the practice of research in crim and cj, 4e
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in CRIMINOLOGYand CRIMINAL
JUSTICE
The PRACTICEofRESEARCH
FOURTH EDITION
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In loving memory of two pioneer women who instilled in me
the importance of education and lifelong learning:
To my great-aunt, Martha Geiken Lund, 1912–2002and
To my grandmother, Anna Geiken Bachman, 1907–1989
—R. B.
To Elizabeth and Julia
—R. K. S.
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in CRIMINOLOGYand CRIMINAL
JUSTICE
The PRACTICE
Ronet Bachman
Russell K. Schutt
of RESEARCH
FOURTH EDITION
University of Delaware
University of Massachusetts, Boston
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Copyright© 2011 by SAGE Publications, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
For information:
SAGE Publications, Inc. SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd.
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E-mail: [email protected] India
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Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Bachman, Ronet.
The practice of research in criminology and criminal justice/Ronet Bachman, Russell K. Schutt.—4th ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4129-7875-0 (pbk.)
ISBN 978-1-4129-7876-7 (paper w/SPSS CD)
1. Criminology—Research. 2. Criminal justice, Administration of—Research. I. Schutt, Russell K.
II. Title.
HV6024.5.B33 2011
364.072—dc22 2010002999
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
10 11 12 13 14 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Acquisitions Editor: Jerry Westby
Associate Editor: Leah Mori
Editorial Assistant: Nicole Irving
Production Editor: Karen Wiley
Copy Editor: Melinda Masson
Typesetter: C&M Digitals (P) Ltd. Proofreader: Jenifer Kooiman
Indexer: Diggs Publication Services
Cover Designer: Candice Harman
Marketing Manager: Carmel Withers
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Glossary G.1References R.1Index I.1About the Authors AU.1
Appendix D: How to Use a Statistical Package: IBM ® SPSS® Statistics – Available OnlineAppendix E: How to Use a Data Spreadsheet: Excel – Available OnlineAppendix F: How to Use a Qualitative Software Package – Available Online
On Student Study Site: http://www.sagepub.com/prccj4e
Brief Contents
Preface xvii
Acknowledgments xxii
1. Science, Society, and Criminological Research 1
2. The Process and Problems of Criminological Research 21
3. Research Ethics and Philosophies 52
4. Conceptualization and Measurement 82
5. Sampling 109
6. Causation and Research Design 146
7. Experimental Designs 174
8. Survey Research 203
9. Qualitative Methods and Analysis: Observing,
Participating, and Listening 252
10. Analyzing Content: Historical, Secondary,
and Content Analysis and Crime Mapping 305
11. Evaluation and Policy Analysis 340
12. Quantitative Data Analysis 380
13. Reporting Research Results 424
Appendix A: Finding Information A.1Appendix B: Questions to Ask About a Research Article B.1Appendix C: How to Read a Research Article C.1
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Detailed Contents
Preface xvii
Acknowledgments xxii
1 Science, Society, and Criminological Research 1Reasoning About the Social World 2
Questions and Answers 3Everyday Errors in Reasoning 3
Overgeneralization 4
Selective or Inaccurate Observation 4
Illogical Reasoning 5Resistance to Change 6
The Social Science Approach 8Motives for Criminological Research 8
Social Criminological Research in Practice 9Description: How Prevalent Is Youth Violence? 10
Exploration: How Do Schools Respond to Gun Violence? 11
Explanation: What Factors Are Related to Youth Delinquency and Violence? 12
Evaluation: Do Violence Prevention Programs in Schools Work? 13
Strengths and Limitations of Social Research 13Types of Research Methods 15
Quantitative and Qualitative Methods 16
Conclusion 17K EY T ER MS 1 8H IG H LI GH TS 1 8
E XE RC IS ES 1 8D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E A RC H P R O PO S AL 1 9
W E B E XE R CI SE S 1 9E T HI CS E XE R CI SE S 1 9
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 2 0
2 The Process and Problems of Criminological Research 21Criminological Research Questions 22
Identifying Criminological Research Questions 23
Refining Criminological Research Questions 24Evaluating Criminological Research Questions 24
Feasibility 24
Social Importance 25
Scientific Relevance 25
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Social Research Foundations 26
Finding Information 26Reviewing Research 27
A Single-Article Review: Formal and Informal Deterrents to Domestic Violence 28
An Integrated Literature Review: When Does Arrest Matter? 29
The Role of Criminological Theory 32Social Research Strategies 35
Explanatory Research 36Deductive Research 36
Inductive Research 38
Domestic Violence and the Research Circle 39
Phase 1: Deductive Research 39
Phase 2: Deductive Research 40
Phase 3: Inductive Research 41
Phase 4: Deductive Research 42
Exploratory Research 43A Qualitative Exploration of the Response
to Domestic Violence 43Descriptive Research 44
Social Research Goals 44
Measurement Validity 45Generalizability 45
Causal Validity 46Authenticity 47
Conclusion 47K EY T ER MS 4 8
H IG H LI GH TS 4 8E XE RC IS ES 4 9
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E AR C H P R O PO S AL 4 9
W E B E X ER C IS E S 5 0E T HI CS E XE R CI SE S 5 1S P SS OR EX CE L E X ER C IS E S 5 1
3 Research Ethics and Philosophies 52Historical Background 55Ethical Principles 58
Achieving Valid Results 58Honesty and Openness 59
Protecting Research Participants 60Avoid Harming Research Participants 62
Obtain Informed Consent 63Avoid Deception in Research, Except in Limited Circumstances 68
Maintain Privacy and Confidentiality 68
The Uses of Research 70
Social Research Philosophies 71Positivism and Postpositivism 72
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Positivist Research Guidelines 72
A Positivist Research Goal: Advancing Knowledge 73
Interpretivism and Constructivism 74
Interpretivist/Constructivist Research Guidelines 76
An Interpretivist Research Goal: Creating Change 76
An Integrated Philosophy 77Conclusions 78
K EY T ER MS 7 9H IG H LI GH TS 7 9
E XE RC IS ES 8 0D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E A RC H P R O PO S AL 8 0
W E B E XE R CI SE S 8 1S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 8 1
4 Conceptualization and Measurement 82Concepts 83
Conceptualization in Practice 84Defining Youth Gangs 84
Defining Substance Abuse 84
Defining Community Policing 86
Defining Poverty 87
Defining Strain 87
Concepts and Variables 88
Measurement Operations 88Using Available Data 89
Constructing Questions 90Making Observations 91
Collecting Unobtrusive Measures 92
Combining Measurement Operations 92Evaluation of Measures 93
Measurement Validity 93Face Validity 94
Content Validity 95
Criterion Validity 95
Construct Validity 95
Reliability 96
Test-Retest Reliability 97
Interitem Reliability (Internal Consistency) 97
Alternate-Forms Reliability 97
Interobserver Reliability 98
Ways to Improve Reliability and Validity 98Levels of Measurement 100
Nominal Level of Measurement 100Ordinal Level of Measurement 101
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Interval Level of Measurement 103
Ratio Level of Measurement 103The Case of Dichotomies 104
Comparison of Levels of Measurement 104Conclusion 105
K EY T ER MS 1 06H IG H LI GH TS 1 0 6
E X ER C IS E S 1 0 7D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E AR C H P R O PO S AL 1 0 7
W E B E X ER C IS E S 1 0 8E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 1 0 8
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 1 0 8
5 Sampling 109Sample Planning 110
Define Sample Components and the Population 110
Evaluate Generalizability 112Assess Population Diversity 115Consider a Census 117
Sampling Methods 117Probability Sampling Methods 119
Simple Random Sampling 120
Systematic Random Sampling 123
Stratified Random Sampling 123
Multistage Cluster Sampling 125
Nonprobability Sampling Methods 127Availability Sampling 127
Quota Sampling 128
Purposive or Judgment Sampling 129Snowball Sampling 131
Lessons About Sample Quality 132
Sampling Distributions 133
Estimating Sampling Error 134Units of Analysis and Errors in Causal Reasoning 138
Individual and Group Units of Analysis 138The Ecological Fallacy and Reductionism 139
Conclusion 141K EY T ER MS 1 41
H IG H LI GH TS 1 4 2E XE RC IS ES 1 43
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E AR C H P R O PO S AL 1 4 4W E B E X ER C IS E S 1 4 4
E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 1 4 5S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 1 4 5
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6 Causation and Research Design 146Causal Explanation 147
Nomothetic Causal Explanation 147
Idiographic Causal Explanation 149Research Designs and Criteria for Causal Explanations 150
Case Study: Media Violence and Violent Behavior 151Association 151
Time Order 152Nonspuriousness 152
Mechanism 153Context 154
Research Designs and Causality 155True Experiments 155
Causality and True Experimental Designs 155
Field Experiments: Determining the Effect of Incarceration on Employment 156
Nonexperimental Designs 157Cross-Sectional Designs 158
Case Study Using Life Calendars: Do Offenders Specialize in Different Crimes? 160Longitudinal Designs 160
