the transformation of eisenhower - final

7/29/2019 The Transformation of Eisenhower - Final

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Cody WalkerHistory 197

4/11/13

The Transformation of

Eisenhower

Introduction

While the history between the U.S. and Cuba has been there for as long as

many can remember, the relationship started soon after the United States was

beginning to form. The view of Eisenhower, the President, is different than

Eisenhower, the soldier. At the time of, and soon after, Eisenhowers presidency,

many historians thought that he was weak and poor. They said that he was elected

on his war accolades, and not his ability to lead the country. Looking at various

sources, that view as remarkably changed. Eisenhower is now one of the top 10

presidents in the United States history. Although he follows others like Lincoln,

Jefferson, FDR, and Wilson, Eisenhowers place in history has changed due to the new

studies of his policies.

Between January 1959 and January 1961, the Eisenhower administration's

policy toward Castro and the Cuban Revolution changed dramatically from a policy of

wait and see to a policy designed to overthrow the Castro regime and reorient the


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direction of the Cuban Revolution1. To this degree I agree that the change was slow

and took time, but the outcome of the policy change could not have changed. By late

1959, key officials, including the President, had come to the conclusion that Castro

regime was contrary to the interests of the United States. If the existence of the

regime was allowed to continue, they feared that it would cause serious adverse

effects on the U.S. In this paper, I will examine the evidence that is laid out before

the American citizen, in order to understand the possibility of a purposefully changed

relationship between the United States and Cuba in the years prior to the failed

mission of The Bay of Pigs.

In the meetings that President Dwight D. Eisenhower had with his cabinet,

advisors, the National Security Council, and those within the State Department in the

late stages of 1958, it was feared that a Castro victory was possibly not the best

answer in relations to U.S. interests. In the final days of 1958, the Central

intelligence Agency suggested for the first time that a Castro victory might not be in

the best interests of the United States.2 Although earlier reports had surfaced about

Castros possible ties to Communism, they were unreliable because they had been

authored by those loyal to Batista 3 . Eisenhowers attitude towards the Cuban

Revolution when it started was one of support for Castro. Although the U.S. had to

act in accordance with the founding charter of the OAS (Organization of American

1Krieg, Joann. Dwight D. Eisenhower: Soldier, President, Statesman. Westport, Connectitcut: Greenwood Press,

Inc., 1987. 207-10. Print.2

Waging Peace: 1956-1961. Dwight D. Eisenhower (1965). Garden City, NY. 521.3

Ibid.


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States), the U.S. followed a policy of non-intervention, even though there was

widespread sentimental support of Castro.4

Allen Dulles, the Director of the CIA and brother to Secretary of State John

Foster Dulles, had once told the President that "Communists and other extreme

radicals appear to have penetrated the Castro movement," Allen Dulles said. "If Castro

takes over, they will probably participate in the government.5" On the other hand

was the American private sector, with American businessmen meeting in Havana,

urging the President for rapid recognition with the basis that the Castro government

appeared far better than anything they could have dared hope for.6 Between these

two factors, President Eisenhowers decision to take a wait and see approach paid off.

The Eisenhower Administration was not tied to the rise and fall of the Castro regime,

but it also didnt make Castro public enemy number one, at least not until late 1960.

Eisenhowers policies and decisions reiterated the history and belief of many

Americans. Ever since colonial times, many Americans had uniquely defined and

perceived their national security interests in the Western Hemisphere. They viewed

the hemisphere as a refuge for freedom and democracy.7 During this time of the

Cold War Era, that belief system was still intact and going strong. American policy

and lawmakers viewed Soviet imperialism and international communism as a

4Waging Peace, 520.

5Waging Peace, 521.

6Waging Peace, 522.

7Soldier, President, Statesman, 208.


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threat, not only to the principles of democracy, but also the integrity of the inter-

American system.8

The first months of the Castro era produced frustrations within Washington

over the disorder in the new government, but no serious conflicts arose during this

time. It was also noted that the Cuban Communists seemed to have little influence,

and no significant threats to U.S. interests arose.9 The main cause for concern with

the new Castor government was Castro himself. Although he was not a member of

the government, his unconventional political approach troubled those in Washington.

Castro spoke on all subjects, and often times, spoke so bluntly that it bordered on

defiance when he talked about the relations between the U.S. and Cuba. 10 President

Eisenhower wrote this in his biography: Even though, at times, Castro's public

performances appeared to be the acts of a man mentally unbalanced, it was clear we

would have trouble getting unanimous agreement that Castro posed in fact any threat

to an American nation.

