Sunday, 18 December, 2011

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the reviewBy Natasha Shahid Kunwar

2 Anti Terrorism Tried, tested - and failed act 4 All the king’s m

en...

Gen. Dempsey,

and democracythe Durand line

Anti terrorism legislation has been systematically used to suppress civil liberties and quash political opposition

With our murky and sometimes incoherent anti-terrorism policy there isn’t much hope that the new amendment will be any more successful than the ones in the past

Sund

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Dec

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By Bushra Sultana

Over a year after Interior Minister Rehman Malik tabled the Anti-Terrorism Bill 2010 in the parliament for

approval, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani referred the Bill back to the interior and law ministries in October for review. The Prime Minister’s decision came after the proposed Bill was criticised for its civil rights infringements. It sought 25 changes to the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997 including a broader definition of terrorism, even more power to law enforcement agencies, and detention of suspects for 90 days before presenting them in court. Though there were some positive additions in the amendment, such as financial restrictions and a ‘no passport’ policy for members of banned outfits, it lacked a comprehensive approach to terrorism while keeping intact the sanctity of civil rights. The episode reignited a long-standing debate over the nature of anti-terrorism legislation, the extent of its benefits, and the costs of such legislation – primarily shouldered by Pakistani citizens.

Repeating historyLegislation to battle “terrorism” started with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in whose term the word “terrorist” was introduced to legal terminology. Facing political dissent and ethno-nationalist movements in Balochistan and North West Frontier Province (now Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa) Bhutto’s government promulgated the Suppression of Terrorist Activities (Special Courts) Act of 1975. This Act was precursor to the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997, passed by the Pakistan Muslim League government.Nawaz Sharif’s incentive for counter-terrorism legislation was reportedly sectarian violence which had gripped the country, specifically Karachi, in the 1990s. Yet critics argued that the real reason for this legislation was to establish a parallel judicial system which the government could use for political persecution of opposing camps. There were certainly enough gaping loopholes in the Act for these accusations to carry weight. The government could exercise considerable influence over the court as the judges had no set tenure which meant they could be removed any time. The law also prevented appeals to regular superior courts. Instead special Appellate Tribunals were set up for this purpose and their decision was made final. In direct contradiction to the Criminal Procedure Court, which ensures the accused be present at his/her trial to challenge evidence presented, the ATA allowed the accused to be prosecuted in absentia after certain requirements were met.Understandably the law drew heavy criticism from national and international human rights proponents. When the Supreme Court of Pakistan issued an order terming 12 sections of the Act including the provision of Appellate Tribunals unconstitutional, the Nawaz government was left with little choice but to pass an amendment in compliance. From then on started

a series of amendments in the Act for political and myopic gains, with three amendments just in 1999, one in 2001, two in 2002, and then one each in 2004, 2005, 2007, and 2009. The overall pattern of these amendments, barring the first one, was expanding the definition of terrorism, adding various other crimes (such as kidnapping, extortion and hijacking) under the purview of this law, and increasing the powers of law enforcement agencies.

Violating civil rightsOne of the most malicious uses of the Anti-Terrorism Courts (ATCs) was for political persecutions. Columnist Huma Yusaf, while writing in West Point’s CTC Sentinel, quotes Judge Syed Hasan Shah Bukhari of Karachi’s ATC I, who said, “until a democratic government was elected in February 2008, most STCs were issuing convictions on the authorities’ instructions, rather than on the basis of transparent trials.” Sure enough, General (Retd.) Musharraf’s regime defined the trend the ATCs were to follow in his nine-year tenure immediately after his military coup. In his drive to prosecute deposed Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, he amended the Anti-Terrorism Act twice. One of the amendments included extra offences in the ATA which were then used to convict Sharif.In addition to politically motivated prosecution, there are certain provisions in the ATA which are outright violations of civil rights. Lawyer Asad Jamal explains how in certain situations -- for example when a person is charged with failure to disclose “his belief or suspicion” that someone committed an offence under the ATA -- the burden of proof is on the accused instead of the state (Section 11-L). This flies in the face of the universally upheld notion of assumed innocence until proven otherwise.Similarly where children are concerned (legally defined as people under 18 years of age), the ATA overrides Juvenile Justice System

Ordinance (2000). This means that the ATCs can prosecute children together with adults and can sentence them to rigorous imprisonment and even death penalty.

