E c s A

EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 (212) 477-0066 FAX: ( 212) 9 79-1013

#148 18 May. 1994

.THE OBSERVER SUNDAY 15 MAY 1994 --~~~~~~~~~

Mandela weighs peace against cry for justiCe

SANA Ntlhapo tried to remem- · ber her boyfriend's name. 'Billy •. .' abe Aid, sitting still and quiet. 'Billy.'

She mapped her fingers. 'How can . I forget his name?' She looked up helplessly. 'We have a

ba~~ ==i·w dead band in THE ROAD AHEAD her lap. Her good hand massaged it softly. She started to cry. 'I was not bom like this.'

On the day last week that Pres­ident NeliiOD Mandela was inau­gurated, Sana, 24, along with millions of other South Africans, watched him on television plead­

Phillip van Niekerk, in the first of a three­part series, writes

from Johannesburg on an amnesty for political crimes.

ing once more for national recon- . legedly in league with Inkatha, ciliation. 'The time for healing of the Zulu-dominated party, have the wounds has come,' he said. waged a terror campaigQ in the

Less than a year ago, on the · · ed .. ~-night of 17 June last year, four black commumty ann at uc=aua-men in a white car stopped Sana bilising the transition to

and Billy as they walked in d~~'d;.~ subject of rumour Sebokeng. Shouting 'Police, and speculation, the existence of police', they searched Billy and the Third Force was officially ac­found a gun. They shot him knowledged in March in a report point-blank in the head. They b>y Justice Richard Goldstone, kidnapped Sana and took her on f · · a joyride through the township, head of a commission o mqwry randomly mtnnina down pedes- into the violence that has plagued

.,_ South Africa since 1990. The ao-trians as they went. tivities of the Third Force are

They drove to a vacant lot now the subject of a major inter­where Sana was .raped by one of national invesrlPtion.

. the men, shot m ~e head by . Another South African who another and left to die. . probably watched the inaugura-

. She was found next momma tion on television is Colonel and taken to Sebokcng Hospital. Eugene de Kock. He was ar­The bullet had smashed into her rested three weeks ago and, with skull, shattering her thumb three others, has been charged where she had tried to cover her with the March 1992 murder of head with her hands. four ANC members and an

'I couldn't talk for a month. Inkatha member at Nelspruit in Some words now, when I want to the eastern Transvaal. · apeak them, they can't come De Kock, former commander out.' ! of the South African Po~

Bc:cause of what abe witnessed, · counter-insurgency unit at the Sana is in hiding, far from notorious Vlakplaas base, was at Sebokcng. She lives on a stipend the centre of the Third Force, of little more than [.1 00 a month , according to the testimony of h;is supplied by Lawyers for Human · Vlakplaas predecessor, Captam Rights. Her mother, a domestic Dirk Coetzee, and the Goldstone worker in Vereeniging who euna "Commission~ . {.90 a month, is payina off her De Kock qwt the police aev~

·hospital bills. . months ago. He was pa1d 'the Sebokcng shooting spree [.200,000 to keep quiet, a sum

bore all the hallmarb of what retrospectively approved by the many have come to call the Third Cabinet. · Force, elements of the South Mandela bas c:alled on South African security forces who, a1- Africans to forgive and forget the - crimea and sins of the past. But

just how much is a matter for debate.

Goldstone himself, in a recent speech at Natal University, warned: 'There is a compelling temptation to forget the past. It avoids painful confrontations. It enables a nation to get on with building the future. That route,

however; is a recipe for national discontentment and almost cer­tainly will result in past abuses being repeated.'

In one of the last deals Man­dela personally negotiated with the former president, F. W. de Klerk, security force members who committed crimea before October 1990 would be automat­ically granted amnesty.

Magnanimous in theory, it means that the torturers and kill­ers of South Africa's old security brailch may never be brought to justice.

Mandela has made it clear there will be no blanket amnesty for those guilty of violence after October 1990, when the Third Force was at its most active. He has said it will be up to the new democratic Parliament to decide.

But there is pressure to extend the amnesty. Mandela's police advisers are warning .of rebellion in the ranks in the event of a witch-hunt. Securing the loyalty of the security forces is a high priority of the new government.

The next steps may largely de­pend on the outcome of the in­vestigation into the Goldstone report. A trial is likely. In the meantime, those ·who have been implicated have shown a marked lack of contrition.

General Basie Smit, the deputy police commissioner and most senior officer implicated, was back on duty last week, declar­ing: 'It's fantastic to be back.'

The prosecutor involved in the investigation, Jan D'Oliviera, moved quickly to clarify matters. He confirmed evidence of police involvement in murder, bomb­inp, gun-running, use of shish funds and attempts to discredit theANC,_after 199~.

Smit subsequently announced. he was quitting the force at the end of the month, a move that would allow him to draw a sub­stantial pension. One of his co­accused, General Krappies Engelbrecht, has retired for ~health' reasons.

In other countries such as Chile, which also suffered wide­spread human rights abuses, truth was the bottom line de­manded by the citizenry. But as one ofhis last tasks as Minister of Law and Order, Hemus Kriel or­dered the mass destruction of police documents, and no one stopped him.

The truth has yet to come out in South Africa.

