grave (Nos. 376 and376a) (Fig. 16, 2) is more important, being a

stone structure in the middle of which two

stone boxes built from blocks have been cut

into the ground (Venedikov et al. 1963, 42–3,

figs. 25–26; see also Panayotova 1994). This

grave is reminiscent of a multiple tomb with

an archiectural facade in Arcadia (Kurtz andBoardman 1971, 281, fig. 65. Cf. Fig. 7, 1,






10–12). Furthermore, rock-cut graves andsimple tumuli (with dromos, antechamber

and chamber) existed in Thracia long before

the appearance of the royal tombs. Thus, thisshape of chamber tomb was not completely

alien to the western Black Sea.

The question of where the Greek architectsbuilding the Thracian royal tombs in The

Valley of the Thracian Kings (Kazanluk-

Shipka Region) lived is very important. There

is no doubt that some lived in the capital of

King Seuthes III, Seuthopolis. Town

planning, architecture and other features of

this city are completely Greek and beehive

chamber tombs were found in the city’s

necropolis (Dimitrov and Cicikova 1978,

figs. 84–98). But this city existed at the timeof Seuthes III, whereas the other tombs date

from the fifth /fourth centuries BC. Another

candidate is the city-site at the village of Vetren, not far from Plovdiv, discovered

relatively recently (Domaradzki 1993;

1994a–b; 1995; Bouzek et al. 1996). This

city had a very strong Greek community, and

chamber tomb with rectangular chamber was

found not far from the settlements

Figure 16

1. Chamber tomb from Vetren. (After Domaradzki 1995, 69–70) 2. Apollonia Pontica, grave No. 376-376a. (After

Venedikov et al. 1963, 43)






(Domaradzki 1995, 69–70) (Fig. 16, 1). Thecity existed in the fifth/third centuries BC,

had stone architecture and a system of

fortifications (Domaradzki 1995, 47–50). In

1990 a Greek inscription was discovered there

which indicated that this city-site was a Greek emporion by the name of Pistiros. The

inscription dates from the mid-fourth centuryBC and originates from the court of the

Odrysian king (Domaradzki 1994a; 1995, 74–

85; Velkov and Domaradzka 1994). Thus, inthis Greek settlement in the hinterland, under

the control of the Thracian kings, not only

traders but also craftsmen and architectscould live, employed by local rulers.

CONCLUSIONS

All the material I have presented above

leads me to believe that the Thracian and

Scythian royal and elite tombs were built by

Ionian Greeks,47 who had also built theresidences of the local rulers and, at the

same time, participated actively and directly

in the creation of elite culture and art in theBlack Sea area. The adaptation of Hellenic

art and craftsmanship to the tastes of the

rulers and local populations of the Black Sea

is one of the impressive aspects of Ionian

colonization. Ionians, fleeing to the Pontusfrom the political disasters of their homeland

(Tsetskhladze 1994, 123–6), to maintain the

living standards they left behind them in Asia

Minor and survive amidst the local

population had to adapt to the conditionsthey found in their new homeland — but they

never lost their Hellenic identity, propagating

Greek art in a barbarian milieu (Tsetskhladzeforthcoming).

Acknowledgements

The idea of writing on this question came to me in

September 1996 when Prof. Sir John Boardman and I

went to Bulgaria on Pontic Congress business. Ourwonderful hosts took us to see the spectacular Thracian

tombs in the Shipka area. I am most grateful to Prof. A.

Fol, Dr V. Fol, Prof. M. Lazarov, Mrs C. Angelova, Mr

M.M. Yordanov, Dr G. Kitov, Mrs M. Krasteva, Dr C.