Failures of justice Speedy trials, for which these special courts were set up, place severe time restrictions on the case. Theoretically, under the law, the prosecution is bound to complete its investigation in seven days (unless an extension is given by the court), and the courts are also required to complete the trial within seven days. Moreover the court can not give adjournments for a period longer than two days.Charles H Kennedy, in the book Religious Radicalism and Security in South Asia, quotes the trial of Hakim Muhammad Said’s murder case as an example of the injustice done due to hasty trials. Nine suspects were arrested for their role in Hakim Said’s murder and were convicted in 1999. Two years later all nine were released by Sindh High Court which “accepted the defence’s contention that the original trial court had violated numerous provisions related to gathering and presentation of evidence -- including falsifying relevant evidence.” Now, ten years later, the state’s appeal against the acquittals is still pending before the Supreme Court.Consider this: if those arrested were innocent, they were sentenced to death by the special court in a procedure which was designed to bypass their civil rights. And in its pursuit of the appeal, with delay at the Supreme Court, the state has not looked elsewhere for the killers. But if they really were the killers, then our flawed prosecutorial setup led all of them to be legally declared innocent since the prosecution botched up the investigation.

Updating the legal systemHerein lies the core of the problem, often overlooked by zealous legislators pursuing effective legislative methods

November 28 marked the day when the Egyptian people flocked to the polls for the first time since the downfall of

Hosni Mubarak in the wake of the ‘Arab Spring’ that took the region by storm this past year. Egyptians turned out despite repeated calls from more revolutionary factions to boycott the elections – perceived as a sham only to legitimize and perpetuate the rule of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). The turnout has been seen by observers as “unprecedented” as Egyptians showed up in droves. The lines at the polling stations speak volumes as people waited for hours in queues of thousands stretching up to hundreds of meters, sometimes almost three-quarters of a mile. Much of the population saw this as a moment when they could finally participate in the political direction of their country.Aside from the millions voting at the polling stations, thousands of pro-democracy protestors turned to the now historic Square to lodge their discontent with the military regime. The situation was aggravated on November 19, when security forces opened fire on a small group of protestors at the Square. The incident was met with an eruption of rallies all over the country with a palpable undercurrent uniting them all: an end to military rule. At least forty people died due to the repressive state tactics, with tear gas and other chemical weapons – supplied by the United States and Israel – employed against civilians.As far as the elections go, the Islamist parties seem to be ruling the roost so far. Islamist parties have taken close to 70% of seats in the first round of voting The Freedom and Justice Party, the electoral front of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), has snagged about 40% of these seats and looks set to capitalize on these gains. Progressive political formations did not fare so well electorally, despite the huge numbers of people turning out for protests across Egypt. There seems to have been an inability to convert popular

discontent into electoral gains for those who have been at the forefront of mobilization in Egypt over the past year. Of course, for significant sections of these forces, the elections have not been a priority and they actively called for a boycott of what they termed an “undemocratic” affair. Nevertheless, there has been a great deal of debate among the Egyptian revolutionaries on the way forward.The political differences among the Tahrir activists range from outright rejection of the political process as it stands to others who maintain a cautious faith in the electoral system and its ability to beget change. One faction of protestors contends that a boycott of the elections is the only option because they are a farce: the subsequent Parliament will be deprived of any substantial powers with the looming presence of the SCAF over its head. Others think a genuine engagement with the democratic process can only follow from participation in the elections. Either way, it seems the protestors are unwilling to abandon their symbolic fort in Tahrir Square any time before their demands are met.The mood in the Egyptian population does not seem as optimistic as it was following the immediate overthrow of Mubarak. However, most people who have showed up at polling stations do so not necessarily out of naïve optimism, but with the pragmatic understanding that if they don’t cast their vote, the SCAF will be given a free pass to run the country as they please—without any accountability to the formal democratic set-up. Others vote out of fear that Islamist parties such as the Brotherhood and the Salafis will dominate the government, marginalizing the progressive and secular voices. The SCAF for many Egyptians symbolizes the continuation of the status quo, a remnant of the past. Largely constituted by military commanders who were key players in the Mubarak regime, SCAF for its part has maintained many of the policies of the old regime. Its agenda remains repression, neo-liberalism and subservience to imperialism—the very things the Arab Spring sought to expunge. The repression of

protests and derailment of the path to democracy has meant that the struggle in Tahrir Square is far from over, and many Egyptians are determined to prevent the mass mobilizations from degenerating into elite politics.In addition, the deep entrenchment of the ruling elite has made their removal from power rather difficult. As some commentators have pointed out, the SCAF will use the huge number of people who turned out to vote to legitimize their own rule. However, this reading of events speaks volumes as to how disconnected the Egyptian political national security establishment is, since the impressive turnout represents exactly the opposite—the rejection of the status quo, which includes the SCAF. While the SCAF has repeatedly paid lip service to the transition to civilian rule, the plan they have proposed tells a completely different story. The proposed framework for the new parliament leaves the country largely under military rule, even after elections. Furthermore, the army is not subject to any form of scrutiny. The military and its budget are beyond any sense of transparency. The Parliament will be far from supreme, as it theoretically should be, as it will be controlled by the same body it is supposed to be keeping under check—the SCAF. The notion of checks and balances between organs of government is completely absent under the proposed system, as the state machineries are given blanket immunity without being accountable to the Egyptian people. The rhetoric of the SCAF has not fooled most people in Egypt with negative popular opinion intensifying by the day. It has become painfully obvious that after ten months in power the SCAF is least interested in maintaining fidelity to the core values of the revolution, blatantly ignoring the need for political and economic reform. Its initial support of the anti-Mubarak supporters was borne out of pure expediency. It wished to capitalize on popular discontent in order to consolidate its own power, without any regard to the needs of the Egyptian population. In light of this heightened pressure from below, the SCAF was forced to push forward

