the political role of the university in latin america.pdf

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1/15

The Political Role of the University in Latin America

Author(s): Margaret Ann GoodmanSource: Comparative Politics, Vol. 5, No. 2 (Jan., 1973), pp. 279-292Published by: Ph.D. Program in Political Science of the City University of New YorkStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/421244.

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2/15

Research

Note

esearch

Note

esearch

Note

The Political Role of the

University

in Latin

America

Margaret

Ann

Goodman

Scholars are

quick

to

call the

Latin

American

university

a

highly

politi-

cal

institution because

student

protests

are

frequent

and

virulent,

and

government

reaction

often swift and

violent.

This

judgment,

however,

takes a

myopic

view of

the

political

process.

It labels an

institution

political

simply

because it is

acted

upon

by

politicians.

It

ignores

the

fact that an

institution

may

be

properly

thought political only

if it

plays

an active role in policy formulation, decision execution, appraisal, and

termination. This article

will

demonstrate that the

Latin American uni-

versity

has

played

an

essentially passive

role in

politics.

It has been the

target

of

policy

execution,

but

has

not

been

a

major

participant

in

any

of

the

key phases

of

the

political process.

It

is the author's contention

that

both the

university

and Latin

American societies in

general

have

suffered as a

result of the

university's

lack of

political

power.

It

may

be

that the

university

has no

business

being

in

politics

in the

first

place;

its

job

is

that

of

exploring

new

fields

of

knowledge

and

teaching, not political parleying. Whether this argument is cogent in the

abstract or

not,

the

reality is

that the Latin

American university

is in-

volved in the

political

scene as a

natural

outcome of its

source of in-

come. All

universities in

Latin

America are

subsidized wholly or in

part

by

the state.

Even

those which call

themselves

private

universities

(which means, in

the

great majority

of

cases,

Catholic),

receive

funds

from the

state

and must

subordinate

themselves to

the

educational law

of the

land.

Furthermore, the

whole legal

structure

of Latin

American

education

is

centralized,

under

the

jurisdiction of a central

Ministry

of

Education.

University

regulations are

extensively

codified

and subject

to

national

legislation.

In

Brazil, for

example,

even the

university

pro-

fessorships

are

designated

in the national

constitution.'

This

often means that

the

university becomes

just

another

government

1

Rudolph

P.

Atcon,

La Universidad

Latino

Americana

(Bogota,

1966), pp.

54-60.

279


University

in Latin

America

Margaret

Ann

Goodman

Scholars are

quick

to

call the

Latin

American

university

a

highly

politi-

cal

institution because

student

protests

are

frequent

and

virulent,

and

government

reaction

often swift and

violent.

This

judgment,

however,

takes a

myopic

view of

the

political

process.

It labels an

institution

political

simply

because it is

acted

upon

by

politicians.

It

ignores

the

fact that an

institution

may

be

properly


if it

plays



will


Latin American uni-

versity

has

played

an

essentially passive

role in

politics.

It has been the

target

of

policy

execution,

but

has

not

been

a

major

participant

in

any

of

the

key phases

of

the

political process.

It


that

both the

university

and Latin


general

have

suffered as a

result of the

university's

lack of

political

power.

It

may

be

that the

university

has no

business

being

in

politics

in the

first

place;

its

job

is

that

of

exploring

new

fields

of

knowledge

and


abstract or

not,

the

reality is

that the Latin

American university

is in-

volved in the

political

scene as a

natural

outcome of its

source of in-

come. All

universities in

Latin

America are


part

by

the state.

Even

those which call

themselves

private

universities

(which means, in

the

great majority

of

cases,

Catholic),

receive

funds

from the

state

and must

subordinate

themselves to

the

educational law

of the

land.

Furthermore, the

whole legal

structure

of Latin

American

education

is

centralized,

under

the


Ministry

of

Education.

University

regulations are

extensively

codified

and subject

to

national

legislation.

In

Brazil, for

example,

even the

university

pro-

fessorships

are

designated

in the national

constitution.'

This

often means that

the

university becomes

just

another

government

1

Rudolph

P.

Atcon,

La Universidad

Latino

Americana

(Bogota,

1966), pp.

54-60.

279


University

in Latin

America

Margaret

Ann

Goodman

Scholars are

quick

to

call the

Latin

American

university

a

highly

politi-

cal

institution because

student

protests

are

frequent

and

virulent,

and

government

reaction

often swift and

violent.

This

judgment,

however,

takes a

myopic

view of

the

political

process.

It labels an

institution

political

simply

because it is

acted

upon

by

politicians.

It

ignores

the

fact that an

institution

may

be

properly


if it

plays



will


Latin American uni-

versity

has

played

an

essentially passive

role in

politics.

It has been the

target

of

policy

execution,

but

has

not

been

a

major

participant

in

any

of

the

key phases

of

the

political process.

It


that

both the

university

and Latin


general

have

suffered as a

result of the

university's

lack of

political

power.

It

may

be

that the

university

has no

business

being

in

politics

in the

first

place;

its

job

is

that

of

exploring

new

fields

of

knowledge

and


abstract or

not,

the

reality is

that the Latin

American university

is in-

volved in the

political

scene as a

natural

outcome of its

source of in-

come. All

universities in

Latin

America are


part

by

the state.

Even

those which call

themselves

private

universities

(which means, in

the

great majority

of

cases,

Catholic),

receive

funds

from the

state

and must

subordinate

themselves to

the

educational law

of the

land.

Furthermore, the

whole legal

structure

of Latin

American

education

is

centralized,

under

the


Ministry

of

Education.

University

regulations are

extensively

codified

and subject

to

national

legislation.

In

Brazil, for

example,

even the

university

pro-

fessorships

are

designated

in the national

constitution.'

This

often means that

the

university becomes

just

another

government

1

Rudolph

P.

Atcon,

La Universidad

Latino

Americana

(Bogota,

1966), pp.

54-60.

279

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/15

Comparative

Politics

January

1973

omparative

Politics

January

1973

omparative

Politics

January

1973

agency

in the

eyes

of

the

politicians

who must vote on its

funding

re-

quirements.

