telangana congress monitoring group memo to srikrishna committee

SEPARATE TELANGANA FROM UNGOVERNABLE UNITED STATE

TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP http://telanganacongressdeclaration2009.blogspot.com

1

TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP

consisting of APCC Office Bearers & Presidents of District and City Congress Committees

with elaborate network and activist force up to village level a Pressure Group within ANDHRA PRADESH CONGRESS COMMITTEE

INVOLVING IN THE MOVEMENT FOR REALIZATION OF SEPARATE STATEHOOD OF TELANGANA

specially constituted a SUB-GROUP OF EXPERTS

& Made out this MEMORANDUM for submission to

Justice B. N. SRIKRISHNA COMMITTEE GOVT OF INDIA CONSTITUTED COMMITTEE FOR CONSULTATIONS ON

THE SITUATION IN ANDHRA PRADESH

WITH PRAYERS FOR EXPEDITIOUS CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS TO PROVIDE SEPARATE STATEHOOD TO TELANGANA

� MARCH 18, 2010 :: NEW DELHI



2

TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP MEMORANDUM TO JUSTICE B. N. SRI KRISHNA COMMITTEE

Page

1. TELANGANA :: HARMONY ONLY WITH SEPARATION 1 - 7

2. TELANGANA - A SAGA OF BETRAYAL 8 - 29

3. TELANGANA DEVELOPMENT - MORE A MYTH THAN A REALITY 30 - 41

4. TELANGANA : JUSTICE DENIED, DELAYED & MISUNDERSTOOD 42 - 51

5. TELANGANA SURPLUSES : SUSTAINED AP 52 - 57

6. TELANGANA IRRIGATION: SONS OF SOIL TOIL WITH TEARS 58 - 74

7. TELANAGANA YOUTH CHOSEN TO SERVE NOT TO ADMINISTER: 75 - 78

8. TELANGANA COULD NOT BE LITERATE; NOW DENIED TO GAIN: 79 - 87

9. TELANGANA: INDUSTRIALISATION & SPREAD OF TECHNOLOGY 88 - 89

10. HYDERABAD: WELL PLANNED, FULLY EQUIPPED GLOBAL CITY IN 1909: 90 - 97

11. CASE STUDY ON CONTEMPORARY SCENARIO: 98 - 101

12. PRAYERS FOR SEPARATE STATEHOOD TO TELANGANA 102 - 111

ïïïï

ïïïï

ïïïï

ïïïï



3

TELANGANA :: HARMONY ONLY WITH SEPARATION

Telangana tale is full of continuous oppression, imperialism, colonization, expansionism, linguistic abuse and human rights violations. At present, TELANGANA is in UNPRECEDENTED MASS UPHEAVAL. The word TELANGANA is thousands of years old. It means the land where Telugu is spoken. The land has civilization of thousands of years. Certain etymologists concluded that the present location, on longitude between 15degrees and 21degrees and latitude between 74 degrees and 82 degrees on Deccan plateau is the land where Telugu was first spoken. Aboriginal Telugu words were intact till recently, among illiterate people of the remote TELANGANA, where as people of all other Telugu areas add words of other Languages knowingly or unknowingly in their communication. Telangana, as Telingana, Telingane is in global historical records for the last two thousand years. Karl Marx recorded this word in this geographical setting, tracing the happenings since 11th century, in his notes on India. In the modern Indian history, Telangana is known for waging war against its ruler, establishing communication channels, organizing armed camps and struggles, facing brutal and fatal forces just to Join India, convey its attachment and love for India. Presently, Telangana caught the imagination of our nation, global village for being oppressed, suppressed and facing pressure to be in the clutches of united. Even today, Telangana has to learn from these united singulars about its land, language, culture, history, societal expectations, economic deprivation and political slavery. Telangana though land with holdings of nobles, deprived of learning in Telugu gave its people harmony, health care, exposure to modernity and taste of advanced administration. Sir Ronald Ross conducted his experiments on malaria in Hyderabad in 1897 which earned him Nobel Prize in 1902. In 1907, Hyderabad had astronomical research – Nizamia Observatory. Congenial for innovations. Such advanced installations grew in number even before it became integral part of independent India. The case for Telangana state is over examined, excessively evaluated, rigourously reported and dutifully deceived. The reports on Telangana are full of broken promises, un-adhered agreements, failed formula, swallowed surpluses and safeguards, reversed recommendations, cunningly contended contexts, twisted terms and thoroughly recorded references.



4

Union Government accorded statehood to Telangana on December 9, 2009. Telangana people, friends, global community, our nation and also vehement opponents know this step in full. Yet, another committee. Headed by an upright Justice and its Member Secretary is former Home Secretary, which signify its importance. TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP considered this committee as more elaborate than that of State Reorganisation Commission, though not constituted as per Commission’s act, but with seven terms of reference – last one being the scope for making appropriate suggestion or recommendation. The division and divide among Telangana and non-Telangana is so deep among all sections of the society and passions are mounting as the process is being delayed. The passions refuse to die down. This situation is now beyond solution. All Telangana masses are for expeditious separation where as the Machiavellian corporate cunning class of other parts is for continuing their hold of power, economy and polity in the name of ‘unified’. With separation, all the Telugu people can be permanent friends. Pressure tactics to hold united will lead to unbearable enmity. With their sponsored disturbances, Telangana movement is gradually moving towards much deeper civic strife, which is detrimental to the very foundations of our Indian republic. We are generous in sharing of river waters, natural resources and other infrastructure. We also know of the projected growth avenues of Coastal and Rayalaseema regions with petroleum, natural gas, mineral and other ecological deposits. We also understand the potential of the seashore and its growing opportunities. We also know that they will never reach us where as non-Telanganaites will squeeze us to exhaust and extinguish like Red Indians of original America, if we loose to get separate state. There are clear cut boundaries to the state to be formed in the shape of clear 17 Loksabha and 119 Assembly constituencies spreading among 10 districts. Telangana as state is larger than more than 100 countries and will be among big states of our country. The contentious claimed growth of Hyderabad is just a myth and it is not to yield fruits to natives, as the per capita incomes and other human development and human poverty index will clearly explain. With all these non-reaching yield, Telangana is known to its accommodative and compassionate nature. For several hundreds of years, thousands and lakhs of Kannadigas,



5

Kayasthaas, Maarwaris, and all others are very well positioned and their assimilation into the society of this land is marvelous. Same environ is available to Coastal and Rayalaseema people. But, the dangerous dumping of thousands of English conversant employees after 1948Police Action and continuing contentious employment opportunities have created turmoil and posture of grabbing and denials. The very existence of urge for this long and recent wide spread in unbelievable proportions by all sections of the society irrespective of caste, creed, age, class and education, sacrifice of graduate modern student forces of their academic year and bright future besides unabated suicides of more than 350 students and youth amply displays the necessity of separate statehood to Telangana. This is for livelihood, rightful earning, equi-distribution of yield of growth, development, welfare and river waters for farming, self respect, and rightful scope to decide their future on their own – in nutshell: RIGHTS MOVEMENT. The people of TELANGANA, are in, for the realization of sixty years long urge, more than fifty years long struggle, now emotionally surcharged unprecedented mass movement to sustain their separate statehood.



6

Praful Bidwai, famous journalist while examining this urge, taken the global examples:

“Numerous small sub-national units don’t weaken federalism. The world’s 6.5 billion people live in 190-odd countries. This means the average nation has about 30-35 million people. If we exclude large entities like China, India, the European Union, the United States, Brazil, Nigeria, Indonesia, etc, the average nation’s population falls to 15 million. Many major countries, including Korea, Iran, the Netherlands and South Africa, have 15-75 million people. Most others have 4 - 10 million people – Scandinavia and much of Africa. Their sub-units are much smaller. So there’s nothing odd about a 31-million-strong Telangana–with an area of 11,840 sq km, which exceeds the size of 100 of the world’s countries. Small states may improve the federal/central government’s responsiveness to minority concerns, including nomadic people (India has 50m), shepherds and marginal fisherfolk. UP can well be broken up into five or more states. The CPM opposes Telangana and other small states primarily because it’s against Gorkhaland. Telangana’s move towards statehood will probably encourage politicians to demand statehood for other regions/sub-regions too. There are at least 20 such–from Bodoland in the Northeast to Kutch in the West, Ladakh in the North to Coorg in the South, through Vidarbha in the Centre”. Prof. G. R. S. Rao, who is regularly studying the issue and context of Telangana, states: “The case for a separate state of Telangana can be argued from many angles. This note represents a single strand of four points. First, the issue presents itself as a contrast between the values and ideals of underlying the recommendations of the States Reorganization Commission. The most in-depth study by the Fazl Ali commission, that has gone into all facets of reorganization, had expressed strong reservations, and at the end of the swung in favour of a Telangana as a separate state. The Government of India, in its wisdom set out the ideals and objectives of the reorganization of states, hoping that large states hold the promise of accelerated development with special focus on the backward region of Telangana. The 1956 reorganization was primarily based on common language - in the hope that linguistic states will bring the people and the administration closer to each other and will promote emotional integration as a part of national integration.



7

The ground conditions of Andhra and Telangana were widely varying due to historical factors. Telangana and Andhra regions presented two divergent scenarios - historically, politically, economically, socially as well as culturally. However, above 50 years of actual experience has revealed that none of the objectives of the larger state with the merger of Andhra and Telangana had not only not fulfilled the ideals or accomplished the objectives, but to the contrary created considerable problems and a series of upheavals. It had generated persistent conflict between the two regions. Andhra Pradesh proved that linguistic organization of states does not, per se represent as symbols of progress: at best they are only a means; even as a means to an end, A.P has failed. A.P proved a case of enforced marriage by the elders - sustained through a constant intervention: Gentlemen’s agreement, constitutional promises and provisions, statutory mechanisms, change in the rules and regulations, judicial pronouncements and awards, special institutional innovations such as Telangana Development committee (TDC), a number of commissions and committees, all of these efforts could not sustain the marriage between Telangana and Andhra. People believed in the sanctity of these measures: but ultimately lost their confidence in the political process and the public institutions. People constitute the core of a Constitutional Republic. They were expecting, aspiring for the fruits of democracy. The First five year plan started with one lakh of crores of rupees. Now, we have an annual budget of several lakhs of crores. Promises were made about quality of life. But economic growth, measured in GDP did not get translated into human development. They quote Gandhi ji who said: “man is the measure of development”. On the ground, the pattern of development yielded negative indicators such as (a) Cash compensation (b) Alienation from their own lands, through acquisition and resale at market prices. (c) Loss of livelihoods (d) Distress migration et al. They have heard the promises of globalization, liberalization, privatization and profit maximization loud and clear, but they got spurious fertilizers and pesticides, faced failed crops, committed suicides et al. Even a cursory look at the environs of Hyderabad, Mahabubnagar and Medak districts reveal the on the ground social conditions of distress and conflict. The interior rural-tribal areas present even more distressing ground conditions and social conflict. They have grown over time with no signs of mitigation. Time to redefine our problems priorities and answers to the problems: People are alienated for they do not recognize themselves as citizens in our democracy. For democracy means decentralized and participative self governance. Economic growth



8

is not the end of the objective democracy: growth has no meaning unless and until it contributes to human welfare: all the people, the last man first. We don’t want remain ‘’we the people’’- we are entitled to be citizens of our democracy. Thus, for us Telangana is not an end objective. It is a sine qua non so we all the people can become citizenized.Telangana will be a model state for the rest of the states in India. It is a means to human development under conditions of centralized, participative democracy, to focussing on Millennial Developmental Goals”.

TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP firmly believes that the harmony integrated development can alone give peaceful and content filled living. In Telangana, it is completely missing. Separation is alone the solution. TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP, consisting of APCC Office Bearers, Presidents of District and City Congress Committees with elaborate network and activist force up to village level is a Pressure Group with in ANDHRA PRADESH CONGRESS COMMITTEE. It is involving in the movement for realization of separate statehood of Telangana. In its elaborate meeting on December 26, 2009, TCMG adopted the resolution requesting expeditious constitutional process to accord separate statehood to Telangana. TCMG also adopted TELANGANA CONGRESS DECLARATION 2009. TCMG has specially constituted a SUB-GROUP OF EXPERTS with the following: Chief coordinator: Shri RAPOLU ANANDA BHASKAR, General Secretary, ANDHRA PRADESH CONGRESS COMMITTEE

Expert Members: Shri S.PRABHAKAR, former Secretary, Irrigation, Government of Andhra Pradesh; Shri NARAM KRISHNA RAO, former Chairman, Hyderabad Metro Water Works; Shri BABU RAO VARMA, former Member, National Backward Classes Commission; Shri K.M.ARIFFUDDIN, Chairman, MADINA EDUCATIONAL SOCIETY; Prof. B. ANAND RAO, former Vice Chancellor, Chattisgarh – deemed University Convenors: Shri B. Kamalakar Rao, Ex-MLC & Spokesperson, APCC; Shri A. Shyam Mohan, Chairman, APCC Intellectual Cell Shri S. Lakshmi Narayarana, General Secretary, APCC; Shri Mohammed Sirajuddin, Chairman, APCC Minority Dept. Shrimathi M.Rajani, General Secretary, APCC; Dr. D.Shankar, Chairman, APCC Doctors’ Cell Shri C. Damodar Reddy, Vice Chairman, APCC Legal Cell TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP’s SUB-GROUP OF EXPERTS had conducted detailed evaluation of the latest data and documented with all evidence on SEPARATE TELANGANA: UNGOVERNABLE UNITED AP to present to the esteemed Justice B.N. Sri Krishna Committee.

