thesis report final draft zeeshan raza (repaired)sss
TRANSCRIPT
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT............................................................................................................ i
DEDICATIONS...................................................................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..................................................................................... iii
LIST OF FIGURES............................................................................................... iv
LIST OF TABLES..................................................................................................v
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LIST OF FIGURES
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LIST OF TABLES
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of figures & tables
Dedication
Acknowledgement
Preface
Abstract
The Project
Client’s Brief
CHAPTER 1
CRIME & PUNISHMENT - A PERSPECTIVE
1.1 Abstract
1.2 Research Questions
1.3 Research Objectives
1.4 What is Crime &Punishment?
1.5 Concept of Punishment in Islam
1.6 Concept of Punishment in International Law
1.7 Purpose of Punishment
1.8 Conclusion
CHAPTER 2
JUVENILE DELIQUENCY & THE PRISON
2.1 Abstract
2.2 Research Questions
2.3 Research Objectives
2.4 Juvenile Delinquency: Theories of Causation
2.5 Fundamentals: Common factors influencing juvenile
behaviour
CHAPTER 3
REFORMING HUMAN BEHAVIOUR THROUGH ARCHITECTURE
3.1 Abstract
3.2 Research Questions
3.3 Research Objectives
3.4 Regulatory Architecture
3.5 Personal Space & Territoriality in Architecture
3.6 Disciplining Spaces
3.7 Biased Spaces
3.8 Architectural Strategies for Crime Prevention
3.9 Conclusion
CHAPTER 4
PRISON - DESIGN
4.1 Abstract
4.2 Research Questions
4.3 Research Objectives
4.4 Prison Layouts: Types
4.5 Prison Design: Surveillance Types & Strategies
4.6 Prison Design: International Law & Standards
4.7 Prison Design: Local Law & local Standards
4.8 Case Studies: Local & International
4.9 Comparison: International & Local
Prisons
CHAPTER 5
SITE ANALYSIS
5.1 The Site Methodology
5.2 Macro level Analysis
5.3 Meso level Analysis
5.4 Micro level Analysis
5.5 Conclusion
CHAPTER 6
ARCHITECTS BRIEF
6.1 Abstract
6.2 Aims & Objectives
6.3 Design Objectives
6.4 Project Description: Building types & functional systems
6.5 Design framework proposal
6.6 Design proposal
6.7 Conceptual proposal
6.8 Design outcome
CHAPTER 7
CASE STUDIES
7.1 The crisis
7.2 International prison design standards
7.3 Local prison design standards
7.4 Case Study
REFERENCES
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES
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DEDICATION
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
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PREFACE
There is a vital relationship that exists between the physical plant of an institution
such a Juvenile Reform School and its administration. The design, programming and
planning of the physical plant eventually determines the efficiency and flexibility with
which the Administrative faculty can carry out the various related duties such as
juvenile reformation with effectiveness.
Not until recently it has been recognised that there is a close relationship between
the architecture of a Juvenile reform school and how much it is responsible for
increasing or decreasing the effectiveness with which the reform and rehabilitation
work is carried out upon its residents. Both the administrative attitudes and the
resident’s responses are deeply conditioned by the physical surrounding and the
condition of the environment which the reform school administration operates and
the residents spend a very critical part of their lives.
There is a very thin line between what kind of environment produces a positive or a
negative attitude or behaviour pattern in the residents of such institution. If the
architecture of the school is not entirely designed to prevent escape with poor
security or surveillance, then it’s most likely that the Administration will succumb to
more or less the habits and patterns of purely a jail type abusive administration that
use force as the tool to supress rather than reform.
Similarly if the residents are mentally abused or dejected by forbidding and
repressive surroundings, they can then hardly be expected to respond to any
reformative or rehabilitative procedures and interventions. They might go into a state
of helpless or even rebellion. So it’s a balancing act with the Architect has to perform
with utmost care and sensitivity.
Architects, designers, psychologist criminologists and a number other related
professionals have recognised that the environment, architectural programming and
the physical plant of a Juvenile reforms school as a major contributing factor to the
successful operation of such an institution. There is no other factor which has single
handedly devasted and hampered the working and the eventual outcome which a
reform school is meant to produce. The lack of insight and interest in prison design
has provided us with inhumane, ineffective and inefficient prison design models. As a
result the success of rehabilitative and reformative procedures is practically
impossible.
This persistence of archaic and punitive patterns of prison architecture has not only
impeded the progress of rehabilitative programmes for adults but has also held back
any advances in dealing with juvenile offenders.There is no chance or possibility of
achieving any breakthrough success in reformative and rehabilitative procedures
which such institutions aim to apply until the norm is changed. The norm which
considers the design and the correctional methods as the only tool of achieving the
desired goal which is reform. It is only until is realised that the architectural
environment can have a positive, stimulating influence upon inmates, by means of
confronting them with environmental conditions that they may have never have
experienced or been conscious of. This hypothesis supports the view that an
architectural environment that stimulates, if you like, the higher senses, makes
concepts such as education, motivation and integration easier to engender. A
repressive environment kindles rebellion and stifles creativity. An awareness of
nature and the discovery of new horizons inspire hope and a desire for change. And
these are my conviction to produce as design which actually acts as a tool which
aids in the rehabilitation and reformation of the residents most effectively, rather than
doing the exact opposite.
ABSTRACT
How to deal with juvenile delinquency is an issue in which there are diverging views.
The restoration of law and order is a common political slogan, but at the time many
people who deal with youth offenders are coming to believe in a different philosophy,
that youth offenders should not be seen as lawbreakers in need of punishment and
deterrence, but as children with social and psychological problems in need of
treatment by social workers and other professionals.
THE PROJECT
The project is an initiative presented by the Government of Punjab,Pakistan to
design the first Pakistan Juvenile Reform School, on a government proposed
site,which is based on the modern concept of rehabilitation and reformation.This
project is to meet the international Juvenile Reform School design standards.
CLIENT’S BRIEF
Client: Government of Punjab.
The client’s requirement is to design a youth detention facility that focuses on
rehabilitation of juvenile prisoners and the interrelationship between a prisoner and
their environment. This facility must be self-sufficient, train prisoners in life (school
education) and labour skills (vocational training).The building should be a modern
marvel of architectural innovation. Furthermore it should actually be a new model to
previous obsolete design models of prison design, which have existed in Pakistan
over the period of 60 years. Finally it should abide by international standards of
prison architecture and design.
The design will focus on the functional core of a Juvenile Reform facility.
Designing an environment which is “transactional” investigating the closeness
or the relationship between a person and their prison environment.
Designing to improve lives of people (juveniles) in the prison environment.
The faculty is meant, not to necessarily to prevent crime but to create a place
of holding for youth offenders, at the same time rehabilitating and educating
the youth for the period which they are remanded.
The design should be adaptable and seen as a model for future youth
correctional facilities.
CHAPTER 1
CRIME & PUNISHMENT - A PERSPECTIVE
RESEARCH ASPECT 1
1.1 ABSTRACT
The concept of punishment — its definition — and its practical application and
justification during the past half-century have shown a marked drift away from efforts
to reform and rehabilitate offenders in favour of retribution and incarceration.
Punishment in its very conception is now acknowledged to be an inherently
retributive practice, whatever may be the further role of retribution as a (or the)
justification or goal of punishment. A liberal justification of punishment would proceed
by showing that society needs the threat and the practice of punishment, because
the goal of social order cannot be achieved otherwise and because it is unfair to
expect victims of criminal aggression to bear the cost of their victimization.
Constraints on the use of threatened punishments (such as due process of law) are
of course necessary, given the ways in which authority and power can be abused.
Such a justification involves both deontological 1as well as consequentialist
consideration
1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
What is the concept of punishment?
What is the concept of crime?
1 Deontological ethics or deontology (from Greek δέον, deon, "obligation, duty"; and -λογία, -logia) is an approach to ethics that judges the morality of an action based on the action's adherence to a rule or rules.
1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
To understand what is the concept of crime and punishment in International and
Islamic law. This will aid me in developing the basis of my approach towards the
reform school design and program.
1.4 WHAT IS CRIME AND PUNISHMENT?
PUNISHMENT:
Punishment is a response to behaviours that are deemed
unacceptable by an individual or a group (such as parents, an organization,
and/or society). Some say it is intended to correct the problematic behaviour,
while others would argue that punishment is enacted upon an offending
individual simply as a means by which to retaliate against his or her offending
actions.
In the context of the criminal justice system (which I am assuming you are
interested in since this question is posted under crime), punishment refers to
the state's compensatory actions against an individual who breaks a law
(based on the evidence associated with a particular case). Punishments can
range from light to severe depending on the severity of the crime committed
and the number and severity of offenses the individual has committed in the
past.
CRIME:
Crime is the breach of rules or laws for which some governing authority
(via mechanisms such as legal systems) can ultimately prescribe a conviction.
Individual human societies may each define crime and crimes differently.
While every crime violates the law, not every violation of the law counts as a
crime; for example: breaches of contract and of other civil law may rank as
"offences" or as "infractions". Modern societies generally regard crimes as
offenses against the public or the state, distinguished from torts (offenses
against private parties that can give rise to a civil cause of action).
1.5 CONCEPT OF PUNISHMENT - ISLAM
Punishment has always played an integral part in the concept of justice. We all know
or at least expect that if you do something wrong you are subject to punishment in
some way or another. This is only fair. Humankind is charged with the responsibility
for the choices they make. This is because they are created with the freedom of
choice and granted the moral sense of right and wrong. Accordingly, one is not to be
punished for the actions of others, or for acts done under duress or because of
insanity. All people are equal and innocent until proven guilty: only then punishment
is considered.
Islam considers crime an act of injustice towards society, a sin against oneself and a
transgression 2against Allah. Punishment is not atonement nor does it erase the sin.
A sin is only forgiven through repentance3. However, crime is an act of inflicting harm
upon society that cannot be forgiven by repentance alone.