Like other

government employees, university personnel

become

embroiled

in

the

political

fortunes

of

party

politics. Incoming

regimes may

try

to

alter the

political complexion

of a

university

by

changing

the

university

rector.

Such is

the

case

with President

Salvador

Allende

Gossens

of

Chile,

who

is

currently

prosecuting

Dr.

Edgardo

Boeninger,

rector

of the

University

of Chile and a

group

of

opposition

legislators

who are

against

Marxist

control

of the

university.2

The

threat

of

government

intervention

may

cause

university personnel

to take

official

positions

which

they

might

otherwise

reject

and which

may

even

place them in opposition to university students. In the case of the mili-

tary

takeover in

Argentina

in

1966,

for

example,

the

National

Univer-

sity

of Buenos

Aires

issued,

through

its

Superior

Council,

a

formal

collective

protest

against

the

assumption

of

power

by

the

generals.

Immediately

thereafter,

however,

the

University,

under

the

leadership

of

its

Rector,

Dr.

Hilario Fernandez

Long, prudently

disassociated itself

from

any

overt

movement

of

resistance and avoided

any gestures

that

might

offer incitement to the

regime.

3

These

cases

exemplify

the

government's

encroachment

upon

univer-

sity territory. It is much more difficult to find instances where the

universityhas led

government

officials

to take important

steps.

Individual

professors

or administrators

may have

influence

in important

circles;

indeed,

such may

be

the prerequisite

for having

their

jobs. Student

or-

ganizations

may

have high

visibility

and

nuisance

value

at times.

Thus,

the

Mexican

student uprising

of

1968 was

a great embarrassment

to a

government

confidently

awaiting

the

first

Latin American

Olympic

Games in

Mexico's new

and

expensive

stadium.

The Venezuelan

and

Colombian

student groups

have contributed

more than

their

share to

the

guerrilla

movements

that have

fought

against

establishment

governments

in their

respective

countries.

But the university

as a whole has

been

unable

to go

beyond

a self-imposed

role

of gadfly

or

supporterof

various

governments,

and has

failed

to achieve

a meaningful

position

for

itself

as a leader

and

innovator

in its

country's

development

process.

Basi-

cally,

the Latin

American

University

has no

university

policy

.

. .

Personal

relationships and

institutional

structure

prevent

the formation

of staff work and group action,

thus blocking

the

birth,

maintenance

and

pursuits of common objectives.

4

It

is time that

the

Latin American

university

made a realistic

ap-

praisal

of both

its

potential position

and its

actual

role within

these

2

New York Times, 20

November

1971,

p. 9.

3

Ronald Newton, Students

and the Political

Systemof the

University

of Buenos

Aires,

Journal

of

Inter-American

Studies,

VIII (October

1966), 633.

4

Atcon,

p. 47.

280

agency

in the

eyes

of

the

politicians


funding

re-

quirements.

Like other


become

embroiled

in

the

political

fortunes

of

party

politics. Incoming

regimes may

try

to

alter the


of a

university

by

changing

the

university

rector.

Such is

the

case

with President

Salvador

Allende

Gossens

of

Chile,

who

is

currently

prosecuting

Dr.

Edgardo

Boeninger,

rector

of the

University

of Chile and a

group

of

opposition

legislators

who are

against

Marxist

control

of the

university.2

The

threat

of

government

intervention

may

cause


to take

official

positions

which

they

might

otherwise

reject

and which

may

even


tary

takeover in

Argentina

in

1966,

for

example,

the

National

Univer-

sity

of Buenos

Aires

issued,

through

its

Superior

Council,

a

formal

collective

protest

against

the

assumption

of

power

by

the

generals.

Immediately

thereafter,

however,

the

University,

under

the

leadership

of

its

Rector,

Dr.

Hilario Fernandez

Long, prudently


from

any

overt

movement

of


any gestures

that

might


regime.

3

These

cases

exemplify

the

government's

encroachment

upon

univer-


universityhas led

government

officials

to take important

steps.

Individual

professors

or administrators

may have

influence

in important

circles;

indeed,

such may

be

the prerequisite

for having

their

jobs. Student

or-

ganizations

may

have high

visibility

and

nuisance

value

at times.

Thus,

the

Mexican

student uprising

of

1968 was


to a

government

confidently

awaiting

the

first

Latin American

Olympic

Games in

Mexico's new

and

expensive

stadium.

The Venezuelan

and

Colombian

student groups

have contributed

more than

their

share to

the

guerrilla

movements

that have

fought

against

establishment

governments

in their

respective

countries.

But the university

as a whole has

been

unable

to go

beyond

a self-imposed

role

of gadfly

or

supporterof

various

governments,

and has

failed

to achieve

a meaningful

position

for

itself

as a leader

and

innovator

in its

country's

development

process.

Basi-

cally,

the Latin

American

University

has no

university

policy

.

. .

Personal

relationships and

institutional

structure

prevent

the formation


thus blocking

the

birth,

maintenance

and


4

It

is time that

the

Latin American

university

made a realistic

ap-

praisal

of both

its

potential position

and its

actual

role within

these

2

New York Times, 20

November

1971,

p. 9.

3


and the Political

Systemof the

University

of Buenos

Aires,

Journal

of

Inter-American

Studies,

VIII (October

1966), 633.

4

Atcon,

p. 47.

280

agency

in the

eyes

of

the

politicians


funding

re-

quirements.

Like other


become

embroiled

in

the

political

fortunes

of

party

politics. Incoming

regimes may

try

to

alter the


of a

university

by

changing

the

university

rector.

Such is

the

case

with President

Salvador

Allende

Gossens

of

Chile,

who

is

currently

prosecuting

Dr.

Edgardo

Boeninger,

rector

of the

University

of Chile and a

group

of

opposition

legislators

who are

against

Marxist

control

of the

university.2

The

threat

of

government

intervention

may

cause


to take

official

positions

which

they

might

otherwise

reject

and which

may

even


tary

takeover in

Argentina

in

1966,

for

example,

the

National

Univer-

sity

of Buenos

Aires

issued,

through

its

Superior

Council,

a

formal

collective

protest

against

the

assumption

of

power

by

the

generals.