Panayotova, the National Museum of History, Institute

of Thracology, Varna Archaeological Museum, Varna

University, the local museums in Veliko Tirnovo,

Burgas, Sozopol and Nessebur, the Centre of

Underwater Archaeology and many other Bulgarian

friends, colleagues and institutions for their hospitality

and help, and for opening up Thracian culture for me. I

should like to thank Prof. Sir John Boardman and Prof.A. Dominguez Monedero, Madrid (who also guided me

through the National Museum of Archaeology in

Madrid, May 1997) for their comments on earlier drafts

of this paper. I am deeply grateful to Dr Z. Archibald for

allowing me to use a chapter from her forthcoming book

after we had discussed the subject of this article and

found common ground. Versions of this paper have

been given at ancient history and archaeology seminars

in Oxford (26 November 1996) and the Institute of

Archaeology, University College London (20 January

1997), and at a One Day Conference on Black Sea

Figure 17

Sveshtari tomb. Greek letters on entrance to lateral

chamber. (After Fol et al. 1986, 55)






History and Archaeology, Department of Classics and

Ancient History, University of Liverpool (29 January

1997). I should like to thank the organisers for their

invitations and the various audiences for their questions

and discussion. Last but not least, I am grateful to the

students who have attended my course on Black SeaArcharology and Art, as well as my Bulgarian Ph.D.

student Ms N. Gueorguieva, for their patience and

willingness to discuss difficult academic questions with

their teacher.

I should like to thank Mrs Alison Wilkins for

redrawing the line illustrations. Figure 1 is reproduced

by permission of J. Davis-Kimball, V.A. Bashilov and

L.T. Yablonsky (eds.), from Nomads of the Eurasian

Steppes in the Early Iron Age (Zinat Press, Berkeley,

California) (1995); and Figure 9 by permission of Zofia

Archibald, from Cambridge Ancient History VI

(Cambridge University Press) (1994).

Department of Classics

Royal Holloway and Bedford New College

University of London

Egham, Surrey TW20 0EX

NOTES

1 The tombs were discovered mainly in the nineteenth

century. Unfortunately, most were destroyed —

especially in the northern Black Sea littoral — without

being recorded, either at all or properly (Rostovtsev

1914, 100–25; 1925, 470–530; Blavatskii 1964, 78).

Throughout the article the slavic names ‘kurgan’ and

‘mogila’ are translated as tomb or tumulus.

2 J. Fedak rightly questions this opinion and notes:

‘Among other arguments against it is the fact that in

Lycia and elsewhere, the change from wooden to stone

architecture regularly left recognizable timber forms

‘‘petrified’’ in the stone, even when the stone structures

were modified and adjusted to the technical require-

ments of the new medium. In the stone chambers of thekourgans, in contrast, there are no such reminiscences

of wooden prototypes; the stone chambers appeared

rather suddenly, and in a developed form, without

evidence or previous experimentation in the medium.’

(1990, 232, note 19).

3 Herodotus, Book 1. 2, 6, 15–16, 72–74, 103–106,

110, 130, 153, 180, 189, 194, 201–216; Book 2. 22,

103–105, 110, 167; Book 3. 36, 92–94, 97, 116–117,

134; Book 4. 1–144, 172, 204; Book 5. 24, 27, 49, 52;

Book 6. 5, 9, 26, 40, 41, 84, 113; Book 7. 9–10, 18, 20,

52, 59, 62, 64, 66–68, 72–73, 78–79, 86, 96, 147, 184,

193, 197; Book 8. 113; Book 9. 31, 71, 113. The besttranslations with detailed commentaries and exhaustive

literature are: Dovatur et al. 1982 and Corcella 1993.

See also Neikhardt 1982 and Levi (The Scythians of

Herodotus and the Archaeological Evidence) in Genito

1994, 633–42.

4 See in Russian: Grakov 1971; Artamonov 1966;

Alekseev 1992; Melyukova 1989; Andrukh 1995;

Shramko 1983; Kuklina 1985; Bessonova 1983; etc.

In English: Minns 1913; Rolle 1989; Archibald 1994;

Jacobson 1995; Boardman 1994, 192–217; Melyukova

1995; Olkhovsky 1995; Piotrovsky et al. 1987;

Sulimirski 1985; Sulimirski and Taylor 1991; Taylor

1994; Petrenko 1995; etc.

