THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF

POLICE UNIONISM:

THREE CASE STUDIES FROM BRITISH COLUMBIA

Barbara Ann Suzon Fleury

B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1981

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT, OF

THE REQUIRMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS (Criminology)

in the School

Criminology

@ Barbara Ann Suzon Fleury 1988

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY

December 1988

All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy

or other means, without permission of the author.

APPROVAL

Name: Barbara Ann Suzon Fleury

Degree: Master of Arts (Criminology)

Title of Thesis: T h e Historical Development of Police Unionism: Three C a s e Studies from British Columbia

Examining Committee:

Chairman: Ted S. Palys, Ph.D.

'Curt 'I". G(riffli\thsY, Ph.D.

Neil Boyd, LL.k

Gerald B. ~ i l c u p , ~ h k a . - Vice-principal Kwantlen College (Surrey Campus)

Date Approved: f l ~ / Z n n 2 g g b

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The Historical Development of Police Unionism: Three Case

Studies from British Columbia

Barbara Ann Suzon Fleury

ABSTRACT

There is a paucity of research literature on police

unions and the evolution of police-labour relations in

Canada. Traditionally, inquiries have focused on the more

overt activities of the police such as the exercise of

police discretion by patrol officers and the

jurisdictional arrangements for policing at the municipal,

provincial and national levels. In recent years, however,

there has been an increased emphasis on the police labour

movement, particularly in the U.S. where police unions

originated.

The present study was designed to examine the origins

and development of police unions in three municipalities

in the Province of British Columbia, Canada. As a

backdrop to the analysis, the evolution of police labour

unions in the United States and Canada are contrasted and

compared and the similarities and differences between

events in the two countries identified and explored. \

Police labour unions are also contrasted with other labour

organizations in the two countries.

Following a discussion of the structure of policing

in Canada, the events and personalities surrounding the

creation and development of police unions in Vancouver,

Delta and Matsqui are explored. Materials on each

iii

department were gathered through archival research and

interviews with police personnel at the managerial and

line level. The role of economic and regional factors in

police-labour relations in the three municipalities and

the influence of certain "key players" are examined.

Among the factors which played a significant role in

the development of police unions in the three

municipalities were the issue of wage parity, the view of

the municipal government toward the notion of police

unions and economic restraint. The findings from the

three case studies also indicate that the expertise of the

negotiators for the union and for management, working

environment, and the size of the police department had a

significant impact on police-labour relations in the three

municipalities. The implications of these findings for

future police-labour relations and the role of police

unions are discussed.

D E D I C A T I O N

TO MY LOVING PARENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This thesis would not have been completed without the assistance and guidance of my senior supervisor Curt Griffiths, committee member Neil Boyd and Dr. Gerald J. Kilcup, who served as external examiner. Additional thanks to Cindy Stogren, for her time, energy and friendship. My gratitude is extended to those individuals who assisted in providing unique and candid information on the case studies: the interviewees.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Approval.. .......................................... ii Abstra~t..~.....,........,.~.~...,...,,..~~~.~...~.iii

Dedication.,.......,.,,..........,..............,~..,~

Acknowledgements.. ................,................. vi List of Figures. , . . , . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . , . . . .o,.. . . . ,~,, . ix

I, INTRODUCTION..,.*..,~*......-...,,.,,.-~....,.,.l

11, THE HISTORY OF POLICE UNIONS IN NORTH AMERICA.,.G

American Police Unions,..........................fi

The Police Labour Movement in Canada.......,..,lG

Comparative Analysis .......................... .24 The Structure of Canadian Policing.,. ........ 2 7

111. METHODOLOGY............,..,.,.,....,.*~L.,~.,~.34

IV. THE POLlCE UNION HISTORIES OF VANCOUVER,.o...o..*

MATSQUI AND DELTA...,.,,...,.........,.....,...52

The Vancouver City Police Department ........, 4 2

The Matsqui Police Department,,,., ............. 60 The Delta Police Union..........,..,,......,*,.74

Sumary,. ...................................... 81 V. CONCLUSION,..,.,,,.,,.,.............,.,.,..,,,..92

FOOTNOTES,,,,.,.,,,,.,...,....,....,.,.. .......... .Ill APPENDIX A.........,,,....,...L..~,.,..=.L,...L.,..l12

Certification Dates.,....,......,..,~...,.,.,.112

vii

......................................... APPENDIX B 113

Personal Interviews ........................... 113 Recorded Personal Interviews. .............. 113 Non-Recorded Personal Interviews ........... 113

Personal Communications ....................... 114 APPENDIX C ......................................... 115

Interview Schedule ............................ 115 ........................... Sample Questions 115

......................................... REFERENCES 11 7

viii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1 Police Labour Negotiations

In ~ritish Columbia ..............................83

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Criminological research, particularly in Canada, has

generally focused on the more traditional issues

surrounding the police and policing systems. The issues

of police unions, police labourers as a unionized entity,

and the police labour movement itself have, at best, been

studied intermittently. The paucity of police labour

studies in this realm reflects a preference to examine

more overt police issues such as police patrol work, and

the exercise of police discretion (Ericson, 1982; Davis,

1975).

The onset of the 19601s, however, produced a trend

towards studying police officers as individuals with the

same common needs as other marketable labourers,. Although

this demystification process of viewing police officers as

a distinct labour entity and subsequently studying them as

such evolved during this decade, the issue of the "police

labour movement" was not strictly a phenomenon of the

1960's. The police labour movement, or development of a

form of labour representation by the police, had its

beginnings at the turn of the 20th century in North

America, during the early stages of the development of law

enforcement organizations.

Labour groups in North America have generally

expanded from small localized associations, to

organizations with a national and, on occasion,

international scope. This has resulted in increased

membership and increased power to lobby for the benefit of

the membership. The basic organizational objective has

been to provide adequate representation of members on

issues dealing with labour relations, i.e. salaries,

working conditions and benefits. Representatives were

elected and were governed by a variety of legislative

ordinances, on a variety of governmental levels (e.9.

municipal, provincial, federal).

In both countries private sector unions (unions for

employees working in the private industry) developed prior

to public sector unions (unions for employees wqrking for

government agencies). "Public-sector unions have their

origin in the same conditions that cause private employees

to unionize1' (Juris & Feuille, 1973, p.10). Being part of

the public-sector, police unions appear to have followed a

similar evolution.

The first attempts by police officers to incorporate

a structured form of labour representation in the7United

States met with resistance (e.g. Boston Police Strike of

1919). ''Police officers ... were seen as unique public

employees with certain moral and social obligations"

(Kornfeld & Dawson, 1981, p.1).

It would appear that both in Canada and the United

States police unions evolved from fraternal associations.

Their goals, which included improved economic benefits and

job conditions, were similar to other occupational groups

of the time (Salerno, 1977). The American unions have

experienced a more tumultuous history.

This thesis will trace the historical evolution of

police unions in both the United States and Canada and

then consider the origins and development of unions in

three municipal police departments in Province of British

Columbia.

In Chapter 11, a description of the police labour

movement in North America from its origin to current times

is presented. The history of the police labour movement,

in the United States and Canada is provided through a

comparison of the police union movement in both

countries. Their evolutionary development will also be

examined in the context of other labour organizations in

order to delineate characteristics which may be either

similar or divergent from other labour groups. . More specifically, policing in Canada on a national

level will be outlined, describing the role of the Royal

Canadian Mounted Police and its mandates. This will be

followed by a discussion of the provincial police

departments in Ontario and Quebec and the local municipal

departments in the Province of British Columbia.

As the three municipal police departments which

provide the case studies for the thesis are located in

British Columbia, a brief history of policing in the

Province will also be presented.

In Chapter I11 the methodology used in this study is

presented. Data for the study were obtained from a

variety of sources, including journal articles, government

documents, relevant statutes, Labour Codes, journalistic

publications and unpublished manuscripts. In-person

interviews with police personnel involved in managerial

functions and elected representatives of police labour

unions in the three departments under study were

conducted. The major issues concerning the instruments

selected in collecting the said data will be critically

examined with particular reference to their application in

criminological research.

The potential problems encountered in using these

particular methods, as well as the criteria used for

selecting the three departments, will be critically

analyzed.

In Chapter IV the data gathered in the three police

departments are presented. The evolution of the labour

4

movement in each of the three organizations is examined,

focussing on the factors which played a prominent role in

their development. This includes the role and influence

of economic and regional factors in police labour

relations, as well as the influence of certain "key

players" in the police labour relations process.

In the concluding Chapter, a brief summary of the

factors which influenced the development of the pollce

labour movement in British Columbia generally and more

specifically in the three departments is presented.

Police unions are discussed and contrasted with the

general "labour union" realm. The most pertinent and

critical issues to be faced by police unions in the coming

years will then be discussed along with the possible

impact of such developments as civilianization and the

increase in use of professional negotiators. Finally, the

basic premise that police officers, while being

professionals, must be seen as labourers and police unions

as a mechanism to enhance the work environment will be

reiterated.

CHAPTER 11

THE HISTORY OF POLICE UNIONS IN NORTH AMERICA

American Police Unions

Police labour associations in the United States grew

out of the loosely structured framework of benevolent

associations, fraternities and social clubs during the

late 1800's. These police groups, however, were mainly

concerned with social and recreational activities rather

than with specific labour issues (e.g. New York City

Police Benevolent Association, 1892, Rochester Police

Locust Club, 1907; see Juris & Feuille, 1973; Forcese,

1 9 8 0 ) .

The transformation of these social clubs to police

labour associations or unions occurred when these groups

began to expand their activities into "labour" issues and

to concern themselves with the labour aspects of police

work. The inadequacies of social clubs and fraternities

to improve effectively the labour status of police lead to

an attempt to encompass a more formalized structure within

these police groups. The first effort to bring members of

a large urban police force into a union in an attempt to

secure increased compensation occurred in 1919, in Boston

(International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1944,

pol)-

It should be noted that the Industrial Revolution in

the United States in the 1850's spawned the labour union

movement and by the end of the 1 8 0 0 ' ~ ~ blue collar workers

in several sectors of the economy had formed national

unions (Austin, 1949; Stearns, 1975).

The inadequacy of the police social clubs of the time

to address labour issues such as wages and work hours,

precipitated the emergence of more formally structured

police associations (Levi, 1977). Although the Boston

Social Club received a charter from the American

Federation of Labor, the attempt to form a police union

was quickly suppressed by local government. The police

force was ordered to cede their charter with the American

Federation of Labor which resulted in the Boston Police

Strike of 1919 (Forcese, 1980). This police strike was to

strongly influence the development of police labour unions

both in the United States and Canada for the next half

century.

Negative public reaction to the police strike

resulted in the American Federation of Labor unilaterally

revoking charters "of police locals and other large city

police forces that had been interested in unionism..."

(Forcese, 1980, p.81). The strike led to a commonly-held

view by both the general public and government that police

labour unions were immoral. The Governor of Massachusetts

7

Calvin Coolidge (cited in Ayres, 1977, p.63) stated "There

is no right to strike against public safety by anybody,

anywhere, anytime." and President Woodrow Wilson (cited in

Ayres, 1977, p.63) stated "A strike of policemen of a

great city, leaving that city at the mercy of an army of

thugs, is a crime against civilization." Indeed, the

police were viewed as a distinct labour entity but within

a paramilitary organizational structure, and to some, as

civilian soldiers (Rubin, 1978).

The American courts upheld the public and

governmental attitudes which prevailed at the time by

sympathizing with the government's enactment of effective

legislation inhibiting the formation of formalized police

unions (Rubin, 1978).

The hlstory of the police labour movement is thus

very distinct from other labour organizations. Throughout

the history of the police labour movement, the words

"police union" and "police association" surfaced. Most

present-day police departments prefer to refer to

themselves as having a "police association", attempting to

remove any stigma associated to the word "union"

(1. Stabler, personal communication, August 16, 1986).

Historically trade unions have been reserved for blue

collar workers while groups of employees traditionally

referred to as "professionals" have developed group

8

oriented "associations" whether they are labour orientated

or not. In essence, however, it could be argued that

whether the individuals refer to the organization as a

l'union" or as an "association", if their goals are the

same (to assist and represent police officers in dealing

with labour issues), they are the same.

As early as the mid 180OVs, then, the police were

classified as a distinct and unique labour entity. As

Reiner (1978, p.264) notes, "The typical police social

philosophy encourages an internal solidarity and suspicion

of outsiders which separates them from the labor movement

and aligns them with more conservative forces." The

police are an "essential service" in the sense that their

withdrawal of services creates a hazard to public safety.

This places the police in a category with firefighters and

medical personnel. As Kornfeld & Dawson (1981, p.1)

suggest in discussing the labour movement in general:

"One of the last bastions of resistance to the movement

was the unionization of police officers who were seen as

unique public employees with certain moral and social

obligations".

During the next two decades, few inroads were made in

the acceptance and legitimization of police labour unions.

In 1944, there were a total of 198 city police departments

in the United States, although only 15 had achieved union

9

status while 38 more police departments had made attempts

to unionize, but had been blocked by local city councils

(International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1944).

Those police officers who had achieved union status

were powerless. Although allowed to incorporate into a

union, police officers were still governed by a

paramilitary organizational hierarchy, and, without any

legal recourse their demands were made at the mercy of the

higher police administration.

During the 19501s, police benevolent associations

became more labour orientated. These groups began to serve

as "lobbyists for securing lmproved police welfare and

benefits" (Burpo, 1971, p.6). At the same time, municipal

and civil servants began to turn their attention toward

their own labour struggles. As governmental employees

began to achieve bargaining rights, police associations

acquired these advantages as well (Fogelson, 1978; Wagner

Act, 1935). The police labour movement was more akin to

the public service labour movement than to the private

sector, primarily because they usually shared the same

employer--the government. In addition, a new breed of

police officers began to emerge. These young police

labourers had not experienced the economic depression of

the 1930's and were reluctant to acceptthe authoritarian

structure of police departments. The development of

10

police labour organizations in the United States was

further enhanced when three strong police labour leaders

were elected to their respective associations in the

eastern United States (Levi, 1977). American police

officers soon realized that there was an inherent need for

such a formalized organization to act on their behalf on

issues relating to police-management relations. Fogelson

(1978, p.97) notes that there was the widespread belief

among officers that only a union "could mobilize the

political and economic resources to put pressure on city

councils".

In the late 1950's and early 1960's Civilian Review

Boards emerged. They were perceived as police "watch

dogs" (Juris & Feuille, 1973, p.19). The response to

these boards by police was characterized by considerable

resistance. Increased dissatisfaction and the belief that

loosely fragmented police benevolent associations were not

adequate to meet police officer's needs resulted in the

consensual view that civilian review boards were simply

another means of control. The police perceived the

civilian review boards negatively and the American unions

"successfully thwarted" these boards in New York and

Philadelphia (Juris & Feuille, 1973, p.155). The

constraints placed upon police officers by the late

19501s, coupled with the turbulent social and political

11

environment pursuant to the early 1960's resulted in a

dramatic increase in the militancy of an otherwise

ideologically conservative police profession. Bopp (1971,

p.8, p.17) suggests that the "general social atmosphere

triggered the police militancy of the 1960's" and that

"police activism is inextricably bound up with the black

nationalists and student radical movements".

While the American police labour movement was not a

distinctive phenomenon of the 1960's (Rubin, 19781, it was

a decade of progressive changes which contributed greatly

not only to the increased militancy of the police but also

enhanced the rapid development of more formalized,

structured police labour associations.

Several factors unique to the policing environment of

the 1960's produced a greater police militancy within the

ranks which advanced the police labour movement. The

1960's saw increased public hostility towards the American

police, which further enhanced their cohesiveness as a

group (Juris & Feuille, 1973). The police had few

economic rewards while witnessing the success of other

public employee groups as a result of their unionization

(Juris & Feuille, 1973). Increased crime rates, a

widespread perception of increased danger, and unfavorable

rulings from the Supreme Courts (who upheld decisions to

limit police discretion) enhanced their group solidarity

(Levi, 1977).

In Detroit, for example, the police faced racial

problems. They were still seen as a paramilitary

organization. Their turnover was high and they were unable

to fill their allotment. These factors increased police

dissatisfaction (Levi, 1977). In Atlanta in 1968 crime

and violence were on the increase. Police were

discontented and sought increased weaponry and higher pay

(Levi, 1977). In the infrastructure of the police there

were several factors which contributed to police

discontent: poor personnel practices; promotional

patronage; and an absence of legitimized grievance

procedures (Juris & Feuille, 1973).

The police were expected to be the means of social

control and, failing that task, the social environment of

the 1960's left the police at odds with the citizenry,

their superiors and their employers. "The civil rights

movement and the gains made by minority groups through

civil disobedience served as examples to the police"

(Salerno, 1981, p.15). As a consequence, the police

became more demanding and aggressive in their labour

pursuits, using strategies such as work stoppages and the

familiar "blue flu" (police officers would phone in sick

13

and as a result there would be a lack of police presence

on the street) in order to achieve their goals.

The following are two examples of police militancy.

In the spring of 1967, one-third of Detroit's patrol force

participated in "blue flu" (Levi, 1977, p.91); and in

October of 1969 in Atlanta a wildcat slowdown occurred and

was referred to as "Operation No Case". Police officers

"refused to make arrests for minor violations and engaged

in a traffic ticket slow down" (Levi, 1977 p.135). Burpo

(1971, p.11) suggests these strategies worked; within a

five year span (1964-1969) American police salaries rose

38 percent. The Police Benevolent Association achieved

long overdue bargaining rights in 1963. The Detroit

Association achieved similar results in 1965 (Levi,

1977). The turmoil of the 1960's in the United States

resulted in the American police becoming more militant.

By 1971 American "police labour associations had become

legally acceptable ... and police employee membership in a nostrike union had become a constitutional right" in the

U.S. (Levi, 1977, p.44).

By the early 19701s, the police labour movement

finally became established and a number of labour issues

emerged. The leaders of the police labour groups were

inexperienced, however, and police labour associations had

to contend with the "no strike clause" which was adopted

14

in most states. This left the police at a tremendous

disadvantage in the labour bargaining sphere as no

formalized method of resolving impasses existed.

In the mid-19701s, the U.S. government began to

introduce wage and price controls. This undermined the

bargaining strength of the police associations as it

restricted their ability to negotiate for wage increases

in excess of the governmental wage controls (Lewin &

Goldenburg, 1980). The by-product of these constraints

was a series of police strikes throughout the United

States (Ayres, 1977).

Increased professionalism among the ranks

accelerated the police labour movement in the early 1980's

and police labour leaders, created professionalized police

labour associations. The ever-progressive weakening of

the paramilitary structure of police organizations enabled

police associations to encroach upon previously held

managerial prerogatives such as manpower allocation,

promotional policy and grievance procedures.

Today, in the United States, there are national

organizations such as the Fraternal Order of Police.

While most police unions do not associate with other trade

unions, since the 19601s, the Teamsters (The International

Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and

Helpers Union) has organized several police departments,

15

i n c l u d i n g N e w O r l e a n s ( F o r c e s e , 1 9 8 0 , p . 8 2 ) . P o l i c e i n

t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a r e a l s o r e p r e s e n t e d by s e v e r a l o t h e r

t r a d e u n i o n s , i n c l u d i n g t h e T r a n s p o r t Workers Union

( F o r c e s e , 1 9 8 0 ) . P r e s e n t l y t h e m a j o r i t y of p o l i c e l a b o u r

a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t h e Un i t ed S t a t e s a r e h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d

and o r g a n i z e d l a b o u r g r o u p s .

The P o l i c e Labour Movement i n Canada

The Canadian p o l i c e l a b o u r movement o r i g i n a t e d f rom

p o l i c e f r a t e r n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . The o l d e s t such

a s s o c i a t i o n i s t h e Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e , formed i n 1918

( F i s h e r & S t a r e k , n .d .1 . " D e c l i n i n g r e a l income and

contemporaneous u n i o n i z i n g o f o t h e r m u n i c i p a l employees

p r o v i d e d most of t h e s t i m u l u s f o r p o l i c e i n Vancouver . . .

t o u n i o n i z e a t t h i s t i m e " ( F i s h e r and S t a r e k , n .d . , p . 4 ) .

Dur ing t h i s t i m e , t h e r e was a t r e n d t o w a r d s t h e

deve lopment o f p o l i c e l a b o u r g r o u p s i n o t h e r p a r t s o f

Canada. I n December o f 1918 , f o r t y p o l i c e o f f i c e r s i n S t .

J o h n , N e w Brunswick went on s t r i k e a f t e r b e i n g r e f u s e d

p e r m i s s i o n t o a f f i l i a t e w i t h t h e American F e d e r a t i o n o f

Labor . S i x members a c t u a l l y s t a y e d on d u t y and t h e r e w a s

no v i o l e n c e r e p o r t e d (Grosman, 1 9 7 5 ) . Dur ing t K e

n o t o r i o u s Winnipeg G e n e r a l S t r i k e o f 1919 , d u r i n g wh ich

the city was crippled by striking labourers, the police

voted in support of the strikers but remained on duty on

instruction of the strike committee (Grosman, 1975).

These attempts at joining organized labour proved

futile for the police and Canadian police departments

today are not associated with other labour unions (with a

few exceptions, i.e. Atlantic affiliation to Canadian

Union Public Employees) (Jackson, 1986). The same factors

that prevented the American police from associating with

organized labour occurred in Canada. In fact, most police

unions in Canada operate very independently from one

another.

There were few significant developments in the

Canadian police labour movement until the mid-1940's. The

Wartime Labour Relations Act, enacted in 1944

(Order-in-Council, 1944), granted several groups of

government employees union certification (Fogelson,

1978). This act recognized the union as the official and

legal labour representative of a particular group of

labourers. Many local governments began to grant the

right to bargain collectively with their municipal

employees. This, in itself, had a significant i,mpact on

the development of the police labour movement in Canada.

In 1945, the Vancouver City Police became a

certified association and, in 1946, obtained their first

collective agreement (Fisher & Starek, n.d., p.5). This

development was due to increased militancy on the part of

the police and the fact that employees of municipal

governments had obtained collective bargaining rights

(Fisher 6 Starek, n.d.). At the same time, other large

Canadian metropolitan police departments in Toronto and

Montreal became certified (Fisher & Starek, n.d.).