ANC constitutional rights ex­pert and recently appointed Min­ister of Water Affairs and For­estry, Professor Kader Asmal, believes truth is the only route to · genuine reconciliation. 'To deal with the past is full of risk,' he said. 'But to conceal the past or to attempt to forget the past will have tragic consequences.'

Much has been made of black South Africans' willingness to forgive and forget. But for the victims of violence it is not so easy. 'They killed many people . Look at me- I can't walk. They tell me I can't ever use my hand again. How can they free them?' said~ Ntlhapo.

'Whoever committed the crime must work for me, and support my daughter for the rest of her life. If not, they must take bim and hang him.'

\

AFfER the euphoria of the South Mrican elections comes

the hard decision-making. The government will have to square the aspirations of ANC supponers hungry for redress of apanheid's inequities with the anxieties of the local and international business communities.

Conventional wisdom sees the­interestl of these groups as irreconcilable, the former requir· ing an expanaion of public expen­diture, the latter demanding moo· ctary and fiscal discipline. But apanhcid imposed an in-built con· straint on domestic market expan· sion. The businCBB ·community recognises that, in the long run, meeting the needs of the vast ma­jority of the population is essential to growth and prosperity. The main tensions may tum out to be within the ranks of the ANC itlel£

The outline of tlic new govern­ment's economic policies has begun to emerge. The collapse of command economies and the de­bates between the ANC and pri­vate industry have led the ANC to adopt a market-orientated ap­proach towards economic policies, built on private and public sector co-operation. Evidence of this strategy can be seen in the Na­tional Economic Forum (NEE), set up in 1992 as an informal di•· cussion group at the instigation of Derek Keys, the finance minister, and the ANC's dcpanment of ceo­nomic planning, and comprising private business, organised labour and government. This body has gone a long way towards achieving consensus on a number of key ceo­nomic issues.

The framework which forms the basis of the ANC's economic pol· icy · is the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). Its key strategies include meeting basic needs through land reform, housing provision, supplying wa· ter, sanitation and electricity to homes, investment in public trans· pon and infrastructure; develop­ing human resources by improv­ing the black education system; and diversifying the economy away from the production of pri-

South Africans cannot hope for equality, growth and

a powerful military presence, says Susan Willett

fully contained the violence in ( · these volatile regions, its deploy­ment does not offer a solution. The RDP, in contrast, contains the pot~ntial for breaking the lega­cy of violence and is thus seen by its advocates as the most fonda- ' ·mental instrument for stability in the new South Africa.

mary commodities such as agclcul­tural goods and minerals into value-added manufacturing. In es­sence, the RDP represents an old· fashioned Keynesian "public works" programme designed to ltick-fltan the economy out of its prolonged and painful recession.

While most observers agree that auch programmes arc urgently re­quired, the big question is how the RDP will be financed. Conserva­tive estimates have put the cost of this ambitious long-term plan at around R39bn (£8bn). The.ANC claims that finance for the RDP will come from existing revenues (tuation and state industries' income), the issuing of govern­ment bonds, and foreign grants. Given the restricted revenue base and already high level of taxation (43 per cent on average) falling mainly on whites, whom the ANC must be careful not to alienate, there is little room for increasing government revenues other than refining and improving the exist· ing tax system.

Foreign aid contribution• present an alternative source of mcomc, and ccnain members of the international community, such as the US, have been quick off the mark in offering aid to sup­pon reconstruction programmes. But such grants will not be suffi­cient to finance the ambitious pro­gramme. And there is understand­able reluctance to go to the International Monetary Fund, given the disastrous experience of structural adjustment pro­grammes with their hesvy empha­sis on welfare spending cuts in sub-Saharan Africa.

The largest ponions of all RDP programmes are expected to be financed from the better use of ex­isting resources and by redirecting government spending to other pri­orities. But where will these sav­ings come from? In a remarkable show of monetary restraint, the ANC budget committee has in-

structed all its working groups -health, education, agriculture, social welfare, police, etc - to find savings from departmental bud­gets. However, given the huge de­mands on these departments and their key role in supponing RDP objectives, substantial cuta cannot realistically be expected.

The main target for reductions is the defence budget - despite the fact that this has been reduced by 46 per cent in real terms since 1989. The reduction reflects the transition from the period of "to- ' tal onslaught", when South Africa was involved in wars in Namibia and Mozambique, to the relatively peaceful present.

Senior ANC officials, including President Nelson Mandela, have pledged themselves to reduce fur­ther the country's defence bur­den. The budget for 1994-95 is Rl0.2bn (£2bn), representing 2.4 per cent of GDP. In absolute terms this level of expenditure dwarfs all other defence budgets on the African continent. The• ANC proposes to cut the budget by Rl.6bn by 1996.

Cuts of this magnitude will re­quire a major defence review,

which will be fiercely resisted by the military. But elements in the ANC, led by Joe Modise, the new defence minister, and including key figures in Umkhonto We Sizwe (MK), the ANC's old armed wing, are also strongly resisting cuts. The emerging debate has been characterised as the RDP ver­aus national security, but this sim­plistic notion of security fails to make the connection between eco­nomic security and stability.