11

The suspicion of communism within the Castro regime was reported out in

January of 1959, after the government declared that the Communist Party would be

allowed to operate legally. Toward the end of January the press carried reports that

Communists, long underground, were new supporting Castro.12 Cuba, however was

not the first possible covert mission to be carried out to overthrow a government.

Previous successes include the overthrow of Mosaddegh in Iran in 1953 and Arbenz of

8Ibid.

9The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution, Benjamin, Jules (1990). 169.

10Ibid.

11Waging Peace, 524.



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Guatemala in 1954. So on the heels of these success, the CIA was to find a way if

necessary to overthrow Castros regime.

1959: The Beginning of a Strained Relationship

The same problems that the U.S. government was having with Cuba were also

being reported on within the New York Times. A combination of a vast amount of

political inexperience and close ties with either known Communists, Raul Castro (his

brother), or Communist sympathizers.13 In CIA reports, the agency reported that the

provisional president, Manuel Urrutia, seemed indecisive and that many of the new

government officials lacked experience.14 These problems led to others facing not

only the U.S. government, but also the American citizens and American businesses

that were currently in Cuba. Evidenced by Mr. Rubottoms report to President

Eisenhower that 1,972 Americans had been evacuated by Sunday evening [January

4].15

This mass evacuation was caused by the chaos from the lack of control and

leadership after the revolution took Havana. In a telegram from the U.S. embassy in

Cuba, the picture is clear that the masses were scared.

Undisciplined groups engaging in destruction, sacking and looting, principally in

downtown Habana and in town of Marianao. Plant of Masferrer paper Tiempo

destroyed. Buildings of two Ministries reported looted. Several casinos wrecked

with consequent damage to some hotels. Several stores and bars wrecked and

13U.S. Remains Patient Under Castro Attack, E.W. Kenworthy. New York Times, 1959. E7.

14The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution, 170.

15Editorial Note, Foreign Relations Of The United States (FRUS), 19581960 Volume VI, Cuba, Document 215.


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looted Mob of several thousand forced open Principe prison and freed all

prisoners, both political and criminals. General strike slowly spreading. All

transportation except private cars paralyzed. Domestic and international airline

operations suspended. More than 200 American tourists stranded.

16

The inexperience of the government was also reported on by the New York

Times. An interesting article was written suggesting that it was highly unlikely that

he (Castro) could today formulate a coherent social and political philosophy. His

movement was primarily concerned with overthrowing the Batista regime.17

In early January 1959, President Eisenhower ordered the return of Earl E. T.

Smith, then the U.S. Ambassador to Cuba. President Eisenhower asked Smith for

immediate consultation. This was done for multiple different reasons. The first and

foremost of those was to allow President Eisenhower to gain vital information from

the source, with Smith having been the Ambassador to Cuba from 1957 until he was

recalled in early 1959. Another reason was because President Eisenhower already

knew that the new Cuban government was likely to ask for his removal because of his

friendly nature towards former dictator Batista.18

By March, Senator Powell of New York, asked to speak to a Representative of

the State Department regarding Cuba. On the 10th of that month, Senator Powell had

spoken to Castro while in Cuba, with the feeling that Castro was incoherent and could

have a breakdown at any time. During his discussion with William Wieland and Robert

16Telegram From the Embassy in Cuba to the Department of State, FRUS 19581960 Volume VI, 210.

17Cuba Course Unclear Under Castro Regime, Herbert Matthews, New York Times, 1959, E6.

18The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution, 169.


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Stevenson of the Office of Caribbean and Mexican Affairs within the State Department,

the Senator told the men:

He has gone haywire. Many friends and staunch supporters of Fidel

reported to him this same concern. Also, Mr. Powell believes that the

Communists are taking advantage of the chaotic conditions to move

in to positions of strength wherever they can and with disturbing

success so far. He said that Lopez Fresquet has tried twice to resign

in disgust over Fidels countermanding of his measures of which he

learned only by reading of it in the papers the next day. Faustino

Perez of the Ministry for the Recovery of Misappropriated Assets is

completely disgusted and does not report for work in his office; Ray,

the Minister of Public Works, is disillusioned.19

After being appointed as the new U.S. Ambassador in Cuba, Philip Bonsal, met

with the president to understand what he needed to do, and also believes it would

be most useful to be received by you as it would underscore your personal interest

and support of his mission to Cuba.20 After this meeting, Bonsal went to Cuba, and

found out during his one of this first interviews with Castro, that the Premier had

accepted an invitation to speak in Washington at the annual meeting of the American

Society of Newspaper Editors, scheduled for April 16-18. With the knowledge of the

invitation to Washington, Eisenhower met with Acting Secretary Herter, Under

19Memorandum of a Conversation, FRUS 19581960 Volume VI, 260.