its deadline to hand over power to a civilian government to June of next year.The rise of Islamist parties to the forefront of Egyptian politics has taken many by surprise. The Muslim Brotherhood in particular has been on the receiving end of much criticism for its perceived political opportunism. But the Brotherhood is indeed organisationally much better placed to contest in these nationwide elections than newer parties. However, some of the Brotherhood’s conservative tendencies have not resonated well with younger sections of the party, and they have split to form the Egyptian Current Party. Yet, the Brotherhood has managed to achieve substantial gains at the polls. There is a common belief that the SCAF has in fact a ‘gentleman’s agreement’ with the Brotherhood, and other Islamist groups, and has enabled them to receive vast resources and preferential treatment – in order to keep the more serious challenges to military rule at bay. The Egyptian elections certainly do represent the burning desire for democratisation and a need for change. However, they do suffer from a scarcity of candidates who are capable of fulfilling these expectations. The Brotherhood and other emergent parties are seen by some commentators as a continuation of the same brand of politics as under Mubarak. Others point out the powerlessness of democratic institutions under the watchful eye – and forceful hand – of the military. However, all these perspectives seem to be missing an important point: the Egypt of today cannot merely be seen as a continuation of the past, because the Egyptian people have both achieved and acted upon a much higher degree of political consciousness. Whatever the results of these elections may be, Egyptians will not slip back into the supposed complacency and apathy of the past, and in this mood lies true democracy. The spark of revolution sowed at Tahrir Square will not be extinguished until a better tomorrow is in the offing.Junaid S. Ahmad is a faculty member in the Dept. of Law & Policy, LUMS.

Egypt:The rocky road to change

While the SCAF has repeatedly paid lip service to the transition

to civilian rule, the plan they have proposed tells a completely

different story. The proposed framework for the new parliament

leaves the country largely under military rule, even after elections

By Junaid S. Ahmadto prosecute terrorists. The legal framework needs to be updated. Asad Jamal agrees. “How can a police thana (station) deal with a crime conceptualized at and conspiracy communicated from Waziristan or FATA or Afghanistan with the available legal and physical infrastructural means?” But the answer according to Jamal is not in harsher punishments or suppression of human rights. Senior analyst Dr Hasan Askari-Rizvi shares Jamal’s views. “The legal system which requires updating has three parts: a comprehensive law, the court system, and investigation and evidence gathering (prosecution).” Both Mr Jamal and Dr Askari believe that prosecution methods need to be revamped if any success is to be achieved with counter-terrorism laws.The need for such reforms is immediate as the conviction rate in terrorism cases remains abysmally low allowing alleged terrorists like Hafiz Saeed to be acquitted of majority of cases against him. In fact the first 9 months of 2010, 1,324 cases were registered under the ATA only in Punjab but just 199 cases ended in convictions. The US State Department in its annual Country Report on Terrorism (2010) puts the acquittal rate in the ATCs at approximately 75 percent.

No panaceaAs officials in the law and interior ministries review the latest amendment being proposed to the counter-terrorism laws, it might be in best interest of everyone if they first understand the reasons why already harsh anti-terrorism legislation hasn’t worked. Instead of attempting to further curtail the rights of Pakistani citizens, emphasis need to be given to reforming the entire prosecutorial machinery -- from intelligence gathering and arrests to final convictions. With our murky and sometimes incoherent anti-terrorism policy there isn’t much hope that the new amendment will be any more successful than the ones in the past. The only possible way is for legislators and bureaucracy to get serious about treating the problem with a more holistic approach.

While SCAF and the Islamists look all set to dominate Egyptian politics, the renewed political consciousness of the people will not die out so easily

Sund

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8 Dec

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1

By Sheela Reddy

By Charles Yu

Des

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The Rivered Earth byVikram Seth

Hamish Hamilton/Penguin| Pages: 120 | Rs. 39904

- 05

World-shifting

Haruki Murakami 1Q84Translated from the Japanese by Jay Rubin and Philip GabrielAlfred A. Knopf, October 2011. 925 pp.