MK and the South African De­fence Force have now merged and have arrived at a remarkable de­gree of consensus about the future role and strategic doctrines of the new National Defence Force (NDF). As the largest military power on the African continent,

with the most professional forces, the NDF sees itself as a key player in providing regional security through peace-keeping operations and "power projection" - occa­sional military intervention in the interests of regional stability. In· deed, there are likely to be grow­ing external pressures on South Africa from the Organisation of African Unity, the Common-

In essence, this is an ariUJDent about opponunity costs: main­taining a sophisticated military force prepared for any eventuality represents a considerable opponu­nity cost in terms of the alternative uses of this expenditure.

wealth, and even Nato members, ~ to take on a policing role in sub- It ia a great irony that the very Saharan Africa, playing into the people who were prepared to die hands of the NDF, hungry for a for the ANC in its struggle for a new role. new South Africa are now lobby-

Such operations are by no ing to preserve military. structures means cheap in economic or politi- that preclude the social spending cal terms, as major powers have which could create stability. found to their cost in Bosnia and It is worrying that the UK gov­Somalia. And once committed, it ernment, with its historic links is often difficult to disengage. The . with South Africa, has chosen not NDFs proposed external role will to suppon the RDP, having dis­be hard to sustain in budgetary missed it as a "socialist" policy, terms, but as far as security is con- but has instead targeted its aid cerned there is even less justifies- programme at the retraining of· tion. Since the resolution of con· South African security forces. flicta in Namibia and Even more disconcening is the Mozambique, and the end of the undue haste with which British Cold War, South Africa enjoys a government officials and commer­benign external security environ· cial agents have been attempting ment. The greatest security threat to secure arms deals with the new is not without, but within. The na- government for equipment such as tion's endemic violence is intrinsi- Hawk trainer aircraft. cally linked to the poveny of the As usual, the British govern­vast majority of the population. ment's shon-term interests over­The continued unfair distribution ride long-term considerations. If it of wealth acts as a powerful disin- is genuinely concerned about centive for both domestic and for· South Africa's security environ­eign investment, resulting in a vi- ment and wants to help to create a cious spiral of poverty, violence, better climate for UK investment, and militarism. it would be well advised to rethink

In the violence leading up to the , its support for the security forces election, SADF forces had to be and concentrate on promoting deployed in Natal and the East those policies which will go some Rand, because the police were un- . way to resolving South Africa's in­able to contain civil strife. SADF temal stability problems. manpower was stretched to the limit and reservists had to be called up. Until permanent inter­nal stability is achieved, the NDF is likely to be preoccupied with in­ternal security problems, despite its wish to disengage from them.

While the military has success-

1M writer is a defmu ecOfiOfllist working for tM Cennw for Defence Stvdus at Kings CoUege, University of London. She was an independent specialist monitor for the security forces during the South African elections.

~ THEINDEPENDENT 17 TUESDAY 17 MAY 1994

"'

STATEMENTS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS MR NELSON MANDELA

AT HIS INAUGURATION AS PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA UNION BUILDINGS, PRETORIA, 10 MAY 1994

1. INAUGURATION SPEECH

Your Majesties, your Highnesses, distinguished guests, comrades and friends,

Today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world, confer glory and hope to newborn liberty.

Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud. Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity's belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all. All this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today.

To my compatriots, I have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld. Each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. The national mood changes as the seasons change. We are moved by a sense of joy and exhilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom. That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland explains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it had become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression. We, the people of South Africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil. ·

We thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity. We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy.

We deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth, business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. Not least among them is my Second Deputy President, the Honourable FW de Klerk.

We would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the tran!;iition to democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light.

The time for the healing of the wounds has come. The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come. The time to build is upon us.

We have, at last, achieved our political emanicipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination. We succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace. We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into·a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity ~ a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.

As a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country, the new Interim Government of National Unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue .of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment. We dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free. Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward. We are both humbled and elevated by the honour and privilege that you, the people of South Africa, have bestowed on us, as the first President of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa, to lead our country out of the valley of darkness.

We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom. We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success. We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.

Let there be justice for all. Let there be peace for all. Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.

Let each know that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfill themselves.

Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.

The sun shall never set o.n so glorious a human achievement]

Let freedom reign.

God bless Africa

Thank you.

Debate

Priests in politics Among the thousands of nominations on the famous .. lists" from which the ANC eventually chose its candidates, there were a number of priests and other ministers of religion. A lively debate was sparked off about

whether ministers of religion should enter into party politics.

With its ear to the ground, Challenge overheard some very alarming stories and some equally profound insights. It seemed wiser to report

without mentioning names.

Priests in politics have not always been a problem. In earlier times Catholic priests in Europe repre­

sented political parties in parliament with the full approval of their Bishops and of Rome. Many of the famous leaders of the National Party and the Conservative Party in.South Africa from D.F. Malan and Dawie de Villiers to Andries Treurnicht have been dominees in the DRC. An even higher proportion of homeland MP' s carne from the ministry in· a wide range of churches.

Against this background many people are asking why the names of ministers of religion on the ANC's preliminary lists caused such a hue and cry in some quarters. One priest was told that if he accepted the nomination he would have to resign immediately. It is rumoured that others have been told that their salaries would be stopped and that they would not be accepted back into the ministry if they stood for nomination and then failed to make it to parliament on April27.