Repeated Cross-Sectional Designs 161
Fixed-Sample Panel Designs 162
Case Study: Offending Over the Life Course 163
Event-Based Designs 164
Causality in Nonexperimental Designs 165
Conclusion 169K EY T ER MS 1 69
H IG H LI GH TS 1 70E XE R CI SE S 1 70
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E A RC H P R O PO S AL 1 7 1W E B E XE R CI SE S 1 71
E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 1 7 2S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 1 7 2
7 Experimental Designs 174True Experiments 175
Experimental and Comparison Groups 175Pretest and Posttest Measures 176
Random Assignment 176Case Study: Prison Classification and Inmate Behavior 180
Case Study: The Effects of Counsel at Bail Hearings 181Quasi-Experiments 182
Nonequivalent Control Group Designs 183
Case Study: The Effectiveness of Drug Courts 183Before-and-After Designs 184
Case Study: The Effects of the Youth Criminal Justice Act 184Ex Post Facto Control Group Designs 186
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Case Study: Does an Arrest Increase Delinquency? 186
Validity in Experiments 187Causal (Internal) Validity 188
Selection Bias 188
Endogenous Change 189
External Events 190
Contamination 190
Treatment Misidentification 191
Generalizability 192
Sample Generalizability 192
Factorial Surveys 193
External Validity 195
Interaction of Testing and Treatment 195Ethical Issues in Experimental Research 196
Deception 196
Selective Distribution of Benefits 197Conclusion 198
K EY T ER MS 1 98H IG H LI GH TS 1 9 9E X ER C IS E S 2 0 0
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E AR C H P R O PO S AL 2 0 0W E B E X ER C IS E S 2 0 1
E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 2 0 1S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 2 0 2
8 Survey Research 203Survey Research in the Social Sciences 204
Attractive Features of Survey Research 205
Versatility 205Efficiency 205
Generalizability 206
The Omnibus Survey 206Questionnaire Development and Assessment 207
Maintain Consistent Focus 207
Build on Existing Instruments 208Case Study: Measuring Violent Victimizations 208
Writing Questions 208Write Clear and Meaningful Questions 210
Avoid Confusing Phrasing 213Avoid Vagueness 213
Avoid Negatives and Double Negatives 213Avoid Double-Barreled Questions 214
Avoid Making Either Disagreement or
Agreement Disagreeable 215
Additional Guidelines for Fixed-Response Questions 215Response Choices Should Be Mutually Exclusive 216
Make the Response Categories Exhaustive 216
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Utilize Likert-Type Response Categories 217
Minimize Fence-Sitting and Floating 217
Utilize Filter Questions 218
Combining Questions in Indexes 218Demographic Questions 224
Don’t Forget to Pretest! 226Organization of the Questionnaire 227
Survey Designs 231Mailed, Self-Administered Surveys 232
Group-Administered Surveys 233Surveys by Telephone 234
Reaching Sampling Units 234
Maximizing Response to Phone Surveys 235
In-Person Interviews 238Balancing Rapport and Control 238
Maximizing Response to Interviews 239
Web Surveys 240
Mixed-Mode Surveys 241A Comparison of Survey Designs 242
Ethical Issues in Survey Research 245
Protection of Respondents 245Confidentiality 245
Conclusion 247K EY T ER MS 2 48
H IG H LI GH TS 2 48E XE R CI SE S 2 49
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E A RC H P R O PO S AL 2 4 9W E B E XE R CI SE S 2 50
E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 2 5 1
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 2 5 1
9Qualitative Methods and Analysis: Observing,Participating, and Listening 252
Fundamentals of Qualitative Methods 253
Origins of Qualitative Research 256
Case Study: Life in a Gang 256
Participant Observation 257Choosing a Role 258
Complete Observation 258
Participation and Observation 260
Covert Participation 261Entering the Field 263
Developing and Maintaining Relationships 264Sampling People and Events 265
Taking Notes 267Managing the Personal Dimensions 270
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Systematic Observation 271
Case Study: Studying Public Disorder and Crime 271Intensive Interviewing 275
Establishing and Maintaining a Partnership 276Asking Questions and Recording Answers 277
Combining Participant Observation and Intensive Interviewing 278Focus Groups 279
Combining Focus Groups With Official Records:An Analysis of Police Searches 280
Analysis of Qualitative Data 281Documentation 283
Conceptualization, Coding, and Categorizing 283Examining Relationships and Displaying Data 285
Authenticating Conclusions 286Reflexivity 287
Alternatives in Qualitative Data Analysis 288
Ethnography 288
Ethnomethodology 289Qualitative Comparative Analysis 290Narrative Analysis 291
Conversation Analysis 292Case-Oriented Understanding 292
Grounded Theory 293Computer-Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis 294
Ethical Issues in Qualitative Research 297Conclusion 300
K EY T ER MS 3 00H IG H LI GH TS 3 0 0
E X ER C IS E S 3 0 1
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E AR C H P R O PO S AL 3 0 2W E B E X ER C IS E S 3 0 3E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 3 0 3
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 3 0 4
10Analyzing Content: Historical, Secondary,and Content Analysis and Crime Mapping 305
Analyzing Secondary Data 306Case Study: Gender and Offending 307
Historical Events Research 308Case Study: The Martinsville Seven 310
Comparative Methods 311Case Study: Studying Homicide Across Nations 311
Content Analysis 314Identifying a Population of Documents or Other Textual Sources 314
Case Study: Media Representations of Crime 315Crime Mapping 318
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Case Study: Social Disorganization and the Chicago School 320
Case Study: Gang Homicides in St. Louis 320Case Study: Using Google Earth to Track Sexual Offending Recidivism 322
Methodological Issues When Using Secondary Data 325Measuring Across Contexts 326
Sampling Across Time and Place 327Identifying Causes 328
Combining Research Designs 329Comparing Research Designs 329
Triangulating Research Designs 331Triangulation in Action: American Indian Homicide 331
Case Study: Adding Qualitative Data to Official Juvenile Records 333Ethical Issues When Analyzing Available Data and Content 335Conclusion 336
K EY T ER MS 3 36
H IG H LI GH TS 3 36E XE R CI SE S 3 37
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E A RC H P R O PO S AL 3 3 7W E B E X ER C IS E S 3 38E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 3 3 9
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 3 3 9
11 Evaluation and Policy Analysis 340A Brief History of Evaluation Research 341
Evaluation Basics 343
Evaluation Alternatives 345The Evaluation of Need, or Needs Assessment 347
Evaluability Assessment 347
Process Evaluation (Program Monitoring) 348Case Study: Evaluating the D.A.R.E. Program 349
The Evaluation of Impact or Outcomes 350The Evaluation of Efficiency 353
Case Study: Cost-Benefit Analysis of Therapeutic Communities 354Design Decisions 355
Black Box Evaluation or Program Theory 355Researcher or Stakeholder Orientation 356
Simple or Complex Outcomes 358Evaluation in Action 359
Case Study: Problem-Oriented Policing in ViolentCrime Areas—A Randomized Controlled Experiment 359
Strengths of Randomized Experimental Design in Impact Evaluations 362Quasi-Experimental Designs in Evaluation Research 362
Case Study: Boot Camps 363Case Study: Mandatory Sentencing Laws 365
Nonexperimental Designs 366Case Study: Vocational Education for Serious Juvenile Offenders—A One-Shot Design 366
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Qualitative and Quantitative Methods 367
Increasing Demand for Evidence-Based Policy 369Meta-Analyses 370
Case Study: The Effectiveness of Anti-Bullying Programs 371
Basic Science or Applied Research 373
Ethics in Evaluation 374Conclusion 376
K EY T ER MS 3 76H IG H LI GH TS 3 7 7
E X ER C IS E S 3 7 7D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E AR C H P R O PO S AL 3 7 8
W E B E X ER C IS E S 3 7 8E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 3 7 9
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 3 7 9
12 Quantitative Data Analysis 380Introducing Statistics 381Case Study: The Causes of Delinquency 382Preparing Data for Analysis 384
Displaying Univariate Distributions 386Graphs 387
Frequency Distributions 391Ungrouped Data 392
Grouped Data 393
Summarizing Univariate Distributions 397
Measures of Central Tendency 397Mode 397
Median 398
Mean 402Median or Mean? 403
Measures of Variation 405Range 406
Interquartile Range 406
Variance 407
Standard Deviation 408
Cross-Tabulating Variables 408
Describing Association 410Controlling for a Third Variable 413
Intervening Variables 414
Extraneous Variables 415
Specification 418Analyzing Data Ethically: How Not to Lie About Relationships 419
Conclusion 420K EY T ER MS 4 20
H IG H LI GH TS 4 2 1E X ER C IS E S 4 2 1
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D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E A RC H P R O PO S AL 4 2 2
W E B E XE R CI SE S 4 22E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 4 2 3
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 4 2 3
13 Reporting Research Results 424Research Report Goals 425
Advance Scientific Knowledge 425