The object of all penal systems is to punish the offender and protect society from
reoccurrence of the crime. Punishment serves as an educational purpose, as well as
a form of crime deterrent and prevention and the system used must achieve this aim.
However, if societies were to rely only upon their systems of punishment, they would
fail miserably. An environment of healthy morality and faith must be the norm, where
to do right is encouraged by all and to do wrong is discouraged and found difficult. In
fact, encouraging right and forbidding wrong is a foremost duty in Islam.
Most penal systems in today's societies are based and dependent on the current
social sentiment. In Islamic law, punishment is based upon divine revelation. There
is no leeway for sentiment or possibility of change. These laws were established by
the Creator who is Infinitely Wise and Merciful, Who knows the true affairs of the
world better than humankind. To seek justice without recourse to divine help would
be tragic, as all other sources of knowledge and theories are flawed by human
2 A violation of a law, command, or duty.3 Remorse or contrition for past conduct or sin.
imperfection.
Justice is the ruling spirit of Islamic law, which is known as the Shari`ah. One of the
main reasons for which the Prophets (peace be upon them all) were sent was to
guide mankind to justice.
In this connection, Allah, Most High, says, (We sent our messengers with clear signs
and sent down with them the Book and the Balance so that men may conduct
themselves with justice. ) (Al-Hadid 57: 25) and [O you who believe, be upholders of
justice, witnessing for Allah alone. ) (An-Nisaa' 4: 135)
There are basically three categories of punishments in Shari`ah:
The first is Hadd, which includes divinely prescribed forms of fixed punishment
based upon the Qur'an and Sunnah. These are punishments set to preserve the
public interest; they cannot be lightened nor made heavier, nor can the offender be
pardoned. They instill a deep feeling of abhorrence in the society towards the crime
for which the offender has been punished. Such crimes include drinking alcohol,
armed robbery, theft, illicit sexual relations, apostasy, and slanderous accusations of
promiscuity.
The second form is called Qisas, which is the punishment for homicide and assault.
Whenever a person causes physical harm or death to another, the injured or family
of the deceased has the right to retaliation. A unique aspect of Qisas, is that the
victim's family has the option to insist upon the punishment, accept monetary
recompense, or forgive the offender, which could even avert capital punishment.
This leaves the door open to compassion and forgiveness. Settlements are therefore
encouraged outside of court, as a judge must exact the punishment.
All other crimes fall into the third category, Ta`zir, which is a discretionary
punishment decided by the court.
1.6 CONCEPT OF PUNISHMENT – INTERNATIONAL LAW
Punishment is not an exclusive province of the law. Parents punish their children,
and members of private associations punish their wayward fellows. Like most
concepts, "punishment" has no rigid boundaries. One useful way to understand its
central aspects and uncertain borderlines is to identify the features of typical
instances of punishment, and to inquire how far their absence would lead one to say
that something other than punishment is taking place.
Typical and atypical 4instances. In typical cases of punishment, persons who
possess authority impose designedly unpleasant consequences upon, and express
their condemnation of, other persons who are capable of choice and who have
breached established standards of behavior.
Responsible agents. Punishment is a practice that is performed by, and directed at,
agents who are responsible in some sense. God and humans can punish; hurricanes
cannot. People, but not faulty television sets, are fit subjects of punishment. A higher
level of capacity is required to impose punishment than is minimally necessary to
make one subject to it. To be subject to it, one need have only sufficient mental
control over one's actions to refrain from disfavored behavior, a degree of control
that quite small children and some animals possess. To punish, one must be able
consciously to inflict harmful consequences because of a wrong that has been
committed.
Unpleasant consequences. Punishment involves designedly harmful consequences
that most people would wish to avoid. Medical treatment and other forms of therapy
may also be painful, but their unpleasantness is an unfortunate contingent fact;
pleasing or painless substitutes, if available, would be preferred. Unpleasantness is,
on the other hand, part of the basic nature of punishment; if the response to those
who break rules was to give them something they wanted, such as more money, one
would not consider the response to be punishment, even if the aim were to reduce
future violations.
Condemnation. The unpleasant consequences of punishment are usually preceded
by a judgment of condemnation; the subject of punishment is explicitly blamed for
committing a wrong. The close link between punishment and condemnation is
attenuated in some instances. When a teacher punishes an entire class because
one child has been naughty, he may not be condemning the other members of the
4 Not representative of a type, group, or class
class. The teacher's choice of collective punishment will reflect his belief either that
the group as a whole is capable of constraining the actions of its members or that
one student will hesitate to be the source of mischief for his classmates; but the
teacher need not suppose that all the other members of the class are actually partly
responsible for the particular naughty act. A similar analysis applies to vicarious
punishment. Punishing one person for the sins of another may serve a purpose even
if the victim of punishment is not condemned for the specific wrong.
For certain violations of law, condemnation may be wholly absent, except in the most
formal sense. Some actions may be deemed antisocial and worth discouraging by
unpleasant consequences even if no one really blames the persons who perform
them. This is perhaps exemplified by the attitude American society now takes toward
most parking violations. For a different reason, a reflective judgment of
condemnation may be absent when very young children are punished. Parents may
evince anger and impose simple penalties in the belief that this is the most effective
way to teach acceptable behavior. They may thus treat their children as
blameworthy, even though they doubt that the children are experienced enough
actually to merit blame for performing the offending actions.
Condemnation 5is not in itself usually considered punishment. If members of a
society regarded a formal condemnation as extremely shameful, one might think of
that as a possible punishment in itself rather than merely a complement of more
substantial consequences; this discussion will adopt the common assumption that
punishment involves more than condemnation.
Authority. Punishment is imposed by people who have authority to do so—authority
conferred by legal rule, associational standard, or social morality. A father can
punish his own small children, but he cannot punish a neighbor's child unless the
neighbor has given him power to do that. Only public officials can punish a thief for
breaking the law. Authority may be conceived in a somewhat extended sense,
whereby one can speak of a person's being punished by the community when his
offensive behavior is met by the negative informal reactions of its members.
5 the act of condemning.
Standards. Punishment ordinarily follows some breach of established rules of
behavior; the notion that people should have fair warning as to what behavior is
punishable, and to what degree, is now an established principle of most legal
systems. Yet, especially in informal family settings, people may be punished for
doing things that they should have realized were wrong, even though they were not
warned in advance about that specific sort of behavior. Even then, one can usually
point to some relevant, more general standard that the children have been taught,
such as taking care of family property, not harming brothers and sisters, and not
disturbing parents. Many legal systems also contain some standards of misbehavior
that are quite open-ended. Much more extraordinary is punishment of persons for
actions they had no reason to suppose were wrong at the time they committed them.
Misperceptions. The assumption thus far has been that those who impose
punishment, and the community at large, perceive circumstances as they really are.
However, people may be woefully mistaken about critical facts. An innocent person
may be punished because he is thought guilty, or all epileptics may be punished in
the belief that having that disease evidences extreme moral fault. Misperceptions
may also occur because of conscious manipulations by those aware of the actual
facts. If officials successfully persuade others that a woman they know to be
innocent is guilty, her condemnation and imprisonment will, in the public perception,
constitute genuine punishment. Whether the knowledgeable officials should regard
this as an instance of (unjust) punishment or something else is debatable. The
crucial inquiry, in any event, is not whether what follows such deviations from the
bases for imposing punishment can accurately be called punishment, but whether
deviations of this sort can ever be morally justified, a matter analyzed below.
Legal punishment and the criminal law. Parts of the civil law authorize punitive
consequences, but in advanced legal systems, legal punishment is linked to the
criminal law. That law consists of prohibitions of antisocial behavior backed by
serious sanctions. Not every criminal conviction is necessarily followed by
punishment—alternative dispositions 6are often possible—but a set of mandatory
6 the predominant or prevailing tendency of one's spirits; natural mental and emotional outlook or mood;
characteristic attitude: a girl with a pleasant disposition.
rules that did not provide for punishing of violators would not be part of the criminal
law. The meaning and possible justifications of legal punishment are, therefore, very
closely related to the meaning and possible justifications of the criminal law.
1.7 PURPOSE OF PUNISHMENT
There are five possible purposes to the punishment of criminals:
1. Incapacitation: A felon in prison cannot commit crimes while imprisoned. An
executed felon cannot commit a crime ever again.
2. Deterrence: The threat of punishment deters people from
engaging in illegal acts. 3. Restitution: The felon is required to take some
action to at least partially return the victim to the status quo ante.
4. Retribution: The felon harmed
society; therefore society (or the direct victims) is entitled to inflict harm in return.
5. Rehabilitation: The punishment changes the felon in order to make him a better
citizen afterwards. (The punishment can include mandatory vocational training,
counseling, drug treatment, etc.)
In order for a punishment to be justified, it must satisfy at least
one of these criteria. (There may be reasons to oppose a punishment even if it does
satisfy these criteria, so this is a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition.)
1.8 CONCLUSION
Punishment is circumstantial. Different forms of punishment are effective for various
forms of crime. There are cases in which retribution, prevention/deterrence, and
rehabilitation are all suitable. A legal system is necessary in our society and the
maintenance of this system requires punishment. However, the main focus of all
punishment should be to improve society as a whole. But in the case of Juvenile
offenders reformation and rehabilitation will be the main constituents of my design
concept.
CHAPTER 2
JUVENILE DELIQUENCY & THE PRISON
RESEARCH ASPECT 2
2.1 WHAT IS JUVENILE DELIQUENCY
Juvenile crime is the broad-based term given to juveniles who commit crimes.
Juveniles are defined as those people who haven’t reached adulthood or maturity.
Delinquency can be defined as the committing of those things considered
crimes by the state, although delinquent can also mean abandoned. Thus juvenile
delinquency can cover anything from small crime — a student who cuts school
repeatedly is delinquent--to very serious crimes like felony theft and murder.
Many theories have been advanced to explain the cause of juvenile
delinquency. Some are quite sophisticated, whereas others are
predicated on rather basic “instinctive” conclusions that may or
may not have a basis in fact.