5 According to E. Chernenko (1994, 45) about 3000Scythian graves had been discovered in the steppes of

the northern Black Sea littoral from the middle

eighteenth century to 1990, of which 500–600 had been

found in the 1980s alone. ‘Modern analyses tends to

postulate earlier dates for these tumuli, so that most are

now seen as of the 4th c. BC or earlier, whilst 3rd c. BC

datings are accepted for only a very few.’ (Chernenko

1994, 45).

6 Criteria for identifying Scythian royal and elite

tombs (mainly height of the mound, character of grave

goods, etc.) have been discussed many times in the

literature (Bunyatyan 1985, 91–101; Melyukova 1989,217; Galanina 1994; etc.).

7 Mantsevich 1987.

8 Cherednichenko and Murzin 1996.

9 Mozolevskii 1979.

10 Alekseev et al. 1991; see also Mozolevskii in

Chernenko 1987, 63–74.

11 Terenozhkin and Mozolevskii 1988.

12 Boltrik and Fialko 1991.

13 Melyukova 1981.

14 Boltrik and Fialko 1989; 1991.

15 In 1990 a new Scythian elite tomb was excavated

in the Kherson Region, probably belonging toAlekseev’s chronological group A (Kubysev 1991;

1993). For the possible existence of another (fourth

century) royal tomb not far from Chaersonesus, see:

Shcheglov and Kats 1991. See also Skoryi 1991. On the

Sladovski (group A) and Zhitkov II (group B) tombs in

the Don/Azov area, see Batey 1996, 20–2. Thus about

40 Scythian royal and elite tombs dating to the end of

the fifth/fourth century BC are currently known. The

overall number of sixth/fourth century elite tombs is

about 50. To give exact numbers is very difficult in

view of the disagreements between scholars on how to






categorize the tombs. For example, in the literature

Solokha 1 and Solokha 2 can often be found, but it is

very difficult to judge whether these are one tomb or

two because most of the burials were found in the

nineteenth century (as I have already mentioned) and

the documentation, where it exists, is very difficult touse. Furthermore, materials from one tomb have been

dispersed between different museums without proper

documentation (cf. Minns 1913, 149–240; Mantsevich

1987, 5–29; etc.). There is a current tendency to connect

tombs to known Scythian kings, which seem to me

premature in view of the frequent changes of

chronology of the tombs and the nature of information

given by ancient authors. See: Alekseev 1994, 14–16;

Boltrik and Fialko 1991; 1994, 49–52.

16 The best recent study is: Boardman 1994, 192–

217; see also Minns 1913, 261–92; Koshelenko 1993;

Perevodchikova 1993. I shall address this question inTsetskhladze forthcoming.

17 According to B. Mozolevskii’s calculations and

survey, 14 large Scythian royal and elite tombs (height

of mound varying between 8 and 22m) have been

excavated between the Don and the Danube from the

Black Sea coast to the forest steppe zone (and excluding

the Crimea); still to be excavated are 23. They are

concentrated in three compact zones: the Crimean

lowlands; along the River Visun; and (the vast majority)

on both banks of the Dnieper around the Kamenko-

Nikopolskaya passage (Mozolevskii 1993, 47–8).

18 Herodotus 4. 71: ‘The burial places of their kingsare in the country of the Gerrhi, the place up to which

the Borysthenes is navigable. At this place, when their

king dies, they dig a great four-cornered pit, and, having

made it ready, they take up the dead man . . .’

(translation by D. Grene). The location of the Gerrhi

is the subject of scholarly debate but most academics

place it on the Lower Dnieper, where the vast majority

of Scythian tombs are situated (see Mozolevskii 1986).

19 They are allegedly considered as royal or elite ones

(only three are known) (Mozolevskii 1979, 152).