Shape Social Policy 426Organize Social Action—Participatory Action Research 426
Case Study: Seeking Higher Education for Inmates 427Dialogue With Research Subjects 427
On Writing Research 428Research Report Types 429
Student Papers and Theses 429Group Projects 430
The Thesis Committee 430Journal Articles 430Applied Reports 432
An Advisory Committee 432
Data Displays 433
Ethics and Reporting 436Communicating With the Public 437
Plagiarism 438Conclusion 439
K EY T ER MS 4 40H IG H LI GH TS 4 40
E XE R CI SE S 4 41
D E V EL O P IN G A RE S E A RC H P R O PO S AL 4 4 1W E B E XE R CI SE S 4 42E T H IC S E X E RC I SE S 4 4 2
S P S S O R E X CE L E X E RC I SE S 4 4 2
Appendix A: Finding Information A.1
Appendix B: Questions to Ask About a Research Article B.1Appendix C: How to Read a Research Article C.1
Glossary G.1References R.1
Index I.1About the Authors AU.1
Appendix D: How to Use a Statistical Package: IBM ® SPSS® Statistics – Available Online
Appendix E: How to Use a Data Spreadsheet: Excel – Available OnlineAppendix F: How to Use a Qualitative Software Package – Available Online
On Student Study Site: http://www.sagepub.com/prccj4e
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xvii
Preface
One of the most important aspects of teaching a research methods course is conveying to students thevital role that research plays in our discipline. After years of teaching courses in research methods, we
have found that the best avenue of achieving this goal has been to link the teaching of key topics to con-
temporary research in the discipline. By combining discussions of research techniques with practical
research examples from the field, students learn not only how to conduct research but also why it is
important to do so. In the fourth edition of The Practice of Research in Criminology and Criminal Justice ,
we have drawn on comments by students in the classroom, insightful reviews by those who teach
research methods, and our own continuing learning experience as scholars and teachers; we think the
resulting innovations will add a great deal to your learning experience.
The purpose of this book is to introduce you to the scientific methods of research in criminology and
criminal justice and show how they are actually used. Each chapter combines instructions in research
methods with investigations of key research questions in our field: How do we measure offending and
victimization? What are the causes of violent crime? What is the best police response to intimate part-
ner violence? How do gang members perceive their world? Are boot camps effective in reducing recidi-
vism? What is the impact of having a criminal record on finding a job? Do community police officers
perceive their roles as different from regular patrol officers?
You will learn not only the skills necessary for conducting research but also the skills necessary to
evaluate research done by others. You will learn to ask many questions as you consider whether
research-based conclusions are appropriate and valid. What did the researchers set out to investigate?
How were people or places selected for the study? What were the phenomena being studied, and how
were they measured or defined? How was information analyzed? Throughout this book, you will learn
what questions to ask when critiquing a research study and how to evaluate the answers.
Another goal of this book is to train you to actually do research. Substantive examples will help yousee how methods are used in practice. Exercises at the end of each chapter give you a way to try differ-
ent methods alone or in a group. But research methods cannot be learned by rote and applied mechan-
ically. Thus, you will learn the benefits and liabilities of each major approach to research and why
employing a combination of them is often preferable. You will come to appreciate why the results of par-
ticular research studies must always be interpreted within the context of prior research and through the
lens of social and criminological theory.
ORGANIZATION OF THE BOOK
The way this book is organized reflects our beliefs in making research methods interesting, teaching
students how to critique research, and viewing specific research techniques as parts of an integrated
research strategy. Our concern with ethical issues in all types of research is underscored by the fact that we
have a new chapter devoted exclusively to research ethics in addition to sections on ethics in every method-
ology chapter. The first two chapters introduce the why and how of research in general. Chapter 1 shows
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how research has helped us understand themagnitude of and the factors related to youth violence. Chapter
2 illustrates the basic stages of research with a series of experiments on thepolice responseto intimate part-
ner violence. Chapter 3 is a new chapter that highlights issues of research ethics by taking you inside Philip
Zimbardo’s prison experiment and Stanley Milgram’s research on obedience to authority. It also introduces
you to different research philosophies. Chapters 4 and 5 discuss how to evaluate the way researchers design
their measures and draw their samples. Chapter 6 explores issues related to makingcausal connections and
a summary of the strengths and limitations of various research designs in making causal conclusions.
Chapters 7 through 9 present the three mostimportant methods of data collection: experiments, surveys,
and qualitative methods (including participant observation, intensive interviews, and focus groups). Chapter
10 examines methodologies that rely on existing content andincludes a discussion of secondary data analy-
sis, historicalandcomparative research, content analysis, andcrime mapping, along with a discussion of tri-
angulating methods. Chapter 11 covers evaluation research and policy analysis and highlights the different
alternatives to evaluation along with a discussion of the most appropriate methods to use for each evalua-
tion question (e.g., process versus impact). In this chapter, you will see how various methods have been used
to investigate the effects of several programs and policies, including problem-oriented policing, boot
camps, and mandatory sentencing laws.
In Chapter 12, we will work through an analysis of survey data on self-reported delinquency to see
how these statistics are used to answer actual research questions. We finish up in Chapter 13 with anoverview of the process of and techniques for reporting research results along with some ethical prob-
lems in writing. We have also added an introduction to meta-analysis, which is a special tool for study-
ing prior research.
The substantive studies in each of these chapters show how each methodology has been used to
improve our understanding of criminal justice–related issues, including the factors related to violence,
how question wording affects estimates of victimization in surveys, how gang members perceive their
world, how community police officers describe their role in comparison to regular patrol officers, the per-
ceptions of jurors who have participated in a death penalty case, the effects of inmates’ classification on
institutional misconduct in prison, and the effects of war on violence in a cross-national comparison, to
name just a few of the examples provided.
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE FOURTH EDITION
The most distinctive feature of this text compared to others in the field continues to be the integration
into each chapter of in-depth substantive research examples from the real world. Examples from the lit-
erature are not simply dropped here and there to keep students’ attention. Rather, each chapter presents
a particular research method in the context of a substantive research story. When explaining a research
method or design decision, we use narratives from research in the field that delineate the decision-
making process. This serves several purposes including illustrating the process of research in the real
world, delineating why particular methods were selected over others, and highlighting the important role
research plays in policy decisions in our field. As such, this book’s success is due in no small measure
to the availability in the research literature of so many excellent examples. New examples of research
have been added in all data collection chapters. The following points are additional strengths of this textalong with a few of the new innovations in this edition:
Expanded coverage of ethical issues. We have added a new chapter on research ethics (Chapter 3) that includes
up-to-date information on institutional review boards. You will learn about issues in ethical practice
through research examples from Philip Zimbardo’s prison experiment and through Stanley Milgram’s
THE PRACTICE OF RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICExviii
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research investigations of obedience to authority. However, because we believe that every step in the
research process raises ethical concerns, every chapter still reviews the relevant ethical issues in the con-
text of each method of data collection, data analysis, and reporting including a new discussion of plagia-
rism in the chapter on reporting results (Chapter 13). The end-of-chapter “Ethics Exercises” also remain in
all chapters.