From the time of the first civil communities, every society has declared
certain modes of behaviour to be unacceptable or criminal in nature.
Early customs and laws mandated compliance and punishment for the
greater good of the group, city, or nation. In the modern era, the codification
of norms of behaviour is universal, and within contemporary societies the
designation of some behaviours as criminal is fairly uncomplicated by definition:
Most people have an instinctive understanding that criminal deviance
involves egregiously 7(outrageously bad) illegal acts for which perpetrators
can be punished. A less instinctive—and more technical—definition requires
that these acts involve:
A positive or negative act in violation of penal law; an offense against
the State. . . . An act committed or omitted in violation of a public law.
. . . Crimes are those wrongs which the government notices as injurious
to the public, and punishes in what is called a “criminal proceeding,”
in its own name. . . . A crime may be defined to be any act done
in violation of those duties which an individual owes to the community,
and for the breach of which the law has provided that the
offender shall make satisfaction to the public.
It is important to state that the concept of juvenile delinquency is a relatively
modern development, as is the notion of juvenile justice.
7 Conspicuously bad or offensive.
2.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Why juveniles engage in criminal deviance?
Is such behaviour a matter of individual choice?
Can our understanding of biology and psychology explain delinquency?
To what extent do environmental factors influence juvenile deviance?
(This investigation is important, because policies whether for Architectural design of
related facilities or other aspects, derived from these theories
have not only sought to isolate juvenile offenders but have also tried to manage
the root causes of their behaviour in various case-studies all over the world. Thus,
punishments, rehabilitative techniques, detentions, and other controls have been
designed to target the accepted explanatory factors.)
KEYWORDS
Juvenile crimes, Socio-economic factors, Attitude towards crime, Offense, Juvenile
delinquency, Family disruption, Sexual abuse, Abandonment, Delinquents,
Probation, Juvenile Courts, Age of Criminal Responsibility, Borstal Institution,
Imprisonment, Alternative dispositions. Child Sexual Abuse, Pakistan, Scientific
Knowledge Base, Policy, Interventions, prevention. Street Children, Government,
Poverty, Abuse, Problems,
Research.
2.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
Investigate the causes of delinquency,through,several historical theoretical
models—from ancient explanations through the modern era.
Understand present theory of Juvenile Delinquency by the investigation of
contemporary contexts and the past. (This is necessary because we
consistently build new insight upon previous constructs.)
Tracing the historical roots of Juvenile delinquency.
2.4 JUVENILE DELIQUENCY : THEORIES OF CAUSATION8
Although many theories have been propounded (put forward for consideration)
to explain juvenile deviance—a number of which are discussed in this
chapter—no single theory has been universally accepted by experts. Many
theories have been designed to explain particular aspects of deviance (and
have reasonably done so) but were not designed to explain all aspects of
deviance (and have not done so). I will only focus on the basic theories of the
causation of delinquency.
2.5 FUNDAMENTALS: COMMON FACTORS INFLUENCING
JUVENILE BEHAVIOUR
Juveniles who live in unstable homes and social environments are deemed
to be at-risk children because of their vulnerability to detrimental influences.
Depending on the type and degree of these influences, unstable environments
can induce antisocial behaviour in children, often resulting in criminally
deviant 9behaviour later in life. Juvenile deviance is influenced by a
number of factors. Among these are family, socioeconomic class, and educational
experiences.
Family
Family background is one of the most potent influences on juvenile
development. Norms, values, models of behavior, and other imprints
emanate from the family unit, and these factors create an internalized “blueprint”
for the child’s personality, beliefs, and attitudes. It is within the
family unit that children receive most of their information about how to
8 the action of causing or producing.9 deviating or departing from the norm; characterized by deviation: deviant social behavior.
interact with other people and society. Healthy and nurturing families
instruct members on how to interact using functional norms of behavior,
whereas unhealthy family environments instruct members on how to interact
using dysfunctional 10norms. Thus, dysfunctional families transfer dysfunctional
norms to their children.
When antisocial and criminal norms exist within families, lay persons
and experts agree that this can lead to one readily observable outcome:
Criminal dysfunctional and deviant behaviors run in some families. For
example, an association exists between marital instability and delinquency,
so that the manifestations of a discordant marital environment—such as
stress, estrangement, coldness, and unhealthy boundaries—produce a
disproportionately
high incidence of delinquent behavior in children who
grow up in these environments. Families that disintegrate into divorce can
also exhibit a higher incidence of delinquency if the resulting arrangement
continues to promote intra-family dysfunction. This certainly does not
mean that all single-parent homes are likely to produce dysfunctional
children; the key is whether the family unit is healthy. Discord and divorce
in two-parent households are much more disruptive than stable, loving
one-parent households.
Socioeconomic Class
Past conventional wisdom held that children from
poor and working-class backgrounds—that is, youths born into the “dangerous
classes”9—are much more likely to engage in delinquent behavior.
The historical analysis illustrates how juvenile
reform efforts such as the Child-Saving Movement focused their attentions
on urban poor and working-class youths, many of whom were children of
immigrants. Even as late as the 1950s and early 1960s, experts argued that
class background was a significant explanatory variable for delinquent
propensities. This presumption has since been vigorously challenged, as
statistical data began to indicate during the 1960s that delinquency is also
10 a consequence of a social practice or behavior pattern that undermines the stability of a social system.
quite common among middle-class youths.
Reasons for middle-class delinquency include parental pressure, peer
pressure, uncertainty for the future, experimentation with intoxicating substances,
experimenting with alternative lifestyles, and strong youth subcultures.
Having considered (and accepted) the observation that middle-class
delinquency is a significant problem, one must also keep in mind that theorists
continue to identify certain dysfunctional norms among very poor
urban subcultures. Research on the inner-city underclass has found that
large numbers of the urban poor are caught in a chronic generational cycle
of poverty, low educational achievement, teenage parenthood, unemployment,
and welfare dependence. Underclass theorists argue that antisocial
behaviors have become entrenched norms within chronically impoverished
inner-city environments, so that delinquency and criminality are now
endemic 11facts of life.
Educational Experiences.
Educational experiences are, in many ways, a
coequal influence on juvenile development, along with family and socioeconomic
factors, because school environments can shape many youths’ sense
of opportunity and self-worth. For example, school dropouts and poor academic
performers exhibit a higher incidence of delinquency and crime than
graduates and academic achievers.
Academic achievement is considered to be one of the principal steppingstones
toward success in society. In an ideal environment, opportunities
for education, mentoring, and encouragement to excel should be
equally available for all children. Unfortunately, educational opportunities
are not equally available to all youths for a number of reasons. Socioeconomic
and demographic factors can also have an impact on educational
opportunities and performance, so that poor children often experience
a very different educational environment in comparison to middle-class
children. This is particularly apparent in inner-city, underclass environments,
where educational achievement is frequently not a strong norm of
11 natural to or characteristic of a specific people or place
behavior. For example, norms of behavior on school grounds can be problematic
depending on whether socially accepted values are instilled for
academic competition, deportment, and study habits. Underachievement in
school can also be exacerbated by teachers’ perceptions and expectations
based on appearance, gender, race, and socioeconomic class.
Learning by Experiencing
It is a truism that every person’s future behavior is conditioned by past
experiences. In other words, we learn from lifetime events and base our decisions,
perceptions, and conduct on these events. According to conditioning
theorists, these experiences—or environmental stimuli—underlie socially
acceptable behavior, as well as delinquency and criminality.
The pioneer behind conditioning theory is Ivan Pavlov, a Russian physiologist
who conducted behavioural experiments on dogs during the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. The basic attributes of his experiments
were stimulus–response and reward–punishment. His laboratory dogs were
stimulated to respond with certain behaviors. Pavlov’s methods were remarkably
simple: The dogs were rewarded when they responded correctly, and
punished when the responded incorrectly. Pavlov’s most famous experiment
involved conditioning dogs to salivate at the ring of a bell. He initially rang
a bell each time the dogs were fed (which stimulated them to salivate), and
eventually simply rang the bell without food. The result was that the dogs
were stimulated to salivate even though no food was given. Extrapolating
these observations to human behavior, Pavlov’s experiments theoretically
demonstrate that behavior is predicated on lifetime stimuli.
During the latter half of the twentieth century, B. F. Skinner and other
researchers promoted behavioural psychology. Their underlying theory of
stimulus–response added to the progression of conditioning theory. Many
Behaviourists concluded that human criminals and delinquents could be
conditioned to continue their behaviour in a manner similar to Pavlov’s dogs.
According to this school, environmental stimuli operate either as punishers
or reinforces. Criminals and delinquents are stimulated (reinforced) by their
environment to continue acting out defiantly until they are punished in
some manner. Therefore, when offenders are repeatedly rewarded for their
deviance and receive no punishment for breaking the law, they are likely to
continue until the authorities catch them.
Society and Causation
The foregoing theories of causation have focused on the personal idiosyncrasies
of individuals to explain delinquency and crime. These personal
attributes—such as an individual’s physical or psychological makeup—have
been used by researchers and practitioners to formulate theories of deviance
and to design policies to deal with lawbreakers. However, one commonality
is that all of these theories look at the personal (internal) attributes of
people. In the alternative, and using an external approach, sociologists have
examined the role of societal factors to explain human behaviour.
Sociologists study interrelationships between individuals, socioeconomic
groups, social processes, and societal structures. They have long examined
the association between societal factors and criminal causation, focusing
on the effects of society on individual and collective behaviour. Sociological
theories are not strongly deterministic, in that they tend to explain predispositions12
toward criminal deviance, and they therefore allow for some
degree of free will.
Several elements are commonly present in sociological explanations of delinquency
and crime:
• Socioeconomic conditions and pressures shape individual and collective
behavior.
• Inequality and deprivation are associated with delinquency and
criminality.
• Sub cultural norms are often at odds with accepted norms of society,
creating tensions that can result in sub cultural conflict with the greater
society.