20Editorial Note, FRUS 19581960 Volume VI, 256.


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Secretary Dillon, and General Goodpastor on March 31. 21 During this meeting,

Eisenhower informed the men that he was planning to be away from around April 6 th

to the 19th. Mr. Herter welcomed the news, knowing that Eisenhower wished not to

deal with Castro, and giving the president a reason for not meeting him in Washington.

On April 1st, Ambassador Bonsal informed Castro that he had been invited to a

luncheon by Acting Secretary Herter, while he was visiting for the conference. After

accepting the invitation, Castro passed word to Herter that he would like to talk to

Vice President Nixon, with Bonsal urging Herter to schedule it early in the visit as it

would be the most constructive.

By the middle of 1959, Castro had made it publically known that he would not

allow the United States to interfere with any Cuban domestic affairs. Premier Fidel

Castro declared last night that Cuba would never accept any interference in her

domestic affairs by any international organization or nation, including the United

States.22 President Eisenhowers response to this message was that the U.S. would

depend primarily on the OAS to take awareness of these complications, and if they

can find any reason for action, that they, the OAS, are the ones that must recommend

it. This response looks to a continual theme, having Eisenhower wishing to strengthen

the power and bond of the OAS, and continue with good favor gestures within Latin

America. We knew that precipitate, unilateral action could easily be fatal to our

21Editorial Note, FRUS 19581960 Volume VI, 269.

22Castro Rules Out Any foreign Hand in Cuban Affairs, R. Hart Phillips, New York Times, 1959, 1.


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hopes of strengthening the Western Hemispheres Organization of American States for

dealing with international problems.23

Towards the end of 1959, Communist Newspapers began popping up in Cuba,

including one in Chinese. Cuban delegations also met with Chairman Mao in Peking,

and the CIA reported that an expert from the Soviet Union was sent to Cuba to help

guide the course of its revolution. 24 With all of this movement in Cuba, the

Eisenhower administration was seriously discussing a change in the law that required

the United States to buy about half of Cubas sugar crop annually at premium

prices.25 While they were discussing that possible route, another suggestion was to

begin efforts to convince all of the Latin American governments to watch Castro as

carefully as possible, and try and counter any move to promote revolution in the

hemisphere.

One of the problems that the U.S. had to deal with on a day-to-day basis was

the fact that Fidel Castro was a hero to the masses in many Latin American nations.

They saw him as a champion of the downtrodden and the enemy of the privileged who,

in most countries, controlled the wealth and governments. 26 The Eisenhower

administration had allowed the CIA to covertly look into ways of removing Castro if

necessary, and within weeks of Castro taking Havana, the administration informally

began to examine different measures that would have an effective chance at

restraining Castro if he developed into a menace for the United States.



25Ibid.



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Given the problems that faced Eisenhower, the president decided that a trip to

South America was in order. This trip had multiple reasons for the timing and the

placement. Not only did this trip allow the president to talk with the leaders of the

countries that he was visiting, but it would also show the people of South America

that the United States cared about them and respected them. Recognizing the need

for the trip was easy. Planning for it was no simple matter While it was manifestly

impossible for me to visit each of these countries, I did hope, by following a well-laid-

out itinerary, to make the entire continent feel that our interest extended to all of

the Latin American republics.

27

Eisenhower had the State Department send out

invitations to the ambassadors of the countries that he would not be able to visit, so

that they would not feel as though they didnt matter, or that a restricted visit was

only to study particular areas. Less than two weeks after returning, Eisenhower

directed the CIA to begin training of Cuban exiles, mainly in Guatemala.28

Eisenhowers dislike and distrust of Castro and the government in Cuba was

built on the foundations of Eisenhowers hatred of Communism. Eisenhower spent

most of his military life fighting against communism in Europe and Asia, so why would

a man trust a government that had a tendency to lean towards the communistic

teachings of the old Soviet Union. Although it took years for Castro to show his true

colors, he did allow for the Communist party in Cuba to be legal, to go along with

letting communism gain in popularity, with the rise of the communist newspapers and

the passing of the communist style laws. Even though the U.S. government was fine




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with some of the laws passed, such as the agrarian reform law, the American business

owners that had their land confiscated with little compensation.