Immediately

thereafter,

however,

the

University,

under

the

leadership

of

its

Rector,

Dr.

Hilario Fernandez

Long, prudently


from

any

overt

movement

of


any gestures

that

might


regime.

3

These

cases

exemplify

the

government's

encroachment

upon

univer-


universityhas led

government

officials

to take important

steps.

Individual

professors

or administrators

may have

influence

in important

circles;

indeed,

such may

be

the prerequisite

for having

their

jobs. Student

or-

ganizations

may

have high

visibility

and

nuisance

value

at times.

Thus,

the

Mexican

student uprising

of

1968 was


to a

government

confidently

awaiting

the

first

Latin American

Olympic

Games in

Mexico's new

and

expensive

stadium.

The Venezuelan

and

Colombian

student groups

have contributed

more than

their

share to

the

guerrilla

movements

that have

fought

against

establishment

governments

in their

respective

countries.

But the university

as a whole has

been

unable

to go

beyond

a self-imposed

role

of gadfly

or

supporterof

various

governments,

and has

failed

to achieve

a meaningful

position

for

itself

as a leader

and

innovator

in its

country's

development

process.

Basi-

cally,

the Latin

American

University

has no

university

policy

.

. .

Personal

relationships and

institutional

structure

prevent

the formation


thus blocking

the

birth,

maintenance

and


4

It

is time that

the

Latin American

university

made a realistic

ap-

praisal

of both

its

potential position

and its

actual

role within

these

2

New York Times, 20

November

1971,

p. 9.

3


and the Political

Systemof the

University

of Buenos

Aires,

Journal

of

Inter-American

Studies,

VIII (October

1966), 633.

4

Atcon,

p. 47.

280



4/15

Margaret

Ann

Goodman

argaret

Ann

Goodman

argaret

Ann

Goodman

societies.

Then,

it

can

begin

to

adjust

its collective behavior

in

order to

maximize

its influence.

Four

aspects

of

the

role

of

modern

higher

education

within

the

frame-

work of

development planning

were cited

at

a conference

of the

Inter-

American

Development

Bank. These

were:

1.

The

teaching

role:

providing manpower

for the

higher

echelon

jobs

of the

nation;

2.

The research role:

creating

new

knowledge

to further industrial

and

agricultural

development;

3.

The

public

service

role:

contributing

o

a

deeper

and

clearer

under-

standingof the nation'sdevelopmentneeds;

4.

The

educational

eadership

role:

providing eadership

o

strengthen

the

educational

system.5

The

Latin

American

university

has

generally

failed

to

perform any

of

these roles

well.

In

regard

to

providing

manpower

for

the

society,

university

faculties have been more concerned

about

holding

on to tra-

ditional

budgetary

allocations than in

adjusting

curriculum and

enroll-

ment

policies

to meet the demands of

transitional

societies.

For

instance,

although enrollment has increased rapidly in most of these countries-

more

than

doubling

in

Colombia between

1950 and 1960 and

more

than

trebling

in

Venezuela in

only

five

years,

for

example-the

distribution

patterns

in

the

major

faculties have

remained

largely

static.

The

great

majority

of

students are still enrolled

in the

faculty of

philosophy,

while

the faculties of

medicine, science,

and engineering

have received

rela-

tively

small

increases.

Brazil

offers

a good example of this

trend. University

enrollment

nearly

doubled there between

1953 and

1963-from 45,000 to

80,000

students.

A

breakdown of these

figures indicates that

the students

in

the

faculties

of

philosophy

tripled

during that time, from

8,000 in 1953 to

24,000

in

1963.

The engineering and dentistry

school

enrollments did

not

multiply so

rapidly: engineering students

increased from 6,000

in

1953 to

12,000 in

1963; the corresponding

figures

for dentistry were

3,000

and

5,000.

The

increase

in

the

faculties

for medical students was

much

smaller.

In 1953 Brazil

had 20 medical schools

with room

for

1,500

first-year students. By

1963,

36 medical

schools could accommo-

date 2,000 first-year students.6

These

figures

indicate the serious imbalance in the

educational sys-

tems of

these

countries. On the one hand,

scientists

and doctors are not

6

Philip

H.

Coombs, Programming

Higher Education within

the Framework

of

National

Development

Plans,

in Inter-AmericanDevelopment

Bank, ed. Higher

Education

and

Latin

American Development (Asuncion,

1965),

p. 16.

e

Paulo de

Goes,

The

Significance

of University

Reform in Brazil, bid.,

p. 37.

281

societies.

Then,

it

can

begin

to

adjust


in

order to

maximize

its influence.

Four

aspects

of

the

role

of

modern

higher

education

within

the

frame-

work of


were cited

at

a conference

of the

Inter-

American

Development

Bank. These

were:

1.

The

teaching

role:

providing manpower

for the

higher

echelon

jobs

of the

nation;

2.

The research role:

creating

new

knowledge


and

agricultural

development;

3.

The

public

service

role:

contributing

o

a

deeper

and

clearer

under-


4.

The

educational

eadership

role:

providing eadership

o

strengthen

the

educational

system.5

The

Latin

American

university

has

generally

failed

to

perform any

of

these roles

well.

In

regard

to

providing

manpower

for

the

society,

university


about

holding

on to tra-

ditional

budgetary

allocations than in

adjusting

curriculum and

enroll-

ment

policies


transitional

societies.

For

instance,


more

than

doubling

in

Colombia between

1950 and 1960 and

more

than

trebling

in

Venezuela in

only

five

years,

for

example-the

distribution

patterns

in

the

major

faculties have

remained

largely

static.

The

great

majority

of


in the

faculty of

philosophy,

while

the faculties of

medicine, science,

and engineering

have received

rela-

tively

small

increases.

Brazil

offers


trend. University

enrollment

nearly


1953 and

1963-from 45,000 to

80,000

students.