20 Melitopolskii — 6 m.

21 Tolstaya Mogila — 8.6m; Gaimonova Mogila —8 m.

22 Aleksandropolskii — 21 m; Chertomlyk — 19 m;

Oguz — 20 m; Bolshaya Tsimbalka — 15 m; and Kozel

— 14 m.

23 On the Bosporan Kingdom, with literature, see:

Gajdukevic 1971; Hind 1994.

24 These wooden sarcophagi (shape, style, painting,

decoration) are the same as in Scythian tombs. See:

Sokolskii 1971, 113–23; cf. Fedak 1990, 173–80.

25 J. Fedak (1990, 169) states: ‘The roof of the

chamber of the Royal Kourgan [Tsarskii Kurgan] is

designed to carry a great load and represents a technique

of construction the possibilities of which were not

realized until Byzantine times, when pendentives of

brick began to be widely employed in the Mediterranean

area. Curiously enough, prior to the building of thePantikapaion tomb, structures of pendentive type seem to

be found only in the peripheral regions of old Greece.’

26 This type of tomb is characteristic of the

Hellenistic period in the eastern Mediterranean (Fedak

1990, 170).

27 In the Greek settlement Berezan, situated in the

region where the vast majority of Scythian royal tombs

were found — the Lower Dnieper — moulds were

discovered in which metal objects in Scythian Animal

Style were produced. See: Ostroverkhov 1996;

Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995, tabl. 100. This

question will be discussed in Tsetskhladze forthcoming.28 Z. Archibald’s forthcoming book (1997) has a

chapter dedicated specifically to Thracian royal and

elite tombs. This chapter has an exhaustive bibliography

of literature in Bulgarian as well as a catalogue of the

best known (and most extensively published) tombs. On

Thrace, in English and with bibliography, see:

Archibald 1994; Hoddinott 1975; 1981; Fol and

Marazov 1977; Mihailov 1991; Taylor 1994; Venedikov

and Gerasimov 1975; etc.

29 The best work on Thracian royal and elite tombs is

Venedikov and Gerasimov 1975, 53–63. This chapter

has drawings and descriptions of most of the tombsfound in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth

century. See also Fedak 1990, 165–72 and Domaradzki

1988.

30 There are more than 15,000 tumuli of the first

millennium BC in Thrace. Most of them date from the

Hellenistic period (Hoddinott 1975, 28; 1981, 119–26).

On Thracian burials, see: Kitov 1993a; 1994d; 1994e.

Archaeologically the most comprehensively studied and

published are tumuli of the Classical and Hellenistic

periods. Burial rites varied from region to region, which

could be an indication of the borders of different

Thracian tribes (Fol 1972; 1990 passim). See: Gergova1989; 1992b; Mateva and Valcheva 1992; Radev 1992;

Resumes 1993; Stoyanov 1992a; 1992b; Theodossiev

1995; Zarev et al. 1994; etc.

31 Ganina Mogila is situated in Getic land and it was

probably the tomb of a Getic prince. Other tombs are

also situated near fortified or large settlements.

Probably, the Thracian elite used to live in these

settlements and the nearby tombs are not royal but elite

ones. See: Chichikova 1994; Chichikova et al. 1992;

Dimitrov 1991; Domaradzki 1991; 1992; Draganov






1994; Mateva and Valcheva 1992; Gergova 1992a).