There must be a better way of handling this problem. Why is it suddenly so wrong for priests to go into politics? A lively debate around this issue has been sparked off in church circles around the country.

8 - Challenge - March 1994

POUTICAL PRIESTS Before !990 ministers of religion were regular participants at political gather­ings playing a very important role in the whole struggle against apartheid. When most of the politi-cians who opposed

clergy in areas of extreme inter-organi­sational strife, and the concern that, when priests and parishioners belonged to op­posing groups, it would make ministry by the priest in a situation of conflict

extremely difficult.

apartheid were in prison or in exile, it was Bishops like Huddlestone, Tutu, Hurley and Mogoba, and

Both the political.

In ecumenical circles and in the Anglican Church itself, there was some debate about this decision but it was soon overtaken by more pressing problems. Now we have a new debate which should not be confused with the de­bates of the past. We quote the words of one of the participants in the present debate:

church leaders like Beyers Naude, Frank Chikane and Boesak who spoke out against politi­cal injustice. There were people who called them "political priests", but nobody today would doubt that what they did was

party and the church need good leadership

courageous and correct.

In 1990, though, the Anglican Synod of Bishops voted to preclude Anglican priests, for the first time, from member­ship of any political party. The rationale for this extraordinary step was the con­cern that the Bishops had for the lives of

The fears of the Angli­can Bishops in the 1990 Synod are not relevant to the issue

of priests going to parliament because this is a matter of normalising national politics and because a minister standing for election is not going to be doing parish work in a conjlictual village or anywhere else. The issue now is whether God might require a particular priest to

Debate take on a panicular role in a panicular political pany in a panicular moment in history.

THE PARTY OR THE CHURCH It would seem that the majority of the "listed" ministers of religion have de­clined nomination not because their Bishops or other church authorities dis­approved, but for other reasons. This has given rise to an even more interest­ing debate.

In one part -of the country two pastors from the same church found their names on the preliminary ANC lists. They decided to consult widely amongst their colleagues in the ministry. The response they received was a resounding and unanimous NO.

This was not because the people felt that priests should not go into politics. They had no problems with that. Their con­cern was that if these two progressive pastors went off to parliament, the church would suffer because the church would become more conservative.

After a long debate between those who had nominated the two pastors for par­liament and those who wanted to keep them in the churches, a compromise was worked out - one of them should accept the political nomination and the other should stay in the ministry. Both the political party and the church needed good leadership.

Other priests or ministers declined nomi­nation without consulting their church constituencies. They were convinced that the churches have a crucially im­portant role to play not only in the lives of individual people but also in the fu­ture of South Africa as a nation. Some also felt that they were personally more suited to ministry in the church than service in a political party.

On the other hand, there are those who have accepted nomination or who have been trying to persuade other ministers to accept nomination. Here there is a concern that politics as such, all politics, has been given a bad name - as if a person had to choose between the hon­ourable profession of ministry in the church and the dishonourable profes­sion of lies and corruption in politics.

If there are problems of honesty and selfishness in political circles then per­haps it is important for ministers who are concerned about honesty and justice to make themselves available for politi­cal office with a view to cleaning up this very important profession. Some people feel very strongly that

feel that this has been their calling and remains their calling, should continue their work at this level.

Everyone agreed that, while the role of the ANC in the future of South Africa is

vital, the churches have a more impor­tant role to play than ever before.

priests who have been informal political leaders should now take the step of be­coming elected politicians for the greater good of all the people.

RIGHT AND WRONG MOTIVES

~what mat­ters is not what they

chose to do,

FELLOWSHIP AND SUPPORT

One very interesting concern which emerged from this debate was that those ministers who do go into politics might become isolated from their former colleagues. This could make it diffi­cult to maintain and nurture the high ide­als that led the min­ister to accept nomi­nation in the first place.

~

A surprisingly large number of priests, pastors and other church personnel had no problem with

bu~ why" ""~· \

i

the fact that some of their colleagues inight accept nomination and others not. As one priest put it, ''What matters is not what they chose to do, but why they choose to do it ".

Many people go into politics for the wrongreasons- power, prestige, money, fame. Ministers of religion should avoid that temptation. On the other hand clergy could also be tempted to decline politi­cal nomination for the wrong reasons -fear of what others might say, fear of the unknown, or a desire to remain in a relatively easy and uncontroversial prO­fession.

At a recent discussion between a number of"listed" ministers, the conclusion was drawn that the right reason for accepting nomination was the same as the right reason for declining, namely, the pro­motion of justice in our land.

Justice can and should be promoted through party politics, and those who feel called to work for a more just soci­ety in this way, should do so. Justice can and should also be promoted through ministry in the churches and those who

The suggestion was made that those who go into party politics and those who remain in the ministry should keep in touch with one another to maintain a level of fellowship and mutual support. Those who see the church and political party as ideally two very different. but complementary, ways of working for justice and peace in our land, must re­main in constant communication and dialogue.

Of course, there is another side to this whole debate, and it is the opinion that anyone who has a calling to ministry in the church can never legitimately con­sider any other calling. The opponents of this opinion would say that God can also call someone to work for justice and peace in politics now that a legitimate government elected by all the people has become a real possibility.