Although Jackson (1986) notes that official

recognition of the police labour movements in Canada was

granted freely, there were exceptions. The Montreal

police, for example, went on strike in 1946 in order to

obtain bargaining rights (Arthurs, 1971). Generally

speaking, however, the mid-1940's appeared to be a

favorable political climate for the emerging police

associations.

During the 19501s, municipal and civil servants

gained more bargaining rights while, at the same time,

large numbers of police officers were becoming extremely

dissatisfied with the "no strike" clause in their

contracts as it placed them at the mercy of the government

(Fisher & Starek, n.d.).

The bargaining process for police officers was in

its infancy. In some jurisdictions, police officers had

the right to strike; however, in others, strategies were

r e q u i r e d t o a d d r e s s t h e " e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s " d e s i g n a t i o n

and t o compensate f o r t h e i n a b i l i t y o f t h e p o l i c e t o

s t r i k e .

D e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t p o l i c e l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n s

were r e c o g n i z e d a s l e g a l b a r g a i n i n g a g e n t s , t h e

a s s o c i a t i o n s d i d n o t have any r e c o u r s e i n s i t u a t i o n s w h e r e

l a b o u r n e g o t i a t i o n s had reached a n impasse . P o l i c e union

a s s o c i a t i o n s were s t i l l a t t h e mercy o f government/

employer i n t e r e s t s . One e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s was t h e

Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e Union A s s o c i a t i o n which was a b l e t o

b a r g a i n v i a compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n . 1

During t h e 1 9 6 0 ' ~ ~ o f f i c e r s became less w i l l i n g t o

a c c e p t t h e p a r a m i l i t a r y s t r u c t u r e o f t h e p o l i c e

o r g a n i z a t i o n s . I n t h e e a r l y 1 9 6 0 t s , c o n c e r n s w i t h

i n a d e q u a t e wages, i n f l a t i o n , and i n c r e a s e d p u b l i c p r e s s u r e

f o r law and o r d e r , c r e a t e d g e n e r a l d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n among

p o l i c e and s e r v e d t o i n c r e a s e m i l i t a n c y ( F i s h e r & S t a r e k ,

1980, p . 4 3 ) . Grosman (1975, p .41) a r g u e s t h a t t h i s

i n c r e a s e d p o l i c e m i l i t a n c y was p r e c i p i t a t e d by "low

mora le , cyn ic i sm, and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e adherence t o

u n r e a l i s t i c r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s ..." I n t h e Prov ince of Quebec, t h e Labour Code of 1964

and t h e P o l i c e A c t of 1968 g r a n t e d t h e Montrea l p o l i c e t h e

r i g h t t o c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g , a l t h o u g h t h e y cou ld n o t

t a k e l e g a l job a c t i o n and w e r e s u b j e c t t o med ia t ion and

19

b i n d i n g t r i p a r t e a r b i t r a t i o n ( F o r c e s e , 1 9 8 0 ) . P o l i c e

un ion i sm expanded r a p i d l y i n t h e 1 9 6 0 ' s i n t h e A t l a n t i c

p r o v i n c e s a n d , i n 1965 t h e O n t a r i o p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e were

g r a n t e d t h e r i g h t t o e s t a b l i s h a n a s s o c i a t i o n ( F o r c e s e ,

1 9 8 0 ) .

I n 1969 , 3700 p o l i c e o f f i c e r s went on s t r i k e i n

M o n t r e a l . T h i s s t r i k e p r o v e d t o be o n e o f t h e mos t

s i g n i f i c a n t e v e n t s i n p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s s i n c e t h e

Bos ton p o l i c e s t r i k e o f 1919 . The s t r i k e was t r i g g e r e d by

s e v e r a l e x t e r n a l and i n t e r n a l f a c t o r s .

The M o n t r e a l C i t y P o l i c e were t h e o n l y l a r g e

m e t r o p o l i t a n p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t i n a " f r ancophone"

p r o v i n c e . R e l a t i o n s h i p s be tween t h e p o l i c e and t h e p u b l i c

w e r e s t r a i n e d a s t h e p o l i c e were f o r c e d t o d e a l w i t h b o t h

s t u d e n t r i o t s and t h e Quebec s e p a r a t i s t movement ( A r t h u r s ,

1 9 7 1 ) . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e p o l i c e were f a c e d w i t h p r o l o n g e d

a r b i t r a t i o n p r o c e e d i n g s , a c o n s e q u e n c e o f what was

p e r c e i v e d b y o f f i c e r s t o be i n s u f f i c i e n t wage i n c r e a s e s

and a r o l l i n g back o f o n - t h e - j o b b e n e f i t s ( i . e . r e t u r n t o

one-man p a t r o l c a r s ) ( A r t h u r s , 1 9 7 1 ) .

A s a r e s u l t t h e M o n t r e a l C i t y P o l i c e no l o n g e r had

wage p a r i t y w i t h T o r o n t o . N o t o n l y had t h e Moncrea l c i t y

p o l i c e o f f i c e r s been a s k e d t o s e t t l e f o r less t h a n t h e i r

c o l l e a g u e s i n o t h e r p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s . The re was a

p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e r n o v e r t h e f a c t t h a t t h e y w e r e b e i n g p a i d

less t h a n t h e i r "anglophone c o u n t e r p a r t s " ( A r t h u r s , 1971 ,

p . 9 9 ) . To worsen m a t t e r s , j u s t p r i o r t o t h e r u l i n g , a

T o r o n t o p o l i c e o f f i c e r had been k i l l e d i n a one-man c a r

( A r t h u r s , 1971 , p . 9 7 ) , which o n l y s e r v e d t o s t r e n g t h e n

t h e i r f e a r s and d e s i r e s t o have two-man p a t r o l u n i t s .

Dur ing t h e M o n t r e a l p o l i c e s t r i k e " t h e r e were 34

armed r o b b e r i e s , 456 b u r g l a r i e s , 2 d e a t h s i n

s t r i k e - c o n n e c t e d i n c i d e n t s , ... a n d l o o t i n g i n e x c e s s o f

one m i l l i o n d o l l a r s ..." (Burpo , 1 9 7 1 , p . 1 3 ) . U n l i k e t h e

Bos ton p o l i c e s t r i k e , which had h i n d e r e d t h e deve lopment

o f p o l i c e u n i o n s , t h e e f f e c t of t h e M o n t r e a l s t r i k e was

d i f f e r e n t . The Bos ton s t r i k e had o c c u r r e d n e a r l y 60 y e a r s

ear l ier when p r e v a i l i n g a t t i t u d e had b e e n t o q u a s h t h e

p o l i c e u n i o n movement. I n M o n t r e a l , however , t h e p u b l i c

was exposed t o s u c h a d e g r e e of v i o l e n c e and d e s t r u c t i o n ,

t h e a b s e n c e o f p o l i c e p r e s e n c e d e m o n s t r a t e d how v u l n e r a b l e

t h e g e n e r a l c i t i z e n r y were w i t h o u t them. I n a s e n s e , t h e

s t r i k e d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e n e c e s s i t y o f t h e p o l i c e and t h e

r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t s t r i k e s mus t b e a v e r t e d . I n o r d e r t o end

t h e s t r i k e , M o n t r e a l C i t y P o l i c e w e r e g r a n t e d wage p a r i t y

w i t h T o r o n t o . The M o n t r e a l p o l i c e s t r i k e showed b o t h t h e

j u d i c i a l s y s t e m and p o l i c e management t h e s t r e n g t h o f

p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s and t h e power t h e y c o u l d w i e l d .

I n a n a t t e m p t t o a v e r t wha t h a d o c c u r r e d i n

M o n t r e a l , t h e O n t a r i o P o l i c e A c t was amended i n 1969. The

2 1

new - A c t p r o v i d e d f o r n e u t r a l a r b i t r a t o r s and more

e q u i t a b l e , f o r m a l i z e d d i s p u t e r e s o l u t i o n committees. I n

a d d i t i o n , S e c t i o n 28 f o r b a d e t h e membersh ip f rom b e l o n g i n g

t o a " t r a d e u n i o n " ( O n t a r i o P o l i c e Commission, 1981 ,

p . 1 9 ) .

The p r a g m a t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e amended A c t was - t h a t it p r o v i d e d a means f o r h e a r i n g p o l i c e l a b o u r

c o m p l a i n t s w h i l e s t i l l u p h o l d i n g t h e t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f

t h a t p o l i c e l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n s mus t n o t become s t r o n g

u n i o n i z e d " t r a d e l a b o u r e r s " . By t h e end o f t h e d e c a d e ,

mos t p o l i c e f o r c e s i n Canada , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e

R.C.M.P., had been g r a n t e d c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g r i g h t s

( K o r n f e l d & Dawson, 1 9 8 1 ) .

Dur ing t h e 1 9 7 0 1 s , p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s became more

p r o f e s s i o n a l i z e d i n t h e i r l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s t e c h n i q u e s and

m a i n t a i n e d a c e r t a i n d e g r e e o f m i l i t a n c y ( J a c k s o n , 1 9 8 0 ) .

I n 1971 , Canada e x p e r i e n c e d i t s f i r s t l e g a l p o l i c e s t r i k e

i n Nova S c o t i a when " F i f t y - s i x p o l i c e m e n walked o u t when a

p a y s e t t l e m e n t t h a t w a s recommended by a c o n c i l i a t o r was

t u r n e d down by C i t y C o u n c i l " ( F o r c e s e , 1980 , p . 9 0 ) .

The re are a d d i t i o n a l examples o f t h e l a b o u r - r e l a t e d

m i l i t a n c y by t h e p o l i c e . I n Nova S c o t i a , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s

r e f u s e d t o cross a p i c k e t l i n e , and i n S a a n i c h , B.C., i n

1978 , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s r e p o r t e d f o r d u t y ungroomed a n d i n

p l a i n c l o t h e s ( F o r c e s e , 1 9 8 0 ) . I n 1975 , wage and p r i c e

22

c o n t r o l s became a major i s s u e i n Canada ( C h r i s t e n s e n ,

1 9 8 0 ) and p r o v i n c i a l gove rnmen t s imposed f r e e z e s on wage

i n c r e a s e s . The whole r ea lm o f l a b o u r n e g o t i a t i o n s was

a l t e r e d . These r e s t r i c t i o n s made "cost i s s u e s " o n l y

n e g l i g i b l y n e g o t i a b l e . The p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s f e l t t h a t

i f mone ta ry i k e m s were n o t n e g o t i a b l e t h e y would f o c u s on

non-monetary i t e m s , i . e . manpower a l l o c a t i o n .

Dur ing t h e 1 9 8 0 ' ~ ~ t h e r e h a s been c o n t i n u e d g rowth

and deve lopmen t o f p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s . P o l i c e l a b o u r

r e l a t i o n s are s t i l l d i s t i n c t f r o m o t h e r l a b o u r

o r g a n i z a t i o n s d u e t o t h e p r o v i s i o n s f o r p o l i c e

a r b i t r a t i o n . A s S c o t t (1980 , p . 1 5 9 ) p o i n t s o u t "One mus t

c o n s i d e r t h e w e l f a r e o f - t h e employee , t h e employe r , and

t h e p u b l i c i n n e g o t i a t i o n s " . P o l i c e l a b o u r l e a d e r s h a v e

become more e x p e r i e n c e d i n t h e f i e l d o f l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s

and t h e r e f o r e a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d s y s t e m o f b a r g a i n i n g

h a s emerged.

Ano the r d i s c e r n a b l e t r e n d i s t h a t t h e Canadian

P o l i c e ~ s s o c i a t i o n h a s begun t o l o b b y P a r l i a m e n t on

r e l e v a n t i s s u e s . For example , f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e i n

Canad ian p o l i c e l a b o u r h i s t o r y , C a n a d i a n p o l i c e l o b b i e d

P a r l i a m e n t on t h e i s s u e o f c a p i t a l pun i shmen t ( F o r c e s e ,

D e s p i t e a d v a n c e s i n t h e p o l i c e l a b o u r movement, mos t

Canad ian p o l i c e l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n s have remained

23

c o n s e r v a t i v e and h a v e n o t a d o p t e d s o p h i s t i c a t e d

n e g o t i a t i n g s t r a t e g i e s e v i d e n t i n o t h e r s p h e r e s o f l a b o u r

r e l a t i o n s . I n s t e a d , i n "piggy-back1 ' f a s h i o n , p o l i c e

l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n s h a v e c o n s i s t e n t l y r e a p e d t h e b e n e f i t s

o b t a i n e d by t h e i n d e p e n d e n t l y l a r g e r m e t r o p o l i t a n p o l i c e

f o r c e s . I n d a n a d a , as J a c k s o n (1980 , p . 1 1 ) n o t e s , t h e

" l a r g e c i t y p o l i c e f o r c e s r u n p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s " .

Compara t ive A n a l y s i s

Having p r e s e n t e d a g e n e r a l o v e r v i e w of t h e

h i s t o r i c a l e v o l u t i o n o f p o l i c e l a b o u r movements i n b o t h

t h e Un i t ed S t a t e s and Canada , it i s i m p o r t a n t t o c o n s i d e r

t h e s imi lar i t ies and d i f f e r e n c e s be tween t h e p o l i c e l a b o u r

movements i n t h e s e two c o u n t r i e s .

H i s t o r i c a l l y , i n b o t h Canada and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ,

t h e p o l i c e l a b o u r movement emerged f rom n e b u l o u s s o c i a l

f r a t e r n i t i e s . Seeming ly h a r m l e s s i n t h e i r i n i t i a l i n t e n t

t o f o r m a l i z e a s y s t e m o f l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s , b o t h c o u n t r i e s

w i t n e s s e d p o l i c e l a b o u r u n i o n s i n v o l v e d i n p o l i t i c a l

c o n f r o n t a t i o n s a s e a r l y a s 1919 . N e g a t i v e p u b l i c r e a c t i o n

t o t h e 1919 i n c i d e n t s i n t h e U.S. and Canada e f f e c t i v e l y

d i f f u s e d a n y p o t e n t i a l f o r more f o r m a l i z e d p o l i c e l a b o u r

u n i o n s .

O p p o s i t i o n t o p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s c o n t i n u e d i n t o t h e

1 9 6 0 ' s . I n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , t h e Supreme C o u r t u p h e l d

24

the notion that police organizations were paramilitary

stxuctures and quashed applications made by police labour

groups. Similarly, in Canada, several jurisdictions

formulated legislative statutes to impede the

formalization and recognition of police associations.

By the mid-19601s, governmental and judicial bodies

in Canada and the United States began to shift in their

views of police unionization as a consequence of the

increased militancy and professionalization of police

organizations, and as a result of changing societal

values. Police militancy grew stronger as police

associations became increasingly more formalized and more

vocal in their demand to be recognized as a legitimate

labour body. This need was initially met in the late

1960's when both Canadian and American governments granted

government employees the right to apply for union status.

As a "body" of government employees, police labour

organizations successfully achieved unionized status.

~verall', the 1960's was an important period in the

evolution of the police labour movement. Governmental and

judicial recognition of police labour organizations during

this period not only enhanced overall the police labour

movement in both Canada and the United States, but it also

set the stage for the legitimization and formalization of

police labour unions.

Economic and political developments during the

1970's produced yet another major shift in the police

labour movement. During the mid-1970's both countries

imposed price and wage controls for all government

employees due to inflation and a widespread economic

recession. These restrictive controls led police

associations to focus less on monetary issues such as wage

increases and to encourage the exploration of non-monetary

issues, such as the deployment of manpower. These

non-monetary issues were seen as an encroachment on

managerial rights of the upper echelon of police

organizations and thus created a significant rift in

police organizations. Thus, the 1970's resulted in

professionalized, formalized, police associations headed

by strong police leaders.

Today, police associations in the United States have

become strong labour organizations and many are closely

affiliated with labour organizations, including The

Teamsters Union (Forcese, 1980). In comparison, Canadian

police associations have remained localized, adhering to

smaller, more independent union structures within each

geographical jurisdiction. Although several poxice

associations in the Atlantic provinces are affiliated with

union ized , l a b o u r ( i . e . Canadian Union of P u b l i c Employees)

g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , Canadian p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s m a i n t a i n

a d i s t i n c t i v e d i s t a n c e from o u t s i d e l a b o u r g roups .

From a p o l i t i c a l s t a n d p o i n t , American p o l i c e l a b o u r

a s s o c i a t i o n s have o u t d i s t a n c e d t h e i r Canadian

c o u n t e r p a r t s . It h a s o n l y been s i n c e t h e e a r l y 1 9 8 0 ' s

t h a t Canadian p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s have adopted a p o l i t i c a l

agenda f o r change by a c t i v e l y l o b b y i n g government. T h e i r

American c o u n t e r p a r t s have f a v o r e d t h i s form of d r a m a t i c ,

y e t e f f e c t i v e , avenue f o r change f o r a t l e a s t two

decades .

The p r e c e d i n g c u r s o r y a n a l y s i s of t h e p o l i c e l a b o u r

movement i n t h e Uni ted S t a t e s and Canada p r o v i d e s a

framework w i t h i n which t o d i s c u s s t h e c u r r e n t s t r u c t u r e of

Canadian p o l i c i n g and t h e o r i g i n s and development of

p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s i n t h r e e m u n i c i p a l p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s

i n t h e Prov ince o f B r i t i s h Columbia.

The S t r u c t u r e of Canadian P o l i c i n q

The C o n s t i t u t i o n A c t o f 1867 empowered t h e F e d e r a l

government w i t h t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o c r e a t e t h e s t a n d a r d s

of l e g i s l a t i v e a u t h o r i t y f o r p o l i c i n g i n Canada.. I t

a s s i g n e d t o t h e P r o v i n c e s t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f e n f o r c i n g

t h e s e l e g i s l a t i v e s t a n d a r d s ( i . e . t h e enforcement o f t h e

Cr imina l Code of Canada) . The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of

27

p o l i c i n g i n Canada may be d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e

j u r i s d i c t i o n a l l e v e l s : F e d e r a l , P r o v i n c i a l , and M ~ n i c i p a l . ~

The Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e , founded i n 1873 ,

i s c o n s i d e r e d t h e n a t i o n a l p o l i c e f o r c e i n Canada. T h e r e

a r e a p p r o x i m a t e l y l8,OOO s e r v i n g m e m b e r s whose

j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n c l u d e t h e e n f o r c e m e n t o f

a l l F e d e r a l s t a t u t e s ( i . e . Customs and E x c i s e A c t ,

M i q r a t o r y B i r d s A c t , N a r c o t i c C o n t r o l A c t ) and l e g i s l a t i v e

a u t h o r i t y t o e n f o r c e P r o v i n c i a l and M u n i c i p a l s t a t u t e s ,

r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e P r o v i n c e ( D . Howar th , p e r s o n a l

communica t ion , Oc tobe r 3 , 1 9 8 8 ) .

The p r a c t i c e o f c o n t r a c t i n g w i t h t h e R.C.M.P. b y t h e

P r o v i n c e s and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s e v o l v e d p r i m a r i l y d u e t o

economic. f a c t o r s . Fo r example , s m a l l e r communi t ies

l o c a t e d i n r emote a r e a s o f Canada s a w t h e a d v a n t a g e o f

c o n t r a c t i n g w i t h t h e R.C.M.P. as opposed t o c r e a t i n g t h e i r

own m u n i c i p a l p o l i c e f o r c e . T h i s phenomenon, however , i s

n o t l i m i t e d t o s m a l l e r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . I n f a c t , s e v e r a l

l a r g e r communi t ies c o n t r a c t w i t h t h e R.C.M.P. (D. Howarth,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , October 3 , 1 9 8 8 ) . A u n i f i c a t i o n

a n d c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f t r a i n i n g p o l i c e o f f i c e r s ,

e s t a b l i s h i n g p o l i c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , and t h e d a i l y

o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f r u n n i n g a p o l i c e f o r c e a r e l e f t i n

t h e h a n d s o f t h e c o n t r a c t e e - - t h e R.C.M.P.

D e s p i t e b e i n g t h e l a r g e s t p o l i c e f o r c e i n Canada ,

t h e R.C.M.P. d o n o t h a v e a p o l i c e u n i o n . From 1 9 1 8 t o

1974 t h e y w e r e f o r b i d d e n b y S t a t u t e t o f o r m a n y t y p e o f

a s s o c i a t i o n a imed a t f u r t h e r i n g members ' i n t e r e s t s

( O r d e r - i n - C o u n c i l , 1 9 1 8 ) . I t was n o t u n t i l 1974 t h a t t h i s

c l a u s e was f i n a l l y r e p e a l e d ( O r d e r - i n - C o u n c i l , 1 9 7 4 ) .

D u r i n g t h e mid- 1 9 7 0 ' s o f f i c e r s began u n i t i n g i n a n

a t t e m p t t o fo rm some t y p e o f u n i o n or a s s o c i a t i o n t o

b a r g a i n . T h e i r b a s i c g r i e v a n c e s a t t h e t i m e i n c l u d e d :

s a l a r i e s , w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s a n d d i s c i p l i n a r y p r o c e d u r e s

( P r o v i n c e , May 24 , 1 9 7 4 ; Vancouver Sun , May 6 , 1 9 7 4 ) .

However, t h e R.C.M.P. h a v e r e m a i n e d a p a r a m i l i t a r y

o r g a n i z a t i o n whose o n l y a v e n u e f o r r e d r e s s o f l a b o u r

i s s u e s i s t h e The D i v i s i o n S t a f f R e l a t i o n s R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s

s y s t e m (DSRR)(Hardy & Ponak , 1 9 8 3 ) .

E s t a b l i s h e d i n 1 9 7 2 , t h e DSRR s y s t e m i s s i m i l a r t o

t h e B r i t i s h " f e d e r a t i o n " s y s t e m whe reby e l e c t e d pol ice

members s i t on b o a r d s a n d c o n d u c t open d i s c u s s i o n s o n

matters o f c o n c e r n w i t h p o l i c e management a n d w i t h t h e

T r e a s u r y Board ( t h e R.C.M.P.'s e m p l o y e r ) . R e c e n t

a p p l i c a t i o n s ( 1 9 8 6 ) b y t h e members o f t h e R.C.M.P. i n

Quebec t o u n i o n i z e h a v e p r o v e d f u t i l e (Canada Labour

R e l a t i o n s Board , 1 9 8 6 ) .