By Syed Afsar Sajid

Sellers of the Week

Railway Phatak Tay Hore KahanianTranslator: Zahid Hasan

Publisher: Sanjh Publications, Mufti Building,Temple Road, Lahore

Pages: 175; Price: Rs.140/-

Title: Intezar Ka Akhri PaherAuthor: Munir Ahmad

Publisher: National Book Foundation,Islamabad

Pages: 192 - Price: Rs.255/-

Best

Murakami’s characters, too, live their lives in

time. Not the arti� cially compressed narrative

time of a shorter novel or most movies, but the regular, stop-and-start

time of actual life,

World-shifting

The redress of fi ction

By Sidra Qadir

When the Pakistan People’s Party came to power they did so with the promise of a revolution for

the establishment of an egalitarian

democracy and the application of

socialistic ideals to realize social

and economic justice. It was without

doubt the one slogan, “All power to

the people,” that won the hearts and

minds of masses. Bhutto symbolized a

hope for peasants and laborers but “All

power to the people” seems to have

eluded the proletariat till now, and for

all the hopes invested in it, has taken

on more of a hollow ring. Bhutto’s

legacy has apparently trumped its last

card. BB Shaheed’s sacrifi ce and her

forlorn photographs have kept Zardari

snug in the Presidency so far, but

winds of change have started to blow…

The ‘small heart attack’ must

have given the president ample time

to ponder over the noose tightening

around the government. Whenever

it is the time for regimen change

in Pakistan, ‘national interest’ and

‘treason’ are the two words that keep

cropping up repeatedly, and once

again, these words are making profuse

appearances in popular discourse.

The ‘memo-gate scandal’ is one such

event that has opened the fl oodgate

of outraged voices. Hussain Haqqani

was towing the government line but

the scandal seems to have made him

a worthwhile target as any allegations

on him would soon make their way

directly to the president. Now with

the Supreme Court involved, the ploy

seems to be in full motion. The critical

civil-military balance has been gravely

threatened by the NATO attacks. The

entire nation is baying for blood and

full sympathies are with the armed

forces. The government has risen to

the occasion for once and taken timely

measures with the NATO supplies

suspended and the Shamsi air

base evacuated. But

the ominous question

lingering in the highly

infl amed political

atmosphere is, what

now?

The PPP

Government is

buying time to

see which way the

wind is blowing on

the Afghan side of the

border, while PML(N)

and PTI make their

way to PPP’s home

base –Sindh – to

try their luck with

erstwhile loyal PPP

crowds. It is no secret that there is

no love lost between PML(N) and the

establishment and PPP has lost some

of its public support, so, an alternative

had to be sought and PTI emerged as

the quick answer to fi ll the vacuum.

With Shah Mehmood Qureshi roaring

the Bhutto’s questions in the Bhutto’s

style to the masses gathered for Imran

Khan, one wonders that PPP might

just have had their last turn as the

ruling party.

“ Youth is with us” is the new

slogan in vogue these days, whether

it is Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Maryam

Nawaz or Imran Khan, all the parties

are throwing the dice, striving for the

untapped wealth of the young vote

bank. A shawl-clad Bilawal sitting

solemnly with the prime minister

is a comforting sight for the PPP

loyalists. Although only 23, Bilawal is

the grandson of the man who was the

youngest federal cabinet minister at

30 and the only son of the fi rst woman

prime minister at 35. A lot rests upon

his shoulders if PPP has to survive as a

main stream political party. Although

he looks slight, expectations from him

are dauntingly immense.

A daughter of another martyred

Bhutto, Fatima, is being admired

by the Pakistani youth. Intellectual

and brave, she is a young Bhutto

whose writings are patriotic and her

demeanor is gallant. She would be a

Bhutto people will fi nd easier to love,

but Benazir Bhutto’s PPP would not

be banner she would want to carry.

In addition to the political balance

of power heavily against PPP, the

economic conditions h a v e

gravely worsened

as well.

T h e

i m m e n s e

strain of the

war against

terrorism on

the economy,

unemployment

soaring high,

one-third of the

population living below the poverty

line, astonishingly long fuel lines, the

industry closing down due the power

shortages, nothing has been enough

to call the government to its duty,

instead, it has completely invested

its energies in hanging on to power.

Political alliances were made and

broken and remade only to break

again.

This has also enabled him to

take many unpopular decisions upon

which he chose to keep the nation

confused. This has distanced him

greatly from the public. Emerging

from his barricaded presidency only

for a foreign tour, the president has

proven he would rather be a president

than a leader. Shaking hands with

the same Q-League that was once the

target of PPP’s fi ery accusations has

greatly damaged the party’s image and

hurt the feelings of the loyal workers.