• Delinquency and crime are associated with underclass conditions such
as poverty, neighbourhood degeneration, low educational achievement,
inadequate housing, and family dysfunction.
12 the fact or condition of being predisposed
Psychological theories of causation apply research and theory of psychology to
criminology. As new understandings of the human psyche are proposed,
psychologists have had an important explanatory impact on theories of causation.
Although psychological theories are not strongly deterministic, they do provide
insight on predispositions for deviant behavior.
Differential Association
Edwin Sutherland described the theory of differential association in his
1939 book, Principles of Criminology. Differential association is a process
of social learning, in which criminals and law-abiding people learn their
behavior from associations with others. People imitate or otherwise internalize
the quality of these associations. Delinquency (and criminality) are learned
behaviors that are acquired from interacting with others who participate in
criminal lifestyles, so that the difference between offenders and no offenders
lies in individual choices. In other words, offenders and no offenders strive for
similar goals, but they choose different avenues to achieve those goals. These
choices are based on the lessons they take from exposure to certain kinds of
life experiences. In particular, those with strong attachments to delinquents
are more likely to become delinquents, and people who grow up in criminal
milieus will adopt deviant values that can result in delinquency and crime.
Although differential association theory has been criticized for relying
on variables that are difficult to operationalize, it remains a potent and influential
approach to explaining delinquency and crime. Its appeal is perhaps
grounded in its proposition that all persons possess the same learning
processes, which are developed through communicating and interacting
with groups of people. The difference between criminals and noncriminal
is that they base their choices on different lessons learned from their different
experiences. Norms and values are similarly learned, but some people
internalize deviant norms and values.
Conflict
Conflict theories of causation hypothesize that social tensions and conflicts
are indelible features of society. Conflicts arise between dominant
groups and “subordinate” classes, races, genders, political groups, ethnic
groups, and other defined outsiders in society. The fundamental
characteristic of these tensions is that they often pit the haves against the
have-nots, with the latter being labelled as criminals or insurgents 13during
these conflicts. Because such tensions are indelible, they can at best be controlled
by social institutions rather than completely eradicated. In practice,
this means that the have-nots must be coerced to obey the laws and rules of
those in power.
From this perspective, laws and rules are simply instruments of control
used by ruling elites to maintain control of key institutions, and thereby shut
out others who might challenge the authority of the elites. The focus of conflict
theories is on the entire economic and political system, and the socioeconomic
tensions theoretically created by this system.
CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH ASPECT 3
REGULATING HUMAN BEHAVIOUR THROUGH
ARCHITECTURE
3.1 ABSTRACT
A remerging concept in recent legal scholarship is the idea that architecture serves
as a regulatory 14force (Katyal, 2002). This means architecture can be substituted or
used in conjunction with traditional regulatory mechanisms, such as the law or social
norms. The notion of regulation refers to how architecture can influence and affect
behaviour. Scholars from architecture, geography, urban planning, sociology,
anthropology, and law have found that architecture can regulate us in a many ways.
However, there is not a clear conception of the different ways that architecture
13 a person who rises in forcible opposition to lawful authority, esp. a person who engages in armed resistance to a government or to the execution of its laws; rebel.14 to control or direct by a rule, principle, method
regulates. This paper remedies this by categorizing the different ways in which
architecture regulates us.
This paper synthesizes the existing scholarship into three categories. These three
categories provide a simple and effective way to think about architecture operates.
This approach is preferable to wide ranging literature reviews within sociology and
anthropology(Gieryn, 2000; Lawrence & Low, 1990). Instead, this article focuses on
three categories for how architecture regulates us. They revolve around
communication, interaction, and biases. First, architecture can play a communicative
role by expressing cultural or symbolic meanings. Second, the architecture can affect
how people interact. Third, architecture can be biased and treat certain social groups
or values more favourably. We acknowledge that the vast majority of architectural
features do not fit cleanly within one category, but often have aspects from several
categories
3.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Does Architecture regulate human behaviour?
How does architecture serve as a regulatory force?
Can the built environment regulate human behaviour?
What are the different ways in which architecture regulates its inhabitants? \
How can architecture reduce crime?
Can architecture inject morals and ethics in criminals?
KEYWORDS
Regulate, Mechanism, Reform, Disciplining Spaces, Criminal Behavior, Crime
Prevention, Surveillance
3.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVE
The goal of this research is to summarize and categorize and understand how
architecture serves as a regulatory force. In sum, the goal of this analysis is to allow
myself to better analyse and elucidate 15how architecture regulates. Which I will
eventually use as a major aspect for designing my Juvenile reform School.
3.4 REGULATORY ARCHITECTURE COMMUNICATING
THROUGH CULTURAL AND SYMBOLIC VALUES IN
BUILDINGS
Architecture can play a communicative role by expressing meaning through
the built environment. A variety of cultural or symbolic values can be expressed
through choices in materials, colors, forms, sizes, furnishings, and landscaping for a
building (Rapoport, 1990).
Consider the design of banks that are constructed to express the values of security,
trust, and reliability. This is accomplished with techniques such as the use of marble
and grand spaces that provide a monumental feeling that the bank will not
disappear. The structure and makeup of a school communicates whether it is a
welcoming environment. Research has shown that children, parents, and teachers
all feel that a clean, well maintained building with student artwork and suitable colors
on the walls contribute to a welcoming environment (Maxwell, 2000). In this case the
physical makeup has an impact on creating a social environment conducive to
learning. Moreover, research has shown that the communicate effects of the physical
environment including, classroom density, noise, furniture arrangement,
temperature, and lighting can affect student performance (Ahrentzen, Jue,
&Skorpanich, 1982).
Buildings can also represent and communicate socio-cultural
traditions and personal identity. For example, consider the role of decorative patterns
of the Al-Alkhalaf in SaudiArabia (Abu-Ghazzeh, 2001) or the Islamic influence on
the PETRONAS twin towers with the floor pattern based on an eight point star.
Another example can be found in Bourdieu’s sociological research on the Berbers of
15 make something easier to understand. to make something easier to understand by giving more information
Algeria. He argued that their buildings not only serve a functional purpose, but also
as Gieryn explains, the buildings express a “set of symbolic opposition and
hierarchies that order the societal divisions” (2002). Bourdieu found the allocation of
spaces in a Kabyle house corresponds to basic dichotomies in the Berber
cosmogony (Bourdieu, 1990).Interestingly, the communicative role was recognized
by an outsider such as Bourdieu, but was not obvious and realized by the Berber
builders. While Bourdieu analysis of the Kabyle house is obviously not translatable to
every building in a society, it still shows how buildings serve a symbolic function
(Duncan, 1981).
Another similar analysis examines the architecture of American courtrooms and
courthouses. Rosenbloom concludes that while the architecture of courtrooms is
consistent with social ideology put forth by the Constitution, the same cannot be said
for courthouses (1998).
Courthouse exteriors traditionally were built in classical styles such as Greek
revival. However, a number of federal courthouses have instead been built in a
modern style. Rosenbloom argues that this architectural style communicates a
different view of the legal system. The modern corporate exterior provides a
perception of law as efficient, predictable, and stable, while masking negative
perceptions about the legal system’s efficiency and legitimacy. Thus, the examples
of the modern corporate courthouse style and the Kabyle house show how
architecture expresses cultural or symbolic values.
The communicative properties of buildings do not always express their true
meaning. Instead, designers can manipulate the symbolic and cultural values for
other purposes. A prominent example of this in contemporary society can be found in
Gottdiener’s study of themed environments (1997). Despite the variety of themes
found in the media, only a few of these are actually used by architects. Almost all
buildings rely on the stock themes of the tropical paradise, the American “wild west”,
classical civilization, nostalgia, Arabian fantasy, and the urban motif. Gottdiener
argues that designers use these themed environments in shopping malls to disguise
the primary purpose of generating profits. In this theming process, malls avoid
fundamental issues involving religion, class, and politics. This is disheartening,
because malls have a significant role in society as public spaces where the
community interacts. As a result, Gottdiener argues these themed malls reflect a
simulation of public life.
The communicative properties of buildings can also be analyzed from a
ritualistic perspective. This aspect emphasizes how the meanings of buildings are
created and activated through individuals and societal interactions. For example, the
sociologist Durkheim describes the two variations of the Navajo House Blessing
Ceremony for private buildings and public buildings. The ceremony blessed the new
building so that its inhabitants would be graced with peace, harmony, good luck, and
general well-being (Frisbee, 1968). Similar cultural and religious rituals exist today as
well as more secular rituals of ground breaking and ribbon cutting ceremonies.
These ceremonies all strive to create positive communicative meanings in buildings.
THE SOCIAL ORDERING 16OF SPACES
Architecture can influence how people interact with each other through the
social ordering of space. This influence can be minimal by encouraging mingling or
informal interaction through placement of objects in the interior of buildings, such as
water coolers. At the other extreme, architecture, such as that of a prison, can serve
to restrict movements of individuals and their ability to interact with others, and
effectively dominate individuals.
The legal system has long recognized how the built environment affects social
interaction. The predominant trend in the United States has been to create specific
geographic areas for specific functions, such as separating residential homes from
industries.
My discussion of social ordering proceeds by examining the minimal influence
exercised by architecture to the more substantial role played by architecture in social
ordering. First, I consider how architecture can affect informal social interaction. This
then leads me to consider the stronger role that architecture plays on our
conceptions of personal space and territoriality. Finally, I discuss how architecture
can serve to dominate and discipline people.
16 way things are arranged
SOCIAL INTERACTION
Our built environment can be structured to encourage or discourage social
interactions. A simple example of this is that hallways tend to discourage social
interaction, while circular rooms tend to encourage social interaction (Osmond,
1957). It is well recognized that elements such as common stairwells, the placement
of water coolers, and front porches can all facilitate social interaction. A prominent
example of how architects can facilitate social interaction is found in the creation of
open space plazas within New York City. Since 1961, the city typically bargains with
developers to create plazas. Many of the early plazas tended to be vast underutilized
spaces. Whyte began to study the properties of successful plazas and found that
successful plazas had plenty of sitting places and included other features such as
fountains, food stands, and activities to watch (Whyte, 1988). The city then
incorporated Whyte’s proposals when bargaining with developers. The result was the
creation of new plazas that were popular places for enjoyable social interaction
(Gifford, 2002).