Streamlined introduction to research. We have incorporated a discussion of how victimization and offend-
ing are measured into the research story line of Chapter 1. It highlights the major sources of data includ-
ing the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reporting Program and National Incident-Based
Reporting System, the National Crime Victimization Survey, and various surveys that measure offending
behavior. We have also moved the discussion of validity and generalizability from Chapter 1 to Chapter
2 and updated the discussion to introduce the concept of “authenticity.” We changed the discussion of
these concepts to revolve around the research presented in the chapter on arrest and intimate partner
assault, which we believe will increase the understanding of these difficult concepts. A case study of a
literature review on the deterrence value of arrest in cases of intimate partner assault has also been added
to Chapter 2 to illustrate guidelines for effective literature searches.
Examples of criminological research as they occur in real-world settings. We include interesting studies takenfrom the literature on a variety of topics including the causes and correlates of violence, the efficacy of
arrest for intimate partner assault, the perceptions of police officers regarding community policing, and
an investigation into the lives of gang members, to name just a few. These real-world research examples
illustrate the exigencies and complexities that shape the application of research methods.
Updated discussion of causation that includes more field experiments and other unique methods. The discus-
sion of causation has been incorporated with several new field experiments from the literature including
research examining the impact of a criminal record on finding a job, the specialization of offendingpatterns
in recidivists, the impact of a lawyer at bail hearings (e.g., being released on own recognizance and bail
reductions), the impact of drug courts on recidivism, and the impact of the Youth Criminal Justice Act in
Canada. Along with this updated literature, we have introduced the “life calendar” method that is used to
more reliably solicit information from the past, which has been employed by numerous studies includingthe Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring (ADAM) system funded by the U.S. Department of Justice.
Expanded discussion of increasingly utilized methods such as systematic observation and crime mapping. We
have expanded the discussion of systematic observation and crime mapping within Chapters 9 and 10.
We have also added a series of photos and video clips that can be utilized on the Student Study Site and
used for coding exercises. These examples of systematic observation were obtained by Peter K. B. St. Jean
(2007) for his research published in Pockets of Crime: Broken Windows, Collective Efficacy, and the
Criminal Point of View.
New discussion of evidence-based policy and meta-analysis in the evaluation chapter . Because of the increas-
ing demand for systematic reviews upon which to base policy decisions, the evaluation chapter now
includes a discussion of evidence-based policy and meta-analysis. This section highlights a study exam-ining the effectiveness of school-based anti-bullying programs.
St ream li ne d re po rt in g re su lt s ch ap te r. Chapter 13 now focuses exclusively on reporting
results. We have also expanded the section on participatory action research (PAR) and included
a researcher’s narrative of the PAR process that resurrected a college program in prison and
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evaluated its outcomes. We have also incorporated a discussion of plagiarism into the ethics
section of this chapter.
End-of-chapter exercise with new “How to Use Excel” appendix on the Student Study Site. In addition to indi-
vidual and group projects, each chapter includes exercises to give you experience in data analysis using
IBM® SPSS® Statistics, the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. In addition, real data sets are provided
to enhance your learning experience including subsets of the National Crime Victimization Survey, a
state-level file containing crime rates and other variables that measure structural characteristics of each
state, such as the poverty rate, the divorce rate, and so on. Each chapter also provides updated end-of-
chapter Web exercises.
Aids to effective study. Lists of main points and key terms provide quick summaries at the end of each
chapter. In addition, key terms are highlighted in boldface type when first introduced and defined in text.
Definitions for these also can be found in the glossary/index at the end of the book. The instructor’s man-
ual includes more exercises that have been specially designed for collaborative group work inside and
outside the classroom. Appendix A, “Finding Information,” provides up-to-date information about using
the Internet. The Student Study Site also provides invaluable tools for learning.
If this book communicates the excitement of research and the importance of evaluating carefully themethods we use in research, then we have succeeded in representing what social scientists interested in
issues related to criminal justice and criminology do. We think it conveys the latest developments in
research methodology and thereby demonstrates that researchers are committed to evaluating and
improving their own methods of investigation.
We hope you enjoy learning how to investigate research questions related to criminal justice and crim-
inology and perhaps do some research of your own along the way. We guarantee that the knowledge you
develop about research methods will serve you well throughout your education, in your career, and in
your community.
SUPPLEMENTS
Companion Student Study Site
http://www.sagepub.com/prccj4e
This Web-based Student Study Site provides a variety of additional resources to enhance students’
understanding of the book content and take their learning one step further. The site includes self-study
quizzes, e-flashcards, a new “Learning From SAGE Research Articles” feature, Web exercises, real crime
data including a subset of the National Crime Victimization Survey data and the General Social
Survey, and appendices on how to use SPSS and Excel. It also contains interactive exercises with crim-
inal justice and criminology tracks specifically designed to help students get into the latest research
in the field.
Instructor Resources Site
A password-protected instructor resources site is available with this text. It offers a variety of
resources to supplement the book material, including lecture outlines, PowerPoint® slides, test ques-
tions with answers, and student project ideas. The site also contains articles on teaching criminal jus-
tice research methods, film and software resources, and Web resources.
THE PRACTICE OF RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICExx
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A NOTE ABOUT USING IBM® SPSS® STATISTICS AND HYPERRESEARCH
To carry out the SPSS exercises at the end of each chapter and in Appendix D, you must have SPSS
installed on your computer. The Student Study Site includes several subsets of data, including data from
the National Crime Victimization Survey and the Uniform Crime Reports. Appendix E will get you up andrunning with SPSS for Windows or with Excel. You then may spend as much time as you like exploring
the data sets provided, or you may even use your own data. You also may carry out analyses of the
General Social Survey at the University of California, Berkeley, Web site: http://sda.berkeley.edu:7502/
archive.htm.
The study site to this text at http://www.sagepub.com/prccj4e contains a detailed discussion of what
it is like to do qualitative research with the statistical software package HyperRESEARCH. Here, you will
learn how to begin a simple project in HyperRESEARCH by creating and managing data and ideas, cod-
ing, linking, modeling, and asking questions about your narrative data.
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Acknowledgments
We must first acknowledge our gratitude to Jerry Westby, whose hard work and guidance on this pro- ject are unrivaled. He has been more than an editor; he is an ideas man, a tenacious fact finder, a moti-
vator, a therapist, and, most important, a friend. We are also indebted to Leah Mori for her supervision
of the project, to Karen Wiley for ushering the manuscript through production, and to Melinda Masson
for her meticulous attention to detail when editing the edition.
Gratitude also goes to the reviewers of this fourth edition, including Stephanie Halter, Plymouth State
University; Timothy C. Hart, University of Nevada, Las Vegas; Pati K. Hendrickson, Tarleton State University;
Susan M. Hilal, Metropolitan State University; Stanley S. Jacobs, Villanova University; Satenik Margaryan,
Montclair University; and Isaac Van Patten, Radford University. Reviewers of previous editions included
Hank J. Brightman, Saint Peter’s College; Brian Colwell, Stanford University; Frank Cormier, University of
Manitoba; Amy Craddock, Indiana State University; Cathy Coghlan, Texas Christian University; Michael J.
DeValve, Fayetteville State University; Gennifer Furst, The College of New Jersey; Phyllis B. Gerstenfeld,
California State University–Stanislaus; Lori Guevara, Fayetteville State University; Stephen Haas, Marshall
University; Susan B. Haire, University of Georgia; Lucy Hochstein, Radford University; Kristy Holtfreter,
Florida State University; Kristen Kuehnle, Salem State College; James R. Maupin, New Mexico State
University; Eric Metchick, Salem State College; Wilson R. Palacios, University of South Florida; Ira
Sommers, California State University–Los Angeles; William Wells, Southern Illinois University–Carbondale;
Mark Winton, University of Central Florida; and Lisa Anne Zilney, Montclair State University. Andre Rosay
also provided an extensive and invaluable review of the first edition of this text. We also thank Lindsay R.