True, politics and morals cannot go

hand in hand and masses do have a

short memory, but not this short. Re-

opening the ZAB murder case is just not

going to cut it. With no more sympathy

votes at its service, its high time PPP

reverted to its original manifesto and

start working towards social justice.

T h e

added thorn in Zardari’s side are the

birds that are weighing their wings

to fl y off the once sacred tree of PPP.

The side-lined leaders of the BB’s PPP

have endured very patiently after their

voices of dissent and whispers of a

forged will were silenced successfully

by the ruling leaders. Looking back

into history, Kissinger’s threat to

Bhutto, “We will make an example of

you”, has reverberated in the annals of

the Pakistan’s history ever since. The

situation has not improved even now.

Even with an independent judiciary

and a strong media, the people

of Pakistan still lack the power to

exercise their own will. Establishment

and the vested interests of the global

powers continue to mould the fate

of this nation. Liaqat Ali Khan,

Z.A.Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto were

slain for putting their foot out of the

line. This vicious circle of controlled

democracy and army taking turns will

never let the nation reap the benefi ts

of its immense potential and as for

PPP as long as it stays “leader-less” it

might survive in power by coming in

handy for the establishment, having a

true leader is a crime that has not been

forgiven in history.

06 -

07Su

nday

, 18 D

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the

revie

wThe future of the PPP is looking very grim and

the party needs a radical shift in strategy

Des

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All the king’s men…

Whenever it is the time for regimen change in Pakistan, ‘national interest’ and ‘treason’ are the two words that keep cropping up repeatedly

directly to the president. Now with

the Supreme Court involved, the ploy

seems to be in full motion. The critical

civil-military balance has been gravely

threatened by the NATO attacks. The

entire nation is baying for blood and

full sympathies are with the armed

forces. The government has risen to

the occasion for once and taken timely

measures with the NATO supplies

suspended and the Shamsi air

base evacuated. But

the ominous question

lingering in the highly

infl amed political

atmosphere is, what

wind is blowing on

the Afghan side of the

border, while PML(N)

and PTI make their

way to PPP’s home

base –Sindh – to

Bhutto people will fi nd easier to love,

but Benazir Bhutto’s PPP would not

be banner she would want to carry.

In addition to the political balance

of power heavily against PPP, the

economic conditions h a v e

gravely worsened

as well.

T h e

opening the ZAB murder case is just not

going to cut it. With no more sympathy

votes at its service, its high time PPP

reverted to its original manifesto and

start working towards social justice.

T h e

of its immense potential and as for

PPP as long as it stays “leader-less” it

might survive in power by coming in

handy for the establishment, having a

true leader is a crime that has not been

forgiven in history.

It is always diffi cult to convey your full meanings in subtle and very delicate means, but at the same time, only subtle and delicate means can do

it. Free fl owing lines, opaque and transparent layers of water based tinges and diminutive scales are what miniature painting is all about. Since ages, this form of painting has been best suited for the illustrated works, either they were to explain through the holy scriptures of celestial books or through the mystifying dictum of mythological concepts. This style was the embodiment of illuminated manuscripts of the great Persian tradition and was the source of preach and teach in the Rajasthani traditions related to the teachings of

Jains in their compilations known as Kalpasutra.

In the sixteenth-century AD, Mughals brought with them the Persian painting style that was to be assimilated with the Gujarati pictorial practice in the subcontinent. Actually, that was the beginning of an Indian style which later, with the passage of time and due to the patronage of the royal Mughal Courts, defi ned itself as the Mughal Miniature style. That style evolved with diversity of subjects such as; hunt scenes, court scenes, regal celebrations and love scenes while rendering of royal attire added

a quality of visual documentation to this painting tradition.

When royals fell, and the power went to British East India Company, the court painters ascended over the hills where the courts were still alive! These court artists, after being patronised by the hill courts, intentionally or unintentionally, helped in originating and shaping the Pahari Style.

Pakistani miniature painting in its early period was under infl uence; either of the court style or the Bengal School whereas, Pahari style became another inspiration for few!

Khalid Saeed Butt is one of those artists who are deeply in love

with miniature style of painting. He describes his passion in these words, “Today I feel that I cannot paint anything other than miniatures. The sensuous curvatures and the transparent folds over and across the dexterity of fi gures breathing out of ‘Vasili’ are what takes me away, away from all the depressions and anxieties, with a feel of lightness and tranquility.”

Dr Shaukat Mahmood (Maxim), a scholar and a critic, comments, “Khalid Saeed has revived this noble art form and has given a new life to it.”

If we could look at the style of Khalid, concerning his rendering of the female fi gures, one can fi nd

exaggerated sensuousness, stretched through the elongated yet voluptuous body of the woman. This is the same radical and fragile woman of South Asia, who has been active, passionate and expressive in giving vent to her concealed and open thoughts and feelings.