What does not appear to have been de­bated in South Africa as yet, is whether someone might legitimately exercise both offices or callings, in the church and in a political party, at the same time. 0

Challenge · March I 994 • 9

Police chief in firing line amid growing scandal Devld Beresford In Johennesburg

DESPITE deals between the African National Congress and the

National Party over security of tenure for SouU1 Africa's security force commanders, the position of the pollee chief ls looking untenable ln the face of growing scandal.

General Johan van der Merwe has been criticised by the Goldstone commission of inquiry for his part in a strange arms deal, and has protected two of his top col­leagues accused of master­·minding a "Third Force" conspiracy to destabilise South Africa.

But an even more bizarre case has ralsed questions about his possible Involve­ment In murder and fraud.

A Johannesburg inquest has been hearing testimony suggesting a high-level cover-up of a case against a former security pollee cap­tain accused of murdering his wife.

Jenlne Belllngan was bat­tered to death at her home outside Johannesburg ln September 1991 ln what Ini­tially appeared to be a bur­glary. But evidence has emerged suggesting that she had stumbled across docu­ments showing a security branch fraud Involving a trade union.

Her husband Michael was allegedly diverting cheques

Intended for the National Union of Metal Workers ·of South Africa {Numsa) Into an account he had opened ln the name of "Nicholas Umsa". It is suspected that Mrs Bellln­gan had threatened to make it public.

The inquest has heard evi­dence of mysterious ob­stacles put In the way of In­vestigations Into the murder.

Since the murder, the secu­rity branch has been dis­banded, Us commander, Gen­eral Basle Smlt, being promoted to Gen van der Merwe's deputy. Thls week Gen Smlt announced bls pre­mature retirement from the force.

He and the head of pollee counter-lntelllgence, Lieu­tenant-General Johann le Roux, had returned from leave they had taken pending investigations by the Gold­stone commission Into alle­gations that they were In­volved In the "Third Force".

The return of the two gen­erals from leave was an­nounced by Gen van der Merwe at the weekend, who said the evidence against them "Is not of such a nature that the two generals should be withdrawn from service".

But the attorney-general of the Transvaal, Jan D'Oll­velra, declared: "Our Investi­gations connrm the existence of prima-facie evidence that crimes ranging from murder, bombings, the unlawful pos­session and supply of arms and ammunition to the large

THE GUARDIAN Friday May 6 1994

scale fraudulent manipula­tion of the procedure to ob­tain money from state [secret] funds have allegedly been committed by certain members or former members of a certain pollee branch [since disbanded]. We are ln the process of identifying those responsible."

The attorney-general went on: "Concerning the position of Generals Smlt and Le Roux, an Indication of poss­Ible Involvement In regard to two specific incidents was given to the commissioner of the South African police."

Judge Goldstone then de­Uvered another blow to the police chief with a prelimi­nary report on a controversy over the sale of 1,000 assault rifles to the KwaZulu pollee by South Africa's giant power corporation, Eskom. The sale, which involved rightwlng middle-men, was halted in March after a senior Eskom official stum­bled across the guns being loaded on trucks In one of the corporation's warehouses.

The judge said a "disturb­ing" aspect was the role of the police commissioner. Gen van der Merwe had given permission for the sale of the rifles just a- week after t~e commission had announced it had evidence of police in­volvement in illegal gun­running to KwaZulu. It also came after disclosures of the existence of assassination squads In the Kwazulu pollee force.

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20 TheGuardian lnkatha seeks way to self-rule lhlvld llerellford In Johanneaburg

CONTROVERSY contin­ued to surround the battle for power in KwaZulu/Natal

following the South African elections as fresh evidence emerged that Inkatha hopes to use control of the province as a springboard to independence.

The issue of results in the election lurched forward yes­terday with provisional figures released by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) giving the African National Congress 65.4 per cent of the 16,253,322 votes for the National Assembly so far accepted. The National Party had 20.3 per cent and the Inkatha Freedom Party 7.9 per cent.

The IEC continued to make contradictory statements, but senior officials conceded that the final results might not be known before the eve of Nelson Mande­la's inauguration on Tuesday.

At 4pm yesterday, the IEC said that 236 counting stations, half in KwaZulutNatal, still had to complete their tallies.

Earlier. an IEC spokesman in Durban had been quoted as say­ing that counting in the prov­ince was complete and release of the results was only being delayed by computer problems.

It is strongly suspected that the delays have more to do with behind-the-scenes rows over al­leged vote-rigging by Inkatha.

As disclosed by the Guardian,

the IEC has been covering up the scale of the alleged fraud, particularly in the northern regions of KwaZulu where pi­rate polling stations 'were set up, seemingly by lnkatha.

The ANC's candidate for the provincial premiership, Jacob Zuma, has written to the IEC detailing the alleged fraud.

A new clue to Chief Mango­suthu Buthelezi's dream of a renaissance of Zulu indepen­dence in KwaZulu/Natal came yesterday with the disclosure that a new society called Iso Le­sizwe, or Eye of the Nation, ded­icated to pursuing self-determi­nation, was launched on Wednesday at a caucus meeting of the KwaZulu legislative as­sembly, with Chief Buthelezi as its president.