Reed and Hanna S. Scott for their diligence and hard work in writing the instructor’s manual, Ann Dupuis
and Sharlene Hesse-Biber for the appendix on HyperRESEARCH software, Margarita Porteyeva for the
appendix on Excel, and Peggy Plass, Kathryn Stoeckert, and Heather Albertson for additional interactive
exercises.We continue to be indebted to the many students we have had an opportunity to teach and mentor,
at both the undergraduate and the graduate level. In many respects, this book could not have been writ-
ten without these ongoing reciprocal teaching and learning experiences. You inspire us to become better
teachers!
Ronet is indebted to her terrific colleagues who are unwavering sources of support and inspire her.
To a first-rate office staff who not only keep all the trains running on time in our department but also are
wonderful friends: Linda Keen, Nancy Quillen, and Judy Watson. Ronet is also indebted to an amazing
circle of friends who endured graduate school together and who get together for a retreat one weekend
of the year (19 years and counting!) for guidance, support, therapy, and laughter: Dianne Carmody, Gerry
King, Peggy Plass, and Barbara Wauchope. You are the most amazing women in the world, and I am so
blessed to have you in my life. To Alex Alvarez and Michelle Meloy, my other kindred spirits for their sup-
port and guidance; to my mother, Jan, who remains my hero; and to my father, Ron, for his steadfast crit-ical eye in all matters of life.
And most important, we both wish to thank our spouses, Raymond Paternoster and Elizabeth Schutt,
for their love and support (and editorship!), and our children, John Bachman-Paternoster and Julia Schutt,
for all the remarkable joy they have brought to our lives.
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C H A P T E R 1
Science, Society, andCriminological Research
1
Reasoning About the Social World
Questions and AnswersEveryday Errors in Reasoning
Overgeneralization
Selective or Inaccurate Observation
Illogical Reasoning
Resistance to Change
The Social Science Approach
Motives for Criminological Research
Social Criminological Research in Practice
Description: How Prevalent Is Youth
Violence?
Exploration: How Do Schools Respond to
Gun Violence?
Explanation: What Factors Are Related to
Youth Delinquency and Violence?
Evaluation: Do Violence Prevention
Programs in Schools Work?
Strengths and Limitations of Social
Research
Types of Research Methods
Quantitative and Qualitative Methods
Conclusion
On April 16, 2007, Cho Seung-Hui killed 32 students, faculty, and staff and left over 30 others injuredon the campus of Virginia Tech in Blacksburg, Virginia. Cho was armed with two semiautomatic
handguns that he had legally purchased and a vest filled with ammunition. As police were closing in
on the scene, he killed himself. The shooting rampage was the deadliest in all of U.S. history. Less than
a year later, on February 14, 2008, Steven Kazmierczak, who was described as “an outstanding student,”
entered a large oceanography class that was in session at Northern Illinois University and opened fire
using a shotgun and three handguns, which he had smuggled into the room using a guitar case. A total
of 24 people were shot, six of whom died, including Kazmierczak, who shot himself before police
arrived. The deadliest school shooting to take place in a high school occurred on April 20, 1999, when
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold killed 12 students and a teacher before killing themselves at ColumbineHigh School in suburban Colorado.
None of these mass murder offenders were typical terrorists, and each of these incidents, as did the
other school shootings in the past 20 years, caused a media frenzy. Headlines such as “The School
Violence Crisis” and “School Crime Epidemic” were plastered across national newspapers and weekly
news journals. From a statistical standpoint, these headlines seemed a little late, particularly because the
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juvenile arrest rate for murder had been declining. In addition, the thousands of other shootings that
occurred in less privileged communities during the same period rarely made the national news, yet rates
of murder in impoverished areas of the country are much higher than in privileged areas. You may say,
“Well, these incidents received attention because they involved mass killing.” We say, “What about
murders in the same area involving single victims that still received differential media attention?” For
example, a 22-year-old gang member named Omar Sevilla was shot to death as he walked to a drug and
alcohol treatment center. That same day only a few blocks away from Sevilla’s murder, a German tourist
named Horst Fietze was killed during a robbery. While Sevilla’s murder went largely unnoticed in the
press, the murder of Fietze received national media attention (Alvarez and Bachman 2008).
Unfortunately, the media play a large role in how we perceive both problems and solutions. In fact, 95%
of Americans say that mass media sources such as television and newspapers are their main source of
information on crime and violence (Surrette 1998). What are your perceptions of violence committed by
youth, and how did you acquire them? What do you believe are the causes of youth violence? Many factors
have been blamed for youth violence in American society, including the easy availability of guns, the lack
of guns in classrooms for protection, the use of weapons in movies and television, the moral decay of our
nation, poor parenting, unaware teachers, school and class size, racial prejudice, teenage alienation, the
Internet and the World Wide Web, anti-Semitism, and rap and rock music, and the list goes on.
You probably have your own ideas about the factors related to violence in general and youth violencein particular. However, these beliefs may not always be supported by empirical research. In fact, the
factors often touted by politicians and the media to be related to violence are not always supported by
empirical evidence. In the rest of this chapter, you will learn how the methods of social science research
go beyond stories in the popular media to help us answer questions like “What are the causes of youth
violence?” By the chapter’s end, you should understand how scientific methods used in criminal justice
and criminology can help us understand and answer research questions in this discipline.
The story of just one murderous youth raises many questions. Take a few minutes to read each of thefollowing questions about one of the Columbine shooters and jot down your answers. Don’t ruminate
about the questions or worry about your responses. This is not a test; there are no wrong answers.
• How would you describe Eric Harris?
• Why do you think Eric Harris wanted to kill other students?
• Was Eric Harris typical of other murderers under 18 years of age?
• In general, why do people become murderers?
• How have you learned about youth violence?
Now let us consider the possible answers to some of these questions. The information about Eric
Harris is somewhat inconsistent (Duggan, Shear, and Fisher 1999). He was the 18-year-old son of middle-
class professionals. He had an older brother who attended the University of Colorado. Harris apparentlythought of himself as a white supremacist, but he also loved music by antiracist rock bands. On his Web
page, he quoted from KMFDM, a German rock band whose song “Waste” includes these lyrics: “What I
don’t say I don’t do. What I don’t do I don’t like. What I don’t like I waste.” Online, Harris referred to
himself as “Darkness.”
Do you have enough information now to understand why he went on a shooting rampage in his
school?
2 THE PRACTICE OF RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE
REASONING ABOUT THE SOCIAL WORLD
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A year before the shootings at Columbine High School, Harris was arrested on a felony count of
breaking into a car. A juvenile court put him on probation, required him to perform community service
and take criminal justice classes, and sent him to a school counseling program. He was described by one
of his probation officers as a “very bright young man who is likely to succeed in life.”
Now can you construct an adequate description of Eric Harris? Can you explain the reason for his
murderous rampage? Or do you feel you need to know more about Eric Harris, about his friends and the
family he grew up in? How about his experiences in school and with the criminal justice system? We have
attempted to investigate just one person’s experiences, and already our investigation is spawning more
questions than answers.
Questions and Answers
When research questions concern not just one person but many people or general social processes, the
possible alternative answers multiply. For example, consider the question of why incidents of school
violence occur. Responses to a survey of mothers with children between the ages of 12 and 15 found that
the majority of mothers considered the most important factors that contributed to school violence to be
parents who did not teach children morals (87%), parents who supported aggressive behavior (78%), and
gang or peer pressure (70%) (Kandakai et al. 1999). Compare these answers with the opinion yourecorded earlier. Was your idea about the causes of youth violence one of the more popular ones held
by this sample of mothers?
We cannot avoid asking questions about the actions and attitudes of others. We all try to make sense
of the social world, which is a very complex place, and to make sense of our position in it, in which we
have quite a personal stake. In fact, the more that you begin to “think like a social scientist,” the more
questions will come to mind.
But why does each question have so many possible answers? Surely our perspective plays a role.
One person may see a homicide offender as a victim of circumstance, and another person may see
the same individual as inherently evil. Answers to questions we ask in the criminological sciences
also vary because individual life experiences and circumstances vary. The study of mothers’
perceptions conducted by Kandakai et al. (1999), summarized in Exhibit 1.1, gives some idea of how
opinions about the causes and cures for school violence vary. Even though previous research hasfound that the general public believes school violence is worse in urban schools than in suburban
and rural schools, only 14% of the mothers who had children in urban schools believed their child’s
school was more violent than other schools. However, a higher percentage of urban mothers (37%)
than suburban mothers (17%) reported that their child had been involved in one or more fights at
school. Somewhat surprisingly, even though these mothers perceived parental support for violence
as a major contributor to school violence, 4 in 10 of them believed it was acceptable for their child
to fight in certain situations.