Ambassador Philip W. Bonsal

Our first actions, therefore, were directed to give Castro every

chance to establish a reasonable relationship with us. As a first

gesture, we extended quick recognition and I immediately appointed

a new Ambassador to Cuba who was singularly well regarded by

Cubans and Latin Americans and who could have established a

fruitful relationship with Castro if anyone could.29

Ambassador Bonsal points out that there are differing views of the United States

and Cubas history, as the traditional view holds that the United States has consistently

played a benevolent role in its dealings with Cuba and has showered moral and material

benefits on a sometimes unappreciative, ungrateful, and occasionally badly behaved

small neighbor30, while the revisionist view points out that for much of its history, Cuba

has been the victim of materialistic exploitation by the Colossus of the North.31 When

Castro came to power, he started to attack the history books. He revised the Cuban

American relation with intensity and cynicism, while attacking the U.S. in his public

speeches.

29The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Vol. 20, part 9, Ch. 22, pg. 2002.

30Bonsal, P.W., (1971). Cuba, Castro, and the United States. 1st ed. USA: University of Pittsburgh Press. 33.

31Cuba, Castro, and the United States, 33.


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In his book, Cuba, Castro, and the United States, Bonsal has a different view of

how the U.S. should have approached the Cuban Revolution.

Meanwhile I held that the United States should avoid the use of

superior force, military or economic, to overthrow Castro. Our

treaty commitments, the absence at that stage of any Cuban

alternative to Castro, and the practical difficulties involved in

intervening against a leader with such fervent support among the

Cuban masses justified a passive policy even in the face of the

deliberately provocative slander and calumny that Castro carried to

such extremes.32

After that statement, Bonsal goes on to describe his way of dealing with Castro.

Saying that he relied on the eventual emergence of a Cuban resistance movement. He

felt that if the leadership of this new resistance could identify with the anti-Batista

forces, which had helped Castro to power, but remain as uncontaminated as possible of

the less savory phases of the Cuban political life.

Such a movement would have given Castro and his followers a good deal more

trouble than either the Washington-sponsored coalition of refugee political

figures in early 1961 or the handful of brave patriots landed under American

direction at the Bay of Pigs that spring. Even if the movement I envisaged had



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been at first unsuccessful, it would have sown the seeds of further struggle in

a genuinely Cuban context.33

Ambassador Bonsal has had a history with the Latin American community, as he

served in both Bolivia and Columbia through the U.S. State Department. Bonsals

qualifications also include his exposure to Cuba in the form of his fathers writings. His

father was a correspondent during the final years of Spanish rule in Cuba. While

serving abroad, Ambassador Bonsal was well liked by many people, as President

Eisenhower received letters of recommendation for the Cuban position as well as letters

of wonder and sadness as to who was going to fill the position vacated by the

appointment of Bonsal.

During his time in Washington D.C., in which he was being briefed on Cuba,

Bonsal came to the conclusion that many others did as well. My two weeks of

concentrated briefings on recent events, personalities, and prospects in Cuba confirmed

my impression that the island was entering uncharted seas under a pilot whose skills

were unknown and whose course was unrevealed except in the most general terms.34

The United States did not know what was going to happen when Castro came to power,

but they could start the process of creating a relationship with the new regime. Bonsal

notes in his book that the early days of Castros government was almost chaotic, as




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Cubans of all classes, especially the wealthy, had climbed on the Castro bandwagon

and were reaching for the steering wheel35

After having the chance to finally meet and converse with Castro, Ambassador

Bonsal came away with a feeling as though the relationship got off to a good start, I

was encouraged to believe that we could establish a working relationship that would be

advantageous to both our countries36. In a telegram sent to the State Department

from Cuba, the Ambassador notes that he was able to get some points a cross 37, even

though the conversations were more of the public matter.38

The Cuban Agrarian Reform Law

Early in 1959 the masses from whom Castro drew his strength looked

to him as the guarantor of long-desired social and economic reforms.