The founding document com­mits it to advocating "the cause of the self-determination of the Zulu nation within the parame­ters of democratic and pluralis­tic forms of government and along with all the other peoples living in the ancestral territory of the Zulu nation."

lt is suspected that the dream is being encouraged by foreign backers such as the English ec­centric, John Aspinall, who was in the Zulu capital this week.

Meanwhile, there is some scepticism among computer ex­perts over claims by the IEC that there had been sabotage of their main computer system by a computer hacker who had tried to manipulate the election results.

But the most likely explana­tion is that the problems stem from straightforward software 'glitches resulting from the over-hasty installation of the computer system.

Yesterday's lEC statement said ambiguously that the in­vestigation into data pollution was well advanced.

'Free and fair' KwaZulu poll stuns the ANC·. AFRICAN National Congress supponcrs were stunned and confused by the Independent Electoral Commission's deci­sion yesterday to declare last week's election in KwaZulu/­Natal province free and fair, despite charges ·by IEC moni­tors of widespread rigging by the Inkatha Freedom Pany.

.. Most of our supponcrs are worried and confused," said Zipho Mkhize, an ANC spokesman in the nonhero Na­tal city of Empangeni. "They are scared because they know what the attitude of the Kwa­Zulu [homeland] government was towards anyc;~ne who was seen as ANC."

Several ANC officials in the region said they believed their leadership had accepted the disputed results, which gave Inkatha control of the provin­cial assembly by a 50.3 per cent to 32.2 per cent margin over the ANC, in the interests of maintaining peace. In the past 10 years, a desultory civil war between Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi's Inkatha and the ANC has claimed 10,000 lives. The outgoing president, F W de Klerk, imposed a state of emergency ·in the region on 31 March in an attempt to halt the slaughter. .

"In tenm~ of violence, allow­ing Inkatha to control Natal might be better," said Sam Nxumalo, an ANC official in Eshowe. "'tis easier to control the ANC followers, especially since we have won nationally. If the situation was reversed and the ANC won the prov­ince, there would have been Chaos."

The premier-elect for Kwa­Zulu/Natal, lnkatha's Frank Mdlalose, suggested on Thurs­day that a new election should be held soon because of allega­tions of fraud and the IEC's mismanagement of the polls.

Chief Buthelezi said he ac­cepted the poll results "in the interests of reconciliation as sufficiently fair and free to en­able us to move forward" and urged the ANC-led govern­ment to work with Inkatha to resolve .. the many difficulties that lie ahead".

An IEC official in Durban said he believed the decision to ratify the poll results was a compromise between the ANC and Inkatha to let the charges of vote rigging by both aides .

cancel each other out. He said both sides committed fraud, but that the ANC's "propa­ganda wing is much more ef­fective at getting the informa­tion out" •

Internal IEC documents, however, painted a different picture - one in which In­katha was able to stuff ballot boxes, mount flying voting sta­tions using minibuses and have its officials appointed as presiding officers who used their positions at voting sta­tions to encourage, and some­times force, voters to cast their ballots for the IFP.

Most of the voting stations in KwaZulu were staffed by lnkatha officials or employees of the former homeland gov­ernment. Christa Claussen­Williams, the district electoral officer for Mahlabatini, which included the former homeland capital, Ulundi, ·was a senior public relations official of the KwaZulu government. ·

In Eshowe, the local pro­lnkatha chief, B I Zulu, his brother, IFP member Maurice Mackenzie, and KwaZulu gov­ernment deputy minister Prince Gideon Zulu were al-

. leged to have run a convoy of roving voter stations using minibuses with no monitors from the IEC, the ANC or any other political pany.

A confl.dential IEC repon vgued that voting nonh of the Tugela river in the Inkatha stronghold should be declared null and void due to "factual evidence" of rampant fraud. In some areas voter turnout was 215 per cent, and in Mahlabatini the number of ballots was 385 per cent of the expected vote. .

"The thing we must all fo­cus on now is reconciliation, rather than worrying about the past," said Mr Mkhize in Empangeni.

However some analysts be­lieve the IEC's decision will worsen the violence. "The vio­lence will certainly flare, and if it does it will be the respon­sibility of those who took this decision which is based on fraud on a huge scale," said Mary de Haas of the Univer­sity of Natal, who has been monitoring the conflict.

--

THf? NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL MONDAY, MAY 9, 1994

Civil War of Nearly Two Decades Exhausts Resource-Rich Angola

By JOHN DARNTON Special to The N•w York Times

HUAMBO, Angola, May 6 - When the sun goes down and darkness de· scends, this city disappears into an eerie void. No one stirs on the streets. There are no lights, no sounds, not even the barking of a dog. Darkened hulks of crumbling buildings lie silent under the stars.

Huambo, Angola's second-largest city, is headquarters of the rebel mov~ment that roams across two­thirds of the countryside. Like Luan­da, the coastal capital held by the Government, It is a place to measure the havoc and suffering wrought by nearly two decades of civil war. ·

Angola's agony is one of the long­est-running wars in Africa, and the only remaining serious conflict in southern Africa, now that South Af· rica itself is about to embark on mul· tiracial rule. Like other conflicts in Africa - notably the recent massa­cres in Rwanda- tribalism plays a role here.