G.NIRANJAN, ORGANISER & GENERAL SECREATARY, APCC



9

Annexure: Organisation structure of

TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP Presidium: Shri Devarakonda Vittal Rao; Shri C. Rama Chandra Reddy; Shri Mohammed Sirajuddin; Shri G. Vinod; Shri Ponnam Prabhakar, M.P., Shri Basavaraju Saraiah, M.L.A., Shri K. R. Amos, M.L.C., Advisors: Former Presidents of APCC, AICC Present and former Office Bearers, former and present Union Ministers and former Deputy Chief Minister of Telangana. Coordination: Shri K. Yadava Reddy, Shri S. Indrasain Reddy, Shri S. Jagadeeswara Reddy, Shri B. Arogyam, Shrimathi Hari Rama Devi. ORGANISERS: Shri G.Niranjan, Shri D.V. Satyanarayana Rao, Shri A. Shyam Mohan, Shri P.Narasimha Reddy, Shri B.Venkat Rao, Shri Katakam Mruthyunjayam, Shri S. Lakshmi Narayana, Shri B. Kamlakar Rao, Shrimathi M. Rajani, Shrimathi Nerella Sharada and Shrimathi Radha Nunavath. The Presidents of District and City Congress Committees. Special Invitees: PCC Executive Members, AICC Members, remaining PCC Vice-Presidents, General Secretaries, Ministers, MPs, MLAs, MLCs, Zilla Parishath Chairpersons, ZP Floor leaders, Mayors, Municipal Chairpersons, DCCB & DCMS Chairpersons, Heads of PCC Departments and Cells, INC contestants of Loksabha and former Ministers of Telangana. Assistant Organisers: PCC Secretaries, Joint Secretaries, PCC Delegates, INC contestants of Assembly, ZPTC Members, Presidents of Mandal Congress Committees, Presidents of Mandal Parishaths, Zilla Granthalaya Samsths, Market Committees present and former Chairpersons, Mandal level cooperative societies, water user associations Chairpersons, Corporators, Temple committees present and former Chairpersons, various Public Sector Organisations present and former Chairpersons, Directors, PCC departments and cells Co-chairpersons, Vice-Chairpersons, Convenors, former MPs, former MLAs and former MLCs of Telangana.

ïïïï



10

TELANGANA - A SAGA OF BETRAYAL

Telangana - A Historical Perspective The history of Telangana since the formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956 is one of humiliation, breach of trust and exploitation of its people and resources. This has stretched the patience of simple, trusting and peace loving people to the hilt. The popular and broad based demand for a separate statehood for Telangana is again in the forefront. In fact, the demand for separate statehood for Telangana started even before the formation of Andhra Pradesh and continued since then. It never ceased to exist and never faded from public memory but suppressed with periodic assurances which were never fulfilled. Before independence, Telangana was part of the princely state of Hyderabad, which consisted of Telugu, Marathi and Kannada speaking regions. At the time of independence, Hyderabad State continued to retain its separate identity. Following the intervention of the Union Government which was popularly termed as the ‘Police Action,’ Hyderabad State was merged with the Indian Union on September 17, 1948. From 1948, Hyderabad State remained under the administration of the Union Government till general elections were held in 1952. During this period, a number of people from United Madras State and other States were brought in to run the administration. The officials brought in from outside the State had no empathy for the people of the State and they behaved more like rulers than civil servants meant for serving the people. The integration of the State with the Indian Union did not make any difference to the people of the State and they continued to be treated with disdain and apathy. The people who came to the State from United Madras cornered all the important jobs much to the consternation of the people of the State. The Administrator of the Union Government being outside the State made the matters worse. The feelings of local people were so intense about being alienated and being denied of their rights that a ‘Non-Mulki Movement’ started in 1952 against the continuance and domination of people from outside the State. More important, this gave birth to the fears and apprehensions in the minds of the local people about what could happen to them if they were to merge with the neighbouring State of Andhra. This movement lasted over a month and students from all the regions of the Hyderabad state spontaneously participated in this popular movement seeking employment of people from within the State in government jobs. Four people laid down their lives when the government attempted to suppress the movement with force. The purpose of recalling this episode is to bring home the point the damage that can be inflicted by an indifferent administration with no accountability and a government that does not represent the will of the people. In a way, the demand for a separate statehood for Telangana had its roots in the mulki agitation. Following the ‘Non-Mulki’ agitation, the Government of Hyderabad notified Mulki Rules on November 1, 1949. These rules provided safeguards to the people of erstwhile Hyderabad State in government jobs. In terms of the provisions of these rules, no person was to be appointed to any superior or inferior service if he was not a mulki and any person who was a non-mulki was deemed to have been dismissed. A person was considered mulki, if he was a subject of Hyderabad State or by residence in Hyderabad State was entitled to be a



11

mulki. A person was also considered a mulki, if his father had completed 15 years of service at the time of his birth or the wife of the person was a mulki. A person was deemed to be a mulki if he was a permanent resident of Hyderabad State for at least 15 years and has abandoned the idea of returning to the place of his previous residence and has obtained an affidavit to this effect attested by a Magistrate. The Mulki Rules 1949 are reproduced in Annexure 2.1. The woes of erstwhile Hyderabad State particularly those of Telangana did not end with a popularly elected government assuming office in 1952. By then, pressure was building up for the separation of Andhra region from the Madras State. The Government of India appointed the Linguistic Provinces Commission (the Dar Commission) to consider, more particularly, the issue of formation of new states of Andhra, Kerala, Karnataka and Maharashtra. The Commission decided against the formation of new states. The Commission felt that “It was not in the larger interests of the Indian nation and should not be taken in hand1.” The Commission felt that there was no homogeneity in the proposed Andhra State as the Andhra districts were revenue surplus and the Rayalaseema districts were revenue deficit. Following the pressure from the Andhra region and fast unto death by Potti Sriramulu, the Andhra State was constituted on October 1, 1953 with Kurnool as its capital. The Legislators from the Andhra area who were elected to the Madras Legislative Assembly in 1952 were transferred with out fresh elections to the Andhra Legislative Assembly. The idea of linguistic States was also gaining ground around this time. The Congress election manifesto of 1952 favoured the creation of new states on linguistic basis. “The demand for re-distribution of provinces on a linguistic basis has been persistently made in the South and West of India. The Congress expressed itself in favour of linguistic provinces many years ago. A decision on the question ultimately depends upon the wishes of the people concerned. While linguistic reasons have undoubtedly a certain cultural and other importance, there are other factors also such as economic, administrative and financial, which have to be taken into consideration. Where such a demand represents the agreed views of the people concerned, the necessary steps prescribed by the Constitution including the appointment of a Boundary Commission should be taken”2. States’ Reorganisation Commission (SRC) The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was constituted in the early fifties to examine the issue of reorganization of States. The report of the SRC was submitted to the Government in 1955. The Commission considered all the factors including the lack of public opinion in favour of the merger of Telangana region of the Hyderabad State with Andhra, the likely ineffectiveness of the safeguards for Telangana region proposed by the leaders of the Andhra state, the transitional problems being faced by the Andhra State and

1 As quoted in Gautam Pingle “The Historical Context of Andhra and Telangana 1949-56’ Economic and

Political Weekly Vol.XLV No.8 February 20 2010.

2 Quoted in Jawaharlal Nehru Speeches 1949-52 Vo.2. Ministry of Information and Broadcastinf Government of

India 1954.



12

the administrative problems that were likely to be faced by Telangana as Andhra was yet to get over the stress of transition as a separate State. The Commission came to the following conclusion. “ After taking all these factors into consideration, we have come to the conclusion that it will be in the interests of Andhra as well as Telangana if, for the present, the Telangana area is constituted into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State, with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961, if by a two-third majority, the legislature of the residuary Hyderabad State expresses itself in favour of such unification3.” The recommendation of the Commission for the constitution of a separate state of Hyderabad and deferring the question of unification of Telangana with Andhra was intended to provide an opportunity for allaying the apprehensions and achieving the consensus of opinion necessary for a real union between the two states. The Commission further observed that, “Andhra and Telangana have common interests and we hope these interests will tend to bring the people closer to each other. If, however, our hopes for the development of the environment and conditions congenial to the unification of the two areas do not materialize and if public sentiment in Telangana crystallizes itself against the unification of the two states, Telangana will have to continue as a separate unit.” (Para 388 of the SRC Report). The SRC was in favour of a separate statehood for Telangana for a number of reasons. The Commission observed that, “The existing Andhra State has faced financial problems of some magnitude ever since it was created, and in comparison with Telangana, the existing Andhra State has low per capita revenue. Telangana on the other hand, is much less likely to be faced with financial embarrassment”. The other justification for a separate statehood for Telangana was the apprehension of exploitation by the people of coastal Andhra. The observations of the SRC on these apprehensions are reproduced below. “One of the principal causes of opposition to Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal area. In the Telangana districts outside the city of Hyderabad, education is woefully backward. The result is that lower qualification than in Andhra is accepted for public services. The real fear of the people of Telangana is that if they join Andhra they will be unequally placed in relation to the people of Andhra and in this partnership, the major partner will derive all the advantages immediately, while Telangana itself may be converted into a colony by the enterprising coastal Andhra.” (Para 378 of SRC Report). The SRC was highly critical of the reorganization of States solely on linguistic basis. The Commission recommended the rejection of the theory of ‘one language- one State’ which was neither justified on grounds of linguistic homogeneity as there could be more than one State speaking the same language.

3 Government of India (1955), “Report of the States Reorganisation Commission” (Para 386).



13

The first Prime Minister of independent India, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru was also highly critical of the demand for Vishalandhra. He termed the demand as bearing a tint of expansionist imperialism (Indian Express, October 17, 1953). Formation of Andhra Pradesh Despite the apprehensions of the people of Telangana and the reservations expressed by the SRC, leaders from the Andhra State exerted pressure on the Central Government to merge Telangana with Andhra. After all they had everything to gain from the merger. To placate the gullible and trusting people of Telangana, Andhra leadership proposed a number of safeguards. Shri B. Gopala Reddy, the then Chief Minister of Andhra State, moved a resolution in the Andhra Legislative Assembly on November 25, 1955 in an attempt to offer unilateral safeguards to the people of Telangana. As can be expected, the resolution was unanimously passed by the Assembly. Para 3 of the Resolution, as reproduced below, describes the nature of safeguards offered to the people of Telangana. “This Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana, that the development of that area would be deemed to be a special charge and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of this area such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population. It is for that purpose we have included a paragraph in our resolution today assuring Telangana people that they need not have any fears; that they would have due regard to reservations in respect of appointments and on par with their population and that we have absolutely no objection to concede to them their due share in other respects also. This is not something done by us in response to their demand. It is specially mentioned in this resolution in order to convey to them through this Assembly the unanimous opinion and voice of all the parties in this House that we look after them generously. The Government have absolutely no objection to concede to them all opportunities that are intended for Telangana people.” It is amply evident from the above resolution that the people of Telangana never wanted unification with Andhra and that the leaders from Andhra were interested in such unification and that they had everything to gain and nothing to lose. The underlying intent in offering the safeguards was that the people of Telangana would lose following the merger of Telangana with Andhra. Even the wording of the resolution smacks of imperialistic traits. The assurance that people of Telangana would be looked after well and that opportunities would be conceded to them is more in the nature of a giver than treating the people of Telangana as equal partners. Thus, the partnership was unequal as the Andhra region would be commanding a majority in the Assembly and in administration of the proposed State. Though the safeguards were unqualified and that reservations in employment would apply to both subordinate and superior services and that the development of Telangana would receive utmost attention, people of Telangana were apprehensive of the intentions of the Andhra leaders. To mollify the unabated agitations in the Telangana region against the merger with Andhra State, Shri N. Sanjiva Reddy, the then Deputy Chief Minister moved yet another resolution in



