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Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, December 2012
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The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers
Begüm Burak
The GW Post Research Paper, December 2012 Published in 2012 at www.thegwpost.com Begüm Burak has a BA degree in Political Science and International Relations from Marmara University, Turkey. She completed her MA degree in Istanbul University, Turkey (majoring in Turkish political life) in 2010. She has been currently occupied as a Research Assistant at Fatih University, Turkey where she is a PhD candidate. Her main interests include civil-military relations, religion and politics and Turkish politics.
“The Globalized World Post” is an active and interactive forum which seeks originality and the lively contribution in various debates of international politics and beyond. “The GW Post” does not have a certain political label. Anyone can share their thoughts no matter what background they come from and no matter what they support. It is open to all ideas, theoretical approaches and ideologies. Its primary goal is to promote articles related to international relations, political science and social sciences more generally.
Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, November 2012 |
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1
The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers
Begüm Burak
Introduction1
Most nation-states since their inception
have had some kind of an “imagined”
good or desired (acceptable, palatable)
citizen profile. This concept of imagined
good citizen has its constitutive others
too. Thus, while on the one hand the
nation-state endeavors to construct a
good citizen; on the other hand and
simultaneously, it tries to assimilate or
dissimilate the identities that it sees unfit
to its good citizen imagination. The
nation-states have not only used coercive
or physical tactics such as forced
migration or population exchange to
achieve this, but have also used several
Gramscian instruments to manufacture
such citizen and negatively represent and
even vilify its others. The media has been
one of the powerful apparatuses that the
nation-states have enthusiastically used.
1 NB: This research paper is based on a shortened version of my PhD proposal which was approved for publication by my supervisor Assoc. Prof. Ihsan Yılmaz
The Turkish case is a remarkable example
in analyzing how and to what extent some
particular groups and/or sectors of society
are treated by the state as “undesired
citizens” or in other words as secondary-
status citizens, maybe not in the black-
letter law but in practice2. As Gramsci
states, political leadership cannot be only
based on coercion. In addition, it must be
based on the consent of the ruled, a
consent which is secured by the
popularization of the worldview of the
ruling class3. In this regard, hegemonic
power elites do not employ only legal and
institutional instruments; they also get
engaged in manufacturing consent for
making society a homogeneous entity. In
other words, the elites resort to social
engineering.
In the Turkish case, the press had been
one of the most influential tools in
2 Üstel, F. Makbul Vatandaşın Peşinde: II. Meşrutiyetten Bugüne Vatandaşlık Eğitimi, İletişim (2011) 3 Bates, Thomas, R., “Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony”, Journal of the History of the Ideas: 36 (1975), p.352
Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, November 2012 |
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enabling the Westernization-oriented
efforts of the elites in the early Republican
era. The top-down and state-led
modernization process was heavily
supported by the press in this period. The
press also played a key role in showing the
masses the “virtues” of the new regime4.
In this sense, it can be argued that the
press had had a significant role in
establishing and maintaining the
hegemony of the Kemalist regime in the
early years of the Turkish Republic.
In the following years, the media continue
to play an important role in shaping state-
society relations as well as in formulating
a dynamic “undesired” citizenship
definition, which can be characterized as
an ambiguous concept5. For example,
during the time of the February 28
Process when the Army paved the way for
the overthrow of an Islamist-led
government, some important newspapers
of the time had been engaged in a hostile
campaign against religious people and the
4 İhsan Yılmaz and Begüm Burak “Instrumentalist Use of Journalism in Imposing the Kemalist Hegemonic Worldview and Educating the Masses in the Early Republican Period” Turkish Journal of Politics: 2 (2011), pp. 113-116 5 Arsan, Esra, “Representation of the Other ın Turkish News Media: Islamists and Kurds”, Reuters Journalism Fellowship Programme Paper (2001)
Islamist political party of the time (The
Welfare Party).
It can be said that in democratic societies,
the media play a key role in auditing the
government and in informing the public.
However, in the Turkish case, the media
most of the time reproduce the
hegemonic-Kemalist elite discourse and
do not question undemocratic practices
such as the weakness of freedom of
speech.