The same principles of influencing social interaction, but on a larger scale,
can be seen in the “New Urbanist” movement. This movement counters the current
trend of American suburbs, which feature sprawl 17as well as the separation of
functions through zoning. (Ross, 1999) The New Urbanist movement seeks to create
cities and neighborhoods that encourage social interaction and civic engagement
with the goal of developing stronger communities (Katz, 1993).
The interaction is created by creating compact neighborhoods with a mixture
of activities and buildings (Talen, 2002). Descriptions of life in these small
pedestrian-oriented towns can be found in Kuntsler’s account of Seaside, Florida
and Ross’s chronicles of his time in Celebration, Florida (Kuntsler, 1993; Ross,
1999). The rationale behind New Urbanists is supported by Putnam’s research,
which shows that suburban sprawl is a significant contributor to civic disengagement
(2000). This has led scholars, such as Frug, to argue that the New Urbanist 18ideas,
17 a part of a town or city that starts to spread into the countryside in a way that is ugly and not carefully planned18
if implemented by changes in local land use ordinances, could create better
communities (1996).
3.5 PERSONAL SPACE & TERRITORIALITY
Our built environment can affect social ordering by interacting with our
perceptions of personal space and territory. We illustrate how our perceptions can
affect social ordering with two examples. First, we consider the relationship between
privacy and architecture. The second example explains how architecture and the
perceptions of territoriality can be used to reduce crime.
Privacy is often considered a process of exclusion, where we try to be alone
or get away from others. These ideas are readily incorporated into the design of
buildings by creating areas of solitude. For example, by the creation of individual
offices instead of using open-plan cubicles. However, the environmental
psychologist, Irwin Altman, argues that this design will not truly meet our privacy
needs. Instead, he argues that privacy is a process whereby a person sometimes
wants to be separated and at other times wants to be in contact with other people
(Altman, 1975). Consequently, designing spaces that permit little interaction will not
provide privacy. So instead of having a room set aside for solitude, Altman argues
for building environments that are responsive and able to meet our changing privacy
needs. This allows an easy alteration for either getting together with people or for
creating separation.
Territoriality considers how people exert control over a specific space. This
can occur through a number of ways from symbols, such as a personalized pinup
calendar in male work areas, or the use of formal barriers such as fences and gates.
One notable use of territoriality has been to reduce crime. Oscar Newman argued
that a significant reason for why crime occurred in public housing was because the
residents could not express territoriality 19by marking out and defending their
property in large, high-rise style buildings. Newman argued that buildings needed to
be designed with “defensible space” that reduces anonymity, increases surveillance,
19 having a tendency to appropriate an area or territory and to protect that area or territory against intruders of the same species, particularly other males
and reduces possible escape routes (1972). This change is partially manifested in
the shift towards low-rise public housing. Today, the concept of defensible space is
part of a larger movement to reduce crime through architectural measures (Clarke,
1997; Jeffery, 1971; Taylor, 2002).
3.6 DISCIPLINING SPACES
The design of buildings can also order social interaction by effectively
dominating and controlling people. For example, the design of prisons is purposefully
built to allow the use of techniques of surveillance, segregation, and classification.
These techniques allow for the exercising of power over inmates thereby disciplining
them. The use of buildings to discipline behavior is used in a variety of buildings
going beyond prisons, such as hospitals, schools, shopping malls, and theme parks.
My discussion first considers Michel Foucault’s analysis of disciplinary technologies.
Next, I will discuss Markus’s historical architectural research on how buildings shape
society.
Michel Foucault emphasized the important of surveillance in disciplining
people. Hiswork was inspired by Jeremy Betham’s panopticon, which sought to
reform prisoners. The panopticon was a tower that allowed an observer at the middle
of the tower to view prisoners in cells at the edge of the tower. An important
component of the panopticon was that it was possible for a guard to view the
prisoners, but the prisoners could not tell if they were being watched. A prisoner in
the panopticon would feel as if they were always being watched. This feeling of
being watched was the result of the architectural setup. (Foucault, 1979) An
important point here is that when architecture disciplines, “it does not matter who
exercises power. Any individual, taken almost at random, can operate the machine.”
(Foucault, 1979, 202) Betham’s panopticon held external control over its prisoners,
while coercing internal moral reform through surveillance (Markus, 1993).
Foucault’s analysis found that the ideal of the panopticon is reflected in other
forms of architecture from hospitals, asylums, military camps, and schools. The
essential element was the use of architecture with a theme of continuous
surveillance and the feeling of general visibility.
The promise of the panopticon was that it could “transform individuals: to act
on those it shelters, to provide a hold on their conduct, to carry the effects of power
right to them, to make it possible to know them, to alter them” (Foucault, 1979). The
result is that architecture can serve as a regulatory mechanism that “contributes to
the maintenance of power of one group over another and functions as a mechanism
for coding their reciprocal 20relationships at a level that includes the movement of the
body in space as well as its surveillance” (Lawrence & Low,1990).
The architectural power of surveillance is widely recognized to affect behavior.
A common use of surveillance is to deter crime as well as catch offenders. The
modern day exemplar of surveillance is the city of London, which uses thousands of
cameras in an attempt to deter and combat crime (Rosen, 2001). The architectural
power of surveillance also affects specific social groups. Goodman argues that
homosexuals in South Africa “move through public spaces under the eye of a social
gaze, they must also consider the implications of visibly deviating from prescribed
norms” (Goodman, 2001). In this case, surveillance is a combination of social norms
and law. Through this public gaze, gays and lesbians are made to feel as criminal
wrongdoers. This public gaze is partially countered through the creation of gay bars
that provide a safe haven for socializing.
The idea that buildings have power has also intrigued the architectural scholar
ThomasMarkus. He has written an excellent descriptive history of buildings around
the Enlightenment that shows how buildings shape people. He discusses in detail
how the architecture of schools, hospitals, prisons, hotels, and public baths are
designed to discipline people. (Markus, 1993)
The disciplining occurs through surveillance and architectural manipulation
that reflect other philosophies.
In discussing schools, Markus begins by noting that educators recognized the
power of architecture. For them, the design of the building was as powerful as the
content of theirteachings. Numerous handbooks provided details on both teaching
20 done according to an arrangement by which you do something for someone who does the same thing for you
methods as well asillustrating details of schoolrooms, furniture, and equipment. The
design of schoolrooms often favored various theories of pedagogy in handling
interactions between students and monitoring by other students and teachers. For
example, schools varied from designs where a monitor would sit at a desk or for
every few aisles. Other changes included layouts in a U-shape to prevent students
from making eye contact with children from other classes in rooms with multiple
classes. While Markus’ research focused on buildings in the Enlightment, his
analysis is still very relevant today. New school designs nowadays reflect new
teaching methods. For example, consider the ‘open plan,’ in which class space is not
concretely divided but intended to provide flexibility in teaching and activities. The
lack of walls also eases the surveillance of students by teachers and of teachers by
their colleagues (Markus, 1993).
In sum, Markus provides us with significant detail on how buildings affect our
freedom. Specifically, how buildings can control the spatial ability of actors as well as
define a set of rules that govern their interaction—define the locations, the paths of
movement, their visual paths, their programmed encounters, and place limits on
chance encounters. The building and other actors determines who does what,
where, with whom, when and observed by whom. While I focused on prisons and
schools, this analysis of how architecture disciplines can also be extended to other
buildings such as shopping malls, casinos, theme parks, and hospitals.
3.7 BIASED SPACES
Architecture can also affect people through embedded biases. The biases are
manifested by architectural characteristics that favor a particular people or certain
values over others.
Simply put, architecture is not neutral, but social and political. As a result,
architecture can serve to maintain and reproduce social values and classifications
through exclusion and segregation.
For example until recently the urban environment discriminated those with
physical disability and limited their mobility. This limited their access to other people,
employment, and fundamentally, to knowledge. Over the last fifty years, society has
recognized this built-in bias and has required itself to reshape the built environment
to ensure disabled people can better participate in society (Welch & Palames, 1995).
The recognition of the role of architecture was first formalized and examined in a
1965 amendment of the Rehabilitation Act. This led to the Architectural Barriers Act
of 1968 which mandated that buildings designed, constructed, altered, or leased with
federal funds must comply with standards for accessibility. In 1975, Congress
passed the Education for All Handicapped Children Act. This required public schools
to treat children with disabilities in the least restrictive environment and involved the
removal of barriers. In 1986, the Air Carriers Act expanded the removal of
architectural barriers to air travel. This culminated in the 1990 passage of the
American with Disabilities Act, which required employers, businesses open to the
public, government services and telecommunication carriers to ensure accessibility
largely through architectural modification.
As a result of these laws, the architecture of the built environment has been
reshaped (Dunlap, 1997). These changes include ramps and curbcuts to foster the
mobility of those in wheelchairs.
Other changes include the use of lever handles, instead of
doorknobs, and adding raised markings on elevator controls for the visually impaired.
The final example of biases built into architecture
is that of fire safety (Lai, 1988). Thevalue of fire safety has been incorporated into
buildings in London for almost a thousand years.
The Assize of Buildings was an early building code in 1189 that placed
requirements on buildings to prevent the spread of fire. By the fourteenth century,
building code regulations required roofs to be covered with tile, lead, or stone. To
this day, building regulations still incorporate the value of fire safety into the design of
buildings. These regulations affect where buildings are located, the materials used in
their construction, the interior design, and the incorporation of fire detectors and
sprinklers. Similarly, other biases are built into buildings such as concern for public
safety, preventing nuisances, or maintaining sanitation. Both these examples
illustrate how biases are embedded 21into architecture.
21 fix something firmly in surface or object. to fix something firmly in a surface or object
CASE STUDIES
These case-studies present how Architects and designers are using architecture and
design to actually impact human behavior, cognition and decision making, using a
number of techniques.