32 Z. Archibald (1997) classifies chamber tombs as

follows: 1) beehive (tholos) tombs (Karakochkoy, Kirk-

Kilise, Valchepol, Mal-tepe, M. Belovo, Kirklareli B,

Lyaskovo, D. Levski, Strelcha, Ravnogor 2, Kazanluk,

Koprinka 3, Yankovo 1, Muglish) (on tholoi tombs inThrace, see also: Venedikov 1974; 1976). 2) brick-built

tholoi and related tombs (Kazanluk, Koprinka 2 and 3,

Muglish). (I myself would include these tombs in

category No. 1 — both categories are tholoi type tombs

with diversities.) 3) orthogonal tombs (Rouets,

Tatarevo, Kaloyanova, Vetren, Filipovo, Starose 1,

Ruen(?)). Classification and dating of all tombs is very

difficult because not many are published and fewer are

properly published. For the same reason it is impossible

to give the exact numbers. Altogether we know now of

about 55 royal or elite tombs in Thrace. The number has

doubled in the last seven years thanks to the discoveryof tombs (which can be dated preliminarily to the fourth

century BC) in the Shipka area not far from Seuthopolis

and Kazanluk. This valley is now known in the

literature as ‘The Valley of the Thracian Kings’. For

preliminary publications, see: Kitov 1979; 1990/91;

1992; 1993a–b; 1994a–g; 1995a–b; Kitov and Krasteva

1992/93; 1994/95; Kitov and Theodossiev 1995. (See

also: Getov 1994; Gergova and Stoyanov 1992; Ivanov

1992; Lilova 1994; Tacheva 1994; Moutsopoulos 1989).

33 The doorways have a slightly trapezoidal shape. A

Macedonian type bronze door was found at Mal Tepe

and, possibly, at Kazanluk, Kirklareli B and ZhabaMogila (Archibald 1997, chapter 12.4).

34 In Strelcha Region the architectural details from an

unfinished tomb were found (Kitov 1979, 20–2).

35 ‘They [Sveshtari women] are dressed as Greeks in

an archaizing style. The Thracians no doubt identified

them as goddesses of fertility or death — related

functions, familiar also to Greeks — but to us they are

nameless.’ (Boardman 1994, 192).

36 A mausoleum-like tomb was previously found in

the Strelcha Region, dating from the middle of the fifth

century BC. The facade of this tomb was decorated with

relief of a lion, strongly reminiscent of Phrygian lions(Kitov 1979, 12–13, fig. 15). The building of

mausoleums continued in Thrace down to and through

the Roman period (Ivanov 1988).

37 Here was also a damaged and fragmentary male

image, wearing a gold wreath on his head (‘similar to

the ‘‘dynast’’ buried in the Kazanluk tomb’) as well as

‘a recumbent warrior with a large shield. Two seated

figures, apparently engaged in conversation, fill a third

one . . . a man resting on a club . . . turned to the right,

probably in conversation with an unclear standing

human figure. A form painted in red falls from the left

shoulder of the man, which may also be the lion skin

worn by Herakles.’ (Kitov and Krasteva 1994/95, 18).

The female already mentioned has ‘brown hair, lovely

expression, gold earrings and a gold necklace, of which

only small flakes have been preserved’ (Kitov andKrasteva 1994/95, 18).

38 This is a unique tomb for Thrace, not just as the

first with polychrome decoration, but for its shape, a

pointed arch. This tomb has a dromos and two

chambers. The stone door (without any decoration) to

the first chamber is preserved completely, even its iron

hinges survive in working order. A horse was buried in

the dromos and a man buried in one of the chambers.

Both the chambers and the dromos were painted from

floor to ceiling (Kitov and Krasteva 1994/95, 26).

39 On the Heroon in Thrace, see Ovcharov 1974.

40 On this question in relation to the Black Sea andother regions of Ionian colonization, see Tsetskhladze

forthcoming.

41 On the chamber tomb in Italy, Sicily, Albania,

North Africa and the Near and Middle East, see: Fedak

1990, 109–59.

42 Vinogradov Y.A. 1995, 158–9, etc. Interpretation

of the handmade pottery is a very complex matter. It

would be more reasonable to suggest that Greeks

commissioned its production by the local population (in

detail, see Tsetskhladze forthcoming).

43 Translation by Jowett. See also Xenophon,

Anabasis 7. 3. 15–20, 26–32 and Hornblower 1991,372–3.