In this study, I aim to contribute to the
debates of ‘who the “undesired citizens”
in Turkey are’ in the eyes of the media by
analyzing the media discourses regarding
the “undesired citizenship”. The concept
of the “undesired citizen” is not fixed and
depending on the socio-political
developments, but can be defined in
different ways6.
In this study, first of all, I will attempt to
draw a conceptual framework about how
the notion of “undesired” citizenship can
be defined through the relevant works
and concepts of various scholars, and
thinkers such as Foucault, Gramsci,
6 Kadıoğlu, Ayşe, “Citizenship and individuation in Turkey: the triumph of will over reason” , Cahiers d'Etudes sur la Méditerranée Orientale et le monde Turco-Iranien: 26 (1998). pp. 1-14
Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, November 2012 |
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Bourdieu, Derrida, Laclau and Mouffe,
Carl Schmitt, Miller & Rose, and Lacan.
Secondly, I will try to trace how on the
one hand, the notion of “undesired
citizen” is reproduced by the Kemalist-
hegemonic media, and on the other hand,
how the anti-hegemonic media challenges
this very notion. Turkey has a variety of
newspapers that have ideologically
different motivations, different financial
resources, and different audience which
have quite different worldviews, some of
them being hegemonic and some of them
anti-hegemonic.
In this context, I will attempt to analyze
how the Kemalist-hegemonic discourse
(represented by that of Hurriyet, which
has been probably the most effective and
influential hegemonic media outlet)
constructs and represents the image of
the “undesired citizen”. On the other
hand, I will analyze how Zaman, as the
voice of the “periphery” and one of the
powerful representatives of the “anti-
hegemonic discourse”, challenges this
notion. I will try to find the similarities,
the overlapping features (if there are any)
and/or differences between the
discourses of these two different
newspapers in terms of their
representation of the image of
“undesired” citizenship in Turkey. In this
sense, how each newspaper defines the
notion of the “undesired citizen” is quite
important.
As known, since the 1980s, the state
structure, the economic structure and the
nature of state-society relations in Turkey
have witnessed an important degree of
transformation. Inevitably, the definition
of the notion of “undesired citizen” has
changed too. In this regard, the discursive
formation of this notion that is performed
by these newspapers will be examined
through the use of Critical Discourse
Analysis.
Methodology
In this study I will employ a qualitative
methodology; the discourse historical
approach (DHA) which is a variant of the
Critical Discourse Analysis will be used as
the methodological framework. The DHA
argues that the discursive realizations can
be more or less intensified or mitigated,
more or less implicit or explicit, due to
historical conventions, public levels of
Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, November 2012 |
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tolerance, political correctness, context
and public sphere7.
The Theoretical Framework and
Literature Review
In this study, I will try to address the
nation-building process as the theoretical
framework. It is known that nation-
building is a process which is mainly
characterized by homogenization and
standardization. In the following pages, I
will try to elaborate on this process in
detail. In addition to that, in my paper, I
will try to answer the central question I
have set: Why does Zaman sometimes
have overlapping discourses with that of
Hurriyet despite being the owner of the
anti-hegemonic discourse? via employing
the theory of hegemony.
In this sense, the hypotheses to be tested
in the assumption of ‘Despite being the
voice of the periphery, Zaman sometimes
has discursive equivalences with that of
Hurriyet’ and this equivalence mainly
results from two phenomena:
7 Reisigl, M. and R. Wodak, Discourse and Discrimination. (London: Routledge, 2001)
• One is the relative success of the nation-
building process in Turkey. The elites
more or less have succeeded to establish
and maintain hegemony in formulizing
who can be treated as the “undesired
citizens”. In this regard, I will try to test
to what degree the nation-building
process has been successful through
analyzing the overlapping approaches of
anti-hegemonic media discourse with
that of Kemalist-hegemonic media
discourse.
• Another assumption that I will try to test
is that the political culture of Turkey and
the education system the media elites
have gone through have played a key
role in making the media elites have
some common attitudes towards certain
issues such as state-centric worldviews
or Turkish nationalist tendencies. In
Althusser’s terms (1971) the ideological
state apparatuses have played a key role
in making the dominant ideology
reproduce itself via some channels like
the media.