Beginning with the restoration of the political processes

contemplated in the Constitution of 1940, these reforms included the

full implementation of that constitution. They embraced land

reform, tax reform, administrative reform, perhaps the

nationalization of the public utilities, a stimulation of

industrialization and of agricultural diversification.39



37Telegram From the Embassy in Cuba to the Department of State. Havana, March 5, 19596 p.m.




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The Agrarian Reform that Castro signed into law in June of 1959, was something

that not only worried the American government, but also the American sugar mills in

Cuba. In the months leading up to the signing of the law, representatives of the 34 US

sugar mills visited the U.S. Embassy to discuss the effects of the Agrarian reform.40

While the sugar mills in Cuba were discussing the varying effects of the possible, and

expected reforms, the State Department sent a telegram to the Embassy in Cuba

informing the Ambassador and staff that Washington and the American sugar circles

were concerned about the redistribution of 50,000 caballerias, and Castros reported

statement didnt help their cause for concern.41

These concerns were enough to warrant a meeting with Ambassador Dihigo of

the Cuban Embassy. Ambassador Dihigo commented that an official text of the law

had not as yet been issued, but that he is confident that this measure will in no way

endanger the ability of Cuba to supply its quota in the United States sugar market.42

When the topic of compensation for the land that was to be distributed came up, the

Cuban Ambassador said that he could not comment on it, because the law was yet to

be finalized.43

In early June, Ambassador Bonsal delivered a note to the Cuban Minister of State.

That note contained the views of the American government regarding the Reform Law44.

After reviewing the text of the soon to be law, the Embassy noted that the law took

40Telegram From the Embassy in Cuba to the Department of State, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 309.

41Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Cuba, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 308.

42Memorandum of a Conversation, Department of State, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 310.

43Ibid.

44Editorial Note, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 318.


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little account of the views expressed by the Sugar Mill Owners Association, the National

Cattle Growers Association, the Rice Growers Association, and the small tobacco

growers of Pinar del Rio45

While meeting with Castro a few days later, Ambassador Bonsal noted that

Castro didnt seem upset about the note.46 Bonsal reiterated the two concerns of the

U.S. when it came to the reforms, (1) possible decline in sugar production affecting

supplies to American market and (2) compensation for expropriated properties.47 Later

in the message, Bonsal notes that Castro found the compensation concern natural, and

stressed the point that the Cuban government would fulfill the promises to pay for the

land. Castro did mention that the government lacked resources to pay promptly in

cash unless it could reach some financial arrangement with US. Castro made sure to

point out that the land reform couldnt wait until the government had the resources to

pay for the land, and that once it was started, it had to be carried out everywhere.48

Nothing that Castro had said, nothing contained in the agrarian

reform statute Castro had signed when he was fighting in the hills in

October 1958, and nothing in the law that was promulgated in the

Official Gazette of June 3, 1959, warranted the belief that within

two years a wholesale conversion of Cuban agricultural land to state

ownership would take place.49

45Editorial Note, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 318.



48Ibid.



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Eisenhowers view was much different than that of the Embassy. We were

directly affected when Castro, choosing the Agrarian Reform Law version advanced by

the extremists, authorized the expropriation of extensive American properties without

acceptable provision for compensation.50 In the eyes of Eisenhower, the American

properties were seized while the Cuban government didnt even observe their own laws,

going on to say so far as I know the promised bonds have not even been printed.51

Bonsal seconds this thought when he stated this Land Reform Law was the first of the

revolutionary measures that seriously affected multiple American interests in Cuba52

In Washington D.C., there were meetings amongst the large land owners in Cuba

and the Secretary of State, Christian Herter. One of which, between Herter and a

rancher who owned land in Cuba, was to bring attention to the Secretary about the side

effects of the new land reforms. The Rancher, Robert Kleberg, told the Secretary The

agrarian reform program, unless very materially changed, he said, would not only cause

him to lose virtually his entire investment but would fall with equal weight upon all

other American landowners, including the large and well-known American-owned sugar

companies.53

Secretary Herter carried this message onto the National Security Council the

following day. Secretary Herter informed the Council that U.S. business interests in

Cuba were very frightened and were now clamoring for U.S. economic action against

50Eisenhower, D. D. (2001). The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower: The Presidency: Keeping the Peace, Vol. XX.