A

breakdown of these


the students

in

the

faculties

of

philosophy

tripled


8,000 in 1953 to

24,000

in

1963.


school

enrollments did

not

multiply so



in

1953 to

12,000 in


figures

for dentistry were

3,000

and

5,000.

The

increase

in

the

faculties


much

smaller.

In 1953 Brazil


with room

for

1,500


1963,

36 medical



These

figures


educational sys-

tems of

these


scientists

and doctors are not

6

Philip

H.

Coombs, Programming


the Framework

of

National

Development

Plans,


Bank, ed. Higher

Education

and

Latin


1965),

p. 16.

e

Paulo de

Goes,

The

Significance

of University


p. 37.

281

societies.

Then,

it

can

begin

to

adjust


in

order to

maximize

its influence.

Four

aspects

of

the

role

of

modern

higher

education

within

the

frame-

work of


were cited

at

a conference

of the

Inter-

American

Development

Bank. These

were:

1.

The

teaching

role:

providing manpower

for the

higher

echelon

jobs

of the

nation;

2.

The research role:

creating

new

knowledge


and

agricultural

development;

3.

The

public

service

role:

contributing

o

a

deeper

and

clearer

under-


4.

The

educational

eadership

role:

providing eadership

o

strengthen

the

educational

system.5

The

Latin

American

university

has

generally

failed

to

perform any

of

these roles

well.

In

regard

to

providing

manpower

for

the

society,

university


about

holding

on to tra-

ditional

budgetary

allocations than in

adjusting

curriculum and

enroll-

ment

policies


transitional

societies.

For

instance,


more

than

doubling

in

Colombia between

1950 and 1960 and

more

than

trebling

in

Venezuela in

only

five

years,

for

example-the

distribution

patterns

in

the

major

faculties have

remained

largely

static.

The

great

majority

of


in the

faculty of

philosophy,

while

the faculties of

medicine, science,

and engineering

have received

rela-

tively

small

increases.

Brazil

offers


trend. University

enrollment

nearly


1953 and

1963-from 45,000 to

80,000

students.

A

breakdown of these


the students

in

the

faculties

of

philosophy

tripled


8,000 in 1953 to

24,000

in

1963.


school

enrollments did

not

multiply so



in

1953 to

12,000 in


figures

for dentistry were

3,000

and

5,000.

The

increase

in

the

faculties


much

smaller.

In 1953 Brazil


with room

for

1,500


1963,

36 medical



These

figures


educational sys-

tems of

these


scientists

and doctors are not

6

Philip

H.

Coombs, Programming


the Framework

of

National

Development

Plans,


Bank, ed. Higher

Education

and

Latin


1965),

p. 16.

e

Paulo de

Goes,

The

Significance

of University


p. 37.

281



5/15

Comparative

Politics

January

1973

omparative

Politics

January

1973

omparative

Politics

January

1973

being

trained in

sufficient

numbers

to

further

either the

technological

advancement

or the

physical

health

of these nations.

On

the

other

hand,

the universities are

turning

out a

large

number of

expectant

graduates

who can

only

look to an

expanding

and often

venal

public

bureaucracy

for

monetary

support.

Rather than

benefitting

the

country

as

a whole

by

producing

personnel

who can

speed

development along,

the

university

is

actually forcing

the

government

to

expend

scarce

resources as the

latter

turns

into an

employment

agency

for the

middle

class.

The

university

displays

similar

dysfunctions

in

performing

its

research

and

public

service roles.

There have

been

a few

projects

in

which the

Latin American universities have ventured to solve national and regional

development

problems.

Both

the

University

of Chile

and Oriente

Uni-

versity

in Venezuela

are

attempting

to set

up

regional

development

projects

through

the establishment

of

regional

colleges.

The

Colombian

government

has also

adopted

measures to

permit

the

initiation

of uni-

versity

institutes

in an effort

to

satisfy

regional

aspirations.

But

in

the

majority

of

cases,

special

institutes

clash

with their

parent

universities

and

many

research

projects

are

lost in a

morass

of

jealous

protectionism

and

bickering.

Furthermore,

university

faculties

are

so

separate

in the

major universities that specialists in one field are often inexperienced in

working with those

from another-a

necessity

in most regional

develop-

ment

projects.

The

universities have failed

to utilize

their

most obvious

source

of

manpower

for urban

and

rural projects:

the students.

Even those

stu-

dents

who are

not in

scientific or agricultural

programs

could

well teach

new agricultural

techniques

and

give instruction

in the

basic

rules of

hygiene

and

birth control.

By

requiring

students

to participate

in such

projects

the university

would

demonstrate

that it is

geared

toward the

special

problems

of its society,

and

consequently

is training

its

graduates

to be aware

of

them. Today,

for

lack of

university

leadership

and

pro-

grams,

some of

the

most activist

students

are

instrumental

in

guerrilla

groups

specializing

in terror,

while

the

majority

of students

remain

passive.

The

fourth role of the university,

that

of

providing

top

leadership

for

the

improvement

of national

education,

is

also

not being

well performed.

Although certain

countries,

such

as

Mexico,

specify

that their

teachers

must locate at rural schools during the early part of their careers, there

are

still

shortages

of teachers

in

the

more

isolated

areas

throughout

Latin

America.

Improper

teaching and

supervision

of

the normal

schools

also

mean

that the teachers

are often only

a few

steps

ahead of their

stu-

dents.

In

Colombia,

for example,

the constitutional

reform

of 1957

in-

cluded

a

ten-year

educational

development

project.

Since

only

an

estimated

25

[percent]

of teachers

in

Colombian primary

schools

had

282

being

trained in

sufficient

numbers

to

further

either the

technological

advancement

or the

physical

health

of these nations.

On

the

other

hand,


turning

out a

large

number of

expectant

graduates

who can

only

look to an

expanding

and often

venal

public

bureaucracy

for

monetary

support.