T h e r e are two e x i s t i n g P r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e f o r c e s i n

Canada: The O n t a r i o P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e (O.P.P. ) a n d The

29

S u r e t e du Quebec. Both f o r c e s s e r v e t h e more r emote

communi t ies o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p r o v i n c e s . Both o f t h e s e

p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e f o r c e s have p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s . The

O.P.P. A s s o c i a t i o n was founded i n 1 9 6 5 , w h i l e t h e

a s s o c i a t i o n o f t h e S u r e t e du Quebec w a s fo rmed i n 1968.

A l though t h e r e s p e c t i v e p r o v i n c i a l gove rnmen t s r e c o g n i z e d

t h e i r r i g h t t o fo rm a p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n , t h e y were

mandated n o t t o a f f i l i a t e w i t h o u t s i d e o r g a n i z e d l a b o u r

g r o u p s .

The l a r g e s t m e t r o p o l i t a n p o l i c e forces i n Canada a r e

l o c a t e d i n M o n t r e a l , T o r o n t o , and Vancouver . They a r e

a l so s i t u a t e d i n t h e h i g h e s t wage e a r n i n g a r e a s , and as

s u c h , t h e s e t h r e e p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s h a v e t r a d i t i o n a l l y

assumed t h e l e a d i n t h e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s a r e n a ( F i s h e r &

S t a r e k , n . d . ) . A l l have had r e c o g n i z e d a s s o c i a t i o n s t a t u s

l o n g e r t h a n t h e smaller p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s a n d , d u e t o

t h e i r s i z e , h a v e w i e l d e d c o n s i d e r a b l e power and had a

g r e a t i m p a c t on p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s .

~ l t h o u g h small , i n d e p e n d e n t p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s may

b e l o n g t o l a r g e r p r o v i n c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , t h e y p l a y o n l y

a p e r i p h e r a l role i n n e g o t i a t i o n o f l a b o u r i s s u e s ( I .

S t a b l e r , p e r s o n a l communica t ion , Augus t 1 6 , 1 9 8 6 ) . Fo r

example , t h e B r i t i s h Columbia F e d e r a t i o n o f P o l i c e

O f f i c e r s i n c l u d e s a l l p o l i c e f o r c e s i n t h e P r o v i n c e w i t h

t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e R.C.M.P. i n B r i t i s h Columbia.

However, t h e member d e p a r t m e n t s o f t h e B r i t i s h Columbia

F e d e r a t i o n o f P o l i c e O f f i c e r s n e g o t i a t e t h e i r l a b o u r

c o n t r a c t s i n d e p e n d e n t l y .

On a n a t i o n a l sca le , t h e Canadian P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n

may b e viewed as a " p a s s i v e " l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n . I t

a p p e a r s t h a t t h i s n a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n f o c u s e s p r i m a r i l y

upon p o l i c e i s s u e s o f n a t i o n a l c o n c e r n a s opposed t o

p o l i c e l a b o u r i s s u e s . The C.P.A. was founded on t h e

p h i l o s o p h y t h a t p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n s s h o u l d n o t b e

a f f i l i a t e d w i t h l a b o u r o r g a n i z a t i o n s . ( P . J a m i e s o n ,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , A p r i l 6 , 1 9 8 7 ) . T h e i r mandate i s

c l e a r l y c o n s e r v a t i v e . I t was n o t u n t i l t h e e a r l y 1 9 8 0 ' s

t h a t t h e C.P.A. t o o k a p u b l i c s t a n c e on a n a t i o n a l p o l i c e

i s s u e t h e d e a t h p e n a l t y , and a c t i v e l y l o b b i e d f o r t h e

r e - i n t r o d u c t i o n o f c a p i t a l punishment b e i n g imposed when a

p o l i c e o f f i c e r i s k i l l e d ( P . J a m i e s o n , p e r s o n a l

communicat ion, A p r i l 6 , 1 9 8 7 ) . O v e r a l l , t h e

o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e o f p o l i c i n g i n Canada v a r i e s

t r e m e n d o u s l y a s d o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p o l i c e l a b o u r

a s s o c i a t i o n s .

I n t h e P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h Columbia , t h e R.C.M.P.

h a v e been c o n t r a c t e d t o p o l i c e a l l o f t h e Provin ,ce e x c e p t

t h e f o l l o w i n g a r , e a s : Vancouver , Vic to r ia , D e l t a , N e w

W e s t m i n s t e r , P o r t Moody, M a t s q u i , N e l s o n , C e n t r a l S a a n i c h ,

S a a n i c h , E s q u i m a l t , Oak Bay and West Vancouver . The

3 1

a u t h o r i t y f o r p o l i c i n g i n t h e P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h Columbia

i s found i n t h e Labour Code and t h e B.C. P o l i c e A c t . A l l

t w e l v e p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s have u n i o n s t a t u s , t h e l a s t

h a v i n g been a c h i e v e d i n 1972 (see Appendix A ) .

With t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e R.C.M.P., a l l p o l i c e

o f f i c e r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia r e c e i v e c e n t r a l i z e d t r a i n i n g

a t t h e J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e o f B r i t i s h Columbia. A l l

o f f i c e r s a l s o b e l o n g t o t h e B.C. F e d e r a t i o n o f P o l i c e

O f f i c e r s . D e s p i t e p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s b e i n g a f f i l i a t e d t o

t h e B.C. F e d e r a t i o n o f P o l i c e O f f i c e r s , e a c h h a s

m a i n t a i n e d i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t u s i n l a b o u r n e g o t i a t i o n s .

Jamieson ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , A p r i l 6 , 1 9 8 7 ) s u g g e s t s

t h a t most p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s i n t h e p r o v i n c e w e r e g r a n t e d

u n i o n s t a t u s f r e e l y .

The Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n i s t h e o l d e s t

i n Canada, h a v i n g been c e r t i f i e d i n 1945. A s t h e l a r g e s t

p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t i n t h e P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h Columbia , it

h a s t r a d i t i o n a l l y i n f l u e n c e d p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s

province-wide . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , t h e r e e x i s t s a t r a d i t i o n o f

p a r i t y w i t h i n t h e P r o v i n c e o f B.C., whereby s m a l l e r p o l i c e

d e p a r t m e n t s h a v e n e g o t i a t e d " m i r r o r e d " wage c o n t r a c t s t o

t h e Vancouver C i t y p o l i c e .

Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e h a s t r a d i t i o n a l l y b e e n t h e

f o r e r u n n e r i n t h e P r o v i n c e and o t h e r p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s

have competed t o m e e t V a n c o u v e r ' s s a l a r y , t h i s t r e n d i s

32

c h a n g i n g . Vancouver once i n f l u e n c e d t h e l a b o u r

n e g o t i a t i o n s o f s u r r o u n d i n g p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s ( i . e .

D e l t a ) . Today t h e s e p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s a r e now imped ing

V a n c o u v e r ' s n e g o t i a t i n g powers a s management i s b e g i n n i n g

t o q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r o r n o t Vancouver s h o u l d f o l l o w t h e i r

n e g o t i a t i o n a c h i e v e m e n t s . T h i s phenomenon may c r e a t e a n

a d v e r s e e f f e c t on t h e p o l i c e l a b o u r movement o f B r i t i s h

Columbia. I n t h e f u t u r e , t h e more l o o s e l y f o r m a l i z e d ,

l o o s e l y s t r u c t u r e d p o l i c e l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n s may set t h e

p r e c e d e n t s on wage and b e n e f i t s i s s u e s , and o t h e r l a b o u r

i s s u e s which i n t h e p a s t were e s t a b l i s h e d p r i m a r i l y by

Vancouver . I n f a c t , t h e i d e a o f ama lgama t ing a l l p o l i c e

d e p a r t m e n t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia f o r t h e p u r p o s e o f

c o n t r a c t n e g o t i a t i o n s h a s o n c e a g a i n r e s u r f a c e d ( B r i t i s h

Columbia F e d e r a t i o n of P o l i c e O f f i c e r s , 1 9 8 7 ) .

Having p r e s e n t e d a g e n e r a l o v e r v i e w o f t h e

o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e o f p o l i c e l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n s i n

B r i t i s h Columbia, t h e n e x t c h a p t e r w i l l i n t r o d u c e t h e

t h r e e d e p a r t m e n t s u n d e r s t u d y and t h e methodology u s e d t o

g a t h e r t h e data f o r t h e s t u d y .

CHAPTER 111

METHODOLOGY

The reliability and validity of social science

research is contingent upon the appropriate use of rigid

social research methods. The methodological techniques

used for this thesis center on documentary analyses of

primary and secondary sources and in-depth interviews.

Bailey (1982, p.325) has argued that ' I . . . if one is

interested in learning how some contemporary event or

institution came into being, a historical approach is

indispensable." Implicit in this contention is the view

that documentary literature and interviews with persons

who held historically significant positions in the

community under study are indispensable for any <historical

analysis. For the present study, a variety of documents

were utilized in capturing the essence of the evolution of

the police labour movement both in the United States and

Canada: scholarly books, journal articles, government

documents, relevant Statutes and Acts, journalistic

publications, and unpublished manuscripts and

miscellaneous mimeographs.

The documents examined included primary source

materials (e.g. police board minutes), secondary source

materials (e.g. The Vancouver Sun newspaper) and solicited

source material (e.g. Conflict and Cooperation in Police

3 4

Labour Relations). Relevant Statutes and Acts (e.g.

labour codes) provided additional legalistic information,

particularly with respect to the establishment of the

police labour,unions. The above noted documents were

obtained from a multiplicity of sources:

UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES GOVERNMENT OFFICES THE JUSTICE INSTITUTE OF BRITISH COLUMBIA GREATER VANCOUVER REGIONAL DISTRICT (G.V.R.D.) MUSEUMS MUNICIPAL HALLS BRITISH COLUMBIA FEDERATION OF POLICE OFFICERS (A.G.M.) LOCAL NEWSPAPER OFFICES POLICE UNION OFFICES CANADIAN POLICE COLLEGE

In charting the evolutionary progress of police

labour unions in both the United States and Canada, the

use of documentary analysis seemed self-evident.' In

attempting to re-create any part of history, one should

speak to those individuals actively involved in the social

phenomena underastudy. As this thesis clearly stated, the

origin of police labour unions dates back to the turn of

the century. As most of these individuals are no longer

living, this leaves the researcher with one possible data

source--documentary research.

The problems with the use of a documentary analysis

methodology are two-fold. The perspectives of social

researchers will invariably influence not only the manner

in which the research is presented but also the focus of

those characteristics the researcher perceives as

important. In order to minimize this weakness, the

analysis of several documents relating to the same theme

may enhance the accuracy of the topic by providing a

variety of perspectives. Information for this thesis was

gathered from a variety of source materials; for example,

labour journals and police journals were examined in an

attempt to gain a holistic perspective on police labour

relations (Ayres, 1977; Lewin & Goldenburg, 1980).

The availability of archival sources of Canadian

material on police labour relations is much more limited

than in the U.S. and appears to originate from a select

group of researchers in eastern Canada (Forcese, 1980;

Grosman, 1975; Jackson, 1986). The available Canadian

literature is also more recent making it difficult to

conduct an historical analysis.

Researchers examining police labour relations in the

United States have tended to focus on large urban police

departments. The lack of available research on smaller

police departments tends to bias the findings. It is the

larger police departments, however, that have generally

assumed the lead in police labour relations in both the

United States and Canada (Jackson, 1980).

In conducting research which examines historical

materials, it is important to recognize that most

36

documents are written for some purpose other than pure

social research. Primary resources, for example, are

usually written for personal reasons, extrapolated through

personal interpretative experiences. Primary sources

therefore must be examined within their context and this

diminishes their generalizability. In examining police

board minutes, for example, one should not assume that the

issues covered within these minutes deal exhaustively with

the topic under study but rather reflect the various

personal interests involved.

Secondary source materials are often compiled by

organizations and/or field practitioners to document

significant events deemed to be important by these

-a.u- individuals. F m example, a perusal of the literature on

police labour relations appeared to establish a scholastic

tradition of focusing on police strikes and their

subsequent effects upon police labour relations. The

focus on this aspect of police labour relations tends to

distort the overall perspective (Ayres, 1977; Anderson,

Bartell, Gehlen, & Winfree, 1976).

Solicited source materials may also be suspect in

terms of content. Depending upon the funding source, the

researcher may need to highlight certain conclusions which

enhance the source funders' philosophical/political

orientations. "Case studies are usually characterized as

37

thorough examinations of specific social settings or

particular aspects of social settings ..." (Black &

Champion, 1976, p.90).

Three case studies were selected for this thesis:

Vancouver Police Department, Delta Police Department and

Matsqui Police Department. In 1986, the Vancouver City

Police department had 1026 sworn members policing a

population of approximately 410,000 (P. MacDonald,

personal communication, September 30, 1988). The city is

one of Canada's largest and hence policing here may be

described as metropolitan urban policing.

Delta, a municipality which was incorporated in 1879,

consists of both rural and urban areas. It is situated in

proximity to Vancouver. Its police department has 121

members who police an area of approximately 128 square

miles, with a population of 78,000 (Delta Municipal Hall

Records, 1986).

The third police department selected for a case study

was Matsqui Police Department. Matsqui is located some

forty miles from the city of Vancouver. Although Matsqui

police do service some urban areas, their territory is

primarily rural. The department is small and consists of

63 members who police a population of 51,450 (Matsqui

Municipal Hall Records, 1986).

As documentation on the three departments was

limited, extensive interviews were conducted with current

and former members of the three departments who had been

or who were currently involved in labour relations and

negotiations (see Appendix B ) . Individuals representing

the three facets of police labour relations-persons

representing the employee, the employer and the

public-were interviewed. Individuals presently serving as

elected members on police labour association's executive

committees, individuals involved in managerial positions,

along with members of present and past police boards, who

provided additional insight into the topic, served as

respondents.

A recording device was used in order to facilitate

the accurate recording of information. Of the 16 in-depth

interviews conducted by the researcher, six were tape

recorded (see Appendix B ) . Contact persons were used to

facilitate the interviews. Due to lack of available

documentary information on the case studies, preliminary

interviews were conducted in an unstructured fashion.

Through the use of an unstructured interview'

''...those features of the problem central to the

respondent's thinking are identified more readily ... and there is a much greater opportunity to explore various

aspects of the problem in an unrestricted manner" (Black &

39

Champion, 1976, p.365). The initial interviews relied

heavily upon the use of "probes" (Bailey, 1982). As the

researcher gained more data from the respondents in each

of the case studies, the interviews became more

structured. The interviews consisted primarily of

open-ended questions in order to gain as much information

as the respondent could provide on specific issues in

police labour relations (see Appendix C ) .

The interview technique was used not only to

delineate information with respect to the labour history

of each case study presented but also because there was

little material written on the precise subject matter of

this analysis.

Except for maintaining a constant sensitivity to some general problems, investigators who select the interview as a method of data collection do so precisely because it invariably affords a chance to take advantage of the unexpected or move into unchartered areas (Black & Champion, 1976, p.357).

One of th.e major advantages of this methodological

tool is that it permits flexibility both on the part of

the interviewer and the interviewee. During the

interview, preliminary questions may lead to more probing

questions in order to ascertain the direct meaning of the

interviewee's responses. Should a question seem ambiguous

or convoluted, the interviewee may ask for clarification,

thus reducing differential understanding and

interpretation.

The issue of flexibility becomes extremely important

when dealing with respondents of varying backgrounds. The

interview schedule (order of questions asked) may be

adapted to suit the particular requirements of the

interviewee. in or example, certain questions within the

interview schedule may be inappropriate or unnecessary

when dealing with a particular respondent (Black &

Champion, 1976). As well, respondents may embellish their

answers to include information pertaining to another

question which had been set out by the interviewer. Thus

the flexibility in the interview allows the respondent the

privilege of responding'fully and without interruption.

This lends itself to a more complete and encompassing data

base, including data which may not have been known to the

researcher prior to the interview.

The second major advantage to the interview is the

response rate. The interviewer may control the interview

to enable full and complete responses to all questions

posed before ending the said interview. Persons who may

otherwise have been unwilling to answer or expand on

questions included in a written questionnaire may be

willing and eager to talk about those same issues during a

personal interview. As Bailey (1982, p.182) notes "Many

people simply feel more confident of their speaking

ability than of their writing ability".

The issue of spontaneity in the interview is another

important advantage. During the interview, spontaneous

responses may be recorded and queried by the interviewer.

Having established a degree of rapport with the

respondent, the interviewer may illicit information which

may otherwise have been overlooked or disregarded (Black &

Champion, 1976). In the current study, for example, an

abundance of information was obtained pertaining to the

political personalities of individuals involved in the

three departments and this material contributed valuable

insight into how these personalities have impacted the

police labour negotiation process.

For most professionals, time is money. The structure

of the interview is such that it enables the respondent to

choose the most convenient time for them to be interviewed

and allows for flexibility when dealing with work

schedules. In addition, the interviewer is able to record

the exact time, date and place of the interview. When

utilizing mailed questionnaires, these factors may not be

as easily identified as the respondent may choose to

answer the questionnaire over a period of time. Further,

a respondent may pass on the questionnaire to a colleague

without the researcher's knowledge or consent.

Although the use of the interview technique has

certain unique advantages as a methodological tool, the

42

researcher must constantly be aware of the flaws inherent

in using this technique as "... the social nature of the interview has the potential for all sorts of bias,

inconsistencies, and inaccuracies" (Bailey, 1982, p.184).

In all forms of social research using the

methodological interviewing approach, the most important

hurdle to be overcome is insuring the validity of verbal

responses. This assurance is paramount to the

generalizability of the research findings. The validity

of verbal responses may be established by ensuring the

following interrelated issues are addressed: establishing

rapport, reactivity, interview bias, memory fade, and

measuring accuracy of data gathered.

At the onset of the research interview, it is

imperative that the interviewer be able to make the

respondent feel comfortable, at ease, and in tune with

what the interview seeks to accomplish. By clearly

outlining the 'researcher's objectives, the researcher's

professional background, and intent of the interview,

rapport is developed. In this study the researcher

approached a total of 16 respondents, all of whom

willingly agreed to personal interviews. The researcher's

professional affiliation with the respondents enhanced the

rapport established and their receptivity to more probing

questions. It has been traditionally documented in social

s c i e n c e r e s e a r c h t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n t h e p o l i c e m i l i e u

b e c a u s e o f t h e i r g r o k p s o l i d a r i t y and c o h e s i v e n e s s t e n d t o

l i m i t a c c e s s t o o u t s i d e r e s e a r c h e r s ( R e i d , 1 9 7 6 ; R a d e l e t ,

1977 ; V i n c e n t , 1 9 7 9 ) . I n a s t u d y on p o l i c e , V i n c e n t found

t h a t "it t o o k ' s e v e r a l y e a r s t o b u i l d a w o r k i n g r a p p o r t

w i t h t h e men" ( V i n c e n t , 1979 , p . 1 1 1 ) .

I n h e r e n t i n t h e p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w i s t h e d a n g e r of

r e a c t i v i t y . Q u e s t i o n s a s k e d t o r e s p o n d e n t s may p r o d u c e

r e s p o n s e s o r o p i n i o n s which a r e n o t f a c t u a l l y b a s e d .

R a t h e r , i n s e e k i n g t o p l e a s e t h e r e s e a r c h e r , t h e

r e s p o n d e n t s w i l l expound on u n f a m i l i a r i s s u e s .

Responden t s may e v e n a l t e r o p i n i o n s i n o r d e r t o r e c e i v e

f a v o u r a b l e f e e d b a c k f rom t h e i n t e r v i e w e r . I n t h e p r e s e n t

r e s e a r c h , r e s p o n d e n t s a p p e a r e d t o have f e l t c o m f o r t a b l e

enough t o p r o v i d e o p i n i o n s when t h e y c o u l d and s t a t e t h e i r

i g n o r a n c e on t h e s u b j e c t m a t t e r i f t h a t was t h e case. For

example , when o n e o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t s was q u e r i e d a b o u t a

s p e c i f i c p o l i c e l a b o u r a s s o c i a t i o n ' s o r i g i n s h e d e c l i n e d

e x p r e s s i n g a n o p i n i o n as h e i n d i c a t e d t h a t h e had no

knowledge w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h a t p a r t i c u l a r t o p i c (G. P e a r y ,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 2 5 , 1 9 8 6 ) .

The i s s u e o f i n t e r v i e w b i a s must a l s o b e a d d r e s s e d .

Both p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e i n t e r v i e w are s u b j e c t t o

d i f f e r e n t i a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f q u e s t i o n s / a n s w e r s , p e r s o n a l

p r e j u d i c e s ( e . g . e t h n i c o r i g i n , d r e s s , a g e , g e n d e r , e t c . )

4 4

and interview environment (i.e. coffee shop, private

office, etc.). ~ h r o u ~ h the use of lengthy interviews

(each interview conducted was a minimum of 30 minutes in

duration) ambiguous questions and responses were

immediately clarified. In addition, the researcher's

knowledge of commonly used police jargon further minimized

differential understanding and interpretation. Personal

prejudices were overcome by having first identified gender

and professional affiliation on the telephone prior to the

actual interview. The interviewee was encouraged to

select the time and date for the interview as well as the

location in order to minimize personal inconvenience and

to maximize interviewee receptivity.

A third issue in establishing the validity of verbal

responses is the issue of time. In attempting to

recollect historical events, respondents may

unintentionally distort information due to memory fade.

In the present' study, the researcher attempted to combat

the potential problems of memory fade using three

techniques: speaking to more than one person on the same

subject, locating documents to substantiate verbal

responses, and utilizing non-threatening open-ended

questions throughout the interview.

In establishing the validity of verbal responses, a

researcher should be able to measure the accuracy of the

45

materials collected. Through the use of documentary

analysis of supportive resources, the verbal responses

regarding the historical data were unanimously

substantiated. For information unsubstantiated by

documents, repetitive interviews and similar interviews

were conducted.

Another disadvantage of the interview technique is

interviewer variability to responses. An interviewer may

look at similar responses differently and record them

differently from interview to interview. Whether the

interviewer is "up" for the conversation may affect the

types of data collected and the subsequent interpretation

of the data. In this study, every attempt was made to

minimize the problem of variability.