Main Discussion of Existing Approaches /Theories and Findings Relating to the Research
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5
A) Nation-State Formation, Nation-
Building Process, National
Identity, Nationalism and
Citizenship
The nation-state formation had begun in
the 18th century and that formation
continued until the 20th century. The
state-formation process can be viewed as
a process through which the state derives
its political legitimacy from serving as a
sovereign entity for a nation as a
sovereign territorial unit. It is known that
the nation-state formation had gone hand
in hand with the emergence of capitalism.
The nations passing through different
historical periods in a unique way form
the basis of the nation-states. For Walker
Connor, a nation is “a group of people
who believe they are ancestrally related,
and it is the largest grouping that shares
such a belief”8. The nation is based on felt
kinship ties and its basis is a psychological
tie that joins a people and differentiates it
from everyone else, in the sub-conscious
conviction of its members9. These ties do
not have to be real biologically while the
8 Connor, W., Ethno-Nationalism: The Quest for Understanding, (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1994), p.212 9 Connor, W., Ethno-Nationalism: The Quest for Understanding, (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1994)
events do not have to be experienced
exactly (because historical facts can be
manipulated by the nation builders) in
history. Thus, the important thing is not
‘what is’ but ‘what is felt to be’ and an
important ingredient of national
psychology is a sub-conscious belief in the
groups’ separate origin and evolution.
Apart from that, nationalism can be
treated as a phenomenon that has
emerged during the times of nation-state
formation and nation-building process.
The pioneering figures, namely the elites
in these times resort to nationalism as an
ideology.
On the other hand, there are various
approaches to the notion of nationalism.
For example, Gellner has claimed that the
rise of nations and nationalism has been
the “logical” consequence of a transition
from one social order to another – from
agrarian to industrial society10. Gellner
claims that “nationalism is not the
awakening of nations to self-
consciousness: it invents nations where
10 Utz, Raphael, “Nations, Nation-Building, and Cultural Intervention: A Social Science Perspective”, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law: 9 (2005)
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6
they do not exist”11. By contrast, Benedict
Anderson claims that the nations like any
other large communities are imagined
since “the members of even the smallest
nation will never know most of their
fellow members, meet them, or even hear
of them, yet in the minds of each lives the
image of their communion.”12.
In his frequently-cited work, Smith
distinguishes between two dimensions of
nationalism: an ethnic-genealogical
dimension and a civic-territorial one13.
The nation in the ethnic view is defined by
ancestry not by boundaries of a state. It is
a community of birth and native culture
where common descent is heavily
emphasized. A focus on shared history,
native language and religion is
maintained. Alternatively, Smith describes
a civic model of nation where a nation is
conceived mainly as a rational political
community. This version defines the
historical territory of the nation as a
defining characteristic with an emphasis
on a community of laws and institutions
11 Gellner, E. (ed), Thought and Change (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson: 1964) 12 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities (London: Verso Books, 1991) 13 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism, (E. J. Brill, 1991), p.14
that share a common civic culture and
ideology14.
Before addressing the nation-building
process and the concept of citizenship, it
is needed to take a look at the impacts of
the revolutions that occurred in the 18th
and the 19th centuries upon nation-
building process and the concept of
citizenship. For instance, Rogers Brubaker
states that the French Revolution had
invented both the nation-state and its
modern institutional and ideological basis
for citizenship15.
With the French Revolution, the
individuals had turned into citizens who
accept the laws and necessities of the
state and who can grant some particular
rights as long as they perform their duties.
The nation-building process is based on
purpose of creating an “enlightened
citizen”16. The creation of an “enlightened
citizen” in Norbert Elias’ words can be
seen as a project that not only aims to
break the ties with the old traditional 14 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism (E. J. Brill, 1991) 15 Brubaker, Rogers, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, (Harvard University Press, 1992) 16 Borne, Dominique. 1990. “Fransız Eğitim Sisteminde Tarih, Coğrafya ve Yurttaslık Bilgisi Tasarımı ve Bu Tasarımın Yurttasın Olusumuna Katkısı”, Dersimiz Yurttaslık, der.Turhan Ilgaz, İstanbul, Kesit Yayıncılık, 1998, s.157-166.