United States, Johns Hopkins University Press. 2002.51

Keeping the Peace, 2003.52

Cuba, Castro, and the United States, 71.53

Memorandum of a Conversation, Department of State, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 334.


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the Castro regime.54 With this message, and the regional governments in mind, the

council discussed some of the possibilities, with the Secretary determining that it would

be best to work through the Organization of American States (OAS) instead of acting

unilaterally.55

Once again the Cuban question was raised in a meeting of the National Security

Council. This time, Allen Dulles the director of Central Intelligence, noted that Castro

was facing increased domestic unrest in Cuba. He seemed altogether determined to

push the application of his agrarian reform law. There were even reports that he might

give up the office of Prime Minister for which he regards himself as not very well suited,

and concentrate on carrying out the agrarian reform.56 This constant problem with the

land reform in Cuba not only had the CIA, but also the Department of State worried.

Ambassador Bonsal was told, by a source that he deemed reliable, that Castro

was upset about the U.S.-Cuba relations, and wished to possibly come to some terms.

While the Ambassador did tell the source that he was open to meeting with Castro,

Bonsal wanted to get the final call from Washington on possible conversation points.

One of those points was the American private businesses in Cuba, as the Ambassador

noted:

American private interests in Cuba being carefully watched by

American Government and public opinion. These private enterprises

54Memorandum of Discussion at the 411th Meeting of the National Security Council, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI,

CUBA, 325.55

Ibid.56

Memorandum of Discussion at the 412th Meeting of the National Security Council, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI,

CUBA, 331.


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have made important contribution to economic progress of Cuba.

Private enterprises represent means of further cooperation between

our two countries and in fact is most important source of foreign

capital which Cuba, according to most economists, Cuban and foreign,

desperately needs in order improve standard of living.57

A New Direction

I anticipate that, as the situation unfolds, we shall be obliged to take

further economic measures which will have the effect of impressing

the Cuban people the cost of this communist orientation. We hope,

naturally, that these measures will not be so drastic or irreversible

that they will permanently impair the basic mutuality of interests of

Cuban and this country.58

By the later parts of 1959, the atmosphere in Washington was one of growing

impatience and puzzlement.59 When Ambassador Bonsal was called back to

Washington for a few days, the ambassador noted that the spirit of toleration for the

young revolutionaries was wearing thin. In some quarters, at both ends of

Pennsylvania Avenue, sentiment was increasing for a more hard-nosed attitude toward


58Keeping the Peace, 2005.

59Castro, Cuba, and the United States, 93.


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Castro.60After the first six months of Castros revolution, the Eisenhower

Administration was starting to grow tired of the endless anti-American rhetoric.

While it was still relatively early in the young government, the U.S. decided to

maintain its foreign policy towards Cuba, while it investigated other options. Despite

these developments, it was not feasible for us immediately to take a hard line towards

Castro We are deeply committed, especially in this Hemisphere, to the policy of non-

intervention We could simply not afford to appear the bully.61 Even though many

wanted to take a different approach to Cuba, and find a solution to the problem, the

administration even knew that something had to be donethe questions were what,

when, and under what circumstances?62

In the Department of State there were as yet no concrete plans as to what

might be done. On balance there was a disposition to continue a policy of patience or,

as some put it, to give Castro more rope.63 In late October, Assistant Secretary of

State for Inter-American Affairs Mr. Rubottom wrote a memorandum that encompassed

the basic policy towards Cuba. In it he states:

As you are aware, we have been giving Castro every opportunity to

follow a course consistent with good U.S.-Cuban relations and have

exercised in public great restraint in order to make it possible for

him to modify his attitudes and policies if he had any inclination to

maintain the bonds of friendship and common interest which have


61Keeping the Peace, 2003.




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linked this country to Cuba. To date, he has failed the test by

which his intentions with respect to maintaining good relations can

be judged. Our restraint has generally been answered by continued

attacks on the United States by Castro and his lieutenants.64

This approach was continued on by Secretary Herter in a memo sent to President

Eisenhower as Mr. Herter summarized the policy with two points. The first point was

all actions and policies of the United States Government should be designed to

encourage within Cuba and elsewhere in Latin America opposition to the extremist,

anti-American course of the Castro regime65, while the second requested that the U.S.

maintain a policy of avoiding the notion of direct intervention against Cuba, except

where defense of legitimate United States interest is involved.66

He has met United States restraint with increasingly violent outbursts against

this country, culminating in the charges two weeks ago that we were giving assistance

to his enemies. In fact, he has apparently determined to make anti-Americanism a

fundamental policy.67 Castro continually carried an anti-American status in all of his

speeches. In November, Castro attacked the U.S. press, along with the vested

interests, of campaigning against the revolution.68

Within the Eisenhower Administration the thoughts of some were changing.