14

Andhra Assembly on February 2, 1956 reaffirming the commitment of the Andhra Government with regard to safeguards to Telangana people. The Resolution is reproduced below. “In regard to appointments and employment in Telangana region, they seem to be having some fears that educationally more advanced people from Andhra region might usurp all avenues of employment depriving Telangana people of their due share. I want to make it clear that we do not want anything in your share of employment at all. We are assuring you that we would not touch your 1/3 share in employment. Such an assurance is made not only on my personal behalf but also on behalf of this Assembly and the Government.” Taking into account the unconditional safeguards offered by Andhra State, Late Shri G.B.Pant, the then Union Home Minister, convened a meeting of the Andhra and Telangana leaders on February 19, 1956 in New Delhi for talks. During these talks, the gullible leaders from Telangana were persuaded to agree for the merger of Telangana and Andhra subject to the safeguards as a pre-condition. Thus the merger of Telangana with Andhra State was finalized on the basis of a 14-point agreement embodying the safeguards to Telangana people. This agreement reached on February 20, 1956 is popularly referred to as ‘Gentlemen’s Agreement’. A copy of this agreement is at Annexure-2.2. The State of Andhra Pradesh came into being on November 1, 1956, a classic case of manipulative politics triumphing over the will of the people of Telangana. Gentlemen’s Agreement The Gentlemen’s agreement provided for the proportionate sharing of expenditure on general administration, using the balance income of Telangana exclusively for its development, recruitment to services on the basis of population of both the regions, prescription of domicile requirement for 12 years in order to secure the prescribed proportion to recruitment of services for Telangana area, establishment of a Regional Council for Telangana to secure all round development of the region, and regulation of land sales in the Telangana region by the Regional Council. The Regional Council was envisaged as a statutory body empowered to deal with and decide about matters relating to recruitment to government services, planning and development, irrigation and other projects, and industrial development so far as they related to the Telangana area. The Gentlemen’s Agreement provided that in case of difference of opinion between the views of the Regional Council and the Government of the State, the matter would be referred to the Government of India for final decision. The Gentlemen’s Agreement also provided for proper representation of the Telangana region in the Council of Ministers. As per the Agreement, if the Chief Minister was from Andhra, then the Deputy Chief Minister would be from the Telangana region and vice versa. Ministers from Telangana were to be assigned two of the portfolios of 1) Home, 2) Finance, 3) Revenue, 4) Planning and Development and 5) Commerce and Industry. An outline of the scheme of Regional Committee was laid on the Table of Lok Sabha on April 3, 1956 by the then Union Minister of Home Affairs. Para 5 of the outline



15

categorically stated that ‘The advice by the Regional Committee will normally be accepted by the Government and the State Legislature. In case of difference of opinion, reference will be made to the Governor whose decision will be final and binding. In pursuance of the Gentlemen’s Agreement, the President of India issued an Order on February 1, 1958 constituting the Regional Committee for Telangana region. Gentlemen’s Agreement which formed the basis of the formation of the State of Andhra Pradesh was put in cold storage the moment the State was formed. As things unfolded since the formation of Andhra Pradesh, not only were the assurances breached with total abandon but even the resources of Telangana were being diverted to the other regions of the State with impunity. It did not take much time for the people of Telangana to realize that they were taken for a ride. Distressed over the total breach of the Gentlemen’s Agreement, the Chairman of the then Regional Committee Shri K. Achuta Reddy came out with the list of violations on December 23, 1960. In reply to the charges, the then State Government headed by late Shri D. Sanjivayya issued a White Paper in February 1961 detailing the measures proposed to be taken by the Government for the implementation of the safeguards assured to the people of Telangana. Nothing came of the assurances given tin the White Paper and the Government went on violating the safeguards. The Regional Committee on Telangana on its part went on ventilating its grievances in its reports brought out from time to time. In one of its reports in the early 1960’s the Committee reported as below. “The Regional Committee from its inception in its various reports recommended to the Government the imperative need for the development of education in all its aspects in Telangana area. In spite of completion of Three Five-Year Plans, the disparity in the development in both the regions of the State still exists. The percentage number of children in schools in 1961 in both the regions is as follows”4:

Age Group Andhra Region Telangana Region

6 to 11 years 70.0 36.0

11 to 14 years 19.0 11.0

14 to 17 years 9.4 5.6

The Regional Committee in one of its reports in the early sixties brought out the irregularities in the recruitment to the Government services to the detriment of the interests of Telangana people and in total violation of the Gentlemen’s Agreement. The irregularities pointed out by the Regional Committee are as follows. “Even regarding the fresh appointments after 1-11-1956, while under the existing Rules one-third of vacancies in all categories of posts meant for direct recruitment in the offices of the Heads of Departments and the Departments of the Secretariat have to be filled by

4 Memorandum Submitted by the Members of Parliament From Telangana to Sri. P.V. Narasimha Rao, Hon’ble

Prime Minister of India. August ,1992



16

candidates of domicile in Telangana region, the Committee regrets to note that this rule was observed more in violation as the requisitioning was made in such a way that the ratio of vacancies meant for Telangana candidates are clubbed again in the total vacancies notified in the subsequent requisition thus lessening the number of reserved vacancies for Telangana candidates to the extent of unfilled quota in the earlier requisition. Again in the district offices where the posts are treated as Regional Posts which have to be filled by Telangana candidates only under the A.P. Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Rules, other regional candidates are appointed by all methods of recruitment viz. direct recruitment, transfer, promotion, absorption of retrenched personnel. Wholesale relaxations were given in favour of non-mulkies and appointments were made in Regional Posts to the tune of nearly 1500. Andhra candidates working at the Headquarters Offices were transferred to Regional Posts in District Offices in Telangana and the vacancies thus created at the Headquarters Offices were filled by Andhra candidates again.” There were other violations in the implementation of the Gentlemen’s Agreement. It is opt to say that the Agreement was violated more than implemented. The violations in different areas are presented in other Chapters of our memorandum to the Committee. Jai Telangana Movement Distressed by the total violation of the Gentlemen’s Agreement and the utter disregard of the Government to their grievances, the people of Telangana were left with no option but to demand separation of their region from Andhra Pradesh. This resulted in the popular movement demanding separate statehood for Telangana during years 1968-69. This popular movement deriving massive support cutting across all the sections of the society came to be known as ‘Jai Telangana Movement’. The movement was so popular and intense that the then Chief Minister convened an All-Party meeting on January 19, 1969. An accord (Annexure 2.3) was arrived at this meeting yet again reassuring the people that the safeguards would be implemented in letter and spirit. This is a clear admission by the State Government that the safeguards were not implemented so far even in letter not to speak of spirit. In this Accord, yet again there were assurances with regard to the utilization of Telangana surpluses, creation of employment opportunities in the Telangana region and the redressal of the grievances of the Telangana government employees. Following the All-Party Accord, a Government Order (GO) was issued on January 21 1969 for implementation of the assurances made in the All-Party Accord. In terms of the GO, the Heads of offices of Telangana were directed to prepare statements showing the names and service particulars of non-domicile persons working in their offices. Such identified non-domicile employees were to be transferred to Andhra against supernumerary posts before February 1969. Two members of the Board of Revenue Were appointed for supervising the implementation of this Government Order. Before any action could be initiated on the GO, a section of the Andhra employees challenged the validity of the GO both in the High Court and the Supreme Court. On March 28 1969, a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court pronounced the judgment quashing the GO and also declaring Section 2 of the Public Employment Act 1957 as ultra



17

vires of the Constitution. This situation would not have arisen if the Mulki Rules had not been repealed. The repeal of the Mulki Rules in 1959 and the quashing of the Public Employment Act 1957 by the Supreme Court resulted in a vacuum in so far as the safeguards in public employment were concerned. Even when these rules were in force, they were not implemented. In the absence of legal safeguards the situation became even worse. Eight Point Formula As the Telangana movement was gaining in strength and creating unrest among the people of Telangana, Shrimathi Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister announced a Eight Point programme in the Lok Sabha on April 11 1969 for addressing the grievances of Telangana. The Eight point formula is reproduced in Annexure 2.4. The eight points in brief are the following. 1). Appointment of High Powered Committee to estimate Telangana surpluses. 2). Discussions regarding the manner in which the requisite financial resources could be found to make good the surpluses relatable to Telangana. 3). Constitution of a High-Level Telangana Development Committee. 4). Constitution of a Plan Implementation Committee under the supervision of the Planning Commission. 5). Delegation of powers to authorities dealing with the problems of Telangana region. 6) Examination of providing Constitutional safeguards in the matter of public employment. 7) High-Level Central Advisory Committee to examine the grievances of public servants. 8). Prime Minister to hold review meetings every six months There were no specific assurances with regard to safeguards in employment in the eight-Point formula, except the examination of the possibility of putting in place certain Constitutional safeguards. Except the appointment of a Committee to estimate Telangana surplus, there was not much progress on the other points. The issues with regard to Telangana surpluses are addressed in a separate chapter of this memorandum. In the absence of any concrete action, the movement for separate Telangana gathered further momentum and the Telangana Praja Samithi which spearheaded the Telangana agitation won 10 out of the 13 Lok Sabha seats in the general elections held in 1971. Supreme Court Judgment and Jai Andhra Movement In 1972, the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court reviewed the case of Mulki Rules and pronounced a historic judgment on October 3, 1972 declaring the Mulki Rules, reserving employment and educational opportunities available in Telangana exclusively for the residents of this region, as valid with retrospective effect. This has vindicated the legitimate demand of the people of Telangana. Though reservation of jobs for the people of Telangana was assured in the Gentlemen’s Agreement and formed the basis of the formation of Andhra Pradesh, Andhra politicians could not digest the judgment of the highest court in the country. The political leadership of Andhra region launched a “Jai Andhra Movement’ demanding either scrapping of all safeguards given to the people of Telangana at the time of the formation of the State or bifurcating Andhra Pradesh into Andhra and Telangana States. This is nothing but opportunistic



18

politics at its worst. Telangana was lured into becoming part of Andhra Pradesh with all kinds of assurances, which were never meant to be fulfilled. But when the highest court of the land pronounces judgment upholding the Mulki Rules, Andhra leaders sought a separate statehood for Andhra region to circumvent the ruling of the Supreme Court. The story of Telangana is an unprecedented case of deception time and again. Five-Point Formula The Central Government tried to diffuse the Jai Andhra movement in the wake of the Supreme Court Judgment on Mulki Rules. The Prime Minister made a statement in Parliament on November 27, 1972 indicating certain measures, popularly known as the Five-Point Formula. This may be seen at Annexure 2.5. The main components of the formula were; 1). The residential requirements prescribed in the Mulki rules would only apply to non-gazetted posts. 2). The limited safeguard would remain in operation in the Telangana region up to the end of December, 1980. In the case of Hyderabad and Secunderabad, the safeguard would continue only up to the end of December 1977. 3) Service cadres would be regionalized up to the first or second gazetted level. 4). Educational facilities in Hyderabad and Secunderabad would be expanded. 5). For the cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad, there would be a composite police force, the details of which would be worked out in consultation with the State Government. Six-Point Formula The Eight and Five-Point formulae did not see the light of the day. To restore normalcy, President’s rule was imposed in Andhra Pradesh on January 10, 1973 which lasted till December 10, 1973. During this period, the Central Government initiated consultations with the leaders from Andhra and Telangana regions. These discussions resulted in the announcement of the Six-Point Formula. The people of Telangana had serious reservations about this Formula, as it envisaged abolition of the Mulki Rules and the Telangana Regional Committee. Thus, whatever safeguards that were provided by the Supreme Court in the form of upholding the Mulki Rules were lost. Yet, the leaders from Telangana agreed to the Six-Point Formula to maintain amity among the different regions of the State and with the hope that at least this time the agreement would be honoured. The respect of Telangana leaders to the Central Government despite breach of all safeguards announced so far is unparallel. They did it on the exhortations of the Central leadership. This is yet another instance of Andhra politicians manipulating the Central Government to their advantage even turning the Biblical saying ‘Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth’ upside down. In Andhra Pradesh, cursed are the people of Telangana for they shall disinherit whatever they already possess.



19

The Six point formula envisages the following (Full text of the Six-Point Formula is at Annexure 2.6). 1). Accelerated development of the backward areas of the State. Constitution of the State level Planning Board as well as Sub-Committees for different regions were considered appropriate instruments for achieving this objective. 2). Institution of uniform arrangements through out the State enabling adequate preference being given to local candidates in the matter of admission to educational institutions and establishment of a new Central University at Hyderabad to augment the existing educational facilities. 3). Subject to the requirements of the State as a whole, local candidates should be given preference to specified extent in the matter of recruitment to i) non-gazetted posts(other than in the Secretariat, offices of the Heads of Departments, other State level offices and institutions and Hyderabad City Police); ii) Corresponding posts under the local bodies; and the posts of Tehsildars, Junior Engineers and Civil Assistant Surgeons. In order to improve their promotion prospects, service cadres should be organized to the extent possible on the local basis up to specified gazetted level first or second as may be administratively convenient. 4) A high powered administrative tribunal should be constituted to deal with the grievances of services regarding appointment, promotions and other allied service matters. 5) In order that implementation of measures based on the above principles do not give rise to litigation and consequent uncertainty, the Constitution should be amended to the extent necessary, conferring on the President enabling powers in this behalf. 6). The above approach would render the continuance of Mulki Rules and Regional Committee unnecessary. Non-Implementation of the Six-Point Formula It did not take much time for the people of Telangana that yet again they were taken for a ride. The important violations of the Six-Point Formula as brought out in a memorandum submitted by the Members of Parliament from the Telangana region to the Prime Minister in 1992 are briefly summarized below. These violations still hold good. Other violations of the Formula are discussed in the Chapters that follow. Point-1: The Regional Development Boards were abolished in 1983. There was no specific allocation of resources for the development of backward Telangana region and no action was taken to identify the backward areas in consultation with the Planning Commission. As envisaged in point-1 of the formula, representatives of the backward areas and experts were not involved in the formulation and monitoring of development schemes.