44 In the literature the Thracian system of gift-giving

is compared with the Achaemenid system. There is

discussion of whether Thracian kings were only

receiving gifts or giving them as well (as was

Achaemenid practice) (see Briant 1986; 1989; 1991;

cf. Briant 1996, 314–35, 399–422). Perhaps the

Odrysian kings did not give gifts? It was not necessary

for them to do so because Greek cities situated on the

Thracian Black Sea coast were under pressure from

local kings, who obliged them to give gifts (the same

situation existed in the northern Black sea — seebelow). If indeed the Thracian king had to give gifts it

was probably to the chiefs of the other Thracian tribes

and not to the Greeks. We have no evidence of Thracian

kings giving gifts to Greeks but plenty of evidence of

the converse. In Colchis, for example, the Colchian elite

was receiving lavish gifts from Achaemenid kings

because they needed its support. We know also that

Colchians were paying some tribute to the

Achaemenians as well. For the situation in the eastern

Black Sea and a collection of ancient written sources on






gift-giving, see: Tsetskhladze 1993/94, 24–9. Interesting

observations can be found in Miller 1997, 109–34.

45 The system of measurement used in Thracian

tombs also demonstrates the very active involvement of

Greeks in their construction. See Ognenova-Marinova

1977; cf. Valeva 1995. Very strong evidence that theGreeks built the Thracian chamber tombs comes from

Sveshtari. There are large Greek letters — H, , A —

placed vertically at a distance of 23.5–35.5 cm from

each other on the southern lateral frame of the entrance

(Fig. 17). The publication does not give details of the

size of the letters. Other letters were also found. The

information given is: ‘There is another letter above

them, on the lintel, but it is not clearly discernible and

may not be in association. The number 115 is chiselled

again (according to the Greek acrophonic system) on

the lintel, but now on its lower face. It is made up of the

number 50 repeated twice (), followed by 10 ()and 5 (P). The inscription AP is engraved in Greek

minuscules on the same lintel, and vertical lines are

incised on its edge, which might have some connection

with the numbers of the Greek acrophonic system. It is

quite probable that the letters A, and H were used to

mark rows of stones.’ (Fol et al. 1986, 54–5, fig. 41;

Chichkova 1988, 134–5, 131, fig. 7; cf. A.K. Orlandos,

Les mate riaux de construction 2 Partie, Paris 1968, 89–

93) (Fig. 17).

46 On the influence of Greek burial rites on Thracian

practice, see: Petropoulou 1990/91.

47 Z. Archibald (1997), writing independently, hascome close to my conclusions. She writes: ‘The design

and construction of beehive tombs in Odrysian Thrace

is evidently connected, perhaps indirectly, with

architectural practices in western Anatolia. The

popularity of such tombs in southeastern Thrace

suggests that, through the diplomatic contacts with the

local aristocracy in Hellespontine Phrygia and Lydia,

the Odrysian princes of these regions had access to

Anatolian or East Greek masons (or masons who

worked primarily for Anatolian or East Greek clients)

and pioneered a new fashion in chamber tomb

construction.’

ABBREVIATIONS

AA Archa ologischer Anzeiger

AJA American Journal of Archaeology

AS Anatolian Studies

CAH The Cambridge Ancient History

DHA Dialogues d’Histoire Ancienne

JDAI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archa ologischen

Instituts

JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies

PAV Peterburgskii Arkheologicheskii Vestnik

(Petersburg Archaeological Herald) (in

Russian)

RA Rossiiskaya Arkheologiya (Russian

Archaeology) (in Russian)SA Sovetskaya Arkheologiya (Soviet

Archaeology) (in Russian)

SGMII Soobshcheniya Gosudarstvennogo Muzeya

Izobrazitel’nykh Iskusstv imeni A.S. Pushkina

(Bulletin of the Pushkin State Museum of

Fine Arts) (in Russian)

VDI Vestnik Drevnei Istorii (Journal of Ancient

History) (in Russian)

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