Vice-President Richard Nixon stated that as early as the middle of 1959 he was a

64Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Rubottom) to the Under

Secretary of State for Political Affairs (Murphy), FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 376.65

Memorandum From the Secretary of State to the President, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 387.66

Ibid.67

U.S. Remains Patient Under Castro Attack, E. W. Kenworthy, New York Times, 1959.68

Castro Broadcast Assails U.S. Again, New York Times, 1959.


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member of a minority that advocated instructions to the Central Inte lligence Agency.69

Nixon was also the one who stood in for President Eisenhower in a meeting with Castro,

when the Premier was invited to speak at the American Society of Newspaper Editors

convention in April. At that time, Nixon came away with the feeling as though Castro

was not a Communist, but after less than six months the Vice-President changed his

view.

I was made fully aware of the mounting concern in the highest circles of our

government.70 As the concern rose, so did the prospect of rational relations between

the U.S. and Cuba. One of the unfavorable developments that had happened was the

change in Cubas voting at the United Nations General Assembly.71Cuba abstained on

the vote to seat Communist China in the United Nations instead of voting firmly in the

negative as had been its practice.72 Other developments followed, as the Cuban

Government seized the records of all the foreign companies that had been prospecting

for oil in Cuba. There were many of these enterprises and most of them were

American,73 and also took steps to depend less on U.S. imports, by manipulating

exchange controls.




72Ibid.

73Ibid.


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Walker 23

Recognizing the Change

After Castros October 26th speech in which he attacked and blamed the U.S. for

the bombing74

of Havana, Ambassador Bonsal knew that the U.S. no longer had any

hopes to remain trying to have a relationship with Cuba.75 Soon after Castro began

remaking his cabinet, and by late November he had finished. That minimum of

reciprocal confidence and trust that makes productive relations between governments

possible no longer existed. The American attempt to establish such relations had be

decisively rebuffed.76

Pazos was replaced by Che Guevara at the National Bank. Manuel Ray,

the able Minister of Public Works, an engineer both competent and of

high repute, was also eliminated and replaced by Camilo Cienfuegoss

Communist brother. The Minister of the Treasury, Rufo Lopez-

Fresquet, did not resign for several weeks but his participation in the

government became minimal and his adversary position increasingly

notorious.77

The breaking point had been reached, and with the American Embassy knowing

that, Ambassador Bonsal noted that the fact that the attempt to find a basis for

constructive relationships between the Cuban Revolution and the United states

74Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Rubottom) to the Secretary of

State, FRUS, 19581960, VOLUME VI, CUBA, DOCUMENT 37575



Cuba, Castro, and the United States, 108.


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Walker 24

Government had foundered.78 As Castro continued his reforms, he turned more and

more towards the Communist Bloc, either by the addition of Anti-American cabinet

members or by the deals that he made with Russia. So far as Castro was concerned, it

had now become clear and would become clearer that he denied to the United States

and to American private interests in Cuba any rights whatever that he felt bound to

respect.79

Castros vicious fiction about the bombing of Havana and his

appointment of Che Guevara to head the National Bank marked a

watershed in Cuban American relations. Henceforth, as long as

Castro ruled Cuba, productive diplomacy was out of the question. So

I reported to the Department of State early in December.80

As far as the internal administration of Cuba was worried, the future of the

country laid firmly in the hands of its people, even though there was constant

oppression from Castro and his people.81Castro was now stepping on the

revolutionary accelerator. He erased the anti-Communist complexion of most of the

labor unions in November through a vigorous exercise of the magic of his personality

that persuaded his followers.82 This removal of the anti-Communist movement was

aided by the lack of opposition, as many of the supporters of the previous were

78Ibid.