20

Point-2: Uniform arrangements were not put in place in the matter of admissions to educational institutions. There was irregular clubbing of the City Zone to enable non-locals to get more jobs. There was drastic and totally unwarranted reduction of residential requirements to four years to qualify as a local candidate for admission into educational institutions in the Telangana region. There were numerous instances of false certificates being issued to non-locals to enable them to get admissions in educational institutions. The establishment of the Central University of Hyderabad did not help the Telangana students as the admissions are done on all-India basis. Point-3: A large of number of non-gazetted posts were upgraded to the gazetted category and excluded from the category of local posts. Other irregularities included appointment of non-locals in the posts earmarked for the local people, irregular clubbing of Hyderabad Zone (Zone VII) with Zone VI for the purpose of recruitment of posts in the city Zone and non-preparation of promotion panels. Point-4: As most of the decisions of the Administrative Tribunal were in favour of the employees belonging to the Telangana region, the tribunal itself was abolished. Point-5: The Constitution was amended (32nd amendment) in 2003. As a result of this amendment, two new Articles were inserted, Article 371-D and Article 371-E. Article 371-D provides for a Presidential Order for providing equitable opportunities and facilities for the people belonging to different parts of the State, in the matter of Public employment. Article 371-E provides for the establishment of a Central University at Hyderabad. Both these provisions failed to address the grievances of Telangana region. Point-6: With the termination of the Mulki Rules which were upheld by the Supreme Court and the abolition of the Telangana Regional Committee, Telangana lost a lot. Regional Committee acted as watchdog on the assurances given to Telangana. With its abolition, there is no effective mechanism at present to ensure protection of interests of the people of Telangana. The Presidential Order 1975 The Andhra Pradesh public Employment 9Organisation of Local Cadres and Regulation of Direct Recruitment) Order popularly referred to as the residential Order was issued on October 18 1975 (Copy at Annexure 2.7). This Order provides for the organization of Government posts into local cadres, allotment of employees into local cadres, reservations in direct recruitments and carry forward of reserved posts. As per these orders, posts belonging to the category of lower division clerk or lower in each department and district were required to be organized into separate cadres and the posts higher than LDC in each zone were to be organized into a separate cadre. The major shock for the employees of the Telangana was the dilution of the definition of local candidate. A candidate for direct recruitment to any post shall be regarded as a local candidate in relation to the local area if he had studied in an educational institution or educational institutions in such local area for a period of not less than four consecutive



21

academic years ending with the academic year in which he appeared or as the case may be first appeared for the relevant qualifying examination. Thus, practically any person can be treated as a local candidate with the reduction in the number of years. This was no safeguard for the people of Telangana. Furthermore, only a percentage of posts was reserved for local candidates. There were several escape clauses which made this Order inadequate to provide safeguards to Telangana, not to speak of the lapses in its implementation. These issues are elaborated in other Chapters of this memorandum. At the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh, there were only two regions, namely, Telangana and Andhra. Rayalaseema was considered part of Andhra. With the Presidential Order, the State was divided into seven Zones with in the framework of three regions, namely, Telangana, Rayalaseema and Andhra. Hyderabad was made into a separate Zone making it more accessible to the people of Andhra and Rayalaseema. Government Order 610 There have been major violations of the Presidential Order in all the Telangana Zones, more particularly in Zones V and VI. The Telangana Employees unions have been submitting representation pointing out the violations. Following these representations, the State Government issued the Order No. 610 on December 30 1985 addressing some of the serious violations of the Presidential Order. This is the umpteenth time that the safeguards given to Telangana were violated with impunity. This Order of the Government is proof enough of the Government’s admissions of the violations. The Go provides for the repatriation of all employees allotted to Zones V and VI in violation of the zonalisation of local cadres under the Six-Point Formula and rectification of other violations. Violation of Government Order 610 What else can be expected by the employees of Telangana, except the violation of the GO 610 which itself was intended to rectify the previous violations. Is there any remedy for the employees? As things have unfolded, the GO was never implemented. What can be expected except one more assurance which was never intended to be implemented? How long will the people of Telangana be neglected with abandon. Is the Government not accountable to its pronounced assurances? The Government of Andhra Pradesh appointed a One Man Commission (Girglani) on June 25 2001 to receive representations regarding the injustice done in the implementation of the GO. 610 and to suggest follow up action for the rectification of defects, anomalies and irregularities. Despite the Commission’s recommendations, there has been no action. Why should Government bury the GO all these years. There is no remedy short of separate statehood. A House Committee of the State Legislature examined the issue of violation of GO. 610 and submitted its interim Report on March 17, 2003. The Committee unanimously recommended immediate repatriation of the non-locals appointed to the posts earmarked



22

for the locals. The Committee further recommended that the directions given by the Andhra Pradesh Administrative Tribunal should be implemented in letter and spirit forthwith by the Government and that a combined seniority list should be prepared for the employees keeping aside those to be repatriated to their respective Zones. Despite assurances, GO. 610 is yet to be implemented in all its aspects. Summing UP We have presented a factual account of the situation in Telangana since the formation of the State of Andhra Pradesh in 1956. It is a story of assurances which were never meant to be fulfilled. The assurances started with the Gentlemen’s Agreement and its violation followed by Eight Point Formula, Five-Point Formula, Presidential Order, Six-Point Formula and GO. 610. Each of these assurances was given following the violation of the earlier assurance. Violation after violation of the successive assurances has left the people of Telangana with no option but to seek a separate statehood for the region. No assurance will work in a Government dominated by Andhra political leadership and administration too dominated by them. Blatant violation of assurance after assurance has added insult to injury. …………….



23

ANNEXURE-2.1

THE MULKI RULES 1949

Government of Hyderabad (Extracts from Hyderabad Civil Service Regulations VII Edition 1950)

Preface These Regulations promulgated in obedience to His Exalted Highness, the Nizam’s Firman dated 25th Ramzan 1337 H (corresponding to 18th Amardad 1328 Fasli ) were for the first time published in 1328 Fasli. These are now printed and published for the seventh time including corrections and additions upto the end of Azur 1359 Fasli( October 1949).

ZAHEERUDDIN AHMED Dated 1st November 1949 Controller-General

Accounts & Audit.

CHAPTER III GENERAL RULES FOR REGULATING ALLOWANCES

Conditions of Age Health & Domicile

No person will be appointed in any superior or Inferior Service without the specific sanction of His Exalted Highness if he is not a Mulki in terms of the rules laid down in Appendix ‘N’. Any person whose domicile is cancelled under para 9 of the Mulki Rules will be considered to have been dismissed from the date of such cancellation.

APPENDIX ‘N’

(Referred to in Article 39) 1. A person shall be called a Mulki if:

(a) by birth he is a subject of the Hyderabad State; or (b) by residence in the Hyderabad State, he has been entitled to be Mulki; or (c) his father having completed 15 years of service was in the Government service at the time of his birth; (d) She is a wife of a person who is a Mulki.

2. A person shall be called a subject of the Hyderabad State by birth at the time of whose birth his father was a Mulki.

3. A person shall be called a Mulki who has a permanent residence in the Hyderabad State for atleast 15 years and has abandoned the idea of returning to o the place of his previous residence and has obtained an affidavit to that effect on a prescribed form attested by a Magistrate.

4. Where a Mulki woman marries a non-Mulki but does not give up her residence in the Hyderabad State, her rights which she enjoys by virtue of her being a Mulki shall not be affected in any way.

5. Where a woman is a Mulki marries a non-Mulki and resides outside the Hyderabad State along with her husband and returns to reside permanently in the Hyderabad State after the death of her husband or after obtaining a judicial separation shall again be called a Mulki but her children shall be called Non-Mulkis unless they are entitled to be Mulkis under these rules.

6. Subject to the above provisions the Taluqdar, Hyderabad District for Hyderabad City and Hyderabad District and the Taluqdar of the District in the Districts shall be competent to grant Mulki Certificate on the prescribed form provided that the father of the applicant prior to his



24

residence in the Hyderabad State or appointment in the Hyderabad Government service or the applicant himself prior to his residence in the Hyderabad State:-

(a) Was not a British subject; or (b) Was a subject of any State other than a British protectorate; (c) If he has not obtained a certificate under the Indian Naturalization Act of 1926, the application for

the grant of Mulki Certificate shall be submitted in the office of the Secretary Judicial Department for action.

Exception: In the case of inferior servant whose initial pay does not exceed Rs.25/- a month, a Mulki Certificate granted by an Officer of the Department concerned who is competent to make his appointment on the post will be sufficient. But the said servant shall not be promoted to Superior service unless he obtains a Mulki Certificate from an officer authorized ordinarily to grant certificate under these Rules. Expanation 1: The Berari shall in case of his appointment in any district obtain Mulki Certificate from the Taluqdar of the district and from the Taluqder of the Hyderabad District in case of appointment in Hyderabad City and Hyderabad district and he shall along with his application submit a certificate in accordance with the provisions in force in Berar of his being a Berari. Explanation 2: A Government servant in superior service in case of his appointment in a district shall obtain Mulki Certificate from the Taluqdar of the district or from the Taluqdar of the district where he resides and from the Talukdar Hyderabad district in case of Hyderabad City and Hyderabad district. Explanation 3: A resident of Secunderabad or other assigned areas shall obtain a Mulki Certificate from the Taluqdar, Hyderabad District and a Resident of Aurangabad Cantonment from the Taluqdar of Aurangabad District.

7. In the application for the grant of a Mulki Certificate, in addition to all facts which support the application, the following matters shall be mentioned and in the end it shall be certified by a declaration on oath that the facts stated in the application are correct and that he is aware that in case of wrong entry action may be taken against him in accordance with the powers of the court and Rule No.9:-

(a) Where was the applicant born? (b) Date and place of birth (c) Places where he was educated (d) Where was he residing prior to his residing in the Hyderabad State? (e) Place of birth and nationality of his father and grand-father (f) Place of education of the applicant’ s father (g) Where was he residing at the time of the applicant’s birth and after

Completing 21st year of his age? (h) From what period the applicant is permanently residing in the Hyderabad State and whether he has

abandoned the idea of returning to his native land? (i) Has the applicant’s father or he himself acquired or intends to acquire any immovable property

within the Hyderabad State? (j) Has the applicant’s father or he himself created such connections within the Hyderabad State which

lead to believe that they have made Hyderabad State their native land? (k) Was an application made previously for a Mulki Certificate and if so to whom and what orders were

passed thereon? 8. In case the application for the grant of a Mulki Certificate is rejected an appeal may lie to

Subedar concerned against the order within a month from the date of the rejection and the order of the Subedar shall be final.

9. Government in the Police Department may cancel any Mulki Certificate if the Government finds that any of the entries made in the application for the Mulki Certificate under Rule 7 is not correct or that it was obtained by false personation or false statements and it may cancel certificates of persons mentioned in clauses (b), (c) and (d) of Rule 1 if the holder of the Mulki Certificate is disloyal to H.E.H or the Hyderabad Government in his conduct or behaviour or is directly or indirectly connected with such political activities which are detrimental or contrary to the interest of the Hyderabad Government.



25

Annexure 2.2

GENTLEMEN’ S AGREEMENT 1956

1. The expenditure of the central and general administration of the state should be borne proportionately by the two regions and the balance of income from Telangana should be reserved for expenditure on the development of Telangana area.

2. Prohibition in Telangana should be implemented in the manner decided upon by the Assembly members of Telangana.

3. The existing educational facilities in Telangana should be secured to the students of Telangana and further improved. Admission to the colleges including technical institutions in the Telangana area should be restricted to the students of Telangana or the latter should have admission to the extent of one-third of the total admissions in the entire state whichever course is advantageous to Telangana students.

4. Retrenchment of services should be proportionate from both regions if it becomes inevitable due to integration.

5. Future recruitment to services will be on the basis of population from both areas. 6. The position of Urdu in the administrative and judicial structure existing at present in the Telangana

area may continue for five years when the position may be reviewed by the Regional Council. So far (as) recruitment to services is concerned knowledge of Telugu should not be insisted upon at the time of recruitment but they should be required to pass a prescribed Telugu test in two years after appointment.

7. Some kind of domicile rules e.g. residence for 12 years should be provided in order to assure the prescribed proportion to recruitment of services for Telangana area.

8. Sales of agricultural lands in Telangana area (is) to be controlled by the Regional Council. 9. A Regional Council will be established for the Telangana area with a view to secure its all round

development in accordance with its needs and requirements. 10. The Regional Coucil will consist of 20 members as follows: 9 members of Assembly representing each

district of Telangana to be elected by the Assembly members of the Telangana districts separately 6 members of the Assembly or the Parliament elected by the Telangana representatives of the Assembly 5 members from outside the Assembly to be elected by the Telangana members of the Assembly. All ministers from Telangana area will be (its) members.

11. (a) The Regional Council will be a statutory body empowered to deal with and decide about matters mentioned above and those relating to planning and development, irrigation and other projects, industrial development within the general plan and recruitment to services insofar as they relate to Telangana area. If there is difference of opinion between the views of the Regional Council and the Government of the State, a reference may be made to the Government of India for final decision. (b) Unless revised earlier by agreement, this arrangement will be reviewed at the end of ten years.

12. The Cabinet will consist of members in proportion of 60 to 40 percent for Andhra and Telangana, respectively. Out of the 40 percent Telangana Ministers one will be a Muslim from Telangana.

13. If the Chief Minister is from Andhra, the Deputy Chief Minister will be from Telangana and vice-versa. Two out of the following portfolios will be assigned to Ministers from Telangana. (a)Home; (b) Finance; (c) Revenue ;( d) Planning & Development; and (e) Commerce & Industry.

14. The Hyderabad Pradesh Congress Committee President desired that the Pradesh Congress Committee should be separated from Telangana upto the end of 1962. Andhra Provincial Congress Committee President has no objection.