But it is much more complicated than that. The fact that Angola has so much potential wealth perversely al­lows the conflict to continue. The Gov­ernment has access to oil to buy its guns, and the rebels smuggle out dia· monds through Zaire.

Yet Huambo has no electricity and no running water. It has one shop, but the shelves are practically .bare, sell­ing only vegetable oil, sugar and four types of beer somehow ferried in from Namibia. In the Central Hospi-

tal, looted in the course of an excruci­ating 55-day siege by the rebels last year, patients lie on steel bed frames awaiting treatment by doctors who have almost no medicine to dispense. A single blanket is so hard to come by that it can cost 1,300 pounds of maize.

Were it not for the almost daily - flights of emergency food aid brought

In by the United Nations World Food Program and the International Red Cross, at times reaching a mammoth 900 metric tons a week, 400,000 people would face starvation within a week.

Life is not much better in Luanda. It is estimated that 2,000 children live

The New York Tim••

War brought havoc to the Atlgo­Jan cities of Luanda and Huambo.

-on the streets. Many are war orphans. Others come from provincial capitals In the thick of the fighting, tossed into the holds of cargo planes by desperate parents. Dressed in rags, they spend nights in the sandy strip along the bay and their days begging and foraging for food through mounds of gar­bage.

Luanda's-2.5 million people also lack elec­tricity. A month ago the rebels severed a major power line from the Cambambo Dam, and now aging diesel turbines crank out just enough power to feed the central district with rotating blackouts.

Hardship, like suffering, is being equalized as the war ages. Ever since independence from Portugal in November 1975, Govern­ment forces of the once-Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola have been locked in a struggle for supremacy with the National Union for the Total Independ­ence of Angola, known by its Portuguese acronym, Unita. The Popular Movement has the crowded coast, and Unita is strong in the central highlands.

The Government Is Exhausted . Now, the Government of President Eduardo dos Santos is exhausted, corrupt and ideologically bankrupt It is meekly sub­servient to World Bank dictates to try to strike up a pulse in the moribund economy. Unita is more disciplined but ruthless and in the thrall of its charismatic founder, Jonas Savimbi, now beginning to show his age at 59.

Both sides spend huge sums on arms. No one knows how many weapons Unita is buy­ing on the illegal market, but its main in­come, from diamonds mined in the Lunda Norte region, Is thought to be over $1 million a week.

The Government buys much of its military hardware from Brazil. One report, done for the British-based Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism, said that in its 1993 budget, $475 million went for the military, $18.5 million for health and $12 million for education.

After a peace accord was signed in Portu­gal in May 1991, hope reigned that after some 30 years of conflict, beginning with the guer­l'illa bands that attacked the Portuguese co­lonialists, peace might finally come to one of the continent's richest countries. Angola is ateeped in oil, diamonds, minerals and coffee.

But the hope was short-lived. Before elec­tions scheduled for September 1992, tensions rose dangerously. The two sides traded accu­sations and threats. Voter registration was chaotic. United Nations observers were short-staffed, ill prepared and short of money ($132 million was set aside for the Angola operation compared with $2 billion for Cam­bodia).

Demobilization of the two forces was never accomplished. Unita scaled down the esti­mates of its force from 70,000 to 50,000 and let only a small proportion go. The 100,000 Gov- . emment troops and militia, underpaid and demoralized, scattered to the winds. But some were transferred into a paramilitary police unit, which Unita saw as a threat.

Vote Rejected, Savimbi Attacks

By the time the results were announced Oct 17, giving Mr. dos Santos a plurality but requiring a second round, . it was almost a foregone conclusion that Mr. Savimbi would reject them. His supporters say he is imbued with an almost messianic sense that he is de~tined to rule the country. Within days, Umta forces attacked the airport and in tum were being hunted down and killed in Luan-da. ·

With arms caches throughout the country and superior organization, Unita quickly overran much of the territory. By micl-1 Q!l3. it held most of the major provmce:., 't>rt:ing Government troops into besieged provincial capitals and forcing ever more people onto the already heavily popula~ed coast. The fighting was more ferocious. than ever, and the toll on an exhausted land was greater.

At the war's height last year, United Na­tions officials estimated that 1,000 people a day were dying from war-related causes mostly famine. In the worst-hit area, around the provincial capital of Malange, where re­lief workers foun<l children with limbs no thicker than sticks, 250 children perished every day in October, relief officials said.

No one knows how many people have died since .the fighting began 19 years ago, but figures up to 500,000 are commonly cited. The laying of between 10 and 15 million mines has made farming hazardous and created ampu-

. tees estimated to total 70,000. Rebel soldiers embarked on a scorched­

earth policy, even in their own ethnic heart­land, the Ovimbundu-populated central high­lands. They blew up bridges, downed electric lines, destroyed crops and carried off young boys to tum them into child soldiers.