Khalid has pictured this woman in command of her male conjugal partner, whenever they are painted in a love scene or in a romantic composition. Traditionally, in Indian Literature, Mythology, Religions and epics, Indian woman has been portrayed more eloquent then the man.

On the other hand, Khalid has painted the male fi gure in a very static way with nothing but his eyes wide open, gazing at some alluring parts of his beloved’s body.

The male individual, in Khalid’s paintings, is more like a repeated character who appears frequently, to fi ll the vacant space in the frame.

This male fi gure seems wearisome, contrary to the charismatic and opulent character of the female. The gorgeous female overwhelms the painting surface with a display of curves and contours, under the translucency of her apparel.

The backgrounds and the foliage, in Khalid Saeed’s frames, are obviously inspired by the Pahari Miniature paintings with minute details and meticulous renderings.

Moreover, Khalid has repeated this detailed and ornate fl oral depiction when he paints the fabric caressing over the female body or covering the male characters.

The night scenes that Khalid has captured, remind us the traditional illustrations of Ragmalas and Gita Govinda.

Khalid is also using large canvases and oil paints, instead of traditional Vasili and water-based pigments, for his very miniature style. This neologism will earn him what? Only time will determine!

By Nadeem Alam

By Mian Khuram Shahzad

Reincarnation of a RomanceArt Review

Khalid Saeed has revived miniature as an art form, literally giving it a new life

The needs of the youth have been on the backburner far too long, it is imperative to formulate a comprehensive and contemporarily relevant policy that addresses these

‘The sensuous curvatures and the transparent folds over and across the dexterity of � gures breathing out of ‘Vasili’ are what takes me away, away from all the depressions and anxieties, with a feel of lightness and tranquility’

‘Youth’ has become quite the buzz word these days, forming the central theme of much of today’s political

rhetoric but this is accompanied by the all too conspicuous absence of a larger framework for policy, governance structures and public processes specifi cally targeting the youth. The state has the most capacity (and responsibility) in this regards to make tangible changes and hence needs to be galvanized into becoming more responsive to the needs of the young demographic.

Many might not be aware that we do, in fact, have a Ministry of Youth Affairs which was created on November 18, 2005. It presented the National Youth Policy in December 2008 which was approved in January 2009. Before the formulation of National Youth Policy, there were a number of ministries and organizations that were already working in various areas related to youth. However, the aim of the policy was to integrate their programmes and provide an overall sense of direction consistent with the

needs of the country. When the government decided in light of the 18th amendment to initially devolve fi ve federal ministries, the Ministry of Youth Affairs was one among others and the federal government devolved these ministries to provinces on Dec 2, 2010. As part of the plan, Ministry of Youth and its international affairs, foreign aid and inter-provincial matters would be overseen by the federation while legislation powers regarding youth, youth organization forums and youth centers were delegated to the provinces. The Information, Culture & Youth Affairs Department, in this backdrop prepared the fi rst draft of youth Policy Punjab in August 2011. But without any reasonable cause or prior warning, Youth Affairs was picked up and saddled off with the Archeology, Sports and Tourism Department. Apart from the fact that this move makes absolutely no sense, it also disrupted the work that had been going on there. Needless to say, this is yet another manifestation of government apathy and disregard for youth affairs.

There have recently been attempts to remedy this, by attempting to formulate a comprehensive policy

aiming to harness the talent and energies of the youth and address the challenges being confronted by today’s youth. BARGAD – Organization for Youth Development and UNFPA jointly started a project to work on youth policy Punjab in July this year with Ms Sadia Ata, National Program Offi cer Youth playing a central role. It would be fair question to ask at this point, what exactly constitutes youth affairs and what issues would a youth policy address? Of course, a youth policy cannot be taken in isolation from the larger context but there are issues that are specifi c to this demographic which need to be addressed. In order to answer this question and gain deeper insight into the kind of issues facing the youth today, BARGAD and UNFPA in collaboration with Youth affairs department, Government of Punjab held a series of meetings across the province of Punjab.

Of the numerous themes that arose in these discussions, the idea of youth ownership of their country and part in the political process was a dominant theme. Unfortunately, political discourse is largely dominated by a few squabbling politicians and young people, having constantly been fed this image, have to a large extent become

disillusioned with politics. The revival of student unions in Pakistan is vital in this regards, especially in inculcating leadership skills and helping the youth develop a clear political voice. There is also need to be brought within the legislative process. Spaces need to be opened for the youth to speak else marginalization from political processes opens up the possibility of the youth turning to the other channels and becoming increasingly radicalized.