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Walker 25

excluded from any type of effective political action, because of the nature of the

organization that they had been identified with.83

By early November, high profile Cuban exiles were meeting with other countries

trying to sway them to help the United States. The Department of State sent word to

the Embassies and told the Ambassadors that they should continue stating the non-

intervention policy of the United States.84 Rufo Lopez-Fresquet dropped by the

American Embassy one morning and mentioned to Ambassador Bonsal that Castor is in

fact weak and easily influenced in spite of his extreme sensitiveness to criticism and his

spectacular rages.85

The United States media even got involved in the Cuban affairs, much to Castros

disliking. There is a deliberate campaign in US to discredit the Cuban revolution.

Destruction of tourist trade, like calumnies of wire services, is a part of this campaign

Proof that US press paid to campaign against Cuban revolution is contained in letter of

July 18 from Nunez Portuondo to ex-Cuban Ambassador.86 The Premier went on to

mention that the reported construction of missile bases under Russian commands were

utterly wrong.87 Castro also pointed out in a speech that if U.S. treats us honorably,

decently, morally, Cuba will respond in kind.88

83Ibid.

84Circular Airgram From the Department of State to Certain Diplomatic Missions in the American Republics, FRUS

19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 385.85

Memorandum of a Conversation Between the Ambassador in Cuba (Bonsal) and the Cuban Minister of Finance

(Lopez Fresquet), FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 389.86

Telegram From the Embassy in Cuba to the Department of State, FRUS 19581960 VOLUME VI, CUBA, 391.87

Ibid.88

Ibid.


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Walker 26

Within the next month, the Eisenhower Administration began discussion potential

economic policies that would act like sanctions. One policy that they worked on was

one that would reduce the amount of Cuban sugar the U.S. would buy, and how much

it would cost them. As they were still in the planning phase, they knew it was going to

be a rough ride in order to have Congress allow such a p lan. The Vice President then

inquired about the sugar subsidy and Secretary Herter indicated his belief that this

problem would be the subject of a battle royal in the next session of Congress.89

Although it is possible that economic pressures will build up in

the near future which would be sufficient to endanger the Castro

government, it is not probable that such will be the case. Despite the

substantial decline in Cuban foreign exchange earnings, the

extremely low level of official dollar reserves, and the internal

economic frictions resulting from government policies aimed at

increased state direction of and participation in the economy, the

indications are that the Castro government will be able to maintain a

viable economy for an indefinite period90

At times, the Eisenhower Administration seemed confused as to what to do, as

after research showed that a complete exclusion of Cuban sugar in the U.S. markets

would reduce Cuban national income by only 5 per cent.91 The Administration also

89Memorandum of Discussion at the 428th Meeting of the National Security Council, FRUS 19581960, VOLUME VI,

CUBA, 40890

Memorandum From the Chairman of the Working Group on the Cuban Economic Situation (Young) to the

Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs (Mann), FRUS 19581960, VOLUME VI, CUBA, DOCUMENT 40991

Ibid.


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Walker 27

took into account as to what kind of impact new policies would have on the people of

Cuba, and how they would look at the United States after those policies took place.

The U.S. wanted to keep its image and reputation as keeping to its non-intervention

policy, but wanted to remove Castro from power.

Although the first part of 1960 is filled with more drama between the countries of

the United States and Cuba, the transformation of the Eisenhower Administration is

focused in the first year of the Castro regime. As we saw that the U.S. went from

quickly recognizing the Castro regime and replacing the American Ambassador to trying

to find solutions to the Castro problem. There were voices within the Administration

that spoke out on some of the policy issues, but there were also some that were Anti-

Castro right from the start. The moves that Castro made, such as the Agrarian Land

Reform, and the disrespect he should towards the United States on a consistent basis

were only some of the reasons the Administration changed their course of action.

In 1960, that course of action continued to change, has by April Ambassador

Bonsal was recalled back to Washington D.C., and the Administration was starting to

look at covert action against Castro. By July, President Eisenhower had signed

legislation authorizing presidential action to fix the quota on Cuban sugar imported in

the United States until March 31, 1961.92



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Walker 28

This action amounts to economic sanctions against Cuba. Now we

must look ahead to other moves economic, diplomatic, strategic.93

The transformation that took place, was one of the entire Administration, not just

President Eisenhower or Ambassador Bonsal. Everyone from the Department of State

all the way to the Department of Defense. Anyone who was involved in the politics of

the Castro situation changed their minds, maybe not all at once, but over time. Even

the American press changed how they covered Castro, as they first invited him to speak

that the ASNE, and then started a campaign against Castro. The American view

towards Castro and Cuba transformed in his first year in power.



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Walker 29

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