Rather than

benefitting

the

country

as

a whole

by

producing

personnel

who can

speed

development along,

the

university

is

actually forcing

the

government

to

expend

scarce

resources as the

latter

turns

into an

employment

agency

for the

middle

class.

The

university

displays

similar

dysfunctions

in

performing

its

research

and

public

service roles.

There have

been

a few

projects

in

which the


development

problems.

Both

the

University

of Chile

and Oriente

Uni-

versity

in Venezuela

are

attempting

to set

up

regional

development

projects

through

the establishment

of

regional

colleges.

The

Colombian

government

has also

adopted

measures to

permit

the

initiation

of uni-

versity

institutes

in an effort

to

satisfy

regional

aspirations.

But

in

the

majority

of

cases,

special

institutes

clash

with their

parent

universities

and

many

research

projects

are

lost in a

morass

of

jealous

protectionism

and

bickering.

Furthermore,

university

faculties

are

so

separate

in the


working with those

from another-a

necessity

in most regional

develop-

ment

projects.

The


to utilize

their

most obvious

source

of

manpower

for urban

and

rural projects:

the students.

Even those

stu-

dents

who are

not in


programs

could

well teach

new agricultural

techniques

and

give instruction

in the

basic

rules of

hygiene

and

birth control.

By

requiring

students

to participate

in such

projects

the university

would

demonstrate

that it is

geared

toward the

special

problems

of its society,

and

consequently

is training

its

graduates

to be aware

of

them. Today,

for

lack of

university

leadership

and

pro-

grams,

some of

the

most activist

students

are

instrumental

in

guerrilla

groups

specializing

in terror,

while

the

majority

of students

remain

passive.

The


that

of

providing

top

leadership

for

the

improvement

of national

education,

is

also

not being

well performed.

Although certain

countries,

such

as

Mexico,

specify

that their

teachers


are

still

shortages

of teachers

in

the

more

isolated

areas

throughout

Latin

America.

Improper

teaching and

supervision

of

the normal

schools

also

mean

that the teachers

are often only

a few

steps

ahead of their

stu-

dents.

In

Colombia,

for example,

the constitutional

reform

of 1957

in-

cluded

a

ten-year

educational

development

project.

Since

only

an

estimated

25

[percent]

of teachers

in

Colombian primary

schools

had

282

being

trained in

sufficient

numbers

to

further

either the

technological

advancement

or the

physical

health

of these nations.

On

the

other

hand,


turning

out a

large

number of

expectant

graduates

who can

only

look to an

expanding

and often

venal

public

bureaucracy

for

monetary

support.

Rather than

benefitting

the

country

as

a whole

by

producing

personnel

who can

speed

development along,

the

university

is

actually forcing

the

government

to

expend

scarce

resources as the

latter

turns

into an

employment

agency

for the

middle

class.

The

university

displays

similar

dysfunctions

in

performing

its

research

and

public

service roles.

There have

been

a few

projects

in

which the


development

problems.

Both

the

University

of Chile

and Oriente

Uni-

versity

in Venezuela

are

attempting

to set

up

regional

development

projects

through

the establishment

of

regional

colleges.

The

Colombian

government

has also

adopted

measures to

permit

the

initiation

of uni-

versity

institutes

in an effort

to

satisfy

regional

aspirations.

But

in

the

majority

of

cases,

special

institutes

clash

with their

parent

universities

and

many

research

projects

are

lost in a

morass

of

jealous

protectionism

and

bickering.

Furthermore,

university

faculties

are

so

separate

in the


working with those

from another-a

necessity

in most regional

develop-

ment

projects.

The


to utilize

their

most obvious

source

of

manpower

for urban

and

rural projects:

the students.

Even those

stu-

dents

who are

not in


programs

could

well teach

new agricultural

techniques

and

give instruction

in the

basic

rules of

hygiene

and

birth control.

By

requiring

students

to participate

in such

projects

the university

would

demonstrate

that it is

geared

toward the

special

problems

of its society,

and

consequently

is training

its

graduates

to be aware

of

them. Today,

for

lack of

university

leadership

and

pro-

grams,

some of

the

most activist

students

are

instrumental

in

guerrilla

groups

specializing

in terror,

while

the

majority

of students

remain

passive.

The


that

of

providing

top

leadership

for

the

improvement

of national

education,

is

also

not being

well performed.

Although certain

countries,

such

as

Mexico,

specify

that their

teachers


are

still

shortages

of teachers

in

the

more

isolated

areas

throughout

Latin

America.

Improper

teaching and

supervision

of

the normal

schools

also

mean

that the teachers

are often only

a few

steps

ahead of their

stu-

dents.

In

Colombia,

for example,

the constitutional

reform

of 1957

in-

cluded

a

ten-year

educational

development

project.

Since

only

an

estimated

25

[percent]

of teachers

in

Colombian primary

schools

had

282



6/15

Margaret

Ann

Goodman

argaret

Ann

Goodman

argaret

Ann

Goodman

had

professional

teacher

training,

facilities

were

to be

provided

for

the

training

of

9,500

teachers

as well as

of

2,900

administrators.

he

training

of some

11,000

teachers

already

on the

job

was also

contem-

plated.

7

At the

end

of

the

ten

years

much of the

project

remained

o

be

completed,

however.

If

the

university

s

performing

ts functionsso

ineffectually,

he

ques-

tion arises

as to whether

his institution s

actuallycosting

these societies

more than

it is

worth. Political

ideologists

may

argue

that,

in the

ma-

jority

of

cases,

the

Latin

American

university

unctions n

highly

corrupt,

undemocratic

ocieties

anyway,

and should do

nothing

to halt

the

in-

evitabledestruction f those societies.Attemptsat establishing esearch

institutes

or

public

service

programs

an be

viewed as

selling

out

to

the forces of

reaction.

There are

several

responses

o

this

argument.

Historicaldeterminism

aside,

there

is

no

reasonto

believe

that

revolution s

inevitable n

most

of

these

nations.

Mexico,

Brazil,

Venezuela,

Colombia,

and

Argentina,

to

name the

larger

countries,

have

demonstrated

onsiderable

esistance

to

movements

which would

substantially

lter either

the

ownership

of

production

r the

social

distancebetween

classes.