DESIGN PRINCIPLES
Fast food restaurants use hard
chairs that quickly grow
uncomfortable so that customers
rapidly turn over
Elevator designers place the numerals and floor indicator lights over people’s heads
so that they avoid eye contact and feel less crowded
Supermarkets have narrow aisles so that customers cannot easily talk to each other
and must focus on the products instead
(We’ve also seen the opposite effect cited, i.e. using wider aisles to cause customers
to spend longer in a particular aisle – clearly, both effects could be employed in
different product areas within the same supermarket, to suit whatever strategy the
retailer has. There are plenty of other tricks too.)
3.8 ARCHITECTURAL STRATEGIES FOR CRIME
CONTROL
Design should:
Create opportunities for natural surveillance by residents, neighbours and
bystanders;
In still a sense of territor iality so that residents develop proprietary attitudes and
outsiders feel deterred from entering a private space;
Build communities and avoid social isolation;
Protect targets of crime.
Before expanding on the practical and legal application of each of these
mechanisms, we must consider that all these mechanisms work in synergy… natural
surveillance is most effective when social isolation is minimized and when design
delays the perpetration of crime, there can be conflicts and any strategy needs to be
developed within the context of the community in which it is going to be applied:
Effective design requires input by the community. Without such input, security
features are likely to be resented, taken down or evaded (consider the
’security’ doors propped open on campuses today.
(This issue of ‘resentment’ or even ‘inconvenience’ is, I feel, going to be a significant
factor in my own studies of environmentally beneficial behaviour-changing products;
we shall see.)
NATURAL SURVEILLANCE
The idea of natural surveillance is to create situations where areas are overlooked by
neighbours, other residents and so on, with the effect being both a crime deterrent (if
the criminal knows he is being watched, or might be watched, he may decide against
the crime) and to improve the effectiveness of solving the crime afterwards
(someone will have seen what happened).If we cite Jane Jacobs‘ argument that
diversity of use can be an important way of bringing about natural surveillance –
preferably with different activities occurring throughout the day, to ensure that there
is always a population there to keep any eye on things. However, short of this kind of
deliberate diversity planning, there are specific techniques that can be used on
individual buildings and their surroundings to increase natural surveillance; It is
suggested that the addition of windows facing onto public spaces, ensuring sight
lines down corridors and alleyways, positioning windows so that neighbours can
watch each other’s houses, bringing parking areas in front of stores rather than out
of sight behind them, and making sure hallways and lobbies are clearly visible to
passers-by. An example is of redesigning the layout of a school’s grounds to
increase the opportunity for natural surveillance:
Images from Katyal, N. K. “Architecture as Crime Control”, Yale Law Journal,
March 2002, Vol 111, Issue 5.
[In the first image] the informal areas are blocked form sight and far from
school grounds. Because no central place for congregation exists, students
are spread over the grounds, and there is insufficient density for monitoring.
The four open entrances and exits facilitate access to the school and escape.
…
[In the second image,] through the designation of formal gathering areas,
other places become subtly off-limits to students. Indeed, those who are
present in such areas are likely to attract suspicion…. the formal gathering
areas are naturally surveilled by building users… [And] are long and thin,
running alongside the school windows and two hedges preventing students
from going further away. Moreover, the west entrance, which had the least
potential for surveillance, has been closed…
Lighting can also be a major method of increasing natural surveillance:
First, it helps anyone viewing a situation to see it more clearly and thereby
deters some crimes by increasing the powers of perception of those watching.
Second, it encourages people to be in the area in the first place because the greater
visibility creates a sense of security. The more eyes on the street, the more visibility
constrain crime.
TERRITORIALITY
Territoriality – also much of the focus of defensible space– “both provides an
incentive for residents to take care of and monitor an area and subtly deters
offenders by warning them that they are about to enter a private space.” Some
examples are:
“An entrance raised by a few inches” is “a successful symbolic barrier… people
are aware of minor graduations of elevation and may refrain from entry if they sense
a gradual incline”. (Elevation can also lead to reverence/respect, either directly – e.g.
steps leading up to a courthouse – or indirectly, causing a visitor to bow his/her head
on approach)
Monuments and markers can also demarcate 22the transition from public space
into private space… A study of burglaries in Salt Lake City… revealed that houses
with nameplates had lower rates of intrusion than those without them.
one rather simple way is to place two buildings in an ‘L’ formation with a fence that
completes the triangle. Children can play in the open space, and adults can look out
of their windows at their children.
another case study includes these diagrams from “a group of British architects”:
22 decide limits or borders of something. to decide the limits of something, especially the borde
In the first, a series of buildings lacks a common entrance, and pedestrians cut
through the property. The addition of a simple overhead arch, however, creates a
sense of private space:
Images originally from Stollard, P. Crime Prevention Through Housing
BUILDING COMMUNITY
The third main mechanism, building community, is also heavily interlinked with the
idea of defensible space. The aim here is to encourage a sense of community, by
creating spaces which cause people to interact, or even reducing the number of
dwellings in each individual set so that people are more likely to recognise and come
to know their neighbours – something many architects have instinctively tried to do
anyway over the past 20 years or so, though not always explicitly with crime
reduction in mind:
…even the placement of seats and benches can bring people together or divide
them, creating what architects call, respectively, socio-petal and socio-fugal spaces.
Some architects self-consciously create socio-fugal spaces by, for example,
designing chairs in airports that make it difficult for people to talk to each other.
Practically, ‘building community’ would necessarily appear to be slightly more
nebulous than some of the other mechanisms, but even techniques such as
encouraging people to spend more time in communal areas such as a laundry (and
hence potentially interact more) can be important here.
STRENGTHENING TARGETS
There are a number of simple examples of target hardening or strengthening given
below:
Placing deadbolts lower on door frames.
(Presumably to make kicking they open more difficult)
Having doors in vulnerable locations swing outward.
Raising fire escapes to put them out of easy reach.
Reducing the size of letter-box openings.
If a robber can stand on top of a trash bin and reach a second-floor window, the
bin should be placed far from the window.
Prickly shrubs placed outside of windows can also deter crime.
A duct that spews hot air can be placed near a ground-floor window to deter entry.
Smells can also be strategically harnessed either to induce people to come
outside or keep them away.
The FBI building is built on stilts to minimize damage in the event of a bomb
detonation at street level.
To decrease the likelihood of presidential assassination, a stretch of Pennsylvania
Avenue in front of the White House was barricaded and closed to car traffic.
Interestingly we should make a point that where potential crime targets can be
strengthened without making it overly obvious that this has been done, the benefits
may be greater:
Modern technology permits targets to be hardened in ways that are not obvious to
the public. Strong plastics, graffiti-resistant paint, and doors with steel cores are a
few examples. These allow architects to disguise their efforts at strengthening
targets and thus avoid sending a message that crime is rampant.
…
Some forms of target hardening are suboptimal in that visibility evinces a fear of
crime that can cause damage to the fabric of a community and even increase crime
rates.
Subtle architecture that gently reinforces law-abiding norms 23and prevents a degree
of intrusion is to be preferred to explicit and awkward physical barricades that reflect
the feeling that a community is under siege. Cheap wire fences do not express a
belief in the power of law or norms; rather, they reflect the opposite. The same can
be said for ugly iron bars on windows, which express the terror of crime as
powerfully as does any sign or published crime statistic.
…
A whole host of architectural strategies – such as the placement of doors and
windows, creation of semi-public congregation spaces, street layout alterations, park
redesign, and many more – sidestep creating an architecture dominated by the
expression of fear. Indeed, cheap barricades often substitute for these subtler
measures. Viewed this way, gated communities is a by-product of public
disregard of architecture, not a sustainable solution to crime.
OTHER ASPECTS
One point is – a corollary 24of the above – the concept of architectural solutions as
entities which subtly reinforce or embody norms (desirable ones, from the point of
view of law enforcement) rather than necessarily enforce them in totality:
23 something usual or expected. something that is usual or expected24 something automatically true if other thing true. something that will also be true if a particular idea or statement is true, or something that will also exist if a particular situation exists
Even the best social codes are quite useless if it is impossible to observe whether
people comply with them. Architecture, by facilitating interaction and monitoring by
members of a community, permits social norms to have greater impact. In this way,
the power of architecture to influence social norms can even eclipse that of law, for
law faces obvious difficulties when it attempts to regulate social interaction directly.
Architecture can prevent crimes even when criminals believe the probability of
enforcement is low… one feature of social norms strategies is that they are often
self-enforcing.
I think this is a crucial point, and is applicable in other ‘architectures of control’
techniques outside of the built environment and the specific issues of crime.
Psychological evidence shows that criminals decode environmental ‘cues’ to assess
the likelihood of success of a given criminal act… the design of a meeting table
influences who will speak and when, and who is perceived to have a position of
authority. It is therefore no great shock that the eight months of negotiation that
preceded the 1969 Paris Peace Talks largely centred on what the physical space of
the negotiating table would be. It is said that Machiavelli designed a political meeting
chamber with a ceiling that looked as if it were about to collapse, reasoning that it
would induce politicians to vote quickly and leave.
…
Winston Churchill… went so far as to claim that the shape of the House [of
Commons] was essential to the two-party system and that its small size was critical
for ‘free debate’:
…
“The party system is much favoured by the oblong form of chamber… the act of
crossing the floor is one which requires serious consideration. I am well informed on
this matter, for I have accomplished that difficult process, not only once but twice.”
Significant points are also made is about displacement (or “geographic substitution”)
of crime: do architectural measures (especially target hardening and obvious
surveillance, we might assume) not simply move crime elsewhere? (We’ve
discussed this before when looking at blue lighting in public toilets.)It is argued that,
while some displacement will, of course, occur, this is not always direct substitution.
Locally-based criminals may not have knowledge of other areas (i.e. the certainty
that these will not be hardened or surveilled targets), or indeed, where crime is
opportunistic, the “costs” imposed by travelling elsewhere to commit it are too high.