There is a need to understand that the ‘youth’ is not a homogenous category and include a wide cross-section of classes, ethnicities, religions etc and all of these need to be addressed specifi cally as well. A young boy living on the streets comes from an entirely different context from his counterpart in a school, and this fact needs to be appreciated. In this respect, promotion of indigenous skills is highly necessary for young people not only to feel proud of their own distinct cultures and skills, but to be able to make a respectable living as well. For those section of the youth out of school and employed in labour, nodes of informal education need to be developed in order to meet their needs. Skill-development, peer

education, youth centers, training of

street youth by their counterparts in

school are some of the mechanisms

through which to accomplish this

and many more approaches can be

developed if we commit to this and

think creatively.

The curriculum needs urgent

attention and must be revamped if

we are to have any hope of salvaging

our new generation. Additionally,

there is a need to cultivate a civic

sense and communal spirit in society

for which it is imperative that

volunteerism be inculcated by making

community service compulsory in

secondary schools. Conversations

with young people also revealed

that public transport for women is

a major issues, both in urban and

rural areas. Facilitating transport and

mobility is the responsibility of the

government and can hinder access to

education. Youth have always been

at the forefront of social movements

and change and are imperative for

its success. If we want to real change

in our society, then we cannot afford

to be blind to the problems of young

people.

Investing in the future

It is always diffi cult to convey your full meanings in subtle and very delicate means, but at the same time, only subtle and delicate means can do

it. Free fl owing lines, opaque and transparent layers of water based tinges and diminutive scales are what miniature painting is all about. Since ages, this form of painting has been best suited for the illustrated works, either they were to explain through the holy scriptures of celestial books or through the mystifying dictum of mythological concepts. This style was the embodiment of illuminated manuscripts of the great Persian tradition and was the source of preach and teach in the Rajasthani traditions related to the teachings of

Jains in their compilations known as Kalpasutra.

In the sixteenth-century AD, Mughals brought with them the Persian painting style that was to be assimilated with the Gujarati pictorial practice in the subcontinent. Actually, that was the beginning of an Indian style which later, with the passage of time and due to the patronage of the royal Mughal Courts, defi ned itself as the Mughal Miniature style. That style evolved with diversity of subjects such as; hunt scenes, court scenes, regal celebrations and love scenes while rendering of royal attire added

a quality of visual documentation to this painting tradition.

When royals fell, and the power went to British East India Company, the court painters ascended over the hills where the courts were still alive! These court artists, after being patronised by the hill courts, intentionally or unintentionally, helped in originating and shaping the Pahari Style.

Pakistani miniature painting in its early period was under infl uence; either of the court style or the Bengal School whereas, Pahari style became another inspiration for few!

Khalid Saeed Butt is one of those artists who are deeply in love

with miniature style of painting. He describes his passion in these words, “Today I feel that I cannot paint anything other than miniatures. The sensuous curvatures and the transparent folds over and across the dexterity of fi gures breathing out of ‘Vasili’ are what takes me away, away from all the depressions and anxieties, with a feel of lightness and tranquility.”

Dr Shaukat Mahmood (Maxim), a scholar and a critic, comments, “Khalid Saeed has revived this noble art form and has given a new life to it.”

If we could look at the style of Khalid, concerning his rendering of the female fi gures, one can fi nd

exaggerated sensuousness, stretched through the elongated yet voluptuous body of the woman. This is the same radical and fragile woman of South Asia, who has been active, passionate and expressive in giving vent to her concealed and open thoughts and feelings.

Khalid has pictured this woman in command of her male conjugal partner, whenever they are painted in a love scene or in a romantic composition. Traditionally, in Indian Literature, Mythology, Religions and epics, Indian woman has been portrayed more eloquent then the man.

On the other hand, Khalid has painted the male fi gure in a very static way with nothing but his eyes wide open, gazing at some alluring parts of his beloved’s body.

The male individual, in Khalid’s paintings, is more like a repeated character who appears frequently, to fi ll the vacant space in the frame.

This male fi gure seems wearisome, contrary to the charismatic and opulent character of the female. The gorgeous female overwhelms the painting surface with a display of curves and contours, under the translucency of her apparel.

The backgrounds and the foliage, in Khalid Saeed’s frames, are obviously inspired by the Pahari Miniature paintings with minute details and meticulous renderings.

Moreover, Khalid has repeated this detailed and ornate fl oral depiction when he paints the fabric caressing over the female body or covering the male characters.

The night scenes that Khalid has captured, remind us the traditional illustrations of Ragmalas and Gita Govinda.

Khalid is also using large canvases and oil paints, instead of traditional Vasili and water-based pigments, for his very miniature style. This neologism will earn him what? Only time will determine!