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forces but also aims to make the
individuals get responsibilities and duties
under the rule of new forces17. In this
sense, the individuals are supposed to
adopt a set of specific attitudes,
behaviors, and roles through internalizing
some particular perceptions and
standards of judgment. Bourdieu defines
this set of specific attitudes, perceptions,
standards of judgment and codes of
behavior as the “Habitus”18.
Dominique Schnapper underlines the
importance of the concept of “Habitus”
for analyzing the concept of citizenship.
According to him, the nation-building
process creates a unique social habitus
that connects the honor of the individuals
to being able to become a “good
citizen”19.
On the other hand, the trajectories of the
three terrains of nation-building
(language, education, and citizenship)
exhibit that nationhood was informed by
ideological, political, economic, and
geopolitical forces. It can be said that
language and education play a major role
17 (Elias, 1977) 18 Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction (London: Routledge, 1986) 19 Schnapper, Dominique, Yurttaşlar Cemaati Modern Ulus Fikrine Dair, Çev. Özlem Okur, (İstanbul, Kesit Yay, 1996) p.150
in spreading the ideology of the newly-
established nation-state. Gramsci’s
concept of “organic intellectuals” and
Mario Isnenghi’s concept of “civil servant
and militant intellectual” can be seen as
important conceptualizations that show
the critical role of education and the press
in providing legitimacy for the new
regime20.
Central to nation-building is the creation
of a national history and a national
political culture.
It can be said that the creation of a
national history and a national political
culture are essential for providing a
considerable amount of homogenization
and standardization among the masses.
All those who participate in creating and
spreading a common past can be called
nation builders. Usually, they are
members of the elite. It can be stated that
there are three main reasons that pave
the way for certain groups of people (like
elites) to get a pioneering role in this
process. First, they have a political,
economic or social interest in nationalism,
and would be the main beneficiaries of 20 Cited in Ghiat, Ben. 1995. “Fascism, Writing, and Memory: The Realist Aesthetic in Italy, 1930-1950”, The Journal of Modern History: 67 (1995), p. 629
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8
the stabilizing and legitimizing effects of a
nationalist political culture based upon a
national common past. Second, they are
the only ones sufficiently educated to
produce literature or art, or engage in
historical research. Third, by definition,
members of an elite possess influence and
are thus capable of extending their
beliefs/worldviews to the population at
large. Initially, all nationalisms were
created by an elite playing the decisive
role in the formation of the intellectual
content of each nationalism21.
In principle, all nation-building processes
are cultural interventions as the center
establishes a particular identity on the
periphery, or, in other words, the elites
create a national identity for the rest of
the population22. In this context, it can be
argued that, the formation of a particular
identity inevitably covers the elimination
of different identities that are not
welcomed by the elites.
21 Cited in Utz, Raphael, “Nations, Nation-Building, and Cultural Intervention: A Social Science Perspective”, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law: 9 (2005), pp. 615-647. 22 Cited in Utz, Raphael, “Nations, Nation-Building, and Cultural Intervention: A Social Science Perspective”, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law: 9 (2005), p. 638
The national identity can be viewed as an
instilled consciousness that turns
individuals into citizens during the nation-
building process. In addition, having a
national identity means being conscious of
and belonging to a nation; thus it can be
said that it is a collective identity that
brings people together under a common
brand. It must be noted that nationalism
activates national identity. In other words,
as Ernest Barker says “(…) a nation must
be an idea as well as a fact before it can
become a dynamic force.”23. With
dynamic force, nationalism is implied;
having a national identity does not
necessarily mean being a nationalist.
Actually, as mentioned by Smith, national
identity and nation are complex
constructs composed of interrelated
components such as ethnic, cultural,
territorial, economic and legal-political.
They present solidarity among members
of communities united by shared
memories, myths, and traditions.