The third major disadvantage to the interview

technique is the variations inherent in using an

unstructured interview. This disadvantage is closely

linked to the issues previously discussed. Cicourel

(1964, p.99) has stated:

... The nature of responses generally depends upon the trust developed early in the relationship, status differences, differential perception, and interpretations placed on questions and respbnses, the control exercised by the interviewer, and so forth. The validity of the schedule becomes a variable condition within and between interviews.

In exploratory social research, it is imperative

that: (a) the researcher ensures that any preconceptions

h e l d a r e removed f rom t h e i n t e r v i e w ; and ( b ) open-ended

q u e s t i o n s be u s e d in ' o r d e r t o g a t h e r a s much i n f o r m a t i o n

as p o s s i b l e ( B a i l e y , 1 9 8 2 ) ; a s s u c h a s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w

w i l l s e r i o u s l y j e o p a r d i z e r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s o f t h i s

n a t u r e . Taki-hg t h i s i n t o a c c o u n t t h e u n s t r u c t u r e d

i n t e r v i e w may b e a b l e t o p r o v i d e a r e l a x e d and

n o n - t h r e a t e n i n g a t m o s p h e r e d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v i e w .

When a t t e m p t i n g t o e x t r a c t h i s t o r i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n

f rom r e s p o n d e n t s , it i s a d v a n t a g e o u s t o p r o v i d e a r e l a x e d

a tmosphe re i n o r d e r t o f a c i l i t a t e r e c o l l e c t i o n by t h e

r e s p o n d e n t . Gordon (1969 , p . 4 9 ) n o t e s " . . .To h e l p t h e

r e s p o n d e n t remember f a c t s a c c u r a t e l y t h e i n t e r v i e w must b e

s u f f i c i e n t l y u n s t r u c t u r e d and f l e x i b l e f o r t h e i n t e r v i e w e r

t o b e a b l e t o r e t u r n t o t h e same t o p i c s e v e r a l t i m e s i f

n e c e s s a r y t o s t i m u l a t e the memoryii. A c c o r d i n g t o Gordon

(1969 , p .491 , t h e u n s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w may b e more v a l i d

i f t h e " u n i v e r s e o f d i s c o u r s e " v a r i e s f r o m r e s p o n d e n t t o

r e s p o n d e n t .

F i n a l l y , t h e u s e o f open-ended i n t e r v i e w q u e s t i o n s

e n a b l e s t h e r e s p o n d e n t t o d i g r e s s f rom t h e t a r g e t q u e s t i o n

i n o r d e r t o i n t r o d u c e new i d e a s , e x p e r i e n c e s , and o t h e r

v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n . Fo r example , d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e of

one o f t h e i n t e r v i e w s , a r e s p o n d e n t i n t r o d u c e d t h e

phenomenon known as "whipsawing". By p r o b i n g t h i s i s s u e

f u r t h e r it became a p p a r e n t t h a t whipsawing w a s a n acronym

f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t phenomenon w i t h i n p o l i c e l a b o u r

r e l a t i o n s . The whipsawing e f f e c t o c c u r s when one p o l i c e

union comple tes a n e g o t i a t e d c o n t r a c t , and s e v e r a l o t h e r

p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s o b t a i n " m i r r o r e d " c o n t r a c t s ,

S o c i a l r e s e a r c h e r s i n e v i t a b l y f a c e t h e problem of how

t o r e c o r d t h e i n f o r m a t i o n be ing o b t a i n e d from

responden t s . Some choose t o make b r ie f n o t a t i o n s d u r i n g

t h e i n t e r v i e w w h i l e o t h e r s r e l y on memory r e c a l l t o r e c o r d

i n f o r m a t i o n c o l l e c t e d d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v i e w , w h i l e o t h e r s

u t i l i z e r e c o r d i n g d e v i c e s .

The c u r r e n t r e s e a r c h u t i l i z e d n o t e - t a k i n g and

t a p e - r e c o r d i n g d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v i e w s . When i n t e r v i e w

environments w e r e n o t conducive t o u t i l i z i n g a t a p e

r e c o r d e r , e x t e n s i v e n o t e - t a k i n g was qompleted. On

o c c a s i o n s when t h e i n t e r v i e w s were t a p e r e c o r d e d , c u r s o r y

n o t e - t a k i n g was completed i n a n u n o b t r u s i v e manner. The

use' of t h e t a p e r e c o r d i n g d e v i c e proved n o n - i n t i m i d a t i n g

t o t h e r e s p o n d e n t s because of t h e d e g r e e o f r a p p o r t and

t r u s t p l a c e d upon t h e i n t e r v i e w e r . On one o c c a s i o n , f o r

example, one o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t s q u e r i e d t h e r e s e a r c h e r on

t h e r e c e p t i o n of t h e r e c o r d i n g d e v i c e and p h y s i c a l l y move

h i s c h a i r i n order t o enhance t h e r e c e p t i o n of t h e

r e c o r d i n g d e v i c e (P. Jamieson, p e r s o n a l communication,

A p r i l 6 , 1 9 8 7 ) .

While t h e d i s a d v a n t a g e s t o t h e i n t e r v i e w i n g t e c h n i q u e

a s w e l l a s t h e u s e of documentary a n a l y s i s may d i m i n i s h

t h e g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y of t h e r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s , it i s

i m p o r t a n t t o r e c o g n i z e t h e e x p l o r a t o r y n a t u r e o f t h i s

t h e s i s . The r e p l i c a t i o n of t h i s s t u d y may be a c c o m p l i s h e d

by improv ing upon t h e r e s e a r c h s t r u c t u r e i n t h e f o l l o w i n g

f o u r a r e a s : l l i n c r e a s e i n c a s e s t u d i e s , 2 ) i n c r e a s e i n

r e s p o n d e n t s i n t e r v i e w e d , 3 ) i n c r e a s e i n f u n d i n g f o r

r e s e a r c h , and 4 ) t h e u s e of a s t a n d a r d i z e d r e c o r d i n g

a p p a r a t u s .

The t h r e e c a s e s t u d i e s u s e d i n t h i s t h e s i s a r e

l o c a t e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia. F o r c e s e ( 1 9 8 0 , p . 1 0 7 ) h a s

o b s e r v e d t h a t

B r i t i s h Columbia seems t o o f f e r t h e n a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n i n microcosm. W e f i n d some i m p r e s s i v e examples o f union-management c o o p e r a t i o n , b u t a l s o resort t o s t r i k e t h r e a t , a n d s i t u a t i o n s o f b i t t e r l y p o l a r i z e d a d v e r s a r y r e l a t i o n s .

I n order t o r e p l i c a t e t h i s s t u d y and e n h a n c e t h e

d a t a , a social ' s c i e n c e r e s e a r c h e r co l l ld i n c r e a s e t h e

number of c a s e s t u d i e s i n v o l v e d t o g a i n a more i n - d e p t h

p e r s p e c t i v e on a P r o v i n c e such a s B r i t i s h Columbia b y

s e l e c t i n g a l l a v a i l a b l e c a s e s i n t h a t P r o v i n c e . One c o u l d

a l s o select case s t u d i e s f rom d i f f e r e n t g e o g r a p h i c a l

l o c a t i o n s i n Canada. I n c r e a s i n g t h e number of c a s e

s t u d i e s would a l s o s t r e n g t h e n t h e g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y o f any

r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s . S i m i l a r l y a r e s e a r c h e r c o u l d

4 9

s t r e n g t h e n t h e v a l i d i t y o f t h e d a t a o b t a i n e d by

i n t e r v i e w i n g a h i g h e r number o f r e s p o n d e n t s i n t h e f i e l d

o f p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s .

The a f o r e m e n t i o n e d f a c t o r s a r e u s u a l l y d e p e n d e n t upon

f u n d i n g . I n c o n d u c t i n g s o c i a l s c i e n c e r e s e a r c h one mus t

acknowledge t h e f a c t t h a t f u n d i n g h a s a m a j o r i m p a c t on

t h e research s t r u c t u r e . I n mos t c a s e s i t res t r ic ts t h e

r e s e a r c h e r s d a t a b a s e , s i m p l y b e c a u s e o f t h e c o n s t r a i n t s

it p l a c e s upon a r e s e a r c h e r . T h i s t h e s i s was n o t

s u p p o r t e d by a n y f u n d i n g . I n o r d e r t o g a t h e r d a t a , t h e

r e s e a r c h e r s e l e c t e d c a s e s t u d i e s i n c l o s e p h y s i c a l

p r o x i m i t y t o t h e r e s e a r c h e r w h i l e s t i l l a t t e m p t i n g t o g a i n

a v a r i e t y o f p e r s p e c t i v e s on t h e t o p i c . The i m p a c t o f

f u n d i n g a l s o l i m i t e d t h e number o f i n d i v i d u a l s

i n t e r v i e w e d . Access t o f u n d i n g s u p p o r t would e n a b l e a n

i n t e r v i e w e r t o l o c a t e and q u e r y i n d i v i d u a l s i n d i f f e r e n t

g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n s . T h i s would e n h a n c e t h e

c o m p a r a t i v e a n a l y s i s of t h e s t a t u s o f p o l i c e l a b o u r

r e l a t i o n s i n Canada and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s .

T h e r e a r e two o t h e r a r e a s which s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d

i n t h e r e p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s s t u d y : t h e u s e o f a s t r u c t u r e d

i n t e r v i e w s c h e d u l e and t h e u s e o f s t a n d a r d i z e d r e c o r d i n g

a p p a r a t u s .

Us ing t h i s s t u d y ' s f i n d i n g s f u t u r e r e s e a r c h can

expound on t h e d a t a o b t a i n e d . The i s s u e s r a i s e d i n t h i s

50

t h e s i s c o u l d be a n a l y z e d i n d e t a i l t h r o u g h t h e u s e of a

more s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w s c h e d u l e . Us ing t h i s t e c h n i q u e ,

d a t a cou ld be more e a s i l y compared f rom i n t e r v i e w t o

i n t e r v i e w and t h i s would r e d u c e i n t e r v i e w e r v a r i a b i l i t y .

The r e p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s s t u d y may p o s e a p o t e n t i a l

p roblem t o f u t u r e r e s e a r c h e r s i n t h a t t h e c u r r e n t r e s e a r c h

was conduc ted by a n a f f i l i a t e d m e m b e r o f t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l

m i l i e u unde r s t u d y . Though t h e r e s e a r c h e r w a s n o t

d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o a n y o f t h e d e p a r t m e n t s u s e d a s c a s e

s t u d i e s n o r i n v o l v e d i n p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s , t h e r e i s

t h e p o s s i b l e r i s k o f r e s e a r c h e r b ias . One s h o u l d a l w a y s

b e c o g n i z a n t o f t h e p o s s i b l e e x i s t e n c e o f r e s e a r c h e r b i a s

w h e t h e r t h e r e i s o c c u p a t i o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n o r n o t . Access

t o c e r t a i n documents ( i . e . P o l i c e Board m i n u t e s , B.C. Fed.

a n n u a l a g e n d a ) may n o t b e r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e i f a f f i l i a t i o n

does n o t e x i s t and t h e r e f o r e may impede t h e p r o g r e s s o f a

more s o p h i s t i c a t e d r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t .

I n c o n c l u s i o n , t h i s t h e s i s i s b o t h d e s c r i p t i v e and

e x p l o r a t o r y . B lack a n d Champion ( 1 9 7 6 , p . 7 8 ) s t a t e t h a t

" e x p l o r a t o r y r e s e a r c h h a s a s one o f i t s c h i e f merits t h e

d i s c o v e r y of p o t e n t i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s t h a t may be

a s s e s s e d i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l and d e p t h a t a l a t e r d a t e a n d

w i t h a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d t y p e o f r e s e a r c h d e s i g n " .

CHAPTER IV

THE POLICE UNION HISTORIES OF VANCOUVER, MATSQUI AND DELTA

The ' Vancouver City Police Department

The Vancouver police department was established in

1886. ~hirty-two years later, in 1918, the Vancouver

Police Federal Labour Union was chartered by the Trades

and Labour Congress of Canada (Fisher & Starek, n.d.1.

Two of the causal factors cited were "Declining real

income and the contemporaneous unionizing of other

municipal employees provided most of the stimulus for

police in Vancouver...to unionize at this time" (Fisher &

Starek, n.d., p.4). The formation of Vancouver's police

union coincided with attempts to unionize in Montreal and

Toronto (Frankel & Pratt, 1954), a police strike in Saint

John, New Brunswick (Grosman, 1975). These events

preceded the Winnepeg General Strike and the Boston Police

Strike by one year (Forcese, 1980; Grosman, 1975).

Between 1918 and 1945 Vancouver experienced informal

collective bargaining (Fisher & Starek, n.d. p.4).

During the pre collective bargaining era from the end of World War I through the end of World War 11, municipal employers(sic) in a number of Canadian municipalities permitted their employees to lobby or formally consult with them concerning wages, hours and working conditions ("Universe", p.20).

The P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n would s u b m i t i t s demands t o t h e

Ch ie f C o n s t a b l e who i n t u r n would p r e s e n t t h e i r demands t o

t h e Board o f Commiss ioners and t o C i t y C o u n c i l

( " U n i v e r s e " , p . 2 0 ) .

The Wart ime Labour R e l a t i o n s A c t o f 1944 g r a n t e d

m u n i c i p a l emp:loyees t h e r i g h t t o a p p l y f o r c e r t i f i c a t i o n

( a s a l a b o u r u n i o n ) ( F i s h e r & S t a r e k , n . d . , p . 5 ) . I t

" e s t a b l i s h e d a n a t i o n a l framework o f l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s . . . "

( " U n i v e r s e " , p . 2 0 ) . The Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e m e n ' s

F e d e r a l Labour Union , Loca l no. 1 2 was c e r t i f i e d on August

6 , 1945 (D. B o l t , p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 1 4 ,

1 9 8 6 ) . I n 1956 t h e y adop ted t h e name o f Vancouver P o l i c e

Union. They n e g o t i a t e d - t h e i r f i r s t c o l l e c t i v e ag reemen t

i n 1946 ( F i s h e r & S t a r e k , n . d . ) .

From t h e o n s e t " t h e C i t y of Vancouver t y p i c a l l y

g ran ted i t s p o i i c e f o r c e wages and b e n e f i t s which somewhat

exceeded t h e wages and b e n e f i t s it p a i d t o i t s o t h e r major

c i v i c g r o u p s ..." ( " U n i v e r s e " , p . 2 0 ) . A l t h o u g h p a r i t y w i t h

o t h e r p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s t r a d i t i o n a l l y had a n i m p a c t on

p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s , i n Vancouver a b a t t l e o f wage

"supremacy" w i t h Vancouver F i r e f i g h t e r s p l a y e d a

s i g n i f i c a n t ro l e i n t h e s e n e g o t i a t i o n s . Dur ing t h e f i r s t

f i v e y e a r s o f n e g o t i a t i o n s , Vancouver p o l i c e o f f i c e r ' s

s a l a r i e s were s u r p a s s e d by t h e Vancouver F i r e f i g h t e r s .

Vancouver p o l i c e wanted n e i t h e r t o s t r i k e n o r u s e a s t r i k e

53

a s a method o f e x e r t i n g p r e s s u r e t o a c h i e v e a minimum o f

p a r i t y w i t h Vancouver F i r e f i g h t e r s , which l e f t them i n a

weak p o s i t i o n . ( F i s h e r & S t a r e k , n.d.1

I n 1949 t h e Union added a " n o - s t r i k e " p r o v i s i o n t o

i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n and t h e government i n s t i t u t e d new

l e g i s l a t i o n g r a n t i n g l tcompulsory a r b i t r a t i o n " a s a means

o f r e s o l v i n g d i s p u t e s o n c e a n i m p a s s e o c c u r r e d . One o f

t h e f i r s t a r b i t r a t i o n a w a r d s i n 1954 g r a n t e d t h e u n i o n t h e

r i g h t f o r i t s o f f i c e r s n o t t o wear w i n t e r c l o t h i n g d u r i n g

summer months ( " U n i v e r s e " , p . 3 3 ) . F o r a l m o s t 20 y e a r s

(1950-1970) t h e Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e Union r e l i e d h e a v i l y

on a r b i t r a t i o n i n i t s c o n t r a c t n e g o t i a t i o n s . I n a

mone ta ry s e n s e , t h i s p r a c t i c e a p p e a r e d t o have been

s u c c e s s f u l . "Vancouver and T o r o n t o p o l i c e have been

r i v a l s f o r t h e h i g h e s t Canad ian C i t y p o l i c e s a l a r y , p a r t l y

b e c a u s e both p o l i c e f o r c e s r e s i d e i n C a n a d a i s two h i g h e s t

wage a r e a s " ( " U n i v e r s e " , p . 2 1 ) . Vancouver C i t y p o l i c e

w e r e t h e h i g h e s t p a i d f rom 1953 u n t i l 1966 ( i n c l u s i v e )

( t r U n i ~ e r ~ e t ' , p :21) . Along w i t h o t h e r u r b a n p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s d u r i n g t h e

m i d - 1 9 6 0 ' ~ ~ Vancouver e x p e r i e n c e d l a b o u r t u r m o i l . T h e r e

w e r e s e v e r a l f a c t o r s which promoted d i s c o n t e n t m e n t i n t h e

n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s . R e l y i n g on a r b i t r a t e d s e t t l e m e n t s

was b e n e f i c i a l , a s l o n g as a r b i t r a t o r s were i n a g r e e m e n t

t o V a n c o u v e r ' s p a y s c a l e a s t h e c o u n t r y ' s t r e n d s e t t e r .

54

Another reason why Vancouver relied too heavily on

arbitration has been suggested: "...the city and union

experienced ten consecutive arbitrated settlements during

the 1960's. The union's bargaining committee was much

less experienced at collective bargaining than the city's

professional negotiators, so it opted for arbitration

during the 60 Is" ( "Universe1', p. 51). This impeded the

evolution of experienced labour relations personnel among

union officials. By relying on arbitrators to settle

disputes, union members were not actively involved in the

negotiating process, thereby limiting their expertise.

While the Union's negotiating team was usually made up of

five members and the Union President, the City had

professional negotiators (P. Battershill, personal

communication, March 19, 1987). Vancouver threa<tened to

strike in 1967 and 1969, ("Universe", p.561, primarily as

a result of being dethrowned from the position of highest

wage earners by the Toronto Metropolitan Police.

Traditionally, police unions have rarely negotiated

multi-year contracts. This is primarily because other

police departments could then make gains in one-year

contracts which would make it very difficult to have

"catch-up" clauses in order to stay at-par with other

police departments. The 1969 contract encompassed a

22-month period. One of the most significant results of

this contract was that Vancouver police officers dropped

from being the highest paid, to being in the top three,

and finally to being forty-second in Canada ("Universe",

p.59).

Dissatisfied with the current method of labour

negotiations, both parties sought an alternative. The

expertise of the officials who represented the employer

increased, while the Union remained stagnant in labour

relations. The organizational structure of police labour

negotiations which was implemented in the 1970's was

called mediation-arbitration, more commonly expounded as

"med-arb".

Although med-arb was used solely by Vancouver as a

police union method of negotiating, it was also used by

the California Nurses Association in 1971 as "...an

alternative to strike action for a particular set of

negotiations ..." (Dunlap, 1973, p.65). The "Blair Award" reinstated Vancouver as the highest

paid police force in Canada, and the rationale based on

this award caused some consternation. Starek (personal

communication, July 10, 1987) suggested that "people

remember that rationale". In a sense, the position of

Vancouver's police officers as "top paid" was

reestablished in the Blair award.

On a political level, the 1970's witnessed a

tremendous increase in the professionalizatlon of the

police in Vancouver (e.g. higher educated recruits

joining; better training; and specialized sections with

qualified "experts"). A new Police Act was enacted in

1974. This - Act was implemented with input from union

executives. Jamieson (personal communication, April 6,

1 9 8 7 ) suggested the governmental philosophy of the era was

to "sell before you implement" . At the time, it was considered the best police Act in -

the country. The involvement of the B.C. Federation of

Police Officers in the discussion process of the new

legislation and government solicitation from the Police

Unions of B.C., resulted in these organizations being

recognized as legitimate and as professionals representing ,

the police.

The next major development that contributed to the

professionalization of the police was the formation of the

Justice Institute of B.C., a centralized police academy,

whereby police officers from all departments (excluding

the R.C.M.P.) in British Columbia would receive their

training. This training would also involve courses in

police labour relations. The B.C. Fed were once again

involved, having input on the selection of the director of

the police academy (P. Jamieson, personal communication,

April 6, 1987).

Although this involved the B.C. Fed and thus all

departments, Vancouver traditionally was the provincial

trendsetter, and as the largest police department, had the

largest voice in provincial policing affairs. While the

smaller departments negotiated mirror contracts with

Vancouver, Vancouver tended to implement mirrored

contracts with other urban police departments on a

national scale: "Vancouver police agreements have

contained many of the provisions that police contracts in

Canada's other major cities have contained" ("Universe",

p.44).

The latter part of the 1970's saw changes in

legislation to deal with employees in essential ~ervices.

The "right to strike", in reality, became superfluous.

Vancouver threatened to strike in 1974 during their

contract dispute, however, the government appointed an

arbitrator, which successfully negated their right to

strike legally ("Universe", p.61). The primary concerns

the union had to deal with in the late seventies were the

"wage freezes" and the Anti-Inflation Board.

The whip-sawing effect continued until 1983. Martin

(personal communication, April 6, 1987) suggests that

what may occur in the late 80's is a reverse whip-sawing

effect. As the cost of policing escalates and the

"freeze" on wages continues smaller departments are unable

to maintain parity, and Vancouver may suffer by being

compared to those departments.

The move towards non-monetary issues created an

expansion in the issues subject to negotiation. This was

not based "Merely on a limitation of monetary issues

[rather] ... the quality of member that is now coming into the police service that is more intelligent, more

inquisitive, more challenging is more demanding of

expanding their participation ..."( H. Starek, personal

communication, July 10, 1987).

Starek (personal communication, July 10, 1987)

suggested that the changes in the past twenty years have

basically been in sophistication of the issues, which he

attributes to the quallty of the individuals entering the

ranks. An example is the indemnification clauses in

collective agreements. Traditionally, "economics" was the

key factor. In the 19801s, social issues may emerge as a

focus of union attention.