Equally:
Many devices, such as steel-reinforced doors, strong plastics, and the like are not
discernible until a criminal has invested some energy and time. These forms of
precaution will thus increase expected perpetration cost and deter offenders without
risking substantial displacement.
Also, the fact that increased police presence (for example) in a crime ‘hot-spot’ may
also lead to crime displacement, is generally not seen as a reason for not increasing
that presence: some targets simply are more desirable to protect than others, and
where architectural measures allow police to concentrate elsewhere, this may even
be an advantage.
MORE SPECIFIC EXAMPLES
Aside from the analysis, there are a great many architectures of control and
persuasion examples, and while they are somewhat disparate in how I present them
here, they are all worth noting from my point of view, and I hope interesting. Apart
from those I’ve already quoted above, some of the other notable examples and
observations are:
…the feeling of being crowded correlates with aggression. Architects can
alleviate the sensation of crowding by adding windows that allow for natural
light, by using rectangular rooms (which are perceived to be larger than
square ones), and by employing light-colored paints. When people perceive
more space, they tend to become less hostile.
While the results should not be overemphasized, psychologists have found
results showing that various colours affect behaviour and emotions. The most
consistent such finding is that red induces a higher level of arousal than do
cool colours like green and blue. Another study indicated that people walked
faster down a hallway painted red or orange than down one painted in cooler
colours. After experimenting with hundreds of shade, Professor Schauss
identified a certain shade of pink, Baker-Miller, as the most successful colour
to mediate aggression… prisoners in Baker-Miller pink cells were found to be
les abusive than those in magnolia-colored cells.
Studies show that people who sit at right angles from each other at a table are
six times more likely to engage in conversation than those who sit across from
each other.
(Referencing Edward T Hall, The Hidden Dimension , 1966).
For some existing housing projects, the government could pass regulations
requiring retrofitting 25to prevent crime. Small private or semiprivate lawns
near entrances can encourage feelings of territoriality; strong lighting can
enhance visibility; staining and glazing can increase contrast; and buildings
refaced with a diversity of pleasing finishes can reflect individuality and
territoriality. Large open spaces can be subdivided to encourage natural
surveillance.
Edward I enacted the Statute of Winchester, a code designed to prevent the
concealment of robbers… [which included a] provision [which] directly
regulated environmental design to reduce crime… highways had to be
enlarged and bushes had to be cleared for 200 feet on either side of the
highway.
…certain buildings [being strategically placed in an area] such as churches,
may reduce the crime rate because they create feelings of guilt or shame in
potential perpetrators and because the absence of crime against such
structures furthers visible social order.
Crimes that directly interfere with natural surveillance should… be singled out
for special penalties. Destroying the lighting around a building is one obvious
example. Another would be attempts by criminals to bring smoke-belching
trucks onto a street before robbing an establishment.
3.9 CONCLUSION
This part of the report succinctly shows the many ways in which architecture
regulates. The typology provided should allow me as an Architect to better
understand and elucidate how architecture may affect people. This is a much-
25 change machine or building by adding new things. to change or improve something such as a machine or a building by adding new parts, equipment, or features to it
needed step to simplify the diversity of ways for analysing and discussing how
architecture regulates. Additionally, this categorization is a first step in developing a
theoretical approach that captures how architecture regulates. .
In this sense, a public (i.e. governmental) commitment to use of architectural
strategies in this way would make the process much more transparent than
individual private developers adopting ad hoc measures, and, with sensible analysis
of each case, could assist local law enforcement and engage communities in
reinforcing ‘desirable’ norms and ‘designing away’ some aspects of their
problems .None of this should be mistaken for architectural determinism or its
derivative belief that good buildings alone will end crime. These hopes of ’salvation
by bricks’ are illusory. But our rejection of this extreme should not lead us to the
opposite extreme view, which holds that physical settings are irrelevant to human
beliefs and action. Architecture influences behaviour; it does not determine it.
CHAPTER 4
PRISON - DESIGN
4.1 THE PRISON
A prison is a place in which people are physically confined and, usually, deprived of
a range of personal freedoms. Other terms are penitentiary, correctional facility, and
jail (or gaol), although in the United States "jail" and "prison" refer to different
subtypes of correctional facility. Jails are conventionally institutions which form part
of the criminal justice system of a county and house both inmates awaiting trial and
convicted misdemeanants. Prisons form part of the criminal justice system of a state
and only house convicted felons, usually for longer periods of time than jails.
Imprisonment or incarceration is a legal penalty that may be imposed by the state for
the commission of a crime. A criminal
suspect who has been charged with or is likely to be charged with criminal offense
may be held on remand in prison if he is denied or unable to meet conditions of bail,
or is unable or unwilling to post bail. A criminal defendant may also be held in prison
while awaiting trial or a trial verdict. If found guilty, a defendant will be convicted and
may receive a custodial sentence requiring imprisonment.
As well as convicted or suspected criminals, prisons may
be used for internment of those not charged with a crime. Prisons may also be used
as a tool of political repression to detain political prisoners, prisoners of conscience,
and "enemies of the state", particularly by authoritarian regimes. In times of war or
conflict, prisoners of war may also be detained in prisons. A prison system is the
organizational arrangement of the provision and operation of prisons, and depending
on their nature, may invoke a corrections system. Although people have been
imprisoned throughout history, they have also regularly been able to perform prison
escapes.
4.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
What are the basic elements of an effective Prison design?
What are the various prison surveillance types?
What are the types and layouts of prisons?
What are international and local Prison design standards?
4.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
Understand the operations and workings of prisons.
Find out advantages and disadvantages of various prison models.
Find out the most effective surveillance methods in prisons.
4.4 PRISON LAYOUT TYPES
Throughout the history of prison construction, there have been basically four models
of prisons. The layouts are the radial design, the telephone-pole design, the
courtyard style, and the campus style.
RADIAL
The radial design looks a lot like an asterisk26. This is a linear design with cells
aligned in rows down the cell blocks. In the radial design, the cell blocks and
program buildings extend from a central hub. This design has not been copied in
prisons built over the past 75 years. This is probably because that all the inmate
traffic and movement comes to one point in the prison. This congestion in the prison
presents a dangerous situation, particularly in high-security prisons.
TELEPHONE POLE
The telephone-pole design is another linear style. This was used extensively
between the 1920s and 1970s. Inmates and staff move along a main corridor down
the center or the pole, and the cell blocks and program buildings extend from that
corridor. It was popular mostly because it was easy to erect barred grills across the
"pole," and close them to isolate smaller groups of offenders in case of a riot or
disturbance. These telephone-pole designed prisons were designed specifically to
control prison violence. They were built like fortresses that appeared to be quite
secure. Unfortunately, on the inside there were many hard-to-monitor corners and
other places that were ideal for stabbings, beatings and other forms of violence.
CAMPUS
Campus style prisons have been used more recently. This style was first initiated by
the Federal Bureau of Prisons (FBP). The first of these designs included the
buildings being separated and spread out over several acres within the secure
perimeter. It was believed that forcing inmates to move from one building to another,
walking outside instead of within a corridor, has a positive effect on the environment
of the prison. Also, with the decentralized location of the buildings, there is little
inmate congestion as they move through the prison. This decreases the likelihood of
dangerous tension. The campus style prisons remain very popular today, as
institutions adapt the design to best fit their purpose.
COURTYARD
The last common model of prison design is known as the courtyard design. This
model was developed to take advantage of the benefits available from both the
26 symbol *. the symbol *. In a piece of writing, an asterisk is used after a word or phrase to show that more information is given in a footnote .
telephone-pole and campus designs. With the courtyard style, buildings are attached
to a corridor that runs around the prison, leaving a courtyard in the middle. The
corridor can be used for inmate movement during much of the day, allowing prison
administrators to contain and isolate inmates in the corridor by closing grills across it.
The recreation yard is in the middle of the courtyard. This style is often used in high-
security institutions.
4.5 INCARCERATION 27SURVEILLANCE TYPES
One of the main aspects of prison design is prisoner surveillance. There are a total
off three basic categories of surveillance types employed in a prison.
LINEAR/SURVEILLANCE
The Linear / Surveillance prison design, depicted above, places staff in a central
control area (marked above by the gold star) with cells located down hallways
branching out from the main control area.
As shown above, the Linear / Surveillance prison
design provides Intermittent Supervision of inmates28, with structural blind spots in
every single cell.
27 put someone in prison. to put someone in prison28 someone who is kept in an institution. someone who is kept in a prison, mental hospital , or other institution
PODULAR/REMOTE SURVEILLANCE
The Podular 29/ Remote Surveillance prison design, depicted above, places staff in
an enclosed central control area (marked above by the gold star) with some cells
facing the control center.
As shown above, the Podular / Remote Surveillance prison design provides
Intermittent Supervision of inmates, with structural blind spots in every single cell.
LINEAR SURVEILLANCE
29 Shape of a pod.
The Podular / Direct Supervision prison design, depicted above, places staff in the
day room area (marked above by the gold star) with some cells facing the control
center and others adjacent to the control center.
As shown above, the Podular / Direct Supervision
prison design provides Intermittent Supervision of inmates, with structural blind spots
in every single cell.
CHAPTER 5
SITE ANALYSIS
5.1 INTRODUCTION
5.2 SITE SELECTION METHODOLOGY
5.3 MACRO LEVEL ANALYSIS
5.4 MESO LEVEL ANALYSIS
5.5 MICRO LEVEL ANALYSIS
5.6 CONCLUSION
CHAPTER 6
ARCHITECT’S BRIEF
6.1 ABSTRACT
“Architecture is conceived, designed, realised and built in response to an existing
set of conditions. It may be purely functional in nature, or may also reflect in varying
degrees the social, political and economic climate. The act of creating architecture is
a problem-solving or design process itself.”
(Ching D.K.1996.)
Any prison design has to accommodate certain pragmatic technical requirements
that relate to a complex series of security issues and regulate every aspect of prison
activity. These specifications form the basis for every prison design.