Whether

he

university

maintains ts traditional ole or moves to a moreactivistposition,there

is little

reason o

believe

that

the

elites

will

stand

by quietly

as

People's

Republics

are

proclaimed.

The

military

regimes

n

many Latin Ameri-

can

countries

oday

are

clear

evidence

of

the national

and

international

pressures

o retain the

status

quo.

Therefore t

seems

unreasonable o

deny any

social

progress

hat

can

be

helped along

by universityprojects.

More

importantly,

ducatingpeople

and

improving

he

conditionsof

their

lives

does not

necessarily

make them

less

revolutionary.

Discon-

tentedmembersof the middle and upperclasseshave been the leaders

of

contemporary

ocial

movements.At

this time

some of

the most active

guerrillasare

of

upper-class

origins.8 t is not the

hopeless

who make

revolutions.9

The

university,

hen,

does have

certain

functions in the

developing

nations

of

Latin

America.

However,

t is

not

performing

hese

functions

at

an

acceptable

evel, and therefore t is

not fully

servicing he societies

that

pay

its

way.

Since

few

people either

within or

outside the univer-

sity seriouslyconsiderabolishing he institutionas an answer o its dys-

7

Robert

H.

Dix,

Colombia:

The

Political

Dimensions

of

Change (New

Haven,

1967),

p.

151.

8James

Petras,

Revolution

and

Guerrilla

Movements in

Latin

America: Vene-

zuela, Guatemala,

Colombia,

and

Peru,

in

James

Petras

and Maurice Zeitlin, eds.

Latin

America, Reform

or

Revolution?

(Greenwich [Conn.],

1968), pp. 329-69.

9

Dix,

p.

190:

Sunk

in

poverty

and

illiteracy, many

Colombians are too apa-

thetic

or

unaware

even

to

vote.

283

had

professional

teacher

training,

facilities

were

to be

provided

for

the

training

of

9,500

teachers

as well as

of

2,900

administrators.

he

training

of some

11,000

teachers

already

on the

job

was also

contem-

plated.

7

At the

end

of

the

ten

years

much of the

project

remained

o

be

completed,

however.

If

the

university

s

performing

ts functionsso

ineffectually,

he

ques-

tion arises

as to whether

his institution s

actuallycosting

these societies

more than

it is

worth. Political

ideologists

may

argue

that,

in the

ma-

jority

of

cases,

the

Latin

American

university

unctions n

highly

corrupt,

undemocratic

ocieties

anyway,

and should do

nothing

to halt

the

in-


institutes

or

public

service

programs

an be

viewed as

selling

out

to

the forces of

reaction.

There are

several

responses

o

this

argument.


aside,

there

is

no

reasonto

believe

that

revolution s

inevitable n

most

of

these

nations.

Mexico,

Brazil,

Venezuela,

Colombia,

and

Argentina,

to

name the

larger

countries,

have

demonstrated

onsiderable

esistance

to

movements

which would

substantially

lter either

the

ownership

of

production

r the

social

distancebetween

classes.

Whether

he

university


is little

reason o

believe

that

the

elites

will

stand

by quietly

as

People's

Republics

are

proclaimed.

The

military

regimes

n

many Latin Ameri-

can

countries

oday

are

clear

evidence

of

the national

and

international

pressures

o retain the

status

quo.

Therefore t

seems

unreasonable o

deny any

social

progress

hat

can

be

helped along


More

importantly,

ducatingpeople

and

improving

he

conditionsof

their

lives

does not

necessarily

make them

less

revolutionary.

Discon-


of

contemporary

ocial

movements.At

this time

some of

the most active

guerrillasare

of

upper-class


hopeless

who make

revolutions.9

The

university,

hen,

does have

certain

functions in the

developing

nations

of

Latin

America.

However,

t is

not

performing

hese

functions

at

an

acceptable


not fully


that

pay

its

way.

Since

few

people either

within or

outside the univer-


7

Robert

H.

Dix,

Colombia:

The

Political

Dimensions

of

Change (New

Haven,

1967),

p.

151.

8James

Petras,

Revolution

and

Guerrilla

Movements in

Latin

America: Vene-

zuela, Guatemala,

Colombia,

and

Peru,

in

James

Petras


Latin

America, Reform

or

Revolution?

(Greenwich [Conn.],

1968), pp. 329-69.

9

Dix,

p.

190:

Sunk

in

poverty

and

illiteracy, many


thetic

or

unaware

even

to

vote.

283

had

professional

teacher

training,

facilities

were

to be

provided

for

the

training

of

9,500

teachers

as well as

of

2,900

administrators.

he

training

of some

11,000

teachers

already

on the

job

was also

contem-

plated.

7

At the

end

of

the

ten

years

much of the

project

remained

o

be

completed,

however.

If

the

university

s

performing

ts functionsso

ineffectually,

he

ques-

tion arises

as to whether

his institution s

actuallycosting

these societies

more than

it is

worth. Political

ideologists

may

argue

that,

in the

ma-

jority

of

cases,

the

Latin

American

university

unctions n

highly

corrupt,

undemocratic

ocieties

anyway,

and should do

nothing

to halt

the

in-


institutes

or

public

service

programs

an be

viewed as

selling

out

to

the forces of

reaction.

There are

several

responses

o

this

argument.


aside,

there

is

no

reasonto

believe

that

revolution s

inevitable n

most

of

these

nations.

Mexico,

Brazil,

Venezuela,

Colombia,

and

Argentina,

to

name the

larger

countries,

have

demonstrated

onsiderable

esistance

to

movements

which would

substantially

lter either

the

ownership

of

production

r the

social

distancebetween

classes.

Whether

he

university


is little

reason o

believe

that

the

elites

will

stand

by quietly

as

People's

Republics

are

proclaimed.

The

military

regimes

n

many Latin Ameri-

can

countries

oday

are

clear

evidence

of

the national

and

international

pressures

o retain the

status

quo.