Nevertheless, this may or may not take
the form of state24. Hence, the definition
23 Cited in Connor, W., Ethno-Nationalism: The Quest for Understanding, (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1994), p.64 24 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism, (E. J. Brill, 1991) p.15
Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, November 2012 |
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9
of national identity is closely related with
how the nation is defined, which varies
according to different scholars.
Yet, while there is a consensus about the
subjectivity of the national identity, there
are a number of different approaches
about the meaning of it. Accordingly, the
criteria for determining what constitutes a
nation changes from one community to
another; the criterion may be the
language, religion, territory or race, or a
combination of any of these. The
proponents of the civic dimension (i.e.
Ernest Gellner, Eric Hobsbawm, Benedict
Anderson, etc.) emphasize that nations
are modern constructions, not historic.
They emphasize nations’ being recent and
new in political character, cultural
homogeneity, and territorial
consolidation. For them, the only criterion
for the membership of a nation is through
citizenship. Similarly, nation-states
provide the framework for modern
industrial societies and the people in
those nation states imagine a national
identity through career structures,
educational systems, and cultural
instruments (newspapers, books etc.)25.
25 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities, (London: Verso Books, 1991); Gellner, E., Nations
In the modernist view of nation, it is the
nationalism that creates nation and as
Hobsbawm argues, nations are invented
traditions which are socially engineered26.
However, Anthony D. Smith argues that
nations have both ethnic and civic
territorial components and defines the
nation as “a named population sharing a
historic territory, common myths and
historical memories, a mass, public
culture, a common economy and common
legal rights and duties for all members”27.
As clearly seen from this definition,
national identity has a complex nature
including elements of other kinds of
collective identities (religious, ethnic, or
class etc.). Concequently, a national
identity is a multi-dimensional concept
and can’t be reduced to a single element.
Smith emphasizes the importance of
ethno-historical myths for providing
political community a sense of collective
identity and destiny28.
and Nationalism (Oxford:Basil Blacwell, 1983); Hobsbawm. E.J., Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 26 Hobsbawm. E.J., Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 27 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism (E. J. Brill, 1991), p. 14 28 Ibid
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10
How the national identity is identified and
how the past is reconstructed are
dependent on the nation-building process
carried out by the state. Hence, in that
sense, national identity is a constructed
concept. Accordingly, it is the state that
controls and coordinates the process and
it tries to shift population’s loyalty from
local, sub-national identities towards
collective, national identity. While doing
this, as Calhoun noted, in most cases,
nationalists draw on pre-existing
traditions and other cultural resources to
build a national unity29.
One of the most important tools of the
state to disseminate the new national
identity is formal education. Education
enables the state to offer the population a
sense of belonging to the newly created
nation. Therefore, the socialization of the
people as citizens is achieved through
compulsory, standardized, formal, public
mass education systems, by which the
state tries to create a homogeneous
culture30.
29 Calhoun, C.,“Nationalism and Ethnicity”, Annual Review Sociology: 19 (1993), p226 30 Gellner, E., Nations and Nationalism, (Oxford:Basil Blacwell, 1983)
The common culture is an important
component of the national identity31 thus,
the created nation concept provides a
social bond among individuals by
providing shared values, symbols and
traditions. Accordingly, the members of
the nation are reminded of their common
heritage and cultural kinship through the
use of symbols, such as flags, national
anthems, uniforms, ceremonies,
monuments and money32. Among the
cultural aspects of national identity,
religion also has a significant role.
On the other hand, it is known that a
decisive process in nation state building is
the homogenization of the population into
a national identity. This process of
homogenization relates to the
assimilation, exclusion, deportation, and
even massacre of the minority groups. In
this sense, it is obvious that the citizenship
formation is closely related to the
homogenization in nation building
process. Moreover, it can be said that the
citizenship formation is directly related to
the state formation of a land.