The project takes is ideological starting point from the hypothesis that the
architectural environment can have a positive, stimulating influence upon inmates, by
means of confronting them with environmental conditions that they may have never
have experienced or been conscious of. This hypothesis supports the view that an
architectural environment that stimulates, if you like, the higher senses, makes
concepts such as education, motivation and integration easier to engender. A
repressive environment kindles rebellion and stifles creativity. An awareness of
nature and the discovery of new horizons inspire hope and a desire for change.
These positive stimulants are integrated into the scheme in the form of nature and
light. The site and its topographical 30and botanical characteristics are assimilated
into the language of the building so as to interface with its direct environment.
Gabion walls provide security, dignity and authority and massing. The clear,
Highveld light is brought into the spaces to inspire positivity, just to state a few
examples.
6.2 AIMS & OBJECTIVES
The design will focus on the functional core of a youth prison facility.
Designing an environment which is “transactional” investigating the closeness
or the relationship between a person and their prison environment.
Designing to improve lives of people (juveniles) in the prison environment.
The faculty is meant, not to necessarily to prevent crime but to create a place
of holding for youth offenders, a t the same time rehabilitating and educating
the youth for the period which they are remanded.
The design should be adaptable and seen as a model for future youth
correctional facilities.
30 features of particular area of land. the features of a particular area of land, for example hills, rivers, and roads
6.3 DESIGN OBJECTIVES
The structure and site are to be designed via an organic, hierarchical process, as
follows:
Security - focal advantage and lines of clear vision to all areas: linear,
horizontal spaces.
Movement - the hierarchical functions of movement through threshold and
holding areas into communal spaces relating to:
o Inmates
o Visitors
o Staff
o Combination of all three
Sustainability of services - heating, cooling& ventilation, lighting inspires the
choice of material and technical development. Good day lighting assists in
security and lifts the spirit. Artificial light sources, low energy, high
performance. Rock bins and a roof –stack ventilates and cool.
Environmental Interface - bringing the outside in, the application of natural
daylight, allowing exterior of the building to recede into the landscape. The
traditional materials of prison security, bars and cages are substituted with
stone and glass. This is a youth facility. Imprisonment without exclusion.
Exclusion breeds revolt. Punched metal screens. Articulated slot openings.
Glass screens.
Site design - the organic relationship between different buildings, each
characterized by its own function, the school will stand in a central position at
the highest point on the site. An ever-present symbol of hope; the key to a
new life.
Integrating the landscape around the proposed designed facility, not only just
designing the buildings but also the spaces in between.
Designing the prison as a peri-urban island that is cut off and removed from
the rest of the society and its surroundings as a security measure yet once
inside one can feel the connection with the outside and strive towards
freedom and the only way one can reach out is through self- improvement and
rehabilitation31.
Designing the building in such a way that one is always reminded of their
surrounding landscape.
Creating spaces which investigate:
- Physical Orders of solids/voids, interior/exterior and the systems
and organization of space, structure, enclosure and machines.
- Sensory perceptions and recognition of the physical elements by
experiencing them sequential in time such as
Approach/Departure, entry/egress, movement through the order
of spaces, functioning of and activities within spaces, qualities of
light, colour, texture, views and sounds.
- Conceptual order. The comprehension of the ordered or
disordered relationships among a building’s elements and their
systems and responding to the meaning they evoke. Through
images, patterns, signs, symbols and the context (form, space
and functions) of the buildings.
6.4 PROJECT DESCRIPTION: BUILDING TYPES &
FUNCTIONAL SYSTEMS
The overall detailed outline of the functional requirements as well as building types
associated to the project will vary depending on the scope and size of the project
which I haven’t determined exactly at the moment e.g. whether it will be 50 bed
facility or over 150 bed facility.
Since juveniles in secure detention do not leave the facility except in special
circumstances, secure residential facilities typically provide a full range of services
and spaces to care for the health, well being and management of residents. These
include:
Administrative offices
31 help someone have normal life again. to help someone who has been sick or in prison to return to a healthy, independent, and useful life
Staff lockers/break areas
Intake/admissions
Visitation
Education
Indoor and outdoor recreation
Religious services
Food services/dining
Medical services
Laundry services
Maintenance
Resident housing and related activities
BASIC FACILITY BREAK-UP
HOUSING RESIDENTIAL PROGRAMS ADMINISTRATION
Housing Units Academic/Vocational Education Facility Administration
offices
Housing
Support
Treatment Services Staff
Recreation Areas Admission
Visiting Areas
RESIDENTIAL
SERVICES
CENTRAL SUPPORT
Medical Maintenance & Storage
Dining
Laundry
Food Prep.
Further consideration in functional components may include:
Entrances Signage Security
Barriers
Grab Bars Visiting
Areas
Lighting
Acoustics Mobility
Aids
Medical
Isolation
Cells
Toilets Locations of
Access -
Cells
FUNCTIONAL SYSTEMS
`STAFF INMATE VISITOR
MAIN GATE MAIN GATE MAIN GATE
PREPROCESSING PREPROCESSING PREPROCESSING
ADMINISTRATION -OFFICE
-STAFF
ABULTION
S
ADMISSIONS -ARRIVAL
-STRIP
SEARCH
-EVALUTAION
-NEW
CLOTHES
VISITOR
S
CENTRE
- ARRIVAL
- STRIP
SEARCH
FACILITY SEGREGATION
HOUSING
UNITS
A
.EDUCATIONA
L
B.WORKERS
C.SKILL
DEVELOPMEN
T
D.ISOLATION
E.PRE-
RELEASE
6.5 DESIGN FRAMEWORK/PROPOSAL
The proposed design can be divided into eight sub-areas:
o The urban design framework 32of the entire prison facility.
o The security entrance buildings.
o The visitors centre.
32 ideas used for forming decisions and judgments. a set of principles, ideas, etc. that you use when you are forming your decisions and judgments
6.6 DESIGN PROPOSAL
The above three points combine to form the overall experience of the entire facility.
All three groups of people interact in these areas; the staff, inmates and the visitors.
o The Administration facility.
o The Admissions facility.
o The Vocational education centre.
o The Academic education centre.
o The Housing Unit.
6.7 CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL
The above five points are a conceptual proposal for the rest of the youth detention
facility. Although distinguishable, these areas interact and overlap in an attempt to
achieve: a “transactional” approach towards a site design.
6.8 DESIGN OUTCOME (BASIC)
Improving the effectiveness of rehabilitation and quality of life in a youth
prison facility.
Providing spaces which are “transactional33” and investigate the closeness or
the relationship between a person and their environment.
Building the character and perceptions of the prison facility.
33 The act of transacting or the fact of being transacted.
CHAPTER 7
CASE STUDIES
7.1 THE CRISIS
A recent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report expresses concern over
deteriorating conditions in Pakistani jails. According to the report, 4,651 prisoners
were housed in Lahore camp jail, which has a capacity for 1,050 individuals. Indeed,
overcrowding remains one of the most crucial issues faced by inmates in jails across
the country. As a result, prisoners are required to sleep on the floor and unhygienic
conditions give rise to infectious disease like TB and scabies. Jail accommodation
moreover is not suited to weather conditions in the country. In winter the prison
barracks and cells are extremely cold and in summer prisoner suffocate in the heat.
These problems exist because little effort has been made to recognize the
fundamental rights of prisoners. This is the same for Juvenile wards in these
jails./juvenile detention facilities all over the country.
7.2 INTERNATIONAL PRISON DESIGN STANDARDS
U.N. RULES FOR THE PROTECTION OF JUVENILES DEPRIVED OF THEIR
LIBERTY
o Children should be provided a physical environment designed with the aim of
rehabilitation and with regard to their need for:
Privacy
Sensory stimuli,
Opportunities for association with peers
Participation in sports,
Physical exercise
Leisure time activities.
o Every juvenile should be provided with separate and clean bedding, and a
sufficient quantity of nutritious and hygienically-prepared food.
o Juveniles of compulsory school age have the right to an education suited to
their needs and abilities, and designed to prepare them for their return to
society.
o The Rules also state the provision of preventive and remedial medical care,
including mental health care.
o All juveniles have the right to vocational training likely to prepare them for
future employment.
THE U.N. STANDARD MINIMUM RULES FOR THE TREATMENT OF PRISONERS
The detention facilities should provide prisoners with:
o Separate beds Clean bedding.
o Adequate sanitary and bathing installations.
o Well-prepared, nutritious meals.
The detention facilities should provide prisoners with:
o Separate beds Clean bedding.
o Adequate sanitary and bathing installations.
o Well-prepared, nutritious meals.
Young prisoners should additionally receive:
o Physical training.
o Recreational training.
o (With adequate space, installations, and equipment)
o Vocational training in useful trades.
7.3 LOCAL PRISON DESIGN STANDARDS
PAKISTAN PRISON RULES-JAIL MANUAL
o One cell will be occupied by one prisoner only.
o The rules mandate the separation of children and adults.
o The engagement of children in "sustained work“.
o Provision of recreational facilities. For convicts, it requires classes in:
Reading,
Writing,
Arithmetic,Religious instruction for Muslim children
o Vocational training
o “Careful individual attention" for all juveniles.
o Careful arrangements for their future after discharge.
o Strict cleanliness for the whole prison.
o Adequate Sanitary facilities.
o Well-equipped Health care facilities.
REFORMATORY SCHOOLS ACT,1897
Every school so established or used as a reform school must provide:
o Sufficient means of separating the inmates at night.
o Proper sanitary arrangements, water supply food clothing and bedding
for the youthful offenders detained therein.
o The means of giving the youthful offenders industrial training.An
infirmary or proper place for the reception of such youthful offenders
when sick.
o Physical drill, gymnastics, indoor and outdoor games and training in
scouting shall be provided for all inmates; instructions in first aid and
sanitation be regularly imparted; and a spacious playground be
provided in jails.- Pakistan Jail Manual
7.4 CASE STUDY
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