Having lost its major backers, the United States and South Africa, and placed under an arms embargo that has remained largely notional; Unita declared a cease-fire seven months ago. The fighting has lulled some- '-.. ~ what since then, with the two sides engaged ~ in protracted negotiations in Zambia. It is the fourth attempt at· settlement. ·

NEW YORK TIMBS INTERNATIONAL MONDAY, MAY 9, 1994

Civil War of 2 Decades Is Exhausting AngOla

Combat Flares In Recent Weeks

But combat has Oared in recent weeks, along with Oil-again off-again reports of a

· breakthrough in the talks. The Government is pressing three t:ounteroffe"sives more or less simultaneously. •

One is through the center of Benguela Province, aimed at controlling the route to Huambo. A second, said to be undertaken with the aid of scores of South African merce- :

. naries,ls in Cuanza-Norte and Malanje Prov- , inces, and is directed at retaking the vast' diamond area to the east The third offensive is along the northern coast, where Unita has seized Soyo, a major oil-producing region.

In the capital, the suffering goes on. In Luanda's main hospital, the men's trauma, ward reeks with the stench of infected wounds. Fifty patients are packed inside, some of them stret<;hed out on blankets on the Door or on strips of filthy cardboard.

Many are missing legs. They had stepped on land mines, often while working the fields, and had been Down to the capital for treat­ment Others are local victims of armed assault, skyrocketing in Luanda now that ' thousands o{ guns have flooded in and fallen into the hands of robbers. \

Much of the medicine they ~uire, donat­ed by international relief organizations, has been diverted to the thieves'' market of Roque Santeiro in the thicket of the slums. If patients do not have relatives tO buy It for them, they go without and lie curled in agony, unattended. . \

As a visitor interviewed patients in ·the ward a few days ago, an emaciated man, naked and covered with Dies, could barely move his eyes. ~bruptly, he died. "Now you'll see," another patient shouted out.·. "They. won't even take him away." ·

A search was mounted for an orderly.

ket in Huambo' for a ride to a nearby village.; "It's all the politicians. 'I1!e people don't want· fighting anymore. In my village we are dy- · ing."

Uke many civilians in Unlia-held areas, the woman was nervou~ about being over-· heard. The organization does not tolerate dissident voices lightly. Recently a Govern- · ment banner was hoisted in a neighborhood· bere. The street was cordoned off and several residents were taken away. .

.United Nations officials say 3.3 million people - one-third of the country's popula­tion- are "war affected," meanfug that they ,have been displaced, lost their livelihood or live under siege. -

For the time being, with 130 flights a week to 23 places, United Nations officials say they believe that the monthly total of 16,000 metric tons of food is holding off what would other­wise be a catastrophe. But they say there are pockets where starvation exists that they cannot reach. And the lifeline is tenuous. · "When humanitarian aid reaches a place· consistently for four, six weeks, it improves,", said Mercedes Sayagues of the· World Food Program. "But If a place Is cut off by fight·:·

'ing, it drops quickly. There are no buffer stocks. If a Oight can't ~et through for a.

week~ the situation turns des~~ate." . Last week, the United Nations Humanitar­

ian Assistance Coordination Unit issued an . alarm over food shortages in two towns. In

Tchindjenje in Huambo Province, 20,000 peo­ple were barely surviving on boiled roots and leaves. Almost all the children bore symp­toms of severe malnutrition. Ten a day were dying.

Finally one was found, taking a break in the cool evening air of a courtyard. "Not me," he· ,. shrugged. "I'm in charge of the cholera ward." An hour later, the body had not been touched.

·The Civilians \ 'Cannot Go On' · · \

As always, ciVilians bear most of the mls-\ ery. On both sides, they say they simply want \ the war to stop. They have had enough.

"We cannot go on anymore," said a woman wearing a Chicago Bulls T-shirt, waiting on· the side of the ~uge ~ PedrO outdoor mar-

-;Jn Balombo in Benguela Province, another

20,000- half of them children -were eating boiled insects and sweet potato leaves. Ill­nesses like malaria, diarrhea and tuberculo­sis were rife, as they are throughout the region. With winter coming on in the already chilly highlands, the health situation will worsen .. ·

.As he led a tour through the darkened corridors of the Huambo Central Hospital, currently holding 550 patients, the director, Natanael Chimuco, recited a litany of prob­lems: "Medicine is not sufficient. We don't have bandages. We haven't been able to perform X-rays for three years. And we have to sterilize our instruments with charcoal. In a few days' time, we'll probably have to stop

, operations altogether." Compounding the problem of food supply is

an abysmal crop of corn, the staple through- · out the fertile highlands. Though the rainy season began with a promising punctuality, it drifted off into a 55-day drought. Now the corn stalks sag in the fields, stllnted and brown.

Over the long run, it is difficult to imagine a population of tens of thousands, now accus­tomed to lining up in a soccer field to pick up bags o~ corn and beans, oil and salt, readily returnmg to the hard life of subsistence agri­culture. The tools, the fertilizer, the animals and perhaps even the will - all are gone.

Perhaps no symbol of the decay is more, . telling than a once-elegant building down­

town, now ransacked and shelled. It housed the Institute for Veterinary Research, a cen­ter for research into parasitic diseases that was renowned throughout the country. When it was looted, decades of samples were spilled onto the floors and lost. The small glass vials containing them turned up in the marketplace, used to sell diesel fuel for lamps. ·