The above agreement was arrived at on February 20 1956. It was signed by 1). B. Gopala Reddy Chief Minister of Andhra; 2) N. Sanjiva Reddy Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra; 3) G.Latchanna Minister in the Andhra Cabinet; A. Satyanarayana Raju President Andhra Provincial Congree Committee; 5) B. Ramakrishna Rao Chief Minister Hyderabad; 6) K.v. Ranga Reddy Minister Hyderabad State and 8) J.V. Narasinga Rao President Hyderabad Provincial Congress Committee.



26

Annexure 2.3 ALL-PARTY AGREEMENT 1969

The following is the full text of agreement reached between leaders of all political parties convened by the Chief Minister on January 19, 1969 to take steps for the implementation of the Telangana safeguards: “With the formation of Andhra Pradesh State on November 1, 1956 the long cherished aspiration of the Telugu-speaking people for having a state of their own was achieved thanks to the combined efforts of leaders of the Andhra and Telangana regions. Both were concerned primarily with securing the fuller cultural and economic development of the Telugu people. The leaders of both the regions found it necessary to provide safe-gaurds for ensuring due protection of the interests of Telangana and its development. Provisions in this regard were accordingly made in what has come to be known as the gentleman’s agreement. ALL-PARTY AGREEMENT 1969 The following is the full text of agreement reached between leaders of all political parties convened by the Chief Minister on January 19 1969 to take steps for the implementation of Telangana safeguards: “With the formation of Andhra Pradesh State on November 1, 1956, the long cherished aspiration of the Telugu-speaking people for having a state of their own was achieved thanks to the combined efforts of leaders of the Andhra and Telangana regions. Both were concerned primarily with securing the fuller cultural and economic development of the Telugu people. The leaders of both the regions found it necessary to provide safeguards for ensuring due protection of the interests of Telangana and its development. Provisions in this regard were accordingly made in what has come to be known as the gentlemen’s agreement. Though it has been the settled policy of the Andhra Pradesh Government to implement faithfully the terms of the gentlemen’s agreement lapses have arisen in the implementation of the policy. In order to ensure the proper implementation of the safeguards, the following decisions have been taken at a meeting of the leaders of all the political parties of the Legislature convened for the purpose by the Chief Minister. Employment All non-domicile persons who have been appointed either directly or by promotion or by transfers to posts reserved under the Andhra Pradesh Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Rules 1959 for domiciles of the Telangana region will be immediately relieved from service.The posts so rendered vacant will be filled by qualified candidates possessing domicile qualifications and in cases where such candidates are not available the posts shall be left unfilled till qualified domicile candidates become available. Action on the above lines will be taken immediately. All non-domicile employees so relieved shall be provided employment in the Andhra region without break in service and by creating supernumerary posts if necessary. Two senior officers will be appointed charged with the responsibility for implementing these decisions immediately and effectively. There have been some complaints that employment has been obtained on the basis of false domicile certificates. The Government will arrange to inquire into any such complaints. Statutory Bodies The Andhra Pradesh Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Act and Rules applied to posts under the Government and local bodies only. The High Court has recently held that this Act does not apply to the Andhra Pradesh State Electricity Board. The Government however felt as these bodies are state-wide organizations reservation of posts for Telangana candidates should also be made in them as in the case of posts under the Government. The state Government will immediately file an appeal against the judgment of the High Court regarding the applicability of the APPE (RR) Rules to the Andhra Pradesh State Electricity Board.



27

Simultaneously the State Government will move the Government of India to make provision in the Bill extending the Andhra Pradesh Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Act for a further period of five years so as to include within is purview statutory or other corporations financed by the Government. Integrated Lists In all cases where the Government of India has approved common gradation lists of Andhra and Telangana officers or issued any directive for preparation of revision of such lists the lists so approved or prepared shall alone be followed for regulation of conditions of their service. In cases however where no such lists have been approved by the Government of India or no directive has been issued by it regarding their preparation or revision the provisional lists being followed by the State Government shall continue to be followed pending approval of the Government of India where the Government of India has given any directive regarding the equation of posts or preparation of common gradation lists such directive shall be followed by the State Government without any further correspondence. Surplus Funds The Telangana surpluses will be determined on the following basis:

(a) The existing method of allocation of expenditure and receipts to either region will continue. (b) The Telangana surpluses for each year will be computed by adding to the net revenue surplus

of the Telangana region of that year the difference between the one-third of the total capital expenditure of the State in that year and the actual capital expenditure in the Telangana region in that year.

(c) So far as statutory or other boards and corporations functioning on a State-wide basis financed by the State Government are concerned they will for the purpose of computing Telangana surpluses be treated as if they were State-wide Government departments and as if their receipts and expenditure were booked in Government accounts. In the case of Andhra Pradesh State Electricity Board however the expenditure on power generation and high tension transmission lines only will be apportioned between the two regions in the manner indicated above. Expenditure on distribution lines and rural electrification will be booked to each region as per actuals.

(d) The Industrial Trust Fund which is being operated exclusively for the Telangana region will continue to be so utilized. To work out on the basis of the above principle the exact Telangana surpluses which have been accrued since the formation of the Andhra Pradesh State and to avoid any controversy in this regard the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India will be requested to depute a senior office of the rank of an Accountant –General. He will be requested to give his finding before February 28 1969.

Development

The Telangana Surpluses so determined will be fully utilized for development of Telangana region during the next five years. Any Telangana surpluses accruing in future will be worked out at the end of each financial year and due provision will be made for its utilization in the Telangana region in the succeeding year. Half-yearly review of expenditure in the Telangana region will be undertaken by the Government and a copy of the review will be furnished to the Regional Committee and Members of the Legislature. We also take note that there are backward areas in the Andhra region and they also deserve immediate attention. For the removal of imbalance it shall be the endeavour of the Government to give top priority to the rapid economic development of those areas also so that employment opportunities could improve to mitigate the hardship faced by the unemployed.



28

Education

Steps will be taken to afford better educational opportunities to students irrespective of region in the capital city of Hyderabad with effect from the ensuing academic year. We trust that by taking energetic action on the above lines the grievances voiced in the Telangana region will be fully redressed. The cultural enrichment and economic development of the Telugu people should continue to be our primary concern. It must be borne in mind that maintenance of unity and tranquility in the State is essential to create a proper climate for attracting larger investment in the State leading to economic progress and creation of more employment opportunities for the younger generation. Nothing should therefore be done which would in any way lead to fissiparous tendencies in our society. We of different political persuasions firmly resolve to bend our energies towards achieving quicker development and fuller integration of our State. Andhra Pradesh holds a prominent position on the map of India and in order to be able to contribute our own share to the national integration of the country it is of paramount importance that within our own State we achieve full unity. Therefore we vehemently and unequivocally condemn the slogan raised in some quarters for the creation of separated Telangana State.”

Annexure 2.4

EIGHT – POINT PROGRAMME 1969

The Prime Minister Mrs.Indira Gandhi made the following statement in the Lok Sabha on 11th April 1969: “During the last few weeks I have conferred with my colleagues in Government and the party leaders of the Opposition in Parliament Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh political leaders of some political parties from Telangana and other parts of Andhra Pradesh. These talks have been held in a spirit of free and frank exchange of views and with the object of evolving constructive steps to meet the genuine problems of the people inhabiting Telangana. We had to keep in mind the importance of finding urgent and positive solutions which will further the objective of providing immediate as well as long-term answers to the needs of people in the Telangana Region and at the same time of maintaining and strengthening the unity and integrity of Andhra Pradesh. The overall aim is to ensure that the pace of development and the expansion of employment opportunities in Telangana is accelerated and conditions are created for the balanced development of all parts of Andhra Pradesh through cooperative and shared efforts on the part of the people living there. With these objectives a number of specified measures have been decided upon as follows:- 1. A High-powered Committee will be appointed by the Central Government with a retired or serving Supreme Court Judge as Chairman and an eminent economist with the knowledge of State finances together with a senior representative of the Comptroller & Auditor-General as members. The committee will go into the varying estimates and representations and determine the surplus relatable to Telangana which was expected to have been spent on the development of Telangana Region. The Committee shall report to the Union Government by the end of the next month. 2. Discussion will take place immediately between representatives of the Union Finance and Home Ministries the Planning Commission and the State Governments regarding the manner in which the requisite financial resources could be found to make good the surpluses relatable to Telangana. 3. At the suggestion of the Chief Minister it has been agreed that a High-Powered Telangana Development Committee shall be constituted immediately composed of the Chief Minister Andhra Pradesh as its Chairman and a Member of the Planning Commission the Ministers of the Andhra Pradesh Cabinet belonging to the Telangana Region and the Chairman of the Regional Committee for Telangana as its members. The main functions of the Committee will be to identify within the overall framework of the Five-year Plans the programmes and schemes relatable to the Telangana Region with reference to the physical as well as



29

financial targets to be achieved; to review from time to time the actual implementation and working of these programmes and schemes; and to advise the State Government on appropriate decisions that may be considered necessary. 4. There will also be a Plan Implementation Committee at official level presided over by an adviser of the Planning Commission and composed of representatives of the Union Finance and Home Ministries and the State Government with the object of detailed periodic review of the actual implementation of plan programmes and schemes relating to the accelerated development of the Telangana Region. This Committee will meet every quarter and make its report to the Chief Minister and to the Prime Minister. 5. Inorder to ensure adequate co-ordination as well as effective and speedy implementation of decisions the Chief Minister will consider what further delegation of powers if any need to be made in favour of the authorities specially entrusted with the task of dealing with the problems of the Telangana Region. 6. The possibility of providing for appropriate constitutional safeguards in the matter of public employment in favour of people belonging to the Telangana Region will be examined by the Government of India in consultation with a Committee of Jurists. 7. At the suggestion of the Chief Minister it has also been agreed that the High-powered Central Advisory Committee which was set up under the States Reorganisation Act of 1956( which is headed by the Chairman of the U.P.S.C. and composed of a retired High Court Judge and a retired Law Secretary of the Union Government) will undertake a very early visit to Hyderabad in order to examine expeditiously the grievances of the public servants of various categories and make appropriate recommendation to the Union Home Ministry. The Union Home Ministry will also devise an urgent programme within a definite time schedule with the object of deciding any outstanding cases relating to the integration of services. The Chief Minister has assured that State Government shall implement promptly any decisions that the Government of India may give in the light of the advice tendered by the Central Advisory Committee or the State Advisory Committee. 8. In order to ensure the continuous attention of the Central Government towards the problems of the Telangana Region at the suggestion of the Chief Minister it has been agreed that the Prime Minister will hold review meetings every six months with the Chief Minister and his other colleagues in the High-powered Telangana Development Committee referred to earlier. The Deputy Prime Minister the Union Home Minister such other concerned Union Ministers whose presence may be found necessary and the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission will also be associated with these meetings. The accelerated development of the Telangana Region and the balanced economic development of the State as a whole are objectives which can be secured in an atmosphere not only of peace and tranquility but also of amity understanding and co-operation between people inhabiting different parts of the State. In the course of his talks with me the Chief Minister indicated his desire to make in consultation with me appropriate political arrangements which would promote these objectives. There was recognition in the course of various discussions of the importance of restoring an atmosphere of complete peace and harmony in Andhra Pradesh. May I take this opportunity of appealing to the people of Telangana to end the present agitation and of inviting them to extend their wholehearted co-operation in the fulfillment of various positive measures evolved as a result of these discussions and any other measures that may be devised hereafter? Towards this end I propose to continue further the process of discussions with the widest possible section of public opinion in Andhra Pradesh. I should like to assure the people of Telangana as well as those of other parts of Andhra Pradesh that their genuine problems will receive the continuous and sympathetic attention of the Central Government.”



30

Annexure 2.5 FIVE-POINT PROGRAMME 1972

Last week this House had occasion to discuss the situation in Andhra Pradesh arising out of the Supreme Court judgement regarding the Mulki Rules. In certain parts of that State there have been violent incidents resulting in loss of life and damage to public property. This has caused deep distress to us in the House and to people all over the country. I had appealed to all sections in the State and all political parties to help in the effort to restore public tranquility and to bring about a climate of confidence and trust. We had hoped that it would be possible for the leaders of the State to come to an agreement through discussions between themselves. However this did not happen and the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and his colleagues wanted the Central Government to take decisions in all matters relating to the Mulki Rules. During the last few weeks my colleagues and I have held discussions with Andhra Pradesh leaders and representatives of different sections of the people. These discussions revealed an overwhelming desire of the people of Andhra Pradesh for a solution within the framework of the existing integrated State.

After the most earnest consideration of the issues involved we have taken certain decisions which I should like to place before the House in the course of this statement.