Therefore t

seems

unreasonable o

deny any

social

progress

hat

can

be

helped along


More

importantly,

ducatingpeople

and

improving

he

conditionsof

their

lives

does not

necessarily

make them

less

revolutionary.

Discon-


of

contemporary

ocial

movements.At

this time

some of

the most active

guerrillasare

of

upper-class


hopeless

who make

revolutions.9

The

university,

hen,

does have

certain

functions in the

developing

nations

of

Latin

America.

However,

t is

not

performing

hese

functions

at

an

acceptable


not fully


that

pay

its

way.

Since

few

people either

within or

outside the univer-


7

Robert

H.

Dix,

Colombia:

The

Political

Dimensions

of

Change (New

Haven,

1967),

p.

151.

8James

Petras,

Revolution

and

Guerrilla

Movements in

Latin

America: Vene-

zuela, Guatemala,

Colombia,

and

Peru,

in

James

Petras


Latin

America, Reform

or

Revolution?

(Greenwich [Conn.],

1968), pp. 329-69.

9

Dix,

p.

190:

Sunk

in

poverty

and

illiteracy, many


thetic

or

unaware

even

to

vote.

283



7/15

Comparative

Politics

January

1973

omparative

Politics

January

1973

omparative

Politics

January

1973

functions,

the

question

then becomes

how

to

restructure the

university

so

it

can

reach an

optimum

level of

performance.

It

is

necessary

to locate the causes

of

dysfunction

before

proceeding

to recommend remedies. The two

main

factors which

prevent

the uni-

versity

from

rendering

top

performance

are:

(1)

its

essentially

middle-

class

character,

which

leads

to

alienation

among

its

members;

and

(2)

an intellectual commitment to

university

autonomy,

which

leads

to

isolation of the

university

from

the

rest of the

polity.

The

university

has

only

become

a middle-class

institution

in this

century.

Before the

University

Reform

Movement

began

in

Argentina

in 1918, the universities were bastions of the upper classes. By limiting

enrollment

and

controlling

the

granting

of

diplomas

to matriculated

students

only,

in a

society

where a

university degree

held social as well

as

professional

rewards,

the

university played

an

integral part

in main-

taining

the old elite.

It

is not

surprising

that the

University

Reform Movement started in

Argentina,

where

there

was a

larger

middle class

than in the other

countries of Latin America. But the

movement

spread rapidly

through-

out

the

continent.

The

strongest support

for

university

reform came

from the secondary schools where the curriculum-then as now-was

oriented strictly toward

entry into a university.

The students

in the

secondary schools

were anxious

to break

down the

next barrier

to their

own upward mobility.

Essentially,

the students

tried to open

the uni-

versities to

the middle classes

by

making the only

entrance requirement

the completion of

secondary

school, by

having

the students

graded

solely

on examination

performance,

and

by having professors

chosen

by open

competition.

Included, too,

were provisions

for

the right of

a

student to repeat a

course

many times until

he passed

the final examina-

tion, for direct participation

by the

students

in university

administration,

and

for an increased

emphasis

on the autonomy

of the university.

The

upgrading

of

standards

was not

primary on the

list since

the students

were more concerned with

democratic

methods

than

with intellectual

performance.10

Except in

smaller,

less

developed

countries of

Latin America,

such as

Haiti and

Nicaragua,

the

students

and their families

achieved

what they

set

out to

do. The twentieth

century brought

forth

political parties

which

represented middle-class interests in many of the larger countries-the

Partido Revolucionario

Institucional

in

Mexico,

the

Union

Civica in

Argentina,

the

Radicals in Chile,

and Accion

Democratica

in Venezuela,

among

others. These parties gained

electoral

power

and,

along

with it,

concessions

from

the

upper

classes.

Since the largest

universities of these

10

John

P.

Harrison, Learning

and

Politics in

Latin

American Universities,

Academy

of

Political

Science, Proceedings,

XXVII

(May

1964), p.

331.

284

functions,

the

question

then becomes

how

to

restructure the

university

so

it

can

reach an

optimum

level of

performance.

It

is

necessary


of

dysfunction

before

proceeding


main

factors which

prevent

the uni-

versity

from

rendering

top

performance

are:

(1)

its

essentially

middle-

class

character,

which

leads

to

alienation

among

its

members;

and

(2)


university

autonomy,

which

leads

to

isolation of the

university

from

the

rest of the

polity.

The

university

has

only

become

a middle-class

institution

in this

century.

Before the

University

Reform

Movement

began

in

Argentina


enrollment

and

controlling

the

granting

of

diplomas

to matriculated

students

only,

in a

society

where a

university degree

held social as well

as

professional

rewards,

the

university played

an

integral part

in main-

taining

the old elite.

It

is not

surprising

that the

University


Argentina,

where

there

was a

larger

middle class

than in the other


movement

spread rapidly

through-

out

the

continent.

The

strongest support

for

university

reform came




The students

in the

secondary schools

were anxious

to break

down the

next barrier

to their


Essentially,

the students

tried to open

the uni-

versities to

the middle classes

by

making the only


the completion of

secondary

school, by

having

the students

graded

solely

on examination

performance,

and


chosen

by open

competition.

Included, too,

were provisions

for

the right of

a

student to repeat a

course

many times until

he passed

the final examina-


by the

students

in university

administration,

and

for an increased

emphasis

on the autonomy

of the university.

The

upgrading

of

standards

was not

primary on the

list since

the students


democratic

methods

than

with intellectual

performance.10

Except in

smaller,

less

developed

countries of

Latin America,

such as

Haiti and

Nicaragua,

the

students

and their families

achieved

what they

set

out to

do. The twentieth

century brought

forth

political parties

which



Institucional

in

Mexico,

the

Union

Civica in

Argentina,

the

Radicals in Chile,

and Accion

Democratica

in Venezuela,

among


electoral

power

and,

along

with it,

concessions

from

the

upper

classes.

Since the largest


10

John

P.

Harrison, Learning

and

Politics in

Latin


Academy

of

Political


XXVII

(May

1964), p.