Starek (personal communication, July 10, 1987) gave

an example of one such issue. In the mid-1970's when

economics was the key focus on union activity, an employee

assistance program was initiated by management. "It's

59

unf0rtunat.e in a way that the union themselves didn't

focus on that and join with management into jointly

looking after the kinds of things that very definitely

impact on their membership." It is likely that during the

latter part of the 19801s, the increasing expertise of

union leaders will lead to a tendency to expand from

non-monetary issues to social and managerial issues.

The Matsqui Police Department

The British Columbia Provincial Police serviced the

community of Matsqui from pre-Confederation days until

1950. At that time the R.C.M.P. assumed responsibility

for the Province, including Matsqui, located some 40 miles

east of Vancouver in the Fraser Valley.

Within five years, on January 1, 1955, Matsqui

decided to form its own police department. Concerns such

as "community control and accountability" led to this

development ("History of Policing", 1982, p.4). The

general sentiment expressed was "that the community had

outgrown policing the RCMP could provide, and it was time

for a municipal force. Councillors were convinced Matsqui

was not receiving the service for which it was paying"

("History of Policing," 1982, p.4). Vanderhoek (personal

communication, November 20, 1986) also suggested that one

of the mitigating factors in the formation of Matsqui's

own police was that the community wanted their own police

because the provincial government would not build a police

station in Natsqui having selected instead the

neighbouring community of Abbotsford.

Shortly after the formation of the Matsqui Police

Department, the members attempted to form a police union.

There were three factors which appeared to have enhanced

the development of this union: (1) the parity issue

spawned by Vancouver City Police Department, ( 2 ) the lack

of leadership of the Matsqui Police Chiefs, and ( 3 ) the

previous police experience of its membership.

The parity issue which surfaced at the onset of

Matsqui's police formation was, throughout police union

history, a key factor in police union objectives. In

December of 1956, Matsqui lagged behind Vancouver in

wages. The membership approached their employers, the

Matsqui Police Commission, requesting an increase in

wages. They received a fifty dollar Christmas bonus (T.

Vanderhoek, personal communication, November 20, 1986).

The Matsqui Police members had no means of formal

negotiation and therefore could not dispute this 'decision.

In 1957, the members opted to form a union, shortly

after the Police Commission's decision on the parity

issue. There is little documentary evidence on the cause

61

of the frequent change in command of the Department Head.

During the first six years of Matsqui Police, three Chiefs

commanded the Department, the first of these was suspended

and relieved of his duties after one year. Following

this, the second Chief of Police requested to resign in

1959, and the third Chief was only in command for 2 years

(Abbotsford, Sumas & Matsqui News, February 1, 1961;

"Chief Vandusen," 1961). This lack of consistency in

police leadership may have assisted the initial

development of the union.

Another mitigating factor was the members

themselves. Traditionally, Matsqui hired members with

previous police experience (G. Leukefeld, personal

communication, January 14, 1987). These individuals were

for the most part seasoned veterans. They may have seen

the development of a new police department as a means of

improving their present status. They obviously brought to

Matsqui their previous experiences, not only in the realm

of police work, but also in labour issues.

Matsqui's first attempt to form a union was rejected.

The Police Commission at the time opposed the formation

(T. Vanderhoek, personal communication, November 20, 1986)

and the request for certification (i.e. union status) was

ultimately rejected in Victoria by the Labour Relations

Board. (Matsqui Police Board Minutes, 1958). Matsqui was

62

denied certification over a legal issue--they lacked a

proper Constitution and set of "by-laws" (I. MacDougal,

personal communication, November, 1986). On June 30,

1958, the union became certified ("Matsqui Police

Collective," 1958) and was called the Matsqui Policemen's

Association Local No. 7.

Interestingly, there was no publicity surrounding the

formation of the union, no public support, no support from

other police departments and no support from other outside

labour groups (T. Vanderhoek, personal communication,

November 20, 1986). It would appear that, unlike the

formation of other police unions, particularly American

police unions, the certification of the Matsqui police

union was completed relatively smoothly. Vanderhoek

(personal communication, November 20, 1986) hascnoted the

Police Chief at the time was not anti-union. Hence the

only resistance had been the objection by the police

commission at the time. The fact that Matsqui members

sought certification legally and that it was within their

legal right to do so may have quashed any further

objections by the local police commission.

The first binding contract between the union and the

municipality was signed on the 10th of June, 1959. It

consisted of 17 clauses dealing with issues such as work

week, stat-holiday pay, service pay, holiday pay, court

63

pay allowance, call-out pay, uniform allowance, etc. Two

other clauses were also incorporated into the contract.

Section 13 set out standards for promotion. Although the

clause stipulated that the decision of the employer would

be final "other things being equal, effect shall be given

to seniority in rank".

Section 14 entered into the disciplinary realm of

policing and specified seven reasons whereby the "employer

reserves the right to discharge any employee". They were:

3)proven incompetency

4)absence without leave

5jrefusal to obey any lawful order

6)flagrant abuse of any of the employer's equipment used by the employee in the course of his duty

7)conduct unbecoming any police personnel ("Matsqui Police Collective," 1959, p.5)

Phil Jamieson (personal communication, April 6, 1987)

suggested that until the introduction of the British

Columbia Police Act in 1974, police officers were

basically employed at the "pleasure of their employer" . That being the case, the seven sub-clauses contained in

Section 14 would have had little effect on the protection

of union members. This Section was an obvious weakness in

the contract from a union perspective. On the other hand,

Section 13 of the same contract dealt with a seniority

clause which effectively encroached upon management's

prerogatives regarding promotion.

The first signs of turmoil in the Matsqui Police

Association emerged only a few short years after its

formation. The Abbotsford, Sumas, and Matsqui News

(February 1, 1961, p.1) reported in February 1961 that

while "Matsqui Police Ask Wage Hike" the "Municipal

Council has asked Attorney General Robt. Bonner to inquire

into the possibility of the R.C.M.P. taking over the

policing in the municipality".

While the Police Association was attempting to seek

higher pay, their employers were seeking their

replacement. Leukefeld (personal communication, January

14, 1987) suggested that the Municipal Council used the

threat of an R.C.M.P. take-over as a negotiating tactic

until 1978.

To counter the Municipality's attempt to obtain the

service of the R.C.M.P., the Police Association mobilized

public support. "This was the subject of a lot of media

attention in Matsqui at the time..." (T. Vanderhoek,

personal communication, November 20, 1986). A town

meeting was held at the Legion Hall in Abbotsford. Police

officers attended with their families and friends, city

65

council, police commissioners, etc. This was the only

public demonstration in opposition to the plan (T.

Vanderhoek, personal communication, November 20, 1986).

Ottawa, however, rejected Matsqui's request for policing

services on the grounds that the R.C.M.P. would not

provide service for a locale with a population over 15,000

(T. Vanderhoek, personal communication, November 20,

1986 1 .

Once the R.C.M.P. issue had been resolved,

negotiations between the Matsqui police union and local

police commission commenced. Vanderhoek (personal

communication, November 20, 1986) described the

relationship as a "friendly local atmosphere ... the police board and union would take each other out to dinner each

year after the contractual negotiations were resolved".

During the 1960's Matsqui had achieved wage parity with

Vancouver, although not for all of the employee

benefits). "It was a sort of understanding that we would

be a matter of fifty cents or whatever behind" (T.

Vanderhoek, personal communication, November 20. 1986).

Similarly, Leukefeld (personal communication, January 14,

1987) stated that "they [police board] had this deathly

fear of actually coming right out and saying you have

parity with Vancouver".

The P o l i c e Board Minu te s a l s o r e f l e c t e d t h e a m i c a b l e

r e l a t i o n s h i p t h r o u g h o u t t h i s p e r i o d : March 1 5 , 1964

"ag reemen t f i n a l i z e d " , Oc tobe r 9 , 1964 "un ion l e t t e r

r e q u e s t i n g n e g o t i a t i o n s and t o i n v i t e commission t o

d i n n e r " , O c t o b e r 27, 1966 "un ion r e q u e s t s p a r i t y " ,

December 1 9 , 1966 "came t o a n a g r e e m e n t " (Ma t squ i P o l i c e

Board M i n u t e s ) .

S i n c e 1967 , M a t s q u i ' s p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t h a s grown and

expanded , f o r m i n g new s p e c i a l i z e d d u t i e s i n c l u d i n g p l a i n

c l o t h e s o f f i c e r s , a Major C r i m e s U n i t and a Dog Squad

( " H i s t o r y o f P o l i c i n g , " 1 9 8 2 ) . T h e s e new deve lopmen t s

h a v e enhanced t h e o v e r a l l m o r a l e of t h e p o l i c e membership,

c r e a t i n g new o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r advancement .

I n compar i son t o u n i o n s i n l a r g e u r b a n p o l i c e

d e p a r t m e n t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ! t h e

h i s t o r y o f t h e Matsqui P o l i c e Union t h r o u g h o u t t h e 1 9 6 0 ' s

w a s a t y p i c a l . One o f t h e main r e a s o n s f o r t h i s may h a v e

been t h e " p o l i c i n g env i ronmen t " : t h e r u r a l community o f

Ma t squ i was p r i m a r i l y a g r i c u l t u r a l and w a s r e l a t i v e l y

immune t o t h e s o c i a l t u r m o i l e x p e r i e n c e d i n t h e p o l i c i n g

e n v i r o n m e n t s o f u rban a r e a s . M a t s q u i i t s e l f s i ts i n t h e

h e a r t o f a n a r e a r e f e r r e d t o b y loca ls a s t h e "B'ible B e l t " .

By 1965 , M a t s q u i ' s l a b o u r c o n t r a c t s were b e g i n n i n g t o

p a r a l l e l V a n c o u v e r ' s c o n t r a c t s i n i t e m s such as s i c k l e a v e

and service pay clauses ("Matsqui Police Collective,"

1965). The union was also examining contracts of other

police unions in surrounding areas and developing more

sophisticated negotiating strategies ("Matsqui Police

Collective," 1967). These developments were enhanced by

the formation of the British Columbia Federation of Police

Officers in the early 1960's (P. Jamieson, personal

communication, April 6, 1987).

Although most of the union contracts were one-year in

length, a three-year contract was negotiated covering the

time period from 1967-69. In 1970 wage parity was

achieved with Vancouver. The rate of pay negotiated was

$755.00 monthly for first class constables ("Matsqui

Police Collective," 1970). The Vancouver Police Union,

negotiating after Matsqui, received $748*00 from January

1, 1970 and then a raise to $762.00 July 1, 1970

(Vancouver Policemen's Union, n.d., mimeograph).

In the early seventies, the Matsqui Police Union sent

representatives to Victoria, B.C. to support another

police department in that area (G. Leukefeld, personal

communication, January 14, 1987). Members from each

police local of the B.C. Federation of Police 0fiicers

attended, and the threat of picketing arose at that time

(G. Leukefeld, personal communication, January 14, 1987).

This disturbance was shortlived and Matsqui continued to

68

run a n independent p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n . I n f a c t , m o s t o f

t h e p o l i c e un ions i n B r i t i s h Columbia o p e r a t e d

independen t ly .

I n 1973, t h e Matsqui p o l i c e were housed i n a new

p o l i c e s t a t i o n . A member who had p r e v i o u s l y s e r v e d i n t h e

R.C.M.P. (non-un ion ized) who jo ined Matsqui d u r i n g

1970-1972 s t a t e d Matsqui was "way ahead" , t h a t o p e r a t i o n s

were "smooth s a i l i n g " a n d , a p a r t f rom pay ing union d u e s

and a t t e n d i n g union m e e t i n g s , t h i n g s went smoothly i n t h e

depar tment w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e p o l i c e

union (F. M i c h e l s k i , p e r s o n a l communication, November 1 7 ,

1 9 8 6 ) . A s t i m e went on it would a p p e a r t h a t i n s t e a d o f

t h e development o f n e g o t i a t i n g e x p e r t i s e by un ion

o f f i c i a l s p e r h a p s even b e f o r e t h e mid-1970's t h e

whip-sawing e f f e c t had begun t o o c c u r CD.'Morrison,

p e r s o n a l c o m u n i c a t i o n , June 29 , 1 9 8 7 ) . The Matsqui

P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n would w a i t f o r t h e Vancouver P o l i c e

A s s o c i a t i o n t o n e g o t i a t e or would n e g o t i a t e a " m i r r o r

c o n t r a c t " . T h i s was v i v i d l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e 1976-77

c o n t r a c t whereby A r t i c l e 2 "wages" Schedu le "A" s t a t e s :

(1) The r a t e o f pay i n Schedu le "A" s h a l l b e set a t 13.00 below t h e ra te f o r comparable r a n k s i n t h e C i t y of Vancouver ($153.00 below i n t h e c a s e of C o r p o r a l ) , when t h e rates of pay i n t h e Vancouver Agreement a r e c o n c l u s i v e l y s e t t l e d , a f t e r r e f e r e n c e t o t h e A n t i - I n f l a t i o n Board. T h i s s h a l l b e r e t r o a c t i v e t o A p r i l 1 ,1976 f o r a l l p r e s e n t members o f t h e a s s o c i a t i o n ( "Matsqu i P o l i c e C o l l e c t i v e , " 1 9 7 6 ) .

Another s u c h example was found i n S e c t i o n 1 0 , widow

b e n e f i t " t h e d e f i n i t i o n s t o b e u s e d i n c l a u s e 9 .3 s h a l l b e

t h o s e i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e Vancouver p o l i c e ag reemen t

d a t e d May 27, 1976 ( " M a t s q u i P o l i c e C o l l e c t i v e , " 1 9 7 6 ) .

I n 1 9 7 9 , . t h e Ma t squ i P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n went t o

a r b i t r a t i o n . I n l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s t h i s means t h a t b o t h

p q t i e s c o u l d n o t r e s o l v e t h e i s s u e s which had s u r f a c e d

w h i l e b a r g a i n i n g and t h a t t h e u n i o n s o u g h t an a r b i t r a t o r ,

who was a p p o i n t e d . The d e c i s i o n s by t h e a r b i t r a t o r were

f i n a l and b i n d i n g . The r e s u l t i n g d e c i s i o n was c a l l e d t h e

" G r e y e l l Award" ( G r e y e l l , 1 9 7 9 ) .

The f a c t s s u r r o u n d i n g t h i s Award were a t u r n i n g p o i n t

i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e Ma t squ i u n i o n . A s Vanderhoek

( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 20, 1 9 8 6 ) s u g g e s t e d

" t h i n g s went smoo th ly u n t i l about ?8-79". fn August of

1979 t h e un ion went t o a r b i t r a t i o n ( M a t s q u i P o l i c e Board

M i n u t e s , August 22 , 1 9 7 9 ) . The r e s u l t i n g award w a s p a r i t y

w i t h Vancouver . The a r b i t r a t o r s t a t e d "A s t u d y o f o t h e r

awards i n p u b l i c i n t e r e s t d i s p u t e s l e a d s m e t o t h e

c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t h e ' p r e v a i l i n g s t a n d a r d 1 f o r s imi la r

o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p s o u t s i d e t h e e m p l o y e r ' s employment i s

t h e c r i t e r i o n t o ( s i c ) which I must g i v e t h e m o s t w e i g h t . "

( G r e y e l l , 1979 , p . 3 ) . The Union s t a n c e a t t h e t i m e w a s

adamant on p a r i t y , a n d o n c e t h i s was a c h i e v e d , t h e main

t h r u s t o f t h e a s s o c i a t i o n h a s been t o m a i n t a i n p a r i t y .

The s t a g e had been set i n 1979 f o r t u m u l t u o u s

n e g o t i a t i o n s be tween b o t h p a r t i e s . I t was b e s t

i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e G r e y e l l Award. The u n i o n a l l e g e d t h e

employer ( p o l i c e b o a r d ) had n o t b a r g a i n e d " i n good f a i t h "

( G r e y e l l , 1 9 7 9 , p . 2 1 ) . G r e y e l l (1979 , p . 2 4 ) d e p i c t e d t h e

u n i o n and e m p l o y e r ' s breakdown i n n e g o t i a t i o n s a s f o l l o w s :

I d o n o t mean t o condone t h e M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s a p p a r e n t r e f u s a l t o meet and d i s c u s s t h e o t h e r amendments t o t h e C o l l e c t i v e Agreement s o u g h t by t h e u n i o n . I n my v i ew, b y r e f u s i n g t o m e e t and d i s c u s s t h e s e i s s u e s , an u n f o r t u n a t e a t m o s p h e r e of c o n f r o n t a t i o n d e v e l o p e d between t h e p a r t i e s a t an e a r l y s t a g e and c o n t i n u e d t h e r e a f t e r . I c a n o n l y t r u s t t h a t b o t h h a v e l e a r n e d f rom t h i s u n f o r t u n a t e e x p e r i e n c e a n d t h a t i n f u t u r e y e a r s t h e p a r t i e s w i l l d e v e l o p a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d a p p r o a c h t o t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g p r o c e s s .

S i n c e 1 9 7 9 , t h e r e h a s n o t been a n e g o t i a t i o n t h a t h a s

n o t i n v o l v e d c o n c i l i a t i o n or a r b i t r a t i o n ( G . P e a r y ,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 2 5 , 1 9 8 6 ) . " T h e r e ' s been

some very, very b i t t e r f e e l i n g s between t h e po i ice b o a r d

i n t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s ... s i n c e t h e l a s t 6 o r 7 y e a r s , some

form o f l e g a l t h i n g b u t I s i n c e r e l y b e l i e v e i t ' s b e c a u s e

o f t h e p e r s o n a l i t i e s on b o t h s i d e s . . . " (T . Vanderhoek ,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 20 , 1 9 8 6 ) . I r o n i c a l l y ,

t h e two k e y p l a y e r s i n Ma t squ i p o l i c e l a b o u r

r e l a t i o n s - - t h e c h a i r m a n o f t h e p o l i c e b o a r d ( t h e mayor)

and t h e p r e s i d e n t o f t h e p o l i c e union--have r e t a i n e d t h e i r

r e s p e c t i v e p o s i t i o n s f o r n e a r l y a d e c a d e (T . Vanderhoek ,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 20 , 1 9 8 6 ) .

I n t h e c a s e o f t h e Matsqui P o l i c e Depa r tmen t , t h e

i n t e r p e r s o n a l dynamics o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p be tween b o t h

p a r t i e s spawned a n a d v e r s a r i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p which was n o t

c o n d u c i v e t o smooth n e g o t i a t i o n s . A s t h e P r e s i d e n t o f t h e

P o l i c e U n i o n , . L e u k e f e l d ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , J a n u a r y

1 4 , 1 9 8 7 ) s t a t e d :

It k i n d o f g o e s w i t h whoever i s cha i rman o f t h e b o a r d , ... i f y o u ' v e g o t a good r e l a t i o n s h i p , h e l l you c a n go f o r y e a r s and e v e r y t h i n g w i l l b e j u s t r o s y b u t t h e n a s h a s happened i n t h e l a s t s i x y e a r s , w e s t a r t e d o f f 0 . k . and f rom t h e r e on e v e r y t h i n g went d o w n h i l l .

L e u k e f e l d ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , J a n u a r y 1 4 , 1 9 8 7 )

a d m i t t e d " t h e mayor and I had t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s of

v i ew ." T h i s h a s a l s o been e x p e r i e n c e d i n S a a n i c h , B r i t i s h

Columbia w i t h t h e f o r m e r mayor. George P e a r y ( p e r s o n a l

communica t ion , November 25 , 1 9 8 6 ) , a member o f t h e Ma t squ i

P o l i c e Board f o r t h e l a s t s i x y e a r s , s u g g e s t e d t h a t

r e l a t i o n s were n o t good , and had l i t t l e room t o improve

s i n c e b o t h p a r t i e s o n l y m e t i n c o n f e r e n c e f o r n e g o t i a t i n g

k e y i s s u e s . H e s t a t e d a n a t t e m p t was 'made t o h a v e

m e e t i n g s w i t h b o t h p a r t i e s i n less a d v e r s a r i a l

c i r c u m s t a n c e s a l t h o u g h t h i s s u g g e s t i o n w a s n e v e r

implemented .

A s M a t s q u i ' s p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d d u r i n g t h e 1 9 8 0 ' s

so d i d i t s p o l i c e f o r c e . The costs o f p o l i c i n g a l s o

e s c a l a t e d ; h e n c e mone ta ry i s s u e s s u r r o u n d i n g p o l i c i n g

became h i g h - c o s t i t e m s i n a n y m u n i c i p a l b u d g e t .

From t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e p o l i c e b o a r d t h e problem i s one e s s e n t i a l l y o f t a c t i c s employed b y t h e p o l i c e un ion . T h a t i s , t h e i r i d e a o f n e g o t i a t i n g i s t o come i n and s e e k as much a s t h e y c a n i n f r i n g e b e n e f i t s a n d work ing c o n d i t i o n s and t h e n demand t h e same pay r a t e a s Vancouver g e t s ( G . P e a r y , p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 25, 1 9 8 6 ) .

I n 1986 , r e l a t i o n s be tween t h e p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n and

t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y d e t e r i o r a t e d e v e n f u r t h e r . The P o l i c e

Board o p t e d f o r a l a b o u r l a w y e r a s t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a t

a n a r b i t r a t i o n h e a r i n g (known a s t h e B i r d Award) . " . . .The

b o a r d mounted a v e r y p e r s u a s i v e a n d s o p h i s t i c a t e d economic

a rgument and t h e a r b i t r a t i o n b o a r d i n f a c t a g r e e d w i t h t h e

p o l i c e b o a r d and t h e Ma t squ i p o l i c e u n i o n no l o n g e r e n j o y s

p a r i t y w i t h t h e c i t y o f Vancouver" (G. P e a r y , p e r s o n a l

communica t ion , November 25, 1 9 8 6 ) .

The Mat squ i P o l i c e Union s o u g h t p u b l i c s u p p o r t d u r i n g

t h e i r n e g o t i a t i o n s , u s i n g a d v e r t i s i n g s p a c e i n t h e l o c a l

newspaper q u o t i n g t h e i r i n c r e a s e s i n 1985-86 c o n s i s t i n g of

0 % and 2 % and showing t h e mayor and c o u n c i l ' s i n c r e a s e s o f

3 % , 1 7 % and 25%. The h e a d l i n e on t h e f r o n t page o f t h e

O c t o b e r 1, 1986 i s s u e o f t h e A b b o t s f o r d , Sumas & M a t s q u i

N e w s r e a d "Matsqui P o l i c e B a t t l e t h e Boss" (McIn tosh ,

1 9 8 6 ) .