At the time of the formation of the State of Andhra Pradesh in 1956 it was realized that the people of Telangana would need some safeguards in the manner of public employment and an agreed formula was evolved by the representatives of the Andhra Pradesh and Telangana regions. As a matter of national policy residential qualification for public employment was remove in other areas yet Parliament enacted the Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Act 1957 in order to provide for posts in the subordinate services in the Telangana area being filled subject to the requirement of residence in that area. This law was envisaged as a temporary measure and was to expire in March 1974; however it was struck down by the Supreme Court early in 1969. Since then the question of devising suitable measures to secure representation of the people of Telangana region in the public services of the State has been engaging the attention of the central and State Governments. The recent judgement of the Supreme Court has brought about a new situation requiring the adoption of further measures to give effect to the objectives envisaged earlier. It is common knowledge that the Mulki Rules are applicable only to certain posts under the State Government and are not applicable to recruitment to the all-India services to posts in the Central Government Offices and the public sector undertakings of the Central Government. The measures decided upon are as follows:

1. The residential qualification prescribed in the Mulki Rules will apply only for the purpose of recruitment to non-gazetted posts and posts of tehsildars and civil assistant surgeons in the Telangana region. It will also apply to such posts as were non-gazetted as on 1 November 1956 but have since been made gazetted. However in the case of composite offices such as the secretariat the offices of the heads of departments and common institutions of the State Governments these rules will apply for the purpose of filling the second vacancy in every unit of three direct recruitment vacancies in non-gazetted posts.

2. These safeguards will remain operative in the Telangana region up to the end of December 1980. However in the cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad the safeguards will continue up to the end of December 1977. This distinction has been made because the State Capital is located in these cities.

3. In order to provide adequate avenues of promotion to the Government servants working in each of the two regions the various service cadres will be reorganized up to the first or second gazetted level. This will not however apply to the services which act as direct feeders to the all-India services.

4. Educational facilities including those in the technical and professional fields which are available at present to Telangana students in the cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad will not be



31

adversely affected. In these cities the facilities will be suitably expanded and these additional facilities will not be subject to any restrictions on the basis of residence.

5. For the cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad there will be a composite police force the details of which will be worked out in consultation with the State Government.

Necessary legislation to give effect to the decisions mentioned above will be brought before the House shortly. The Central Government will devise suitable machinery to ensure the proper functioning of these arrangements. The above mentioned decisions have been taken keeping in view the requirements of the integrated state the legitimate interests of the people of both the regions in the matter of public employment and education and the assurances given in this House. Government hopes that these decisions will receive general acceptance in the State and will be implemented in a spirit of understanding co-operation and accommodation. Annexure 2.6

SIX-POINT FORMULA 1973 The Six-Point formula envisages:

1. Accelerated development of backward areas of the State and planned development of the State capital with specific resources earmarked for these purposes and appropriate association of representatives of such backward areas in the State Legislature along with other experts in the formulation and monitoring of development schemes for such areas should form the essential part of the developmental strategy of the State. Constitution at the State level of Planning Board as well as Sub-Committee for different backward areas should be appropriate instrument for achieving this objective.

2. Institution of uniform arrangements throughout the State enabling adequate preference being given to local candidates in the matter of admission to educational institutions and establishment of a new Central University at Hyderabad to augment the existing educational facilities should be the basis of the educational policy of the State.

3. Subject to the requirements of the State as a whole local candidates should be given preference to specified extent in the matter of direct recruitment to (i) non-gazetted posts (other than in the Secretariat Offices of Heads of Departments Other State level offices and institutions and Hyderabad City Police); (ii) corresponding posts under the local bodies; and (iii) the posts of Tehsildars Junior Engineers and Civil Assistant Surgeons. In order to improve their promotion prospects service cadres should be organized to the extent possible on appropriate local basis upto specified gazettted level first or second as may be administratively convenient.

4. A high power administrative tribunal should be constituted to deal with the grievances of services regarding appointments seniority promotion and other allied matters. The decisions of the tribunal should ordinarily be binding on the State Government. The constitution of such a tribunal would justify limits on recourse of judiciary in such matters.

5. In order that implementation of measures based on the above principles does not give rise to litigation and consequent uncertainty the Constitution should be suitably amended to the extent necessary conferring on the President enabling powers in this behalf.

6. The above approach would render the continuance of Mulki Rules and Regional Committee unnecessary.



32

TELANGANA DEVELOPMENT - MORE A MYTH THAN A REALITY

Introduction District-wise growth rates of State Gross Domestic Product (GSDP) are often used selectively to wrongly come to the conclusion that Telangana region has been experiencing higher growth rates in relation to the other two regions in the State because of the efforts made by the State Government to develop the region. Nothing can be farther from the truth than this conclusion drawn from the trends in the growth of GSDP. We present below the trends in the growth of GSDP by districts from 1994-95 to 2007-08 (Table 4.1).

Table 4.1: Growth of State Gross Domestic by Districts in Andhra Pradesh At 193-94 Prices ( In Percent per Annum)

District/Region 2000-01 2001-

02 2002-03

2003-04

2004-05

2005-06

2006-07 (R)

2007-08 (P)

Average

1. Srikakulam 13.56 1.96 2.22 11.48 9.64 0.70 13.93 9.24 7.84

2. Vizianagaram 3.76 9.88 -0.91 11.00 16.48 1.54 12.87 6.26 7.61

3. Visakhapatnam 18.09 4.53 14.88 13.74 12.99 1.49 10.38 6.83 10.37

4.East Godavari 1.65 6.51 4.67 10.96 6.12 1.91 11.09 6.53 6.18

5. West Godavari 3.80 -1.27 7.59 13.84 8.98 -3.52 8.73 13.01 6.40

6. Krishna 2.96 5.99 5.68 -2.78 13.73 14.51 9.72 8.90 7.34

7. Guntur 6.77 7.74 -8.63 12.14 6.99 7.67 7.92 7.88 6.06

8. Prakasam 15.67 0.83 -1.64 9.97 26.02 5.23 12.69 6.23 9.37

9. Nallore 5.16 7.88 5.96 -1.43 13.14 3.20 13.04 8.07 6.88

Andhra 7.32 4.82 4.02 8.77 11.66 3.92 10.59 8.09 7.40

10. Chittor 15.34 7.33 -2.83 9.40 10.31 -2.24 8.92 11.30 7.19

11. Kadapa 10.98 -6.96 2.43 10.08 11.62 0.71 67.82 19.52 14.52

12. Ananthapur 37.41 -11.86 0.03 6.19 29.50 -8.88 4.64 30.91 10.99

13. Kurnool 13.85 6.77 -1.26 8.91 3.63 23.93 -0.91 18.42 9.17

Rayalaseema 19.72 -1.17 -0.74 8.56 13.82 2.36 15.79 19.79 9.77

14. Mahabubnagar 15.26 7.79 4.21 4.38 5.61 32.23 1.93 15.45 10.86

15.Ranga Reddy 1.47 9.25 6.40 7.89 6.76 26.30 15.95 6.53 10.07

16. Hyderabad 6.35 7.97 9.38 7.58 3.09 17.58 13.31 10.51 9.47

17. Medak -8.08 5.56 -1.06 16.71 2.78 8.58 11.61 12.24 6.04

18. Nizamabad 13.02 -0.67 1.57 -0.20 3.75 22.64 8.64 11.49 7.53

19. Adilabad 8.07 12.47 -2.62 16.65 -5.00 19.27 11.36 10.01 8.78

20. Karimnagar 0.28 1.67 2.40 12.68 -6.71 32.65 8.51 6.31 7.22

21. Warangal 17.66 -0.76 -3.86 16.67 -2.03 18.93 6.45 11.59 8.08

22.Khammamm 6.15 7.77 2.89 11.15 4.51 9.26 8.43 8.96 7.39

23. Nalgonda 5.65 2.90 -2.65 9.82 11.25 20.07 7.87 14.23 8.64

Telangana 5.11 5.66 2.63 10.24 2.53 20.42 10.21 10.27 8.38

Andhra Pradesh 8.16 4.22 2.73 9.35 8.15 10.24 11.16 10.75 8.09

Source: Government of Andhra Pradesh Directorate of Economics and Statistics “District Domestic Product of Andhra Pradesh 1999-200 to 2007-08



33

The average annual growth for the period 1999-2000 to 2007-08 was found to be the highest in the Rayalaseema region (9.77) followed by Telangana (8.38) and Coastal Andhra (7.40) in that order. A close examination of the year-wise growth rates reveals that the higher than the State average growth in Telangana region is entirely on account of the steep increase in the growth in 2005-06. The growth in this year in Telangana was as high as 20.42 per cent as compared with the State average of 10.24 per cent. In sharp contrast, the growth in 2005-06 in Andhra and Rayalaseema regions was 3.92 and 2.36 per cent respectively. If we take out the year 2005-06, growth in Telangana will be the lowest. An abnormal growth in just one year cannot prove that Telangana is growing faster than the other two regions. An examination of the composition of growth in the districts reveals that the higher growth in 2005-06 in Telangana was entirely on account increase in the agricultural GSDP. The higher than normal growth in the agricultural sector in 2005-06 is highly suspect. We present below the composition of growth in the year 2005-06 by districts (Table 4.2).

Table 4.2: GROSS DISTRICT DOMESTIC PRODUCT OF ANDHRA PRADESH AT CONSTANT (1999-2000) PRICES FROM AGRICULTURE: (Rs. in Lakh)

District 1999-2000

2000-01 2001-02 2002-03 2003-

04 2004-05 2005-06

2006-07 (R)

2007-08 (P)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1 Srikakulam 57809 66166 71263 56125 83220 75506 70978 93253 99366

2 Vizianagaram 67658 61718 62976 54909 66874 80787 66641 80226 86450

3 Visakhapatnam 70971 84656 67686 46718 70709 90924 71566 84415 89832

4 East Godavari 189843 205825 192683 169489 235372 189035 188434 233117 225763

5 West Godavari 208141 214839 199876 181051 222558 213057 197803 226563 227772

6 Krishna 197330 192601 168153 159483 125905 158888 188605 186457 200443

7 Guntur 245737 245407 288012 197182 265938 260484 304098 317668 339753

8 Prakasam 108894 132414 137751 93528 122926 177782 167547 186194 185704

9 Nellore 83944 83335 106643 99104 82708 120248 116488 130890 130380

Andhra 1230328 1286960 1295042 1057587 1276209 1366711 1372160 1538783 1585463

10 Chittoor 89469 133056 97803 75933 72281 136095 90459 92500 122917

11 Kadapa 85278 109126 87964 82284 91276 116895 89632 96733 145226

12 Ananthapur 89896 195558 112993 88924 95261 223823 131111 101195 268393

Rayalaseema 1494971 1724700 1593802 1304728 1535028 1843524 1683362 1829211 2121999

13 Kurnool 123372 170653 170862 139132 164929 153873 199776 168776 250266

14 Mahaboobnagar 69799 104550 86596 79616 94409 64163 124340 107598 174286

15 Ranga Reddy 52349 46416 49168 37233 46922 29617 60645 63836 68317

16 Hyderabad 22 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 1531

17 Medak 74550 88243 89158 74272 93931 125904 95942 93247 134634

18 Nizamabad 85897 97035 79410 47662 61027 52780 96643 94641 120522

19 Adilabad 70219 58726 82213 63633 98962 76568 121726 121657 140334

20 Karimnagar 147458 150797 120129 94485 134728 46061 189990 197768 222760

21 Warangal 110935 146549 119497 81006 129308 82040 137417 140221 159774

22 Khammam 107987 109753 101742 62446 104775 107295 132345 143921 165853

23 Nalgonda 92019 108666 93276 70314 82297 101534 153118 156421 212450

Telangana 811235 910744 821191 610667 846359 685962 1112167 1119311 1400462

Andhra Pradesh 5154876 5817758 5474699 4416841 5357554 5893594 6050826 6485293 7480188



34

Annual Growth

Andhra 4.60 0.63 -18.34 20.67 7.09 0.40 12.14 3.03

Rayalaseema -19.08 -7.59 -18.14 17.65 20.10 -8.68 8.66 16.01

Telangana 12.26 -9.83 -25.64 38.59 -18.95 62.13 0.64 25.12

AP 12.86 -5.90 -19.32 21.30 10.00 2.67 7.18 15.34

Growth of GSDP from agriculture sector is much more stable in Andhra region as compared with the Telangana region as may be observed from the fluctuations in the annual growth rates of agricultural GSDP. A dip in agricultural growth in a year on account of drought or pest attacks or for any other reason results in a higher growth in the following year because of the base effect. This may pull up the overall growth of the GSDP. For instance, agricultural GSDP was estimated to have grown by as much as 62.13 per cent in 2005-06 in the Telangana region from a negative growth of 18.95 in 2004-05. If the abnormal year of 2005-06 is left out, then the average growth of GSDP in Telangana region will be the lowest in the period 1999-2000 to 2007-08. Agriculture sector contributes over 25 per cent of the GSDP in the Telangana region. The above analysis clearly demonstrates that the GSDP growth in the Telangana region is not higher than that in the remaining two regions. Because of predominance of rainfed agriculture in the Telangana region and dependence on wells, growth of agriculture in the region is highly fluctuating. The incidence of farmer suicides is much higher in the region. Contribution of the Mining Sector The growth of GSDP in certain districts of Telangana is driven more by the mining sector and not by the interventions of the Government as claimed by the vested interests in the Andhra region, who are now pushing the idea of continuance of United Andhra Pradesh. We present below the contribution of the mining sector to the growth of the State income.