31 Smith, Anthony, National Identity (University of Nevada Press, 1994) 32 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism (E. J. Brill, 1991)
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11
Modern notion of citizenship is generally
regarded as the offspring of the French
Revolution, but several other political
social and economic developments, which
marked the period of modernity in
Western history from the sixteenth
century onwards, laid the foundations for
“the transition from a monarch-subject
relationship to a state-citizen
relationship”33. Because of the French and
Industrial Revolutions the legitimacy of
the old social and political order, which
was dominated by aristocracy and Church,
was undermined. As an alternative means
of stability the concept and status of
citizenship was required34.
The approaches to citizenship can be
identified as the classical or civic-
republican and the liberal or liberal-
individualist conception of citizenship35.
Liberal understanding of citizenship is
linked to the development of capitalism
and nation-state. It has a conception of
33 Heater, Derek, What is Citizenship, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999), p. 4 34 Heater, Derek, A Brief History of Citizenship (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004), pp. 170-173 35Oldfield, Adrian, “Citizenship: An Unnatural Practice?” in B. Turner and P. Hamilton (eds.), Citizenship: Critical Concepts, Vol. I (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 188-197; Heater, Derek, What is Citizenship, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999)
citizenship as legal status and focuses on
“rights‟. According to this conception, the
rights inhere in individuals, because
individuals are both logically and morally
prior to society and the state, and one of
the primary purposes of the state is to
secure and protect these natural rights.
The state is useful to the citizen as a
“night-watchman”36 and it is expected “to
render service to individual interests and
purposes, to protect citizens in the
exercise of their rights, and to leave them
unhindered in the pursuit of whatever
individual and collective interests and
purposes they might have”37.
By contrast, in the civic-republican
conception of citizenship, the emphasis is
on practice, activity. This understanding
has its roots in the Ancient Greek political
philosophy and is mainly inspired from the
ethical and political thought of Aristotle
who defined the citizen as “the individual
who shares in the civic life of ruling and
being ruled in turn.”38. Civic republicanism
has a conception of individuals different
36 Heater, Derek, What is Citizenship, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999) 37 Oldfield, A., “Citizenship and Community: Civic Republicanism and the Modern World” in G. Shafir (ed.), The Citizenship Debates (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), pp.75-89. 38 (Janowitz, 1980)
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12
from that of liberalism: individuals are not
considered as being logically prior to
society39. It is by performing their duties,
by public service of fairly specific kinds,
that individuals demonstrate that they are
citizens. This emphasis on practice gives
rise to a language of “duties”.
B) An Attempt to Conceptualize the
“Undesired Citizenship” and the
Role of the Media in Reproducing
and/or Challenging the Dominant
Ideology and Citizenship
Understanding
In order to be able to reach a particular
“undesired citizenship” conceptualization,
first of all, the historical background that
describes the state formation and nation-
building process must be clarified. Then
what kind of philosophical understanding
(civic or republican) lies at the heart of the
nation-building process must be made
clear. Apart from that, there are a number
of works that can be drawn upon in order
to make such a conceptualization.
39 Oldfield, Adrian, “Citizenship: An Unnatural Practice?” in B. Turner and P. Hamilton (eds.), Citizenship: Critical Concepts, Vol. I (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 188-197
It can be argued that, to label a group of
citizens as the “undesired citizens”, some
other groups must be seen as the good
citizens. So before stigmatizing and
excluding some sort of citizens, the elites
need to define who can be a good citizen .
In this regard, the concept “The
Ideological State Apparatuses” of
Althusser can be a good starting point for
analyzing how the elites instill their
understanding of good citizenship and
stigmatize some others as the “undesired
citizens”. According to Althusser, the state
via institutions like the church, media, and
schools disseminate its ideology among
the masses without using coercion40. In
this sense, it can be argued that the
citizens who do not adhere to the
dominant ideology that is spread by those
institutions can be viewed as the
“undesired citizens”.
Another Marxist, A. Gramsci’s notion of
“hegemony” can be quite helpful in
analyzing the concept of citizenship. The
concept of hegemony means that political
leadership is based not only on coercion
but also on the consent of the led; a
40 Althusser, L., “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses” in L. Althusser (Ed.), Lenin and Philosophy and other Essays (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971)
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consent, which is secured by the diffusion
and popularization of the worldview of
the ruling class41. Hegemony signifies the
control of social life (by a group or a class)
through cultural, as opposed to physical,
means42.