Everyday Errors in Reasoning
People give different answers to research questions for yet another reason: It is simply too easy to make
errors in logic, particularly when we are analyzing the social world in which we ourselves are consciousparticipants. We can call some of these everyday errors because they occur so frequently in the nonsci-
entific, unreflective discourse about the social world that we hear on a daily basis.
For evidence of everyday errors, just listen to your conversations or the conversations of others
for one day. At some point in the day, it is inevitable that you or someone you are talking with will
say something like “Well, I knew a person who did X and Y happened.” From this one piece of infor-
mation, you therefore draw a conclusion about the likelihood of Y. Four general errors in everyday
CHAPTER 1 Science, Society, and Criminological Research 3
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THE PRACTICE OF RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE4
Percentage Who Said Factor
Contributed a Great Deal
Parents who do not teach their kids right from wrong 87
Parent support for aggressive behavior 78
Gang or peer pressure 70
Lack of family involvement 67
Sale of alcohol or cigarettes to children 61
Poor parent-teacher communication 60
Seeing violence in the community 53
Violent messages in rap music 47
Seeing violence in the media 44
Lack of a dress code 30
reasoning can be made: overgeneralization, selective or inaccurate observation, illogical reasoning,
and resistance to change.
Overgeneralization
Overgeneralization, an error in reasoning, occurs when we conclude that what we have observed or
what we know to be true for some cases is true for all cases. We are always drawing conclusions about
people and social processes from our own interactions with them, but sometimes we forget that ourexperiences are limited. The social (and natural) world is, after all, a complex place. We have the abil-
ity (and inclination) to interact with just a small fraction of the individuals who inhabit the social world,
especially in a limited span of time.
Selective or Inaccurate Observation
Selective observation is choosing to look only at things that are in accordance with our prefer-
ences or beliefs. When we are inclined to criticize individuals or institutions, it is all too easy to
notice their every failing. For example, if we are convinced in advance that all kids who are violent
are unlikely to be rehabilitated and will go on to commit violent offenses in adulthood, we will prob-
ably find many confirming instances. But what about other youths who have become productive and
stable citizens after engaging in violence as adolescents? Or the child who was physically or sexu-
ally abused and joined a gang to satisfy the need for a family surrogate? If we acknowledge onlythe instances that confirm our predispositions, we are victims of our own selective observation.
Exhibit 1.2 depicts the difference between selective observation and overgeneralization.
Recent research on cognitive functioning (how the brain works) helps explain why our feelings
so readily shape our perceptions (Seidman 1997). Emotional responses to external stimuli travel a
shorter circuit in the brain than do reasoned responses (see Exhibit 1.3). The result, according to
some cognitive scientists, is “What something reminds us of can be far more important than what
E X H I B I T 1 . 1 Mothers’ Perceptions of the Factors Related to School Violence
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CHAPTER 1 Science, Society, and Criminological Research 5
Overgeneralization:
“Those peopleare never satisfied.”
Selective Observation:
“Those peopleare never satisfied.”
E X H I B I T 1 . 2 The Difference Between Overgeneralization and Selective Observation
it is” (Goleman 1995:294–95). Our emotions can influence us even before we begin to reason about
what we have observed.Our observations also can simply be inaccurate. If a woman says she is hungry and we think she said
she is hunted, we have made an inaccurate observation. If we think five people are standing on a street
corner when seven actually are, we have made an inaccurate observation. Such errors occur often in
casual conversation and in everyday observation of the world around us. In fact, our perceptions do not
provide a direct window onto the world around us, for what we think we have sensed is not necessarily
what we have seen (or heard, smelled, felt, or tasted). Even when our senses are functioning fully, our
minds have to interpret what we have sensed (Humphrey 1992). The optical illusion in Exhibit 1.4, which
can be viewed as either two faces or a vase, should help you realize that perceptions involve interpreta-
tions. Different observers may perceive the same situation differently because they interpret it differently.
Illogical Reasoning
When we prematurely jump to conclusions or argue on the basis of invalid assumptions, we are usingillogical reasoning. For example, it is not reasonable to propose that depictions of violence in media
such as television and movies cause violence if evidence indicates that the majority of those who watch
such programs do not become violent. However, it is also illogical to assume that media depictions of
gratuitous violence have no effect on individuals. Of course, logic that seems impeccable to one
person can seem twisted to another; the problem usually is reasoning from different assumptions rather
than failing to “think straight.”
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Resistance to Change
Resistance to change, the reluctance to change our ideas in light of new information, may occur for
several reasons:
Ego-based commitments. We all learn to greet with some skepticism the claims by leaders of companies,
schools, agencies, and so on that people in their organization are happy, that revenues are growing, that
services are being delivered in the best possible way, and so forth. We know how tempting it is to make
statements about the social world that conform to our own needs rather than to the observable facts. It
also can be difficult to admit that we were wrong once we have staked out a position on an issue.
Excessive devotion to tradition. Some degree of devotion to tradition is necessary for the predictable func-tioning of society. Social life can be richer and more meaningful if it is allowed to flow along the paths
charted by those who have preceded us. Buttoo much devotion to tradition can stifle adaptation to chang-
ing circumstances. When we distort our observations or alter our reasoning so that we can maintain beliefs
that “were good enough for my grandfather, so they’re good enough for me,” we hinder our ability to accept
new findings and develop new knowledge. The consequences can be deadly, as residents of Hamburg,
Germany, might have realized in 1892 (Freedman 1991). Until the last part of the 19th century, people
THE PRACTICE OF RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE6
Thalamus
Amygdala
Visual Cortex
Fight or Flight Response:
Heart rate and blood pressure
increase. Large muscles prepare
for uick action.
Source: From Goleman, D., Emotional Intelligence, p. 19. Copyright© 1995. Used with permission of Bantam Books, a divisionof Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group.
E X H I B I T 1 . 3 Anatomy of an Emotional Hijacking
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believed that cholera, a potentially lethal disease, was due to minute, inanimate, airborne poison particles
(miasmas). In 1850, English researcher John Snow demonstrated that cholera was, in fact, spread by con-
taminated water. When a cholera epidemic hit Hamburg in 1892, the authorities did what tradition deemed
appropriate: digging up and carting away animal carcasses to prevent the generation of more miasmas.
Despite their efforts, thousands died. New York City adopted a new approach based on Snow’s discovery,which included boiling drinking water and disinfecting sewage. As a result, the death rate in New York City
dropped to a tenth of what it had been in a previous epidemic.
Uncritical agreement with authority. If we do not have the courage to evaluate critically the ideas of those
in positions of authority, we will have little basis for complaint if they exercise their authority over us in
ways we do not like. And if we do not allow new discoveries to call our beliefs into question, our under-
standing of the social world will remain limited. As we will see in Chapter 3, an extreme example of this
problem is obedience to authority figures that can harm and kill others, including acts of genocide.
Now take just a minute to reexamine the beliefs about youth violence that you recorded earlier. Did you
grasp at a simple explanation even though reality was far more complex? Were your beliefs influenced by
your own ego and feelings about your similarities to or differences from individuals prone to violence? Are
your beliefs perhaps based on depictions of violence in the media or fiction? Did you weigh carefully theopinions of authority figures, including politicians, teachers, and even your parents, or just accept or reject
those opinions out of hand? Could knowledge of research methods help improve your own understanding
of the factors related to violent behavior? By now, we hope that you will see some of the challenges faced
by social scientists studying issues related to crime and the criminal justice system.
You do not have to be a scientist or use sophisticated research techniques to recognize and avoid these
four errors in reasoning. If you recognize these errors for what they are and make a conscious effort to
CHAPTER 1 Science, Society, and Criminological Research 7
E X H I B I T 1 . 4 An Optical Illusion
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avoid them, you can improve your own reasoning. In the process, you will also be heeding the admon-
ishments of your parents (or minister, teacher, or other adviser) to refrain from stereotyping people, to
avoid jumping to conclusions, and to look at the big picture. These are the same errors that the methods
of social science are designed to help criminologists avoid.