P e a r y s t e p p e d down f rom t h e P o l i c e Board a f t e r t h e

' 8 6 n e g o t i a t i o n s , a s h e had s e r v e d h i s f u l l t e r m . I n a n

a r t i c l e d a t e d Oc tobe r 29, 1986 , P e a r y ( " P e a r y ' s , " 1 9 8 6 )

s t a t e d h e r e g r e t t e d t h a t r e l a t i o n s h i p s had d e t e r i o r a t e d ,

7 3

but commented on the public campaign of the police union

by stating, "The ads were full of misinformation and

'lies'."

The future of Matsqui's labour negotiations may

change in the course of the next few years. The onset of

a new mayor, and hence a new Chairman of the Board and a

new Board Executive Member may promote a different style

of negotiating. The influx of professional negotiators

(labour lawyers) on both sides may remove the personality

conflicts in the realm of police negotiations and create a

more amiable atmosphere in Matsqui.

The Delta Police Union

Unlike the Matsqui Police Department, which is fairly

recent, Delta's Police date back to the 1890's. During

that time, one police officer was hired for the summer to

police the area of the fish canneries. Although the

Municipality of Delta spans a large area, the density of

population at the time was situated along the Pacific

Coast and consisted primarily of a fishing community.

Delta's community has since expanded over the years and in

1960 consisted of both rural and urban areas.

Accessibility to data concerning Delta's police

history prior to the early 1960's was limited. The Delta

Municipa1,Police Association established its Constitution

and By-laws on May 31, 1960 and one month later, on June

28, 1960, obtained certification (D. Bolt, personal

communication, November 14, 1986). At the time, Delta

Police consisted of approximately fifteen officers and,

similar to Matsqui, it was suggested that its formation

was prompted in large measure by the lack of wage

consistency with Vancouver City Police ( G . Angus, personal

communication, December 3, 1986). The prevailing attitude

was that "...wetre all doing the same job, we should get

the same money" ( G . Angus, personal communication,

December 3, 1986).

Another contributing factor which ensured the

development of a police association was the desire to

improve the general working conditions of the •’<ifteen

officers who had to police the four geographic terrains

found within the Municipality of Delta ( G . Angus, personal

communication,. December 3, 1986). 6

There was scattered opposition to the formation of

the police association from the municipality and from the

police chief who commanded the Delta Police Force from

1952-1980. Although Angus suggested the Chief did not

oppose the union formation and supported the principle of

parity, Ivens (personal communication, March 13, 1987)

suggested that during the era of the Association formation

Chief Smi th r a n t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h a n " i r o n f i s t " , and

was v e r y much a n " o l d s t y l e " po l iceman.

With r e s p e c t t o t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y ( a n d p o l i c e b o a r d ) ,

t h e r e was n o t so much a n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e u n i o n f o r m a t i o n

as a g e n e r a l f e e l i n g o f a p p r e h e n s i o n a s t o t h e p o s s i b l e

i m p a c t ( p e r h a p s i n terms of d o l l a r s ) o f i t s e x i s t e n c e . I t

would a p p e a r t h a t l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s had r u n v e r y s m o o t h l y

i n Delta and t h e r e w a s a c e r t a i n f e a r t h a t t h e deve lopmen t

o f a un ion would a l t e r t h i s a m i c a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p ( G .

Angus, p e r s o n a l communica t ion , December 3 , 1 9 8 6 ) .

The u n i o n ' s p r i m a r y g o a l w a s p a r i t y w i t h Vancouver

and w i t h i n t h r e e o r f o u r y e a r s t h i s w a s a c h i e v e d ( G .

Angus, p e r s o n a l communica t ion , December 3 , 1 9 8 6 ) . The

g e n e r a l f e e l i n g among t h e o f f i c e r s was t h a t f o r m a l i z e d

p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s were a r i g h t and t h a t t h e e n s u i n g

p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n would become t h e v o i c e o f t h e members

( D . M o r r i s o n , p e r s o n a l communica t ion , J u n e 2 9 , 1 9 8 7 ) . I n

r e a l i t y , t h e a s s o c i a t i o n would a c t a s a n e g o t i a t i n g t o o l

t o o b t a i n improvements i n work ing c o n d i t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g

b e t t e r equ ipmen t and t r a i n i n g , which would t h e r e b y e n h a n c e

t h e l e v e l o f p o l i c i n g i n t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y ( G . Angus,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , December 3 , 1 9 8 6 ) .

I v e n s ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , March 1 3 , 1 9 8 7 )

s u g g e s t e d t h e r e a s o n why t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p be tween t h e

Board and t h e Membership h a s a l w a y s been a m i a b l e i s

two- fo ld : t h a t it was based on a s m a l l town f o u n d a t i o n and

t h a t n e i t h e r p a r t i e s e v e r t o o k e x t r e m e p o s i t i o n s . What i s

i n t e r e s t i n g a b o u t D e l t a ' s u n i q u e l y f a v o r a b l e p o l i c e l a b o u r

r e l a t i o n s i s t h a t as r e l a t i o n s e v o l v e d , s u c c e s s f u l

i s s u a n c e o f wage p a r i t y w i t h t h e C i t y o f Vancouver

c o n s i s t e n t l y accompanied t h e l a b o u r n e g o t i a t i o n s . I t

a p p e a r e d t h a t t h e B o a r d ' s p h i l o s o p h y w a s t o g r a n t p a r i t y .

M o r r i s o n ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , J u n e 29, 1 9 8 7 ) a d m i t t e d

t h a t i f D e l t a d i d n o t a c h i e v e p a r i t y , r e l a t i o n s would h a v e

b r o k e n down.

The good work ing r e l a t i o n s h i p be tween D e l t a and i t s

p o l i c e b o a r d may have been enhanced b y t h e u n i o n

l e a d e r s h i p , d e s c r i b e d b y o n e o b s e r v e r as "midd le o f t h e

r o a d " (G. Angus; personal cnmrnunFcatFon, Decembel 3 ;

1 9 8 6 ) . The P r e s i d e n t o f t h e D e l t a A s s o c i a t i o n h e l d t h a t

p o s i t i o n f rom 1961 t o 1 9 7 1 (G. Angus, p e r s o n a l

communica t ion , December 3 , 1 9 8 6 ) ; i n compar i son t o t h e

l o n g term p o s i t i o n h e l d b y t h e P r e s i d e n t o f t h e Union i n

Ma t squ i where n e g o t i a t i o n s were n o t smooth.

D e l t a ' s P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n h a s n e v e r gone t o b i n d i n g

a r b i t r a t i o n or m e d i a t i o n o v e r wage i s s u e s (I. s t a b l e r ,

p e r s o n a l communicat ion, Augus t 1 6 , 1 9 8 6 ) . S i n c e it would

a p p e a r t h a t t h e p a r i t y wage i s s u e w a s a p r i o r i t y , i f n o t

t h e p r i o r i t y , i n l a b o u r n e g o t i a t i o n s ( a n d p a r i t y w a s - 77

successfully attained), less significant issues (such as

plain clothing allowance) became the focus and concern for

mediation remedies.

Another negotiating feature which the police board

and association agreed upon was negotiating costs.

Morrison (personal communication, June 29, 1987) stated

"We wait to see what Vancouver gets. It's less costly for

us and no tension with the board." Hence, both parties

awaited Vancouver's settlement and then proceeded with

their negotiations. Morrison (personal communication,

June 29, 1987) added "We never had one iota of trouble but

it didn't mean we always gave in. We had to think of the

tax payers. "

The Delta Police Association's "middle of the road"

label was exemplified by Stabler, as a union executive

member, did not refer to the organization as a "Union" but

an "Association". Although Delta followed Vancouver, they

did not perceive themselves as 'radical' as Vancouver (I.

Stabler, personal communication, August 16, 1986 1.

The organizational structure of Delta's negotiation

process is quite unique. From the onset of its formation

in the early 1960's until 1980, the Chief played a major

role in the process. The Chief represented the members

and l i a i s e d w i t h t h e p o l i c e board and hence a c t e d a s a

m e d i a t o r .

The P o l i c e Board had t r u s t i n t h e Chief and t h e Board

r e l i e d on mayoral e x p e r t i s e i n n e g o t i a t i o n s . T h i s

r e l a t i o n s h i p was a l t e r e d i n 1980 when t h e G.V.R .D.

( G r e a t e r Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t ) , a c e n t r a l i z e d

m a s t e r b a r g a i n i n g a s s o c i a t i o n , became i n v o l v e d i n D e l t a ' s

p o l i c e n e g o t i a t i o n s . S t a b l e r ( p e r s o n a l communication,

August 1 6 , 1986) sugges ted t h a t , f o r D e l t a , t h e r e may have

been two r e a s o n s f o r t h i s change. F i r s t , t h e Chief who

had been acc la imed a s t h e i r u n o f f i c i a l spokesperson a t

t h i s t i m e , was r e a d y t o re t i re . Second, a p o s s i b l e

q u e s t i o n of e t h i c s was r a i s e d . I f t h e Members were t o g e t

a n i n c r e a s e i n wages t h e n s u b s e q u e n t l y s o would t h e

C h i e f .

The i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e G.V.R.D. a s n e g o t i a t o r had a n

impac t on t h e r o l e of t h e p o l i c e board . I v e n s ( p e r s o n a l

communication, March 1 3 , 1987) d e s c r i b e d t h e

o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of t h e n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s d u r i n g

t h e 1 9 8 0 ' s i n D e l t a :

The p o l i c e board were n o t r e a l l y i n v o l v e d i n day-to-day management, b u t r a t h e r s e r v e d i n a n o v e r s e e i n g r o l e on f i s c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e . m a t t e r s . The G.V.R.D. and p o l i c e a s s o c i a t i o n would p r e p a r e a c o n t r a c t , t h e board would examine it and r e t u r n it t o t h e p a r t i e s w i t h any amendments. The board t h e n s u b m i t t e d a budge t t o c o u n c i l . The a d v a n t a g e s t o t h i s s t r u c t u r e were t h a t it removed any p e r s o n a l i t y f r i c t i o n s i n t h e n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s and b u f f e r e d b o t h t h e Chief and t h e P o l i c e Board. The

79

disadvantage was that the Board did not really know of small items that may have been important to the Police Association.

The implementation of the Compensation Stabilization

Committee by the Provincial Government approximately three

years ago set guidelines for wage increases. For example,

at one point, the guidelines were set at a three percent

increase maximum (I. Stabler, personal communication,

August 16, 1986). This in effect changed the sphere of

bargaining. It was no longer open for negotiation. Both

the Association and the G.V.R.D., however, appeared to

have coped with this issue. Ivens (personal

communication, March 13, 1987) was surprised that there

were not more confrontations because of the economy and

restraint. He suggested "the attitude of the police may

have been to change with restraint". It would appear that

the Police Association accepted (albeit reluctantly) the

wage controls and felt that in "freeze times, bargaining

is easier--you'll only get three percent anyways" (I.

Stabler, personal communication, August 16, 1986).

In Delta, in the later part of the 19801s, this may

mean a move towards increasing negotiations on

non-monetary issues. Ivens (personal communication, March

13, 1987) suggested two issues of importance which in

future negotiations may likely cause some debate. First,

the issue of seniority: The Police Association proposes

80

to base promotion on the sole criteria of seniority

whereas the Board want to premise promotion on a

combination of training, capability, and seniority. The

second anticipated problem involves the issue of

cumulative sick leave. "This issue was locked in by the

previous board and may be extremely costly in the future"

(B. Ivens, personal communication, March 13, 1987). At

the time that issue was negotiated there were fewer

members in the department and hence it was less costly.

In sum, Delta appears to have had extremely good

relationships between its Police Association and Board. A

large part of this non-confrontational relationship,

however, rested on the promise that the Delta Police

Association was granted wage parity with Vancouver.

Summary

The histories of the Police Associations in

Vancouver, Delta and Matsqui are unique. There were

several factors which played important roles in the

evolution of these unions. One of the main features

involved in the police union agenda was the negotiation of

contracts, i.e. the collective bargaining process. The

words "negotiate" and "bargain" immediately denote some

sort of communication process between individuals.

One o f t h e p r i m a r y f a c t o r s i n t h e t h r e e case s t u d i e s

was t h e i n t e r p e r s o n a l dynamics i n t h e n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s .

These i n c l u d e d b o t h e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s ( s u c h a s t h e

C o m p e n s a t i o n - S t a b i l i z a t i o n Commit tee) a n d i n t e r n a l f a c t o r s

( s u c h as t h e e x p e r t i s e o f t h e un ion e x e c u t i v e s i n l a b o u r

n e g o t i a t i o n s ) . (see F i g u r e 1) . A s J u r i s a n d F e u i l l e (1973 ,

p .119) s u g g e s t e d " . . . c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g i s d i v e r s e i n

c h a r a c t e r a n d r e s u l t s . . . e a c h r e l a t i o n s h i p i s u n i q u e " . A

l a r g e p a r t o f t h i s u n i q u e n e s s was a t t r i b u t a b l e t o such

i n t e r n a l f a c t o r s a s t h e p e r s o n a l i t i e s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s

i n v o l v e d i n t h e p r o c e s s . G a l l i e (1978 , p . 2 4 7 ) a l s o

s u g g e s t e d t h a t " . . . i d e o l o g y w i l l a f f e c t t h e s t r a t e g i e s

u sed t o o b t a i n o b j e c t i v e s " . On a h i e r a r c h i c a l scale, t h e f i r s t p e r s o n s i n v o l v e d

w e r e t h e i n d i v i d u a l m e m b e r s ( p o l i c e o f f i c e r s t h e m s e l v e s ) .

I t i s p l a u s i b l e t o a r g u e t h a t t h e i n i t i a l o r i e n t a t i o n men had t o w a r d s t h e j ob w i l l b e r e l a t e d t o t h e i r a t t i t u d e s t o p o l i c e un ion i sm. P e o p l e j o i n i n g p r i m a r i l y f o r e x t r i n s i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s c o u l d b e e x p e c t e d t o b e more conce rned a b o u t h a v i n g a s t r o n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body , c a p a b l e o f d e f e n d i n g or a d v a n c i n g t h e i r m a t e r i a l i n t e r e s t s ( R e i n e r , 1978 , p . 1 6 6 ) .

S t a r e k ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , J u l y 1 0 , 1 9 8 7 ) s t a t e d

t h a t t h e p h i l o s o p h i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n o f r e c r u i t s h a s changed

o v e r t h e l a s t t w e n t y y e a r s i n Vancouver , and a s a r e s u l t ,

t h e i n d i v i d u a l o f f i c e r s a r e b e g i n n i n g t o demand a c t i o n on

s o c i a l i s s u e s r a t h e r t h a n p u r e l y economic o n e s . S t a b l e r

( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , August 1 6 , 1 9 8 6 ) a r g u e s t h a t i n

82

Figure 1. Police Labour Negotiations in British Columbia

I

POLICE DEPT.

------ PART TIME

D e l t a , a s a union e x e c u t i v e e l e c t e d t o b e t h e v o i c e of t h e

membership, t h e r e were t i m e s when t h e more s e n i o r

p e r s o n n e l were concerned w i t h s e c u r i t y and b e n e f i t s ( i . e .

pens ion p l a n ) , t h e younger r e c r u i t s were s e e k i n g more

monetary g a i n s . T h i s a l s o appeared t o have o c c u r r e d i n

Matsqui " . . . i t ' s t h e u s u a l s i t u a t i o n t h e o l d e r guys a r e

l o o k i n g f o r b e n e f i t s and t h e younger guys a r e l o o k i n g f o r

money i n hand" (G. Leukefe ld , p e r s o n a l communication,

January 1 4 , 1 9 8 7 ) .

Hence, a l l t h r e e e l e c t e d union p r e s i d e n t s must d e a l

w i t h a n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s w i t h t h e membership and a t t e m p t

t o p r o v i d e a c o l l e c t i v e agreement a c c e p t a b l e t o t h e

m a j o r i t y of t h e i r membership. Presumably , because union

e x e c u t i v e s a r e u s u a l l y e l e c t e d f o r a two-year t e r m , i f

" n e g o t i a t i o n s " a t t h i s l e v e l were n o t a c c e p t a b l e , t h e y

would n o t be r e - e l e c t e d .

The s i z e o f t h e membership may a l s o have a n impact on

t h e p r o c e s s . Matsqui i s a s m a l l p o l i c e depar tment where

a l l members p e r s o n a l l y know t h e o t h e r o f f i c e r s . I n a

l a r g e o r g a n i z a t i o n such a s Vancouver, however, t h e union

e x e c u t i v e s a r e l i k e l y n o t t o p e r s o n a l l y know e v e r y

i n d i v i d u a l o f f i c e r .

Ayres & Wheelan (1977, p . 6 8 4 ) s t a t e d t h a t " a l l

s i g n i f i c a n t p l a y e r s a f f e c t o t h e r s " . The second g roup of

" p l a y e r s " i n t h e n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s and e v o l u t i o n of

84

police unions are the elected union executives. "...if a

police union has leaders or representatives who are

skilled in the interpersonal arts of political

negotiations, the union's ability to obtain its goals is

enhanced. (Juris & Feuille, 1973, p.76). The backgrounds

and personalities of union officials appear to affect the

labour process. In the three departments studied, each

elected their own union officials, most had unrestricted

renewable terms of office, and all three had union

officials who had served several terms of office in

various capacities. An example of the impact of union

official's perspectives in the labour process was clearly

depicted in one of Vancouver's labour contracts. Union

executives opted for and agreed upon a clause that would

increase the benefit clothing allowance paid tos plain

clothes officers. The general membership rejected this

"cost-item." At the time the union executives were all in

"plain clothes" positions versus the majority of the rank

and file officers working in uniforms ("Universe", p.39).

In Matsqui, one of the union's executives was also on

the Executive of the Provincial Association of the B.C.

Fed. Peary (personal communication, November 25; 1986)

saw this as detrimental, as he felt the union executive

felt obliged "to spout the party line...whether or not

i t ' s s u p p o r t e d by t h e membership ... i s somet imes a q u e s t i o n

mark.. . " Both Vancouver and D e l t a n e g o t i a t e t h e i r c o n t r a c t s

w i t h a m a s t e r b a r g a i n i n g team under t h e u m b r e l l a o f t h e

G.V.R.D. ( G r e a t e r Vancouver R e g i o n a l D i s t r i c t ) . Hence t h e

p o l i c e board o v e r s e e t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s b u t are n o t ( i n

r e a l i t y ) a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n t h e day- to-day n e g o t i a t i n g

p r o c e s s . I n Mat squ i , t h e p r o c e s s i s s t i l l v e r y much

l o c a l i z e d and t h u s t h e y are i n a weak p o s i t i o n . The

p e r s o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n o f e a c h of t h e s e p l a y e r s t o w a r d s

p o l i c i n g and l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s w i l l e f f e c t t h e t y p e o f

r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t d e v e l o p s . I n M a t s q u i , as s t a t e d

p r e v i o u s l y , r e l a t i o n s between t h e p o l i c e boa rd and un ion

e x e c u t i v e s a r e n o t a m i c a b l e . Al though t h e i m p a c t o f

c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s d i f f i c u l t t o document , w i t h t h e

change i n p o l i c e boa rd members, t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between

t h e p o l i c e boa rd and un ion i n Mat squ i may improve i n t h e

f u t u r e .

I n D e l t a , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p h a s been a m i c a b l e , s i n c e

t h e p o l i c e board s u p p o r t s t h e n o t i o n of p a r i t y w i t h

Vancouver. I v e n s ( p e r s o n a l communicat ion, March 1 3 , 1 9 8 7 )

s t a t e d t h a t t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e

Compensa t ion -S tab i l i z a t i o n Program c o u l d a f f e c t

r e l a t i o n s . T h i s d o e s n o t a p p e a r t o b e a problem i n D e l t a

as S t a b l e r ( p e r s o n a l communicat ion, August 1 6 , 1 9 8 6 )

86

f u r t h e r added t h a t t h i s was i n e v i t a b l e and h e n c e

n e g o t i a t i o n s o c c u r w i t h i n t h e r e a l m o f t h e s t a t u t o r y

l i m i t a t i o n s . T h i s d i d n o t o c c u r i n M a t s q u i , P e a r y

( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 2 5 , 1 9 8 6 ) s t a t e d t h e

un ion " . . .were d e n y i n g t h e r e a l i t y o f t h e compensa t ion

s t a b i l i z a t i o n b o a r d e v e n though w e p o i n t e d t h a t o u t t o

them, t h e y s a i d t o h e l l w i t h it l e t Peck c u t u s o f f i f he

d a r e . . . 'I

I n Vancouver , t h e e x p e r t i s e o f u n i o n l e a d e r s h a s been

e s t a b l i s h e d . T r a i n i n g i n l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s i s p r o v i d e d

which c o v e r s c r i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i n g i s s u e s and s k i l l e d un ion

l e a d e r s have been promoted f rom w i t h i n t h e r a n k s ( K o r n f e l d

& Dawson, 1981 , p . 1 1 ) .

B e l l ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , November 1 2 , 1 9 8 6 )

s u g g e s t e d t h a t n e g o t i a t i n g i n Vancouver ( a large area! i s

more d i f f i c u l t . The i s s u e s are n o t n e c e s s a r i l y more

complex b u t any b e n e f i t s n e g o t i a t e d are h i g h e r cost i t e m s

i n t e r m s o f d o l l a r s o n l y d u e t o t h e s h e e r amount o f p o l i c e

o f f i c e r s i n v o l v e d . A l s o , t h e r e i s some " d i s t a n c i n g "

i n v o l v e d . The Chief i s n o t s e e n b y t h e members d a i l y d u e

t o t h e s i z e o f t h e d e p a r t m e n t . T h i s may be a n a d v a n t a g e .

Al though Vancouve r ' s u n i o n p r e s i d e n t o c c u p i e s tkie p o s i t i o n

on a f u l l - t i m e b a s i s , t h e o t h e r m e m b e r s o f t h e e x e c u t i v e

d o s o p a r t - t i m e and B e l l p e r c e i v e d t h i s as a n a d v a n t a g e as

t h e y a r e s t i l l i n t o u c h w i t h t h e r a n k a n d f i l e .