Elites aim to secure consensus so that
their rule would appear just and natural.
The hegemonic group represents a
theoretical self-perception, a
“philosophy”. Thus, it can be stated that,
the elites draw the boundaries of
citizenship and they also get a certain
degree of consent from the citizens. The
media is one of the principal instruments
that is used by the elites in spreading their
worldviews and ideologies. However, the
citizens who do not agree with the
citizenship understanding that is
determined by the elites and who try to
challenge it are seen as the “undesired
citizens”.
Gramsci believed the media had a vital
role in inculcating individuals to do things
in their everyday lives that would support
41 Bates, Thomas, R., “Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony”, Journal of the History of the Ideas: 36 (1975), pp. 351-362 42 Femia, Joseph V, “Gramsci’s Patrimony”, British Journal of Political Science: 13 (1983), pp. 327-364
the establishment. Even though there are
some disagreements over the precise
nature of hegemony, it is widely perceived
“that emphasis is on the cultural and
ideological modes produced by the
institutions dominated by ruling elites”43.
The media helps perpetuate an
economically, culturally and ideologically
biased consciousness and all of society is
thus effectively dominated by the false
logic and consciousness through the
instrumentalist use of media44.
The media is also important in
maintaining the dominant ideology and in
showing the principles of that ideology as
the “common sense”. The hegemonic
worldview propagates its own values and
norms through the media so that these
values and norms become everyone’s
“common sense” values45. The media
language plays a key role in providing
positive self-presentation and negative
other-presentation46. Thus, it can be
43 Altheide, David L., “Media Hegemony: A Failure of Perspective”, The Public Opinion Quarterly: 48 (1984), pp. 476-490 44 Ibid. 45 Patnaik, Arun, “Gramsci s Concept of Common Sense-Towards a Theory of Subaltern Consciousness in Hegemony Processes”, Economic and Political Weekly: 23 (1988), pp. 12- 8. 46 Oktar, Lütfiye, “The Ideological Organization of Representational Processes in the Presentation of
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stated that, the citizens who do not
remain faithful to the values of the
“common sense” are stigmatized as the
“undesired citizens”.
On the other hand, Bourdieu’s concepts of
Doxa and Habitus can be employed in
conceptualizing the notion of “undesired
citizenship”. Habitus can be defined as a
set of specific attitudes, and codes of
conduct through internalizing some
particular perceptions and standards of
judgment47. The elites through
articulating the habitus which they define
and practice with that of their citizenship
understanding create the “doxa of
citizenship”48. In other words, they draw
the boundaries of who can be a good
citizen and as a result, label the others as
the “undesired citizens”.
I use the concept of doxa as a heuristic
tool in order to understand the citizenship
perspective as a “system of
classification”49 that contributes to the
Us and Them”, Discourse & Society: 12 (2001), pp. 313-346. 47 Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction (London: Routledge, 1986). 48 The concept of “doxa of citizenship” is a term which I will try to coin in my study. 49 Bourdieu, Pierre, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977) .
objectification, universalization and
naturalization of a particular and arbitrary
form of understanding politics and history.
Bourdieu used the term doxa to denote
what is taken for granted in any particular
society. The doxa, in his view, is the
experience by which “the natural and
social world appears as self-evident”50.
Moreover, another concept of Bourdieu,
the “symbolic violence” can be functional
in showing why the doxa of citizenship is
not questioned. This notion represents an
extension of the term “violence” to
include various modes of social/cultural
domination. Symbolic violence is the
unnoticed (partly unconscious)
domination that every-day social habits
maintain over the conscious subject51.
It can be argued that, the citizens,
consciously or not, accept the boundaries
determined by the elites. Those who
question these boundaries can also be
seen as the ones who are influenced by
the practice of that symbolic violence not
as much as the ones who accept it. In line
with this, the media can be treated as an
important tool which is used by elites for
employing symbolic violence upon the 50 Ibid. 51 Bourdieu, Pierre Language and Symbolic Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998)
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masses. Norman Fairclough states that
the political language is one of the
significant ways of exercising power.