Thesocial science approach to answering questions about thesocial world is designedto greatlyreduce these
potential sources of error in everyday reasoning. Science relies on logical andsystematic methods to answer
questions, and it does so in a way that allows others toinspect and evaluateits methods. In the realm of social
research, these methods are notso unusual. After all, they involve askingquestions, observing social groups,
andcounting people, which we often do in our everydaylives. However, social scientists develop, refine, apply,
and report their understanding of the social world more systematically, or specifically, than Joanna Q. Public:
• Social science research methods can reduce the likelihood of overgeneralization by using
systematic procedures for selecting individuals or groups to study that are representative of the
individuals or groups that we wish to generalize.• Social science methods can reduce the risk of selective or inaccurate observation by requiring
that we measure and sample phenomena systematically.
• To avoid illogical reasoning, social researchers use explicit criteria for identifying causes and
for determining if these criteria are met in a particular instance.
• Because they require that we base our beliefs on evidence that can be examined and critiqued
by others, scientific methods lessen the tendency to develop answers about the social world
from ego-based commitments, excessive devotion to tradition, and/or unquestioning respect
for authority.
Science A set of logical, systematic, documented methods for investigating nature and natural processes;
the knowledge produced by these investigations.
Social science The use of scientific methods to investigate individuals, societies, and social processes,including questions related to criminology and criminal justice; the knowledge produced by these
investigations.
Motives for Criminological Research
Like you, social scientists read stories about incidents of violence committed by youth, observe this vio-
lence occasionally in their lives, and try to make sense of what they see. For most, that is the end of it.
But for some social scientists, the problem of youth violence has become a major research focus. The
motivations for selecting this particular research focus, as with any social science topic, can be any one
or some combination of the following:
Policy motivations. Many social service agencies and elected officials seek better assessments and
descriptions of youth violence so they can identify needs and allocate responsibility among agencies that
could meet these needs. For example, federal agencies such as the U.S. Department of Justice and the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention want to identify the magnitude of youth violence, and many
state and local officials use social research to guide development of their social service budgets.
Programs designed to rehabilitate young offenders often use research to learn more about the needs of
THE PRACTICE OF RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE8
THE SOCIAL SCIENCE APPROACH
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their clientele. These policy guidance and program management needs have resulted in numerous
research projects.
Academic motivations. Young offenders have been a logical focus for researchers interested in a number
of questions ranging from how an individual’s connection to parents and peers influences his or
her behavior to how the social conditions under which an individual lives, such as poverty, affect his or
her behavior. For example, social scientists have long been concerned with the impact that social disor-
ganization has on individual behavior. Early in this century, researchers at the University of Chicago were
interested in the effects that residential mobility and immigration had on levels of crime and delinquency
in urban neighborhoods. Today researchers are exploring similar questions concerning the impact of
disintegrating economic bases in central cities and their relationship to crime and violence. Other
researchers have focused on individual-level explanations such as neurological damage. Those who study
social policy also have sought to determine whether correctional programs such as boot camps and other
forms of shock incarceration serve to decrease the probability of juveniles reoffending in the future.
Personal motivations. Many whoconduct research on youth violence feel that by doing so they can help pre-
vent it and/or ameliorate the consequences of this violence when it occurs. Some social scientists first vol-
unteered with at-risk youth in such organizations as Big Brothers Big Sisters and only later began to developa research agenda based on their experiences.
Social Criminological Research in Practice
Of course, youth violence is not a new phenomenon in the United States. It has always been a popular
topic of social science research. However, the sharp increase in this violence in the United States that
began in the late 1980s was unprecedented. Predictably, whenever a phenomenon is perceived as an epi-
demic, numerous explanations emerge to explain it. Unfortunately, most of these explanations are based
on the media and popular culture, not on empirical research. Unlike the anecdotal information floating
around in the mass media, social scientists interested in this phenomenon have amassed a substantial
body of findings that have refined knowledge about the factors related to the problem and shaped social
policy (Tonry and Moore 1998). These studies fall into the four categories of purposes for social scien-tific research:
Descriptive research. Defining and describing social phenomena of interest is a part of almost any research
investigation, but descriptive research is the primary focus of many studies of youth crime and vio-
lence. Some of the central questions used in these studies were “How many people are victims of youth
violence?” “How many youth are offenders?” “What are the most common crimes committed by youth-
ful offenders?” and “How many youth are arrested and incarcerated each year for crime?” Measurement
(see Chapter 4) and sampling (see Chapter 5) are central concerns in descriptive research.
Exploratory research. Exploratory research seeks to find out how people get along in the setting under
question, what meanings they give to their actions, and what issues concern them. The goal is to answerthe question “What is going on here?” and to investigate social phenomena without expectations. This
purpose is associated with the use of methods that capture large amounts of relatively unstructured infor-
mation. For example, researchers investigating the emergence of youth gangs in the 1980s were encoun-
tering a phenomenon with which they had no direct experience. Thus, an early goal was to find out what
it was like to be a gang member and how gang members made sense of their situation. Exploratory
research like this frequently involves qualitative methods (see Chapter 9).
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Explanatory research. Many people consider explanation to be the premier goal of any science.
Explanatory research seeks to identify causes and effects of social phenomena, to predict how one
phenomenon will change or vary in response to variation in some other phenomenon. Researchers
adopted explanation as a goal when they began to ask such questions as “Why do people become offend-
ers?” and “Does the unemployment rate influence the frequency of youth crime?” Methods with which
to identify causes and effects are the focus of Chapter 6.
Evaluation research. Evaluation research seeks to determine the effects of a social program or other
types of intervention. It is a type of explanatory research because it deals with cause and effect.
However, evaluation research differs from other forms of explanatory research because evaluation
research considers the implementation and effects of social policies and programs. These issues may not
be relevant in other types of explanatory research. The increase of youth violence in the 1980s spawned
many new government programs and, with them, evaluation research to assess the impact of these pro-
grams. Some of these studies are reviewed in Chapter 7, which covers experimental design, and in
Chapter 11, which covers evaluation research.
We will now summarize one study in each of these four areas to give you a feel for the projects moti-
vated by those different concerns.
Description: How Prevalent Is Youth Violence?
Police reports. One of the most enduring sources of information on lethal violence in the United States
is the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR). James Fox and
Marianne Zawitz have been providing analyses of these homicide data for the Bureau of Justice Statistics
for many years including the most recent data available for 2005 (Fox and Zawitz 2009). Homicide
victimization rates indicate that for those under the age of 24, vulnerability to murder increased
dramatically during the mid-1980s through about 1994 when rates began a steady decline. After 2000,
rates of homicide victimization for this age group leveled off, but they have recently witnessed a slow
increasing trend (Fox and Zawitz 2009). What accounted for this unprecedented rise in youth violence
during the late 1980s and early 1990s? To answer this question, explanatory research is necessary. After
their in-depth descriptive analysis of youth violence during this time, Cook and Laub (1998) contend thatthe increasing homicide rates began with the introduction of crack cocaine and the conflict that
surrounded its marketing. However, the primary factor, they believe, was the increased easy availability
of firepower: “All of the increase in homicide rates was with guns, and it appears to be changing access
[to] and use of guns, rather than a change in the character of the youths, that best accounts for their
increased involvement in lethal violence” (p. 60).
Data measuring the prevalence of nonlethal forms of violence such as robbery and assaults are a bit
more complicated. How do we know how many young people assault victims each year? People who
report their victimizations to police represent one avenue for these calculations. The FBI compiles these
numbers in its Uniform Crime Reporting system, which is slowly being replaced by the National
Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS). Both of these data sources rely on state, county, and city law
enforcement agencies across the United States to voluntarily participate in the reporting program. Can
you imagine why relying on these data sources may be problematic for estimating prevalence rates of violent victimizations? If victimizations are never reported to police, they are not counted. This is
especially problematic for victimizations between intimate partners and other offenses like rape in which
only a fraction of incidents are ever reported to police.