Table 4.3: GROSS DISTRICT DOMESTIC PRODUCT OF ANDHRA PRADESH FROM MINING AND QUARRYING AT CURRENT PRICES (% Contribution)

District 1999-2000

2000-01

2001-02

2002-03

2003-04

2004-05

2005-06

2006-07 (R)

2007-08 (P)

Average

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1 Srikakulam 1.35 1.13 1.25 1.56 1.75 1.70 1.35 0.84 1.48 1.38

2 Vizianagaram 0.65 0.70 0.52 0.48 0.63 0.64 0.76 0.57 0.58 0.61

3 Visakhapatnam 2.26 1.90 0.97 1.08 1.32 1.08 0.82 0.50 1.21 1.24

4 East Godavari 10.81 11.22 10.49 13.38 11.48 11.00 9.96 6.53 5.04 9.99

5 West Godavari 0.79 0.58 0.88 1.47 0.72 0.15 0.19 0.46 0.87 0.68

6 Krishna 2.37 2.65 1.54 1.37 1.37 1.05 1.12 0.91 3.83 1.80

7 Guntur 3.15 2.76 2.76 2.83 1.99 1.66 1.56 1.21 0.91 2.09

8 Prakasam 1.97 2.62 2.99 3.87 5.11 5.77 6.22 6.12 6.80 4.61

9 Nellore 0.18 0.23 0.82 0.56 0.18 0.15 0.12 0.13 0.72 0.34

Andhra 23.53 23.79 22.22 26.61 24.55 23.21 22.10 17.26 21.45 22.75



35

10 Chittoor 1.47 1.11 1.38 1.43 1.28 0.40 0.36 1.01 1.48 1.10

11 Kadapa 1.16 1.73 1.86 1.68 1.95 2.04 2.50 33.61

28.01

8.28

12 Ananthapur 0.48 0.49 0.69 0.85 1.66 1.89 3.76 2.98 2.13 1.66

13 Kurnool 3.20 3.14 4.54 3.49 3.56 3.86 8.14 3.43 4.10 4.16

Rayalaseema 6.32 6.48 8.47 7.44 8.44 8.20 14.77 41.02 35.72 15.21

14 Mahaboob nagar

0.03 0.13 0.12 0.03 0.71 2.40 5.82 1.59 1.98 1.42

15 Ranga Reddy 0.72 1.61 2.24 2.31 2.38 2.32 2.56 2.51 2.74 2.15

16 Hyderabad 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

17 Medak 0.60 1.24 0.43 0.58 0.62 0.49 0.52 0.66 0.89 0.67

18 Nizamabad 0.02 0.03 0.34 0.52 0.72 0.63 0.88 0.95 0.95 0.56

19 Adilabad 13.83 14.73 14.21 11.46 13.07 9.58 7.99 6.18 6.75 10.87

20 Karimnagar 28.48 24.89 25.00 24.58 23.46 26.02 21.39 14.64 13.50 22.44

21 Warangal 1.49 2.10 1.99 2.06 2.26 3.90 3.67 2.20 3.41 2.56

22 Khammam 23.88 23.58 23.51 22.68 21.99 21.22 18.47 11.56 11.14 19.78

23 Nalgonda 1.10 1.44 1.47 1.74 1.79 2.04 1.84 1.43 1.47 1.59

Telangana

70.15 69.74 69.31 65.95 67.01 68.59 63.13 41.72 42.83 62.05

Andhra Pradesh 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00


The contribution of the Telangana region to the total GSDP generated in the State from the mining and quarrying sector is more than 62 per cent. The benefit of mining and mining income has mostly gone to the other regions of the State and the local people ended up landing low paid jobs in the mining sector. The mining sector has adversely affected ecology and environment of the region. The adverse effects of open cast mining have again and again been emphasized in the various fora with no effect. While the mining sector in the Telangana region has helped the other two regions, costs of environmental degradation are borne by the Telangana region. The three districts in Telangana, namely, Karimnagar, Khammam and Adilabad contribute on an average nearly 53 per cent of the State income from the mining sector. Obviously, the growth of GSDP in these Telangana districts is driven by the mining sector. To attribute that growth in these districts is promoted by State intervention is nothing but utter falsehood perpetuated by vested interests from the Andhra region. Per Capita Income by Districts The figures of levels of per capita income in districts are used erroneously to conclude that the income levels are higher in the Telangana region. Such conclusions are not only erroneous but do not take into account the variations in the contribution of different sectors and the distribution of income among different sections of the society.



36

Table 4.4: PER CAPITA INCOME OF ANDHRA PRADESH AT FACTOR COST BY KIND OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AT CURRENT PRICES

(Rupees )

Sl.No. District 1999-2000

2000-2001

2001-2002

2002-2003

2003-2004

2004-05

2005-06

2006-07 (R)

2007-08 (P)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1 Srikakulam 10394 12224 13017 13421 15724 17728 17887 20752 24298

2 Vizianagaram 10903 11821 13309 13608 15597 19229 19471 22521 25498

3 Visakhapatnam 18536 22427 24193 27455 33031 38571 39815 44999 51146

4 East Godavari 17583 18537 20367 22472 25367 28003 28771 32706 36335

5 West Godavari 17932 19487 19706 22160 26040 28087 27684 30933 36898

6 Krishna 18964 20504 22590 24961 24392 27517 31615 35703 41139

7 Guntur 16401 18231 20498 19125 22301 24162 25928 29023 32277

8 Prakasam 13695 16493 17644 17342 19794 24833 26991 31651 35472

9 Nellore 15709 17483 20365 22313 22880 24083 26341 31587 34442

10 Chittoor 13296 15948 16952 16826 19013 21672 21170 23609 28147

11 Kadapa 13425 15476 15288 16254 17797 20860 20448 41757 46305

12 Ananthapur 11929 15817 15203 15530 17270 22589 21541 23267 32255

13 Kurnool 12093 14010 15184 15285 17247 18257 22820 23222 29362

14 Mahaboobnagar 10007 11835 13232 13772 14918 15718 21366 21962 27959

15 Ranga Reddy 19122 19713 21837 22852 25245 26462 33338 37810 43400

16 Hyderabad 20959 22914 25743 28990 31975 33092 38375 44767 51856

17 Medak 21789 20490 22724 22754 27654 28914 31781 35123 42052

18 Nizamabad 12411 14310 14759 15051 15623 16269 19856 21858 26241

19 Adilabad 12951 14202 16106 15983 19252 18294 22144 24262 29187

20 Karimnagar 17043 17583 18610 19093 22049 20845 27703 29773 33844

21 Warangal 12081 14414 14547 14343 17459 17042 20213 22047 26306

22 Khammam 17796 19315 21297 21915 25347 25944 29384 31903 37194

23 Nalgonda 13765 15145 16145 15703 17850 19735 25007 27510 34138

Andhra Pradesh 15427 17195 18573 19434 21931 23925 26662 30439 35600


Per capita income in five out of the ten Telangana districts is lower than the State average. The higher than the State average income in the districts of Hyderabad, Ranga Reddy and Medak is not because of higher levels of development but because of the location of industrial units, IT sector and the Central and State Government offices. Medak is one of the chronically drought affected and backward districts in the State and to dub it as developed just because its percapita income is higher than the State average is a classic example of how one can misinterpret the data. The higher than average



37

income in the districts of Karimnagar and Khammam is on account of the contribution of the mining sector as already submitted in a previous paragraph. The higher than the State average income in Nalgonda can also be attributed to the industrial units in the districts mostly in the areas adjoining the capital city of Hyderabad. Despite the location of the capital city, the percapita income of Hyderabad was lower than that of Visakhapatnam. It is only in the provisional estimates of 2007-08 that the per capita income of Hyderabad city has marginally exceeded that of Visakhapatnam. This marginal increase can be attributed to the public administration sector which has witnessed increase in the salary levels of government employees. In the case of State government, there was the effect of the interim relief granted by the Government and in the case of Central Government there was revision of pay scales following the implementation of the recommendations of the Sixth Central Pay Commission. The per capita income of Hyderabad, Ranga Reddy and Medak districts can go up if there is an increase in the salaries of government employees and salaries of the private sector. The higher per capita income following higher payments to employees cannot be considered development. It does not in any way boost the incomes of the common man for whom the development should reach. We present below the contribution of the services sector in the GSDP of Hyderabad and Ranga Reddy districts.

Table 4.5: Percentage Contribution of the Services Sector to GSDP 2007-08 Sector Hyderabad Ranga Reddy Andhra Pradesh

Public Administration 7.03 2.60 3.97

Banking 7.60 3.92 5.24

Real Estate 28.90 13.05 8.31

Other Services 38.19 31.36 31.31

Total Service Sector 81.72 50.93 48.83

The contribution of the services sector in the GSDP has been predominant in the districts of Hyderabad and Ranga Reddy. In Hyderabad services sector’s contribution is nearly 82 per cent as compared with the State average of about 49 per cent. In the districts of Hyderabad and Ranga Reddy, real estate sector has been a major contributor to the GSDP. The real estate sector is dominated by the people from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions. The speculative purchase of land in and around Ranga Reddy district has completely displaced the poor farmers. They have lost their only source of livelihood. Still Andhra vested interests call this development in the districts of Hyderabad and Ranga Reddy. Growth rates have lost much of their relevance as indicators of development. Firstly, the estimation of district-wise growth rates and per capita income are not robust. The limitations of district-wise estimates are mentioned in the Publication of the Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Government of Andhra Pradsh, viz., “District Domestic Product of Andhra Pradesh (1999-2000 to 2007-08)”. These limitations are lack of availability of district level data in respect of a number of sectors. In the absence of district-wise distribution of sectoral information, the Directorate of Economics and Statistics which



38

compiles the district-wise estimates adopts proxy indicators to apportion the State income across the districts. As such, these estimates are only broad approximations. In addition, in most cases data are available with a gap. Hence, the estimates for the latest years are revised as and when relevant data become available. The second major limitation of the per capita income is that it does not take into account the highly unequal distribution of incomes. For example, the higher per capita income in Hyderabad district is on account of the higher per head salaries of IT personnel, Central and State Government employees and other engaged in the service sector. The number of persons employed in high paying jobs may be small in relation to the population of Hyderabad but it has the effect of boosting the average per capita income because of the highly skewed distribution of incomes. Because of the above reasons, the focus has shifted from income to human development as an indicator of development all over the world. Ultimately it is quality of life by an average citizen and his or her access to common minimum facilities. The higher levels of income of a section of the population are meaningless when a majority of the people is denied access to even basic minimum needs. We, therefore, present below the lack of availability of facilities in the Telangana region. Literacy Rates in Andhra Pradesh Literacy rate continues to remain the lowest in the Telangana despite claims of development of educational facilities in the region. Region-wise literacy rates are presented in the Table below.

Table 4.6: Literacy Rates in the Regions of Andhra Pradesh

Region 1981 2001

Male Female Total Male Female Total

Andhra 40.93 24.53 32.78 71.38 55.69 63.58

Rayalaseema 40.96 17.44 29.47 72.68 48.04 60.53

Telangana 35.85 16.31 26.22 69.49 47.77 58.77

Andhra Pradesh

39.03 20.18 29.72 70.32 50.43 60.47

Source: Government of Andhra Pradesh, Statistical Abstract, 2009

Mahabubnagar district has the lowest literacy rate of 44.4 in the entire State as against the State average of 60.47. The other districts in Telangana, where the literacy rate is lower than 55 are Medak, Nizamabad, Adilabad and Karimnagar. Excepting Ranga Reddy and Hyderabad districts, all the districts in Telangana have literacy rates lower than the State average. The higher literacy rates in Hyderabad and Ranga Reddy districts can be attributed to the high concentration of people from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions and other States of the country. Literacy is the key to the human resource development. Low literacy in Telangana clearly



39

demonstrates the failure of the State Government to development adequate facilities in the region. Drop Out Rates in Classes I-V, V-VII and I-X Telangana region suffers from high dropout rates across all classes. The drop out rate in Telangana region is very high at 22.16 in classes I to V as compared with the State average of 15.65. The dropout rate for all classes from I to X is 62.39 in Telangana as compared with the State average of 60.73. In terms of dropout rate, Telangana ranks the highest as compared with the other two regions in all the segments. The reason for the high dropout rate is the practice of parents withdrawing children from schools to support the family. Details are presented in the Table below.

Table 4.7: Dropout Rates- 2008-09 (Percent)

Region Classes I-V Classes I-VII Classes I-X

Coastal Andhra 6.72 28.98 56.27

Rayalaseema 13.07 29.43 54.30

Telangana 22.16 39.14 62.39

Andhra Pradesh 15.65 34.89 60.73

Source: Government of Andhra Pradesh, Statistical Abstract 2009. Note: Dropout rate is calculated as simple average of the district-dropout rates for each region. Infrastructure Index The “Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007” has worked out two composite infrastructure indices at the district level in Andhra Pradesh. The Composite Index I is an unweighted average of the seven indicators representing infrastructure facilities in the districts of Andhra Pradesh, namely, population density, road density, percentage of gross irrigated area to gross cropped area, percentage of villages electrified, number of commercial bank branches per lakh population, number of telephone connections per lakh of population and number of post offices per lakh of population. Composite Index II includes indicators representing education and health infrastructure in addition to the seven indicators covered under Composite Index I. A majority of Telangana districts are at the bottom of most indices. Seven of the ten districts of Telangana have composite index-II lower the State average. Table 4.8 presents infrastructure indices for the districts of Andhra Pradesh.