According to him, language can be used
via dominant ideologies and hegemonic
discourses and through these, elites
exercise power52.
Also Foucault’s concept of
“governmentality” can be helpful in
studying state-citizen relations.
Governmentality can be understood as
the way governments try to create the
citizens best suited to fulfill those
governments’ needs. Furthermore,
governmentality can be seen as the
organized practices (mentalities,
rationalities, and techniques) through
which subjects are governed53. In
addition, Foucault central point of
power/knowledge relationship can be
functional in revealing how the elites who
hold power shape citizenship-related
definitions. The media, which serve as one
of the ideological state apparatuses,
reproduce these definitions.
52 Fairclough, N., Language and Power (London: Longman, 1989) 53 Mayhew, Susan, “Governmentality” in Mayhew, Susan, A Dictionary of Geography (Oxford University Press, 2004)
Apart from that, the notion of “the
constitutive outside” of Derrida is
important in analyzing collective political
identities. The us/them distinction is
central in the constitution of collective
political identities. In this regard, it is not
surprising to see the need for an
“undesired citizenship” notion in order to
reach a common “we”54. In parallel to
that, the friend/enemy distinction
belonging to Carl Schmitt may be helpful
in questing citizenship-related contrasts—
be it linguistic, ethnic, cultural, religious,
etc. — that may become a marker of
collective identity and difference55. The
media from time to time through
employing a demonizing and vilifying
language play a major role in making
these contrasts visible and remarkable. It
can be said that when the media use a
nationalist and racist language, it aims to
show the “other” as the weak and
cheating actor56 .
54 Mika Ojakangas, “Carl Schmitt's real Enemy: The Citizen of the Non-exclusive Democratic Community?” The European Legacy:8 (2003) 55 Schmitt, Carl, The Concept of the Political (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996) 56 Dimitrakopoulou Dimitra, & Orhon Nezih "Greek Media’s Coverage on Turkey’s Accession to the EU and Turkish Media’s Striking Back" in Savaş Arslan, Volkan Aytar, Defne Karaosmanoğlu and Süheyla Krca Schroeder (eds) Media, Culture and Identity in Europe, (Istanbul: Bahçeşehir University Press, 2009)
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On the other hand, the works of Lacan can
be addressed too. For instance, we might
approach the Other (in this study, the
“undesired citizen”) as Lacan’s means of
insisting on the omnipresence of social
mediation, as the ever-varying network of
trans-subjective social structures and
values underlying a given society. The
Other can hence be viewed as the Other
of language, of certain ideals, norms and
ideology of a particular society or
community and as a position, a presumed
or posited point (or perspective) of
authority, knowledge, validation.
Therefore, it is this Other which constrains
the option of images available in the
process of re-evaluation of social
categories. It can be said that it is the
Other which judges if a social identity or
image is positive or negative, that it is the
Other which puts limits to who one can
be57.
In addition to all these, Laclau and
Mouffe’s theory of social antagonism is
useful in examining the notion of the
“undesired citizen” as this theory shows
57 Glynos, J. “ The Grip of Ideology: a Lacanian approach to the theory of ideology.” Journal of Political Ideologies: 6 (2001), pp. 191-214.; Daly, G. “Ideology and Its Paradoxes: Dimensions of Fantasy and Enjoyment.”, Journal of Political Ideologies: 4 (1999), pp. 219-238.
exclusion as an inevitable process in the
construction of identity58. In this theory,
identities are both plural and competitive,
agents are defined as a collection of
different identities, each defined in
relation to a negative ‘other’ and it is the
manner in which the ‘other’ is constituted
as a negative entity that can be seen as an
act of power.
Laclau uses the example of the discursive
construction of the ‘East’ in order to show
how the ‘other’ becomes a banner under
which a number of different identities get
formed in opposition to the western
identities59.
58 Laclau, Ernesto and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985) 59 Laclau, Ernesto, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time (London: Verso, 1990)
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