Surveys. Instead, most social scientists believe the best way to determine the magnitude of violent
victimization is through random sample surveys. While we will discuss survey methodology in greater
detail in Chapter 8, this basically means randomly selecting individuals in the population of interest and
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asking them about their victimization experiences. The only ongoing survey to do this on an annual basis
is the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), which is sponsored by the U.S. Department of Justice’s
Bureau of Justice Statistics. Among other questions, the NCVS asks questions like “Has anyone attacked or
threatened you with a weapon, for instance, a gun or knife; by something thrown, such as a rock or bottle,
include any grabbing, punching, or choking.” Estimates indicate that youth aged 12 to 24 all have the
highest rates of violent victimization, which have been declining steadily since the highs witnessed in the
early 1990s, despite the recent increases observed in homicide rates for this age group in some locations.
Another large research survey that estimates the magnitude of youth violence (along with other risk-
taking behavior such as taking drugs and smoking) is called the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), which
has been conducted every 2 years in the United States since 1990. Respondents to this survey are a national
sample of approximately 16,000 high school students in grades 9 through 12. To measure the extent of
youth violence, students are asked the following questions: “During the past 30 days, on how many days
did you carry a weapon such as a gun, knife, or club?” “During the past 12 months, how many times were
you in a physical fight?” “During the past 12 months, how manytimes were you in a physical fight in which
you were injured and had to be seen by a doctor or nurse?” “During the past 30 days, how many times
did you carry a weapon such as a gun, knife, or club on school property?” “During the past 12 months,
how many times were you in a physical fight on school property?” and “During the past 12 months, how
many times did someone threaten or injure you with a gun, knife, or club on school property?”Of course, another way to measure violence would be to ask respondents about their offending
behaviors. Some surveys do this, including the National Youth Survey (NYS) and the Rochester Youth
Development Study (RYDS). The RYDS sample consists of 1,000 students who were in the seventh and
eighth grades of the Rochester, New York, public schools during the spring semester of the 1988 school
year. This project has interviewed the original respondents at 12 different times (we will discuss
longitudinal research of this kind in Chapter 6) including the last interview that took place in 1997 when
respondents were in their early 20s (Thornberry et al. 2008). As you can imagine, respondents are
typically more reluctant to reveal offending behavior compared to their victimization experiences.
However, these surveys have been a useful tool for examining the factors related to violent offending and
other delinquency. We should also point out that although this discussion has been specific to violence,
the measures we have discussed in this section, along with their strengths and weaknesses, apply to
measuring all crime in general.
Exploration: How Do Schools Respond to Gun Violence?
Research that is exploratory in nature is generally concerned with uncovering detailed information about
a given phenomenon, learning as much as possible about particular people and/or events. Asmussen and
Creswell (1995) were interested in the responses to school shooting incidents. Because school shootings
are relatively rare and there was virtually no empirical literature that addressed the topic, Asmussen and
Creswell performed an in-depth qualitative case study of a shooting incident that occurred at a large public
university. The incident occurred in a senior-level actuarial science class when a male graduate student
arrived early for the class one Monday morning armed with a vintage Korean War semiautomatic military
rifle loaded with a 30-round clip of .30-caliber ammunition. He carried another 30-round clip in his pocket.
Twenty of the 34 students in the class were already there, and most of them were quietly reading the
student newspaper. The instructor was en route to class. The gunman pointed the rifle at the students,sweptit across the room, and pulled the trigger. The gunjammed. Trying to unlock the rifle, he hit the butt
of it on the desk and quickly tried firing it again. Again it did not fire. By this time, most students had
realized what was happening and dropped to the floor, overturned their desks, and tried to hide behind
them. After about 20 seconds, one of the students shoved a desk into the gunman, and students ran past
him out into the hall and out of the building. The gunman hastily left the room and went out of the building
to his parked car, which he had left running. He was captured by police within the hour.
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Asmussen and Creswell (1995) were surprised to find that instead of seeking safety after leaving the
classroom, all the students had stood together just outside the building. Although a few were openly
emotional and crying, many were kidding about the incident, as if it had posed no real danger. This denial
response is noted by the mental health literature, which finds that feelings of fear and anger usually
follow an initial response of denial and disbelief. The researchers found that many people in addition to
the students who witnessed it were traumatized by the incident. In fact, three distinct groups of people
sought counseling services during the weeks following the event. The first group had some direct
involvement with the assailant, either by seeing him the day of the gun incident or because they had
known him personally. The second group was the “silent connection,” comprising individuals who were
indirectly involved and yet emotionally traumatized. A large number in this group were parents. The third
group included people who had previously experienced a trauma and whose fears were retriggered by
this incident.
Because the assailant’s future was in the hands of the criminal justice system, the importance of
information from this system becamecritical tofeelings of safety. Twocombined debriefing sessions by mental
health counselors, the campus police chief, and two county attorneys were held for all those interested.
Another phenomenon observed on the campus was an increase in the number of professors and staff
who were concerned with disruptive students or students who exhibited aberrant behavior in class. To
manage this, the Student Judiciary Office advised departments on various methods of dealing withstudents who exhibited abnormal behavior in class. In addition, plainclothes police officers were sent to
sit outside classrooms and offices whenever faculty and staff indicated concerns.
To their surprise, Asmussen and Creswell (1995) found that the campus did not establish a special unit
to manage future incidents. The only structural change made was the installation of emergency phones
throughout the campus. In addition, no discussion was reported about formal linkages with community
agencies that might assist in the event of a future tragedy. In the end, Asmussen and Creswell’s
exploratory research illustrates the complexity involved in responding to a campus shooting.
Explanation: What Factors Are Related to Youth Delinquency and Violence?
What are some of the factors related to youth violence? Using the South Carolina YRBS, MacDonald
et al. (2005) examined the efficacy of General Strain Theory (GST) (Agnew 1992) and Gottfredson andHirschi’s General Theory of Crime (1990) in predicting youth violence. GST generally contends that strain,
such as disjunction between expectations and aspirations (e.g., wanting a good job but not being able to
get one), increases the likelihood that individuals will experience negative emotions, which in turn
increases the likelihood of antisocial or violent behavior. These negative emotions include anger,
anxiety, dissatisfaction, and so on. The general theory of crime claims that self-control, which is
primarily formed by the relationship children have with their parents and/or guardians, is the motivating
factor for all crime. Individuals with low self-control, the theory predicts, will be more likely to pursue
immediate gratification, be impulsive, prefer simple tasks, engage in risky behavior, have volatile
tempers, and so on.
To measure violent behavior, the YRBS asks respondents how many times in the past 30 days they
carried a weapon and how many times they were in a physical fight. To measure life satisfaction,
MacDonald et al. (2005) used six questions that asked respondents to report on general satisfaction or the
degree to which they felt “terrible” or “delighted” about family life, friendships, school, self, residentiallocation, and overall life. To measure self-control, the authors used the indicators of smoking and sexual
behavior to represent risky behaviors that are not illegal since they “reflect impulsivity and short-run
hedonism” (p. 1502). When predicting violent behavior, they also controlled for a number of other factors
like employment, drug use, family structure, and religious participation, along with age, race, and gender.
Consistent with the general theory of crime, MacDonald et al. (2005) found that high school students
who reported more impulsive behaviors, indicative of low self-control, also reported greater participation
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in violent behavior. In addition, results indicated that students who were more satisfied with life were
significantly less likely to have engaged in violence compared to their less satisfied peers.
Evaluation: Do Violence Prevention Programs in Schools Work?
To reduce violence and create a safer atmosphere at schools across the country, literally thousands of schools have adopted some form of violence prevention training (Powell, Muir-McClain, and Halasyamani
1995). These programs generally provide cognitive-behavioral and social skills training on various
topics using a variety of methods. Such programs are commonly referred to as conflict resolution and
peer mediation training. Many of these prevention programs are designed to improve interpersonal
problem-solving skills among children and adolescents by training children in cognitive processing, such
as identifying the interpersonal problem and generating nonaggressive solutions. There is limited
evidence, however, that such programs are actually effective in reducing violence.
Grossman et al. (1997) assessed the efficacy of one such program for children in elementary school
called “Second Step: A Violence Prevention Curriculum.” The program involved 30 lessons, each
lasting about 35 minutes, taught once or twice a week. Each lesson consisted of a photograph
accompanied by a social scenario that formed the basis for discussion, role-playing, and conceptual
activities. Lessons were arranged in three units: (1) empathy training, in which students identified theirown feelings and those of others; (2) impulse control, in which studen