Arbitrators have had a major impact on the evolution

of police labour unions in British Columbia. Bell

(personal communication, November 12, 1986) suggested that

arbitration usually works in favor of the employee as

arbitrators are usually sympathetic to the employee.

There were two Awards which greatly impacted upon

union philosophy, one in Vancouver, the "Blair Award" and

one in Matsqui, the "Greyell Award". Mr. Blair

re-established the Vancouver police as the highest wage

earners in Canada in 1971 (Fisher & Starek, n.d., p.39).

"While looking at these various aspects of today's

situation, one has also, in the Arbitrator's view, to keep

before him the principal of maintaining the Vancouver

Police Force where it rightfully belongs, namely, on the

top level among Canada's police forces in terms of wages,

fringe benefits, and working conditions." (Blair, 1975,

p.7). In other words, "the arbitrator adhered to the

principle of maintaining Vancouver police on the top level

among Canada's police forces" (Vancouver Police Board,

1975, p.1).

The importance of this statement by Mr. Blair is that

years later people still refer to the Award and the

philosophy of maintaining Vancouver as the highest paid

department in British Columbia, and perhaps the country.

Starek (personal communication, July 10, 1987) stated "it

causes consternation--people remember that rationale".

In Matsqui, the issue of parity with Vancouver has

always been one of the most important issues in

negotiations. The Greyell Award granted Matsqui parity

with Vancouver in 1980. The rationale given by the

arbitrator was as follows: "A study of other awards in

public interest disputes leads me to the conclusion that

the 'prevailing standard' for similar occupational groups

outside the Employer's employment is the criteria to which

I must ... have most regard is comparability with those other police forces..." (Greyell, 1979, p . 3 - 4 ) .

Peary's (personal communication, November 25, 1986)

commented similarly on Matsqui's situation: ".<..they have

to understand, it was an arbitration board that gave them

parity and it was an arbitration board that took parity

away." Thus, because arbitrators are usually in positions

to rule on major issues in police labour relations, their

decisions will have a tremendous impact on the evolution

of police unions.

Policing is overseen by the Provincial government of

British Columbia. Legislation relating to policing will

obviously impact upon all police officers. The prevailing

attitude towards police unions in government will affect

the process. It is extremely difficult, however, to

identify precisely those individuals whose orientation

towards policing affected the development of unions. The

government of the early seventies, however, strove to

improve police professionalism with the creation of the

Justice Institute and by asking for input by police union

leaders (P. Jamieson, personal communication, April 6,

1987).

Labour lawyers who represent both union and employers

impact the system by the perspectives presented during a

variety of phases in the negotiating process. The

rationale used to either promote or negate an issue such

as wage parity can influence not only the present

negotiations, but future ones as well (e.g. if,<for

example, the rationale is used that Vancouver should be

paid at parity with Toronto say in 1986, what occurs in

1990, when Toronto are below Vancouver in salaries?).

While all three police unions have functioned under

the same legislation, their growth and development have

varied. Vancouver's history is much lengthier than either

Delta or Matsqui. Vancouver has had a greater impact on

Provincial labour relations, as most departments follow

Vancouver's trends. At the same time, Vancouver has been

influenced by trends set by other large urban police

departments in Canada. Matsqul has suffered in its

90

attempts to obtain wage parity wlth the larger police

departments, such as Vancouver. By remaining independent

in its struggles in labour negotiations, Matsqui has not

been able to maintain wage standards equivalent to

Vancouver's. Unlike their U.S. counterparts, none appear

to have struggled too stringently for the establishment of

a union, nor did they experience the hostile

confrontations evidenced by some of the American police

unlon counterparts.

By refraining from associating with outside labour

groups, police unions in British Columbia have gained a

legitimate position as representatives of the police

community in general. After having discussed the

historical development of these three police unions, the

next Chapter will focus on the issues they will%likely

face in the future.

CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION

This thesis has addressed the historical development

of three police unions in British Columbia. Chapter I

provided an introduction to the topic. In Chapter 11, the

historical evolution of police unions in both Canada and

the United States were presented and then compared and

contrasted in order to delineate a clear working framework

upon whlch a sophisticated discussion of the evolutionary

process of pollce unions was ascertained. A comprehensive

review of the methods used to gather the data included in

this thesis was presented in Chapter 111.

In Chapter IV, the origins and development sf police

unions in the municipalities of Vancouver, Matsqui and

Delta, British Columbia were examined and compa~ed within

a historical framework. The key findings lnferred from

this analysis were: (1) the origins and historical

development of the three police unions under study were

less turbulent than those of their American counterparts;

(2) the issue of wage parity in police union negotiations

played a significant and major role in the subsequent

development of police contracts; and (3) the inte'rpersonal

dynamics of the relationships between key players involved

in the union negotiation process impacted significantly on

the subsequent outcomes of these negotiations.

Chapter V draws the police union issue together with

other "trade unions" in order to show the evolutionary

process from a more encompassing perspective within the

general labour environment. From the resulting data,

future perspectives will be discussed and re-emphasized:

the pros and cons of wage parity, the possible impact of

professional negotiators, the recent phenomenon towards

non-monetary issues in contract negotiations, and the

reasons why unions have tended to focus selectively on

certain policing issues.

Although this thesis did not examine exhaustively the

issue of police unions in relation to other labour unions,

one should be cognizant of the parallel development of

police unions and other outside labour groups.

The development of a labour oriented worker%began at

the turn of the century; however, the increased militancy

in the 1960's in both the United States and Canada

evolutionized its labour unions, in particular, the police

unions. Levi (1977, p.2) suggested "Agency growth,

increased bureaucratization, deterioration of material and

social standing, changing social and economic

conditions--in other words, the same forces union*zed

private sectors experienced-combined to produce new

outbreaks of militance among government workers."

The labour movement in North America is divided

primarily into two distinct groups: public sector and

private sector. Public sector unions consist of

governmental employees whether municipal, provincial or

federal. Private sector unions encompass employees in

"private" industry, such as the autoworkers unions. As

Levi (1977) and Juris & Feuille (1973) suggested, both

public and private sector unions organized for the same

inherent reasons, e.g. employee benefits, increase in

wages, improved working conditions.

The police, following the public sector movement,

made similar labour union inroads. "The typical police

social philosophy encourages an internal solidarity and

suspicion of outsiders which separates them from the

labour movement and aligns them with more conservative

forces" (Reiner, 1978, p.264). "...Generally the public

sector unions are not strident and militant. They tend to

go along with trends; they don't establish trends" (G.

Peary, personal communication, November 25, 1986). In

addition, there are three branches to public sector

bargaining: the police union, the employer, and the

public (tax payers). Salerno (1977, p.9) states the

significant differences between the public and private

sector are twofold: "the nsn-profit nature of most public

services..." and "...the political atmosphere underwhich

bargaining takes place".

In essence, the evolution of police unions appears

to have developed in parallel with the labour activities

of other government employees, particularly employees in

essential services such as firefighters and nurses. In

the end, however, there is a "... uniqueness of police labour relations. ... A modern grievance system and the expectations of young police officers and, on the other

hand, the needs and requirements of a highly authoritarian

and structured organization" (Downie & Jackson, 1980,

p.4). Peary (personal communication, November 25, 1986)

summarized the issue:

They're a union but they're not a union because they don't quite have all the same benefits and when you're in a crisis situation and you direct someone to do something it's not the sort of thing that there can be any question about. There has to be an immediate compliance and you get into the union thing where they say no I'm not going to do it, I'll launch a grievance.

There is somewhat of a paradox with the idea of police

unionism. 'Police associations, or most of them, are not

unions in terms of behavior, orientation, or

perception--their own, the public's or management's"

(Jackson, 1986, p.134).

Particularly in Canada, police union representatives

are perceived not merely as a labour group, but as

spokespersans on a variety of policing issues. They

appear to be recognized in a more legitimized and

professionalized manner than their American counterparts.

They are asked for their input by government with respect to legislation; they speak up, and are asked to speak up, on public issues, not only by the press, but by politicians and policy makers. There is no doubt, too, that they are perceived differently than other unions by the public, probably in great part because most of them do not call themselves unions or, usually, act like unions (Jackson, 1986, p.99).

Despite police unions differing from other labour unions,

in some respects they do inevitably face many of the same

issues as labour unions in their quests for improved

benefits and improved working conditions.

Morrison (personal communication, June 29, 19871, in

discussing the Delta police situation, stated it was less

costly for all parties in Delta to wait and see what

Vancouver were given in a contract and then to negotiate

their own contract. Leukefeld (personal communication,

January 14, 19871, referring to Matsqui's 1986 contract

negotiations whereby the municipality had a labour lawyer

represent them, stated: "Financially to us [police union]

its devastating". For a small organization, like the

Matsqui police union, escalating costs may have a *

tremendous impact on the labour process.

What it boils down to is the fact that money talks. I mean the municipality here has unlimited resources, financial resources. They spent something like 97,000 some odd dollars on this last

96

arbitration. Well, there's no way in God's earth that we could ever afford to spend $90,000 on an arbitration. It cost us somewhere around $24-$25,000. That left us gasping for breath (G. Leukefeld, personal communication, January 14, 1987).

The main problem here is the fact that the

Municipality appeared to be always in a superior resource

position and could force unions into costly arbitration

that may offset any awards. For years the British

Columbia Federation of Police Officers have considered

amalgamating to form a master bargaining team, the

increasing costs of lawyers being the primary concern.

The issue was discussed at the 1987 Annual Conference of

the British Columbia Federation of Police Officers. The

problem outlined during this conference was that, although

it would be more cost-effective for the smaller unions to

form a master bargaining team, Vancouver would not likely

benefit. It was pointed out that if the "reverse

whip-sawing effect" began to impede Vancouver in their

contract negotiations, the notion of a master bargaining

team may eventually be implemented.

There has also been some discussion on the issue of

regional policing-amalgamating the municipal police forces

of Delta, New Westminster and the communities of Surrey

and Langley, presently policed by the R.C.M.P. If this

r e g i o n a l i z a t i o n were t o o c c u r , t h e p a r i t y problem

e x p e r i e n c e d b y t h e s m a l l e r p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s would

d i s a p p e a r .

The i s s u e of p a r i t y , however , i s o n e which i s

d e f i n i t e l y n o t u n i q u e t o t h e t h r e e c a s e s t u d i e s p r e s e n t e d

i n t h i s t h e s i s . O t h e r p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s , a s w e l l a s

o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p s such a s f i r e f i g h t e r s , h o l d

d e a r l y t o t h e same p r e m i s e . I t would seem o n l y l o g i c a l t o

r e q u e s t t h a t employees i n i d e n t i c a l o c c u p a t i o n s e a r n t h e

same wages , when g r o u p s o f employees a t t e m p t t o improve

t h e i r l o t , p a r t i c u l a r l y f i n a n c i a l l y .

A l l t h e d e p a r t m e n t s i n v o l v e d i n t h i s s t u d y have

a t t e m p t e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e i r h i s t o r y t o o b t a i n some s o r t of

wage p a r i t y w i t h a n o t h e r p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t . The o p p o n e n t s

o f wage p a r i t y c o n t e n d t h a t employees l i v i n g i n r u r a l

a r e a s , where h o u s i n g i s more a f f o r d a b l e , s h o u l d n o t b e

p a i d on t h e same s c a l e as p o l i c e o f f i c e r s who work and

l i v e i n h i g h e r c o s t - o f - l i v i n g a r e a s . They f u r t h e r s u g g e s t

t h a t lower crime i n d e x r a t e s r e f l e c t n o t o n l y t h e amount

of work b u t a l s o t h e d e g r e e o f o c c u p a t i o n a l h a z a r d . They

a l s o p u r p o r t t h a t smaller communi t ies h a v e less f i n a n c i a l

r e s o u r c e s t o p a y f o r p o l i c i n g s e r v i c e s .

These a r g u m e n t s a r e c o u n t e r e d b y t h e f a c t t h a t ,

p a r t i c u l a r l y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, t h e r e i s c e n t r a l i z e d

t r a i n i n g f o r a l l p o l i c e o f f i c e r s a t t h e J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e

98

and t h a t , i f p o l i c e o f f i c e r s a r e e q u a l l y t r a i n e d and

perform t h e same f u n c t i o n s , t h e y s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e be p a i d

e q u a l l y . They c o u n t e r t h e argument o f r e s i d i n g i n

low-cost hous ing j u r i s d i c t i o n s by emphas iz ing t h a t , i n t h e

R.C.M.P., m e m b e r s a r e p a i d e q u a l l y i r r e s p e c t i v e of t h e i r

g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n .

Although some s m a l l e r j u r i s d i c t i o n s may have a lower

crime r a t e t h a n i n t h e urban a r e a s , t h i s i s n o t a lways

n e c e s s a r i l y t r u e . C r i m e s p e r c a p i t a d o n o t n e c e s s a r i l y

r e f l e c t o f f i c e r s ' c a s e l o a d s . Hence, c o n s i d e r a t i o n must

be g i v e n t o t h e number of o f f i c e r s and t o t h e i r d u t i e s .

I n s m a l l e r j u r i s d i c t i o n s , where v a r i e d s p e c i a l i z e d

s e c t i o n s d o n o t e x i s t , f o r example, o f f i c e r s ' c a s e l o a d s

may b e q u i t e h igh .

The d e g r e e of danger t h a t p o l i c e o f f i c e r s f a c e i s

v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o measure s t a t i s t i c a l l y . Although t h e r e

may be h i g h e r i n c i d e n t s of v i o l e n t crimes i n urban a r e a s ,

v i o l e n t crimes d o o c c u r i n r u r a l a r e a s and o f t e n i n remote

a r e a s , where p o l i c e o f f i c e r s o f t e n d o n o t have a c c e s s t o

a s s i s t a n c e .

Along w i t h t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f m a s t e r b a r g a i n i n g

teams and r e g i o n a l i z a t i o n , t h e r e i s t h e t r e n d towards

h i r i n g l a b o u r l awyers a s " p r o f e s s i o n a l n e g o t i a t o r s " . I n

M a t s q u i ' s c a s e , hav ing an i m p a r t i a l t h i r d p a r t y t o

n e g o t i a t e f o r p o l i c e l a b o u r e r s may e l i m i n a t e d e t r i m e n t a l

99

p e r s o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t s which have e x i s t e d i n t h e p a s t .

C o n v e r s e l y , t h i s p r a c t i c e c o u l d l e a d t o a breakdown i n t h e

" g r a s s - r o o t s " l e v e l o f n e g o t i a t i o n s .

The u t i l i z a t i o n o f p r o f e s s i o n a l n e g o t i a t o r s w i l l

u l t i m a t e l y impac t on t h e l a b o u r n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s . A s

t h e u s e of o u t s i d e l a b o u r l a w y e r s i n c r e a s e s , t h e

i n t e r p e r s o n a l dynamics o f t h e n e g o t i a t i n g p r o c e s s may b e

a l t e r e d w i t h t h e p r e s e n c e o f o b j e c t i v e t h i r d p a r t i e s .

Al though u n i o n s o f t e n a r e s e e n i n a n a d v e r s a r i a l ro le by

e m p l o y e r s , b o t h f a c t i o n s r e c o g n i z e t h e a d v a n t a g e t o

n e g o t i a t e e f f i c i e n t l y and t o r e s o l v e s u r f a c i n g d i s p u t e s a s

q u i c k l y a s p o s s i b l e i n o r d e r t o r e d u c e o v e r h e a d c o s t s and

t o p e r p e t u a t e a m i c a b l e r e l a t i o n s . Labour l a w y e r s may

i n t e r r u p t t h i s d e l i c a t e b a l a n c e , s e e i n g t h e mone ta ry

a d v a n t a g e s i n i n t r o d u c i n g l e n g t h i e r n e g o t i a t i o n p r o c e s s e s ,

t h e r e b y e s c a l a t i n g t e n s e r e l a t i o n s , i n c r e a s i n g t h e

" r e d - t a p e " o f s u c c e s s f u l n e g o t i a t i o n s , a n d may c l o u d t h e

i s s u e s w i t h p r o l i f i c l e g a l j a r g o n .

A s a r e s u l t o f i n t r o d u c i n g l a b o u r l a w y e r s , t h e

i n c r e a s e d u s e o f t h e c o u r t s i n Canada may be n e c e s s a r y t o

r e s o l v e f r a c t i o u s l a b o u r d i s p u t e s ( a s e v i d e n c e d i n t h e

Un i t ed S t a t e s ) . " R e l i a n c e upon t h e c o u r t s . . . l i m i t s t h e

o p p o r t u n i t y f o r compromise. The m e d i a t o r ' s o r i m p a s s e

p a n e l ' s f u n c t i o n i s t o make p e a c e ; t h e j u d g e ' s f u n c t i o n i s

t o a p p l y t h e law down t h e l i n e " ( S c h a c t e r , 1981 , p . 2 8 ) .

100

H a r v i e & Lawson (1978 , p .3Q-31) i n d i s c u s s i n g t h e p o l i c e

un ion movement i n t h e U.S. s t a t e d ,

W e o u g h t t o e x p e c t t h a t p o l i c e u n i o n s w i l l r e s o r t t o c o u r t a c t i o n when e i t h e r t h e i r a b i l i t y t o engage i n c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g i s q u e s t i o n e d , o r when c e r t a i n i s s u e s h a v e r e a c h e d impasse . T h i s i s c o n g r u e n t w i t h a g e n e r a l t r e n d i n o u r s o c i e t y t o w a r d s " l e g a l i s m " ( a t r e n d t o w a r d s u s i n g t h e c o u r t s t o e s t a b l i s h t h e d i r e c t i o n s t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n s t a k e - - i n c r e a s i n g l y s e e i n g jud es as s o c i a l e n g i n e e r s and p o l i c y s c i e n t i s t s 3 . Canad ian p o l i c e u n i o n s have n o t t o d a t e u t i l i z e d t h e

c o u r t s i n order t o r e s o l v e l a b o u r d i s p u t e s .

I n Canada , p o l i c e o f f i c e r g r i e v a n c e s , o r demands, c o l l e c t i v e o r i n d i v i d u a l , t e n d t o be d e a l t w i t h i n a less c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l , more r e g u l a t e d a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e s y s t e m o f compu l so ry , b i n d i n g r i g h t s or i n t e r e s t a r b i t r a t i o n , or a q u a l i f i e d a n d r e g u l a t e d c o n c i l i a t i o n - s t r i k e p r o c e d u r e r a t h e r t h a n t h r o u g h t h e c o u r t s , which a r e o f t e n t h e o n l y r e c o u r s e o f t h e American p o l i c e o f f i c e r or un ion . . . ( J a c k s o n , 1986 , p . 9 1 ) .

I n f u t u r e , w i t h t h e i n f l u x of l a b o u r l a w y e r s , t h e

s u b s e q u e n t s o p h i s t i c a t i o n o f l e g a l a r g u m e n t s i n

c o n t r a c t u a l d i s p u t e s and t h e a n t i c i p a t e d t r e n d t o w a r d s t h e

u s e of t h e c o u r t s r a t h e r t h a n m e d i a t o r s f o r s o l u t i o n s ,

Canadian p o l i c e l a b o u r u n i o n s may f a c e a " c o s t i m p a c t "

n e v e r b e f o r e e x p e r i e n c e d . The i m p a c t on C a n a d a ' s smaller,

i n d e p e n d e n t u n i o n s may b e even more s u b s t a n t i a l . Wi thou t

a m a s t e r b a r g a i n i n g team, t h e s e smaller u n i o n s would n o t

have a c c e s s t o t h e f u n d i n g r e q u i r e d t o t a k e t h e s e matters

t o c o u r t . With a team i n p l a c e , m u n i c i p a l i t i e s would b e

f o r c e d t o spend t i m e and money i n c o u r t , a m o s t

u n d e s i r a b l e a v e n u e t o j u s t i f y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n a n a g e s f

r e s t r a i n t . Shou ld p r o f e s s i o n a l n e g o t i a t o r s b e u t i l i z e d

s t r i c t l y as " c o n s u l t a n t s " i n t h e l a b o u r n e g o t i a t i n g

p r o c e s s , t h i s h a r r o w i n g deve lopmen t may l i k e l y n o t o c c u r .

A s d i s c u s s e d i n p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s , a v a r i e t y o f

r e a s o n s e x i s t a s t o why p o l i c e u n i o n s a re e x p a n d i n g i n t o

t h e r e a l m of non-monetary i s s u e s . Economic r e s t r a i n t and

t h e e x p e c t a t i o n s of younger o f f i c e r s j o i n i n g t h e r a n k and

f i l e c o n s t i t u t e t h e p r i m a r y r e a s o n s f o r f o c u s s i n g on

management r i g h t s i s s u e s . C i v i l i a n i z a t i o n i s a n

i n c r e a s i n g l y non-monetary i s s u e b e i n g r a i s e d by p o l i c e

u n i o n s t o d a y . The i n c r e a s i n g r e p l a c e m e n t o f sworn p o l i c e

o f f i c e r s p r e v i o u s l y o c c u p y i n g c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n s by

" c i v i l i a n s " h a s become a s i g n i f i c a n t c o n c e r n . Al though

t h e r e have n o t b e e n a n y r e c o r d e d i n c i d e n t s o f " l a y - o f f s "

i n p o l i c e s e r v i c e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia , t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f

t h i s i s r e a l . The i s s u e of c i v i l i a n i z a t i o n was d i s c u s s e d

a t t h e B r i t i s h Columbia F e d e r a t i o n o f P o l i c e O f f i c e r s f a l l

m e e t i n g i n 1986 . T h r e e d i f f e r e n t p o l i c e u n i o n

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s r a i s e d t h e i s s u e o f c i v i l i a n i z a t i o n and

i t s p o t e n t i a l d e t r i m e n t a l i m p a c t on f u t u r e p o l i c i n g

s e r v i c e s . One o f t h e s a i d u n i o n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s *

a n t i c i p a t e s a g r i e v a n c e i n v o l v i n g t h i s i s s u e ( B r i t i s h

Columbia F e d e r a t i o n o f P o l i c e O f f i c e r s , 1986 , p . 2 - 3 ) .