331.

284

functions,

the

question

then becomes

how

to

restructure the

university

so

it

can

reach an

optimum

level of

performance.

It

is

necessary


of

dysfunction

before

proceeding


main

factors which

prevent

the uni-

versity

from

rendering

top

performance

are:

(1)

its

essentially

middle-

class

character,

which

leads

to

alienation

among

its

members;

and

(2)


university

autonomy,

which

leads

to

isolation of the

university

from

the

rest of the

polity.

The

university

has

only

become

a middle-class

institution

in this

century.

Before the

University

Reform

Movement

began

in

Argentina


enrollment

and

controlling

the

granting

of

diplomas

to matriculated

students

only,

in a

society

where a

university degree

held social as well

as

professional

rewards,

the

university played

an

integral part

in main-

taining

the old elite.

It

is not

surprising

that the

University


Argentina,

where

there

was a

larger

middle class

than in the other


movement

spread rapidly

through-

out

the

continent.

The

strongest support

for

university

reform came




The students

in the

secondary schools

were anxious

to break

down the

next barrier

to their


Essentially,

the students

tried to open

the uni-

versities to

the middle classes

by

making the only


the completion of

secondary

school, by

having

the students

graded

solely

on examination

performance,

and


chosen

by open

competition.

Included, too,

were provisions

for

the right of

a

student to repeat a

course

many times until

he passed

the final examina-


by the

students

in university

administration,

and

for an increased

emphasis

on the autonomy

of the university.

The

upgrading

of

standards

was not

primary on the

list since

the students


democratic

methods

than

with intellectual

performance.10

Except in

smaller,

less

developed

countries of

Latin America,

such as

Haiti and

Nicaragua,

the

students

and their families

achieved

what they

set

out to

do. The twentieth

century brought

forth

political parties

which



Institucional

in

Mexico,

the

Union

Civica in

Argentina,

the

Radicals in Chile,

and Accion

Democratica

in Venezuela,

among


electoral

power

and,

along

with it,

concessions

from

the

upper

classes.

Since the largest


10

John

P.

Harrison, Learning

and

Politics in

Latin


Academy

of

Political


XXVII

(May

1964), p.

331.

284



8/15

Margaret

Ann

Goodman

argaret

Ann

Goodman

argaret

Ann

Goodman

countrieshave

always

been state

supported,university

admissions

pro-

cedures

changed

as the

profiles

of the

politicians

and voters

changed.

Although

the

percentage

of

secondary

school

age

children

actually

at-

tending

school

remains

ow,

and the

percentage oing

on

and

graduating

from the

university

even

lower,

it is safe to

say

that

today

the Latin

American

university

s

essentially

a middle-classnstitution.

Within

that

university

are

reflected

all

the weaknessesof

the

middle

classes in Latin America.

Certainhistorical

occurrenceshave inhibited

the rise of an

independent

middle

class.

Among

them are: the

growth

of

the state

apparatus

efore,

and not

after,

industrial

development;

con-

gruencein personalitiesbetweenthe landownersand the commercial

class;

and a

traditional

xpectation

of a

hierarchical

ociety

as

experi-

enced

in

the

early

elite

institutions

of

hacienda,

church,

and

military.

Although

a

stronger

middle-class ulture

may

now be

developing,1l

here

still

exists a

tendency

or the

middleclasses

to emulate he

upper

classes

in

dress,

spending

habits,

and life

style.

More

importantly,

he

middle

classes of Latin America have

steadfastly

accepted

the

legitimacy

of

oligarchical authority,

whether

it

expressed

itself in conservative

or

liberal,

clericalor

anti-clerical,

onstitutionalist r

authoritarian,

ivilian

or militarygovernments.

2

Expectingdecisionto flow downfrom the

top,

with

personal

nfluence

aking

the

role that

pressuregroups

would

have in more secular

societies,

the middle class

has never

organized

itself

to curb aristocratic

rivilege

as

it

did

in

parts

of

Europe

and the

United States.

Instead

of

upsetting

he

traditional

tatus

ystem,

members

of the Latin

Americanmiddle class

seek access

to

those

with

privilege,

who

will in turn speak for

them.

This

patron-client

elationship

auses

the middle

class to

remain disunited and

to

practice

infighting

ather

thanbecoming

an effective

agent

or

change.

The Latin American

university

displays

a

similar, though

more

am-

bivalent attitude

toward authority,and

is

equally

divided

within

itself

in terms of

primary

nterestand

area of

responsibility.

ts

organization,

physical setting,

and the psychological

outlookof

its

members ontribute

toward making the

university

a

peripheral

experience

rather

than

the

focal

point in its members'

ives.

Based as it is

on the

model

of the

European

university,

t

is

a com-

posite

of

a number of

specialized

aculties rather

than

a

coordinated

institution.Each faculty has its own separate taff, library,andstudents,

and

there s little

interdisciplinary

ommunication.

A

student

will

usually

Charles Wagley, The Dilemma

of the Latin American Middle

Classes, ibid.,

p. 310.

12

Herbert

S.

Klein,

The

Crisis of

Legitimacy

and

the

Origins

of Social Revolu-

tion:

The Bolivian Experience, Journal

of

Inter-American

Studies,

X

(January

1968), 116.

285

countrieshave

always

been state

supported,university

admissions

pro-

cedures

changed

as the

profiles

of the

politicians

and voters

changed.

Although

the

percentage

of

secondary

school

age

children

actually

at-

tending

school

remains

ow,

and the

percentage oing

on

and

graduating

from the

university

even

lower,

it is safe to

say

that

today

the Latin

American

university

s

essentially

a middle-classnstitution.

Within

that

university

are

reflected

all

the weaknessesof

the

middle

classes in Latin America.

Certainhistorical

occurrenceshave inhibited

the rise of an

independent

middle

class.

Among

them are: the

growth

of

the state

apparatus

efore,

and not

after,

industrial

development;

con-

gruencein personalitiesbetweenthe landownersand the commercial

class;

and a

traditional

xpectation

of a

hierarchical

ociety

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