By Nadeem Alam

By Mian Khuram Shahzad

Reincarnation of a RomanceArt Review

Khalid Saeed has revived miniature as an art form, literally giving it a new life

The needs of the youth have been on the backburner far too long, it is imperative to formulate a comprehensive and contemporarily relevant policy that addresses these

‘The sensuous curvatures and the transparent folds over and across the dexterity of � gures breathing out of ‘Vasili’ are what takes me away, away from all the depressions and anxieties, with a feel of lightness and tranquility’

‘Youth’ has become quite the buzz word these days, forming the central theme of much of today’s political

rhetoric but this is accompanied by the all too conspicuous absence of a larger framework for policy, governance structures and public processes specifi cally targeting the youth. The state has the most capacity (and responsibility) in this regards to make tangible changes and hence needs to be galvanized into becoming more responsive to the needs of the young demographic.

Many might not be aware that we do, in fact, have a Ministry of Youth Affairs which was created on November 18, 2005. It presented the National Youth Policy in December 2008 which was approved in January 2009. Before the formulation of National Youth Policy, there were a number of ministries and organizations that were already working in various areas related to youth. However, the aim of the policy was to integrate their programmes and provide an overall sense of direction consistent with the

needs of the country. When the government decided in light of the 18th amendment to initially devolve fi ve federal ministries, the Ministry of Youth Affairs was one among others and the federal government devolved these ministries to provinces on Dec 2, 2010. As part of the plan, Ministry of Youth and its international affairs, foreign aid and inter-provincial matters would be overseen by the federation while legislation powers regarding youth, youth organization forums and youth centers were delegated to the provinces. The Information, Culture & Youth Affairs Department, in this backdrop prepared the fi rst draft of youth Policy Punjab in August 2011. But without any reasonable cause or prior warning, Youth Affairs was picked up and saddled off with the Archeology, Sports and Tourism Department. Apart from the fact that this move makes absolutely no sense, it also disrupted the work that had been going on there. Needless to say, this is yet another manifestation of government apathy and disregard for youth affairs.

There have recently been attempts to remedy this, by attempting to formulate a comprehensive policy

aiming to harness the talent and energies of the youth and address the challenges being confronted by today’s youth. BARGAD – Organization for Youth Development and UNFPA jointly started a project to work on youth policy Punjab in July this year with Ms Sadia Ata, National Program Offi cer Youth playing a central role. It would be fair question to ask at this point, what exactly constitutes youth affairs and what issues would a youth policy address? Of course, a youth policy cannot be taken in isolation from the larger context but there are issues that are specifi c to this demographic which need to be addressed. In order to answer this question and gain deeper insight into the kind of issues facing the youth today, BARGAD and UNFPA in collaboration with Youth affairs department, Government of Punjab held a series of meetings across the province of Punjab.

Of the numerous themes that arose in these discussions, the idea of youth ownership of their country and part in the political process was a dominant theme. Unfortunately, political discourse is largely dominated by a few squabbling politicians and young people, having constantly been fed this image, have to a large extent become

disillusioned with politics. The revival of student unions in Pakistan is vital in this regards, especially in inculcating leadership skills and helping the youth develop a clear political voice. There is also need to be brought within the legislative process. Spaces need to be opened for the youth to speak else marginalization from political processes opens up the possibility of the youth turning to the other channels and becoming increasingly radicalized.

There is a need to understand that the ‘youth’ is not a homogenous category and include a wide cross-section of classes, ethnicities, religions etc and all of these need to be addressed specifi cally as well. A young boy living on the streets comes from an entirely different context from his counterpart in a school, and this fact needs to be appreciated. In this respect, promotion of indigenous skills is highly necessary for young people not only to feel proud of their own distinct cultures and skills, but to be able to make a respectable living as well. For those section of the youth out of school and employed in labour, nodes of informal education need to be developed in order to meet their needs. Skill-development, peer

education, youth centers, training of

street youth by their counterparts in

school are some of the mechanisms

through which to accomplish this

and many more approaches can be

developed if we commit to this and

think creatively.

The curriculum needs urgent

attention and must be revamped if

we are to have any hope of salvaging

our new generation. Additionally,

there is a need to cultivate a civic

sense and communal spirit in society

for which it is imperative that

volunteerism be inculcated by making

community service compulsory in

secondary schools. Conversations

with young people also revealed

that public transport for women is

a major issues, both in urban and

rural areas. Facilitating transport and

mobility is the responsibility of the

government and can hinder access to

education. Youth have always been

at the forefront of social movements

and change and are imperative for

its success. If we want to real change

in our society, then we cannot afford

to be blind to the problems of young

people.

Investing in the future

Sunday, 18 December, 2011

By Hashim bin Rashid

In defence of

Despite its failings, the current PPP-led government is the � rst mature bout of democracy since early Bhutto

Zardari