Deplo.yment o f manpower, a l o n g - h e l d management

r i g h t , i s a n i s s u e which h a s been c h a l l e n g e d r e c e n t l y by

s e v e r a l p o l i c e u n i o n s i n t h e i r d e s i r e t o h a v e t h e 12-hour

work s h i f t e n t r e n c h e d i n l a b o u r c o n t r a c t s . Few p o l i c i n g

a g e n c i e s have a c h i e v e d t h i s t o d a t e . A l t h o u g h some may

c o n s i d e r t h i s a "working c o n d i t i o n s " i s s u e , it r e f l e c t s

t h e a b i l i t y o f manage r s t o s c h e d u l e a n i n c r e a s e o f

manpower d u r i n g peak crime p e r i o d s . I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough,

Vancouver h a s n o t u sed 1 2 hour s h i f t s w h e r e a s Ma t squ i and

D e l t a h a v e ; e v e n c e r t a i n l a r g e r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s t h a t a r e

p o l i c e d by non-un ion ized R.C.M.P. h a v e 1 2 h o u r s h i f t s .

T h e r e a r e , and have been s i n c e t h e e a r l y s e v e n t i e s ,

c e r t a i n i s s u e s which were n o t " l a b o u r " o r i e n t e d t h a t

p o l i c e u n i o n s h a v e r a i s e d , such a s p r o v i d i n g i n p u t i n t o

t h e f o r m a t i o n of t h e J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e o f B.C. and t h e

1974 P o l i c e A c t o f B r i t i s h Columbia. T h i s h a s p roduced

c o n c e r n s w i t h t h e new Labour Code o f B.C.: The I n d u s t r i a l

R e l a t i o n s A c t . A c l e a r d e p i c t i o n o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n

m i l i t a n c y be tween t h e p o l i c e u n i o n s i n Quebec and B r i t i s h

Columbia i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h i s i s s u e . A s a r e s u l t o f t h e

p roposed amendments t o t h e B.C. l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e B r i t i s h

Columb-ia F e d e r a t i o n of P o l i c e O f f i c e r s s u b m i t t e d a p a p e r

p r e p a r e d by Dermod Owen-Flood ( 1 9 8 7 , p . 1 1 ) on b e h a l f o f

t h e A s s o c i a t i o n i n 1987 .

W e are s u p p o r t i v e o f a r e f o r m o f t h e P o l i c e A c t which p r o t e c t s t h e r i g h t s o f a l l p e r s o n s i n v o l v e d

1 0 3

and t h e r e b y e n h a n c e s p o l i c e o f f i c e r s ' c o n f i d e n c e i n t h e d i s c i p l i n e p r o c e s s . W e a r e more t h a n w i l l i n g t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n a n y s u b s e q u e n t c o n s u l t a t i v e s t e p s which may b e t a k e n i n terms o f t h e amendments o f t h e P o l i c e A c t .

The a r t i c l e o u t l i n e d a r e a s of c o n c e r n t o t h e p o l i c e

and a l s o emphas ized t h e i n p u t t h e y p r o v i d e d i n t h e

f o r m a t i o n o f t h e 1 9 7 4 l e g i s l a t i o n , "which i n t h e i r e y e s

w a s deemed a v e r y good p i e c e o f l e g i s l a t i o n " (P. J a m i e s o n ,

p e r s o n a l communica t ion , A p r i l 6 , 1 9 8 7 ) . The s u b m i s s i o n

d e p i c t s a v e r y c o n s e r v a t i v e s t a n c e . I t p r e s e n t s i s s u e s o f

c o n c e r n and r e q u e s t s p o s s i b l e i n p u t . I n c o n t r a s t , t h e

c i t i z e n c o m p l a i n t p r o c e s s i n Quebec was p u b l i c l y

c r i t i c i z e d by t h e u n i o n s .

The "S.Q." ( S u r e t e d u Quebec ) , Q u e b e c ' s p r o v i n c i a l

p o l i c e f o r c e , have c r e a t e d a u n i o n f u n d i n o r d e r t o p u r s u e

u n j u s t i f i e d c o m p l a i n t s a g a i n s t t h e p o l i c e (Quebec , Le

S o l e i l , J u n e 1 3 , 1988 ) . The "S.Q. " c l a i m many c o m p l a i n t s

a g a i n s t t h e p o l i c e a r e t o t a l l y u n j u s t i f i e d a n d t h a t

b e c a u s e o f t h e e x i s t i n g c o m p l a i n t p r o c e s s , members are

r e q u i r e d t o j u s t i f y t h e i r a c t i o n s when t h e y are s i m p l y

d o i n g t h e i r j o b s (Quebec, Le S o l e i l , 1 9 8 8 ) . Whether t h i s

i s i n f a c t t h e c a s e , t h e method u s e d by t h e p o l i c e u n i o n ,

b y f i r s t g o i n g p u b l i c a n d b y t h e n c r e a t i n g a p o l i c e u n i o n

funded committee t o s u e u n j u s t i f i e d c o m p l a i n a n t s , a p p e a r s

t o b e s i g n i f i c a n t l y more m i l i t a n t t h a n t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f

t h e i r West Coas t c o u n t e r p a r t s .

Although p o l i c e u n i o n s have more r e c e n t l y a d d r e s s e d

non-monetary i s s u e s , t h e r e a r e many a r e a s c o n c e r n i n g t h e

e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f and p o l i c i n g s t r a t e g i e s which t h e

p o l i c e u n i o n s i n t h e t h r e e d e p a r t m e n t s d o n o t a p p e a r t o

have f o c u s e d upon.

An example of one s u c h i s s u e i s t h e who le r e a l m o f

community p o l i c i n g o r crime p r e v e n t i o n . These p rog rams

have blossomed i n t h e l a s t d e c a d e t o i n c l u d e Block Watch

programs g e a r e d a t e n h a n c i n g s t r a t e g i e s s u c h a s crime

p r e v e n t i o n by e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e s i g n . A l though t h e s e

programs o f t e n r e l y on community v o l u n t e e r s and may a p p e a r

t o b e removing p o l i c e i n v o l v e m e n t b y a r e t u r n t o

" g r a s s - r o o t s " l e v e l o f community p o l i c i n g , t h i s i s n o t

n e c e s s a r i l y t h e c a s e .

The re a r e s e v e r a l p l a u s i b l e r e a s o n s as t o why p o l i c e

u n i o n s have n e g l e c t e d t o d e a l w i t h t h e s e i s s u e s . F i r s t ,

p o l i c e u n i o n s have a p r i m a r y mandate o f e n s u r i n g t h e

membersh ip ' s b a s i c n e e d s are m e t . C r i m e t h r o u g h o u t t h e

t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y h a s b e e n c o n s t a n t l y on t h e i n c r e a s e ;

h e n c e , j o b s e c u r i t y h a s b e e n a n o n - i s s u e . Even i f

community crime p r e v e n t i o n p rog rams a r e s u c c e s s f u l i n

r e d u c i n g crime, t h e r e w i l l s t i l l b e a need f o r a

f o r m a l i z e d means o f soc ia l c o n t r o l , i . e . t h e p o l i c e .

Al though c i v i l i a n s can a s s i s t i n t h e c a p a c i t y of

v o l u n t e e r s , t h e y d o n o t ( n o r e v e r w i l l ) h a v e p o l i c e

powers .

The second main conce rn w i t h t h e s e t y p e s o f p rog rams

i s s a l a r i e d c i v i l i a n s . I f p o l i c e s a l a r i e s a r e a t a n

a c c e p t a b l e l e v e l , t h e r a n k and f i l e w i l l n o t b e c o n c e r n e d

a b o u t t h i s i s s u e . A s w e l l , i n t e r m s of m u n i c i p a l b u d g e t s ,

i n t i m e s o f economic r e s t r a i n t community p rog rams w i l l b e

s e e n a s e x p e n d a b l e , s o u l t i m a t e l y t h e y d o n o t p o s e a

t h r e a t t o p o l i c e .

T h i r d , a l t h o u g h p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s e x p e r t i s e

h a s d e v e l o p e d t r e m e n d o u s l y over t h e l a s t two d e c a d e s , t h e

d i r e c t i m p a c t on p o l i c i n g o f s p e c i f i c p rog rams ( i n a l o n g

t e r m s e n s e ) may n o t b e p e r c e i v e d b y t h e l a b o u r u n i o n s . I n

o t h e r words , p o l i c e o f f i c e r s may n o t b e l o o k i n g a t t h e

p r o j e c t e d i m p a c t t h a t t h e s e p rog rams w i l l h a v e on f u t u r e

a l l o c a t i o n o f manpower, p o l i c e b u d g e t , e tc .

F i n a l l y , a l t h o u g h it i s t h e l a r g e u r b a n p o l i c e

u n i o n s t h a t h a v e t h e most i m p a c t on p o l i c e l a b o u r

r e l a t i o n s , it i s t h e r a n k and f i l e ( u n i f o r m ) o f f i c e r s t h a t

h a v e t h e l a r g e s t ( and l o u d e s t ) v o i c e i n p o l i c i n g . T h e i r

s h e e r numbers g u a r a n t e e t h a t t h e i r c o n c e r n s w i l l h ave t h e

m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t i m p a c t i n p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s .

T h e r e f o r e , as l o n g a s t h e r a n k and f i l e po l i cemen d o n o t

p e r c e i v e t h e s e i s s u e s ; such as community crime p r e v e n t i o n

106

programs i n r e l a t i o n t o c i v i l i a n i z a t i o n ; as a c o n c e r n ,

t h e y w i l l l i k e l y n o t s u r f a c e a s i m p o r t a n t i s s u e s i n t h e

p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s env i ronmen t .

I f w e a t t e m p t t o a n t i c i p a t e t h e e v o l u t i o n o f p o l i c e

u n i o n s on a n a t i o n a l l e v e l , i n t h e f u t u r e , t h e p o s s i b l e

f u t u r e impact - s f t h e C h a r t e r of R i q h t s and Freedoms may

r e q u i r e c l o s e s c r u t i n y . A t p r e s e n t , mos t p o l i c e u n i o n s d o

n o t h a v e t h e r i g h t t o s t r i k e . I f t h i s p r o h i b i t i o n i s ,

deemed " u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l " , t h e r e s u l t i n g i m p a c t may p r o v e

s i g n i f i c a n t upon t h e u n i o n s . U n l e s s s o c i e t y f a c e s a m a j o r

l a b o u r crisis (o r s o c i a l r e v o l t a s i n t h e 6 0 t s ) , however ,

it i s u n l i k e l y t h e r i g h t t o s t r i k e p r i v i l e g e w i l l h a v e a n y

p r a g m a t i c i m p a c t .

A s s t a t e d p r e v i o u s l y , i n Canada , " l a r g e c i t y p o l i c e

f o r c e s r u n p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s " ( J a c k s o n , 1980 ,

p . . With t h i s i n mind, a n a l y z i n g t h o s e d e p a r t m e n t s '

e v o l u t i o n a r y s t e p s w i l l l i k e l y p r o d u c e t h e mos t r e a l i s t i c

t r e n d s i n f u t u r e p o l i c e l a b o u r deve lopmen t . A s n o t e d ,

Quebec p o l i c e u n i o n s a p p e a r t o b e more m i l i t a n t t h a n

Vancouver . I n d i s c u s s i n g t h e i s s u e o f " m i l i t a n c y " o f t h e

p o l i c e or a s S t a b l e r ( p e r s o n a l communica t ion , Augus t 1 6 ,

1 9 8 6 ) s t a t e d t h a t when d i s c u s s i n g " r a d i c a l n e s s " , ~ o n e i s

m e a s u r i n g t h i s i n terms o f t h e p o l i c e " u n i v e r s e " , n o t i n

t e r m s o f a t o t a l l a b o u r p e r s p e c t i v e .

Kornfe ld 6 Dawson (1981 , p . 1 2 ) have p r e s e n t e d a

" f o r e c a s t f o r p o l i c e l a b o r r e l a t i o n s i n t h e 8 0 ' s " :

(1 ) more u n i o n i z a t i o n o f p o l i c e and more a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h o r g a n i z e d l a b o r

( 2 ) i n c r e a s e i n c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n

( 3 ) g r e a t e r m i l i t a n c y ... There h a s n o t been a n i n c r e a s e i n u n i o n i z a t i o n ,

r e c e n t l y , however , a l m o s t e v e r y p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t i n

Canada i s u n i o n i z e d , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e R.C.M.P.

A t t e m p t s have been made t o u n i o n i z e t h e R.C.M.P. i n

Quebec . Al though t o d a t e , t h e s e a t t e m p t s have proved

f u t i l e (G. Delisle, p e r s o n a l communica t ion , December 1 8 ,

1 9 8 6 ) .

The re h a s n o t been a closer a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h o u t s i d e

u n i o n i z e d l a b o u r . From t h e p e r s p e c t i v e p r e s e n t l y advanced

- in E r i t i s h Col1mbiaf t h e deve lopmen t of s u c h an

a f f i l i a t i o n i s e x t r e m e l y u n l i k e l y . T o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t ,

t h e r e h a s been a n i n c r e a s e i n c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g

l e g i s l a t i o n , l i k e l y a r e s u l t of t h e i n c r e a s e d

s o p h i s t i c a t i o n o f t h e i s s u e s .

F i n a l l y , t h e r e h a s n o t been i n c r e a s e d m i l i t a n c y i n

t h e p o l i c e l a b o u r movement d u r i n g t h e 1 9 8 0 ' s . I t i s

e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t , however , t o p r e d i c t f u t u r e t r e n d s i n

t h e p o l i c e l a b o u r movement f rom a g l o b a l p e r s p e c t i v e .

R e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s a s a r e s u l t o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l

j u r i s d i c t i o n o f p o l i c i n g h a v e been re -emphas ized i n t h i s

t h e s i s .

I n o r d e r t o f u l l y comprehend t h e p r e s e n t s t a t u s of

p o l i c e l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia one must

c o n s i d e r t h e h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t . The a n a l y s i s of t h r e e

c a s e s t u d i e s h a s c l e a r l y shown t h e d i v e r g e n c e of r e l a t i o n s

i n t h e l a b o u r p r o c e s s . A l t h o u g h i s s u e s a r e o f t e n

u n i v e r s a l ( s u c h a s t h e w a g e - p a r i t y i s s u e ) , t h e r e are a

h o s t o f o t h e r f a c e t s which a r e u n i q u e and s p e c i f i c t o e a c h

p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t . These s t e m f rom a v a r i e t y of f a c t o r s

s u c h as t h e s i z e of t h e d e p a r t m e n t , t h e o r i e n t a t i o n t h e

p o l i c e b o a r d h a s a d o p t e d t o w a r d s p o l i c i n g , and t h e l a b o u r

s k i l l s o f p o l i c e un ion e x e c u t i v e s .

T h i s t h e s i s h a s examined t h e deve lopmen t o f p o l i c e

l a b o u r u n i o n s i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d i n Canada w i t h

p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e t o t h r e e m u n i c i p a l d e p a r t m e n t s

l o c a t e d w i t h i n t h e P r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h Columbia. The

s t a t i c cog i n t h i s e v o l u t i o n a r y w h e e l h a s been t h e p o l i c e

o f f i c e r s t h e m s e l v e s . A s t a r k , y e t i n t r i n s i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e

r e a l i t y i n t h e p r o g r e s s i v e n a t u r e o f p o l i c e u n i o n s a n d

u n i o n members, i s t h e new " g e n e r a t i o n " o f p r o f e s s i o n a l

p o l i c e o f f i c e r s a s l a b o u r e r s . "He i s a s a l a r i e d employee

i n a b u r e a u c r a t i c a l l y s t r u c t u r e d o r g a n i z a t i o n , w i t h a n

i n t e r e s t i n d e f e n d i n g h i s economic r e w a r d s , s t a t u s and

work c o n d i t i o n s " ( R e i n e r , 1978 , p . 4 ) .

To d a t e , t h e t e n e t s o f p o l i c e p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m a n d

p o l i c e l a b o u r u n i o n s h a v e been m u t u a l l y c o m p a t i b l e . I n

a t t e m p t i n g t o m a i n t a i n t h e p e r c e p t i o n o f p o l i c e

p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m , o f f i c e r s h a v e been c o g n i z a n t o f t h e

p o t e n t i a l i m p a c t o f t h e methods u t i l i z e d i n p u r s u i n g

l a b o u r r e l a t e d i s s u e s .

I n f u t u r e , c e r t a i n c r i t i c a l i s s u e s may r e s u l t i n t h e

d i s r u p t i o n o f t h i s d e l i c a t e l y b a l a n c e d d ichotomy. P o l i c e

o f f i c e r s may b e f o r c e d i n t o o p t i n g f o r a c t i o n s which a r e

n o t m u t u a l l y c o m p a t i b l e w i t h b o t h o r i e n t a t i o n s .

A s t h e d u s t s e t t l e s , t h e m y s t i q u e s u r r o u n d i n g t h e

p o l i c e p r o f e s s i o n i s i n c r e a s i n g l y d i m i n i s h i n g a,s t h e

c o n c e p t o f p o l i c e a s human l a b o u r e r s ( w i t h a l l t h a t a

l a b o u r p o s i t i o n e n t a i l s ) becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y e n t r e n c h e d

i n Canadian s o c i e t y .

FOOTNOTES

1~ labour term referring to two disputing parties. When an impasse-is reached; a board, or arbitrator, under legislative authority makes a ruling on the contractual disputes which is binding.

2 ~ h e National Harbours Police, while being recognized as a federal police force, has limited powers in that their jupisdiction only extends to Canada" thirteen national ports. Despite havlng the right to strike, as well as legislated bargaining powers, ensconced in the Public Staff Relations Act (1967) the National Harbours Police have limited impact on the Canadian police labour movement simply because of the small number of officers (Fisher & Starek, 1978).

3~ediation-~rbitration is a labour term referring to a process whereby disputing parties use both methods of resolution. The obvious first stage is mediation. Should the issues not be resolved the parties then enter into arbitration. The advantage to this two stage process is that the same individual acts as both mediator and arbitrator, being thus thoroughly familiar with both disputing parties' positions.

4 ~ y this one may assume Stabler was referring to strike votes held by Vancouver police officers historically.

APPENDIX A

Certification Dates

Vancouver City Police

Victoria City Police

New Westminster Police

Saanich Police

Oak Bay Police

Esquimalt Police

Matsqui Police

West Vancouver Police

Port Moody Police

Delta Police

Nelson Police

Central Saanich Police

APPENDIX B

PERSONAL INTERVIEWS

Recorded Personal Interviews

Jamieson, Phil, Inspector. Saanich Police Department, Saanich, British Columbia, 6 April 1987.

Leukefelg, George, Corporal. Matsqui Police Department, Matsqui, British Columbia, 14 January 1987.

Morrison, Dougal, ex-mayor. Delta, British Columbia, 29 June 1987.

Peary, George, Matsqui Police Board. Matsqui, British Columbia, 25 November 1986.

Starek, Hank, Deputy Chief. Vancouver Police Department, Vancouver, British Columbia, 10 July 1987.

Vanderhoek, Ted, Inspector. Matsqui Police Department, Matsqui., British Columbia, 20 November 1986.

Non-Recorded Personal Interviews

Angus, George, Chief Constable. Delta Police Department, Delta, British Columbia, 3 ~ecember 1986.

Battershill, Paul, Corporal. Vancouver Police Department, Vancouver, British Columbia, 19 March 1987.

Bell, Diane. Labour Negotiator. ,Greater Vancouver Regional District (G.V.R.D.), Burnaby, British Columbia, 12 November 1986.

Delisle, Gaetan, Sargeant. Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Montreal, Quebec, 18 December 1986.

Hardy, Fred, Sargeant. Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Surrey, British Columbia, 3 July 1986.

Ivens, Boyd. Delta Police Board, Delta, British Columbia, 13 March 1987.

Martin, Peter, Constable. Central Saanich Police Department, Saanich, British Columbia, 6 April 1987.

Michelski, Frank, Corporal. Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Surrey, British Columbia, 17 November 1986.

Sailor, Dennis, -Staff-Sargeant. Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Surrey, British Columbia, 25 June 1986.

Stabler, Ian, Corporal. Delta Police Department, Delta, British Columbia, 16 August 1986.

Personal ~ornmunications

Bolt, Debbie. British Columbia Labour Relations Board, 14 November 1986.

Howarth, Douglas, Corporal. Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 3 October 1988.

MacDonald, Penny, Constable. Vancouver Police Department, 30 September 1988.

MacDougal, Ian. Matsqui Police Department, November 1986.

Tingsley, Paul, constable. Matsqui Police Department, 13 November 1986.

APPENDIX C

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Sample Questions.

1)What is your role or involvement in police labour relations?(or was)

2)How do:you perceive police labour relations have changed over the years?

3)The negotiation process--what is the impact of the power and politics of the players?

4)How did police labour associations originate? i.e. Why were they formed?

5)R.C.M.P.--the advantages and disadvantages of a union. Why the push for it in the 70's and presently in Quebec?

6)What other persons the researcher could interview with additional insight into the topic.

7)The structure of the B.C.FED, its origins and role.

8)The whipsawing effect.

9)The influence of Peck and the compensation-stabilization issue in the 80's. (the non-monetary trend).

10)The effectiveness of using a unified bargaining team with the B.C. FED.

11)Why the case studies' unions remained independent?

12)The role of the police board in British Columbia. -..

13)The issue of PARITY--how it developed and its present status.

14)The issue of professional negotiators.

15)What factors lead to the breakdown in negotiations.

16)The role of the Chief in the interactive process.

17)Strategic plans in the negotiation process. i.e. How open are-union executive members to their membership?

18)The amalgamation issue with the B.C. FED.

19)The general public's attitude towards the police and police unionization.

20)The philosophies of police board members and negotiators.

21)The role of Vancouver City Police as a trend setter in the province of B.C.

22)The organizational structure of police unions.

23)Was there any resistance to the-formation of the police union?

24)The changing expertise in the labour negotiation process.

25)Feelings of police association members to outside labour groups.

26)What characteristics affect the bargaining process?

27)How have things in police labour relations changed over the past 20 years?

28)What other factors apart from economics affect the trends in police labour relations?

29)The impact of the Justice Institute.

30)The role of management in the negotiating process.

The wording of the questions varied during the course of the interviews to account for cases whereby the respondent did not need prompting on a particular subject or.when a particular subject needed to be probed further. This list is a sample of the issues discussed.

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