Table 4.8: District-wise Infrastructure Indices in Andhra Pradesh-2004 Region/District PD RD GIA Power Bank TP PO CI-I CI-II

Andhra

1. Srikakulam 435 973 47.6 99.9 5.39 1735 20 1.05 0.984

2. Vizianagaram 343 685 34.5 100.0 7.86 4055 18 1.01 1.022

3.Vishakhapatnam 344 704 37.6 99.7 5.78 1948 34 1.02 0.990

4.East Godavari 454 745 62.6 100.0 6.96 7741 18 1.29 1.158

5.West Godavari 491 948 87.1 100.0 7.50 8888 20 1.50 1.272

6.Krishna 480 840 51.3 100.0 8.57 5199 20 1.24 1.034

7.Guntur 392 748 46.6 100.0 7.58 4328 19 1.10 1.026

8.Prakasam 174 616 25.5 99.9 7.58 3157 29 0.92 0.960

9.Nellore 204 596 70.1 99.5 7.72 3985 29 1.12 1.173



40

Rayalaseema

1.Chittoor 247 772 37.0 99.6 6.93 3922 24 1.01 1.100

2.Kadapa 169 523 32.9 99.9 6.50 3637 32 0.93 1.012

3.Anantapur 190 538 12.5 99.8 6.15 2731 26 0.79 0.848

4.Kurnool 200 497 21.3 100.0 6.06 2743 22 0.79 0.875

Telangana

1.Mahabubnagar 191 645 21.7 100.0 5.44 2259 24 0.81 0.837

2.Ranga Reddy 477 795 25.9 99.8 6.03 6937 12 1.09 0.921

3.Hyderabad 17649 959 -- 100.0 15.5 12617 4 10.2 1.398

4.Medak 275 747 29.3 100.0 6.07 2749 22 0.92 0.916

5.Nizamabad 295 696 59.2 99.9 6.98 3696 20 1.06 1.021

6.Adilabad 154 519 13.3 100.0 5.74 2789 21 0.73 0.844

7.Karimnagar 295 755 55.8 100.0 5.39 3811 21 1.04 0.972

8.Warangal 253 648 59.6 99.9 5.82 3233 23 1.01 1.037

9.Khammam 161 564 43.0 100.0 6.28 3340 23 0.90 0.945

10. Nalgonda 228 772 42.1 99.9 5.72 3121 23 0.95 0.939

Andhra Pradesh 277 666 39.8 100.0 7.08 4121 21 1.000 1.000

Note:=Population Density; RD=Road Density; GIA=Percentage of Gross Irrigated Area to the Gross Cropped Area; Power=Percentage of villages connected with Electricity; Bank=Number of Commercial Bank Branches available per Lakh Population; TP= Number of Telephone Connections per Lakh Population; PO= Numberof Post Offices per Lakh Population; CI-I=Composite Index of seven indicators mantiond above; CI-II includes above seven plus two

more indicators representing education and health infrastructure. Source: Centre of Economic and Social Studies” Human Development Report 2007- Andhra Pradesh.”

Migration to Telangana Migration is generally believed to be induced by the underdevelopment. The origin of migration is from an underdeveloped region to a developed region either within the State or outside the State. Understanding migration dynamics provides useful insights into the development dynamics in a regional perspective5. As brought out in a Study by James, there was net out migration from the State to other State to the tune of about 23 lakh in the decade 1981-91. In the earlier decades also the magnitude of out migration from Andhra Pradesh was around 20 lakh each. The extent of migration was thus not significant in any decade. What was significant was the extent of inter-district migration within the State. Contrary to the popular belief, the migration was from the developed coastal districts to the Telangana districts. The extent of migration compiled by James and Subramanian from the Census documents is presented in the Table below.

5 James KS and Subramanian SV, “ Towards a Demographic Transition” in “ C. H. Hanumantha Rao and S.

Mahendra Dev (Edited) “Andhra Pradesh Development-Economic Reforms and Challenges Ahead”- Centre for

Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad.2003.



41

Table 4.9: Percentage of Inter-Regional In and Out Net Migrants Among Males to Total Male Population in the Regions of Andhra Pradesh, 1981 and 1991.

1981 1991 Increse 1991 over 1981

Regions

In Out Net In Out Net

North Coastal Andhra

2.73 3.53 -0.80 2.68 3.05 -0.38 0.31

South Coastal Andhra

2.08 3.68 -1.61 1.64 3.87 -2.23 -0.99

Rayalaseema 1.42 1.46 -0.04 1.15 1.56 -0.41 -0.42

South Telangana 3.86 2.42 1.44 4.58 1.10 3.48 2.76

North Telangana 3.67 1.82 1.86 2.68 1.89 0.79 -0.77

Source: James KS and Subramanian, Towards a Dmographic Transition.

Net migration was found only in the South and North Telangana regions. These regions received more migrants from the other regions of the State. As the capital city is located in the South Telangana, one can expect migration from the other regions. But what is surprising is that there was net migration even to the North Telangana from the other regions of the State. It is strange that while one would expect more of out-migration from underdeveloped regions to developed pockets, nearly a reverse trend is observed in the case of Andhra Pradesh. It is common knowledge that farmers in the coastal Andhra where the land values were higher sold off their meagre land holding and acquired much bigger holdings in the Telangana region at much lower prices. This is a case of how gullible poor farmers were deprived of their land holdings in Telangana. The migration was not restricted in the case of government jobs and agricultural lands but extended to commercial establishments and real estate. Human Development Index The accepted notion of what constitutes development has undergone a paradigm shift in recent times. The concept of development has been extended to be more comprehensive and go beyond the mere material dimension of increase in per capita income. It is not the income alone that represents development but development should encompass many more things, such as, quality of life, opportunities for a decent living, health and educational standards. A number of States have already brought out Human Development Reports presenting the human development indices (HDI). The first Human Development Report for Andhra Pradesh was brought out in 2008. This report presents the composite HDI for different districts of the State. The Human Development Index for the districts of Andhra Pradesh is presented in Table 4.10

Table4.10: Human Development Index

Index Value Rank Region/Districts

Period I Period II Period I Period II

Andhra

1. Srikakulam 0.269 0.453 21 21

2.Vizianagaram 0.236 0.402 23 22

3.Visakhapatnam 0.383 0.533 15 11

4.East Godavari 0.411 0.586 11 6

5.West Godavari 0.448 0.607 7 4

6.Krishna 0.510 0.623 2 2



42

7.Guntur 0.490 0.599 3 5

8.Prakasam 0.409 0.532 12 14

9.Nellore 0.452 0.565 4 8

Rayalaseema

1.Chittor 0.451 0.558 6 10

2.Kadapa 0.447 0.536 9 13

3.Anantapur 0.343 0.458 19 20

4.Kurnool 0.327 0.473 20 19

Telangana

1.Mahabubnagar 0.249 0.397 22 23

2.Ranga Reddy 0.452 0.610 5 3

3.Hyderabad 0.591 0.717 1 1

4.Medak 0.385 0.550 13 12

5.Nizamabad 0.383 0.504 14 16

6.Adilabad 0.361 0.488 16 17

7.Karimnagar 0.448 0.573 8 7

8.Warangal 0.349 0.514 18 15

9.Khammam 0.420 0.559 10 9

10.Nalgonda 0.360 0.481 17 18

Andhra Pradesh 0.402 0.537

Note: Computed using district per capita income adult literacy and school attendance and infant mortality rates. Source: Human Development Report 2007-Andhra Pradesh.

The two periods for which the HDI is computed are 1993-94 and 2004-06. As stated in the Human Development Report 2007 “In most districts of south coastal Andhra, the HDI was higher than the State average”. Most Telangana districts are at the bottom of the rankings. The position of Mahabubnagar, Nizamabad, Adilabad and Nalgonda slipped between the two periods in terms of the rankings and these districts have much lower HDI as compared with the State average. Telangana has the dubious distinction of having the lowest and highest HDI. Mahabubnagar is at the bottom of all the districts in the State. The highest HDI in Hyderabad is entirely on account of the location of the capital city and the IT industry. Furthermore, the beneficiaries of higher incomes in Hyderabad city are mostly the people from outside the region of Telangana. Hyderabad is an outlier in most respects. Status of Irrigation The irrigated area in Telangana is lower than in Andhra region. The predominant source of irrigation in the Telangana region is wells. Irrigation from wells is expensive as it involves capital cost as well as maintenance. Wells are developed with private investment. In contrast, bulk of the area in the Andhra region is canal irrigated which is developed with public investment. Dependence on well irrigation makes agriculture expensive and risky because of the uncertain and dwindling ground water reserves. Details are presented in Table 4.11.

Table 4.11: Source-Wise Area Irrigated 2008-09 (In hectares) Region Tanks Canals Tube wells Dug wells OtherSources Total

Andhra 364299 1255990 512634 65288 106908 2305119

Rayalaseema 45491 139878 366982 67990 12401 632742

Telangana 238019 273579 730437 579837 60518 1882390

Total 647809 1669447 1610053 7131115 179827 4820251



43

Percentage share of different sources of Irrigation

Andhra 15.80 54.49 22.24 2.83 4.64 100.00

Rayalaseema 7.19 22.11 58.00 10.75 1.96 100.00

Telangana 12.64 14.53 38.80 30.80 3.21 100.00

Total 13.44 34.63 33.40 14.79 3.73 100.00

Total Area Irrigated as Percentage of the Net Sown Area

Andhra 57.34

Rayalaseema 22.88

Telangana 46.40

Total 44.46

Over 69 per cent of the area is irrigated by wells in Telangana as compared with 25 per cent in the Andhra region. Nearly 55 per cent of the area is irrigated by canals in the Andhra region as compared with just 14 per cent in the Telangana region. Thus, the benefit of public investment in irrigation has mostly gone to the Andhra region. The percentage of area irrigated by all sources remains lower at 46 per cent in Telangana as compared with over 57 per cent in the Andhra region. Another distressing story is the steep decline in the area irrigated by tanks in the Telangana region. The following figures will bring out the extent of reduction. Table 4.12: Area Irrigated by Tanks in the Telangana Region (In hectares)

Year Area Irrigated by Tanks

1956-57 447,236

1961-62 411,494

1971-72 448,368

1981-82 349,730

1991-92 392,212

2001-02 269,492

2008-09 238,019 The area irrigated by tanks in the Telangana region has become half of what it was in 1957-58. This is the result of the Government totally neglecting the maintenance of tanks in the Telangana region. There was also willful neglect of tanks to promote urbanization of land. This has adversely affected the farmers in the Telangana region. The farmers lost an inexpensive source of irrigation developed from ancient times for ever. There is no ground water recharge as a result of the wanton neglect of the maintenance of tanks by the Government. Concluding Submissions The story of Telangana development of is one of total neglect. It lacks infrastructure. It suffered loss of traditional sources of irrigation without a commensurate increase in other sources. Its human development is at the lowest level. This is the result of the continued neglect of the region by the Andhra rulers. Even after the end of the British rule, Telangana continues to be a colony of the Andhra region. This more than explains why Andhra vested interest does not want statehood for Telangana despite there being no popular support for a United Andhra Pradesh in their region.



44

TELANGANA : JUSTICE DENIED, DELAYED & MISUNDERSTOOD:

Dr. B. BABU RAO VARMA, freedom fighter, former Member, National Backward Classes

Commission & Expert Member, TCMG seg says:

“There is equality only among equals. To equate unequals is to perpetuate inequality”. Telangana has gone through a series of struggles right from 1942 to 2010 for various causes. Telangana has proved that it has the nerve to keep on fighting for a rightful cause till objective achieved. The recent separate state movement has witnessed, agitations and suicides and suffering suicides and more losses than the movement of 1969-70. Their blood has flown in the struggle for civil liberties, Razakar movement. Hyderabad freedom struggle and its merger with Indian Union, the Telangana armed struggle Mulki agitation, separate Telangana movement of 1969-70 and current movement for separate statehood to Telangana. It is fervently hoped that Justice Srikrishna panel will put an end to these agitational forces of all regions so that each region can peacefully settle down and strengthen the productive forces in every field for the development with human face and securing the social justice to the poorest among the poor. Terms of reference: The third term of reference of Justice Srikirshna Committee deals with more serious aspect of social justice than others as it reads: “To examine the impact of development on women, children, students, minorities, SC, ST, other Backward Classes etc.” The SC, ST, BC & Minority population is evidently more in Telangana than in other two regions and acquires importance in the matter of social justice for their educational, social, economic and political empowerment.

Rural Telangana has faced constant repression for one reason or the other reason. Educational institutions have been closed for months during the agitations and protests. Reasons for educational and employment backwardness have to be studied, as they have suffered at the hands of the vested interests and other capitalist agencies from the other regions. The subject of social justice is the theme of our constitution which envisages equality fraternity irrespective of caste and creed. Social justice has to ensure the equality of life, for the poorest among the poor on par with other sections of the society. The doctrine of equality and social justice has many Facets. It is dynamic, and evolving concept and its main facets, relevant to our society, have been referred to in the preamble. Social, economic, equality and political” is the sum total of the aspirations incorporated in Directive Principles of State Policy (Part IV). The directive principals envisage the state responsibility towards the socialistic pattern of society. The principle of equality fraternity and social justice is the theme of our constitution. Over the years but we have not honoured our commitments made in the



45

constitution to the people of India. The problems of poverty, illiteracy, infant mortality lack of job opportunities still haunt us. Inspite of so-called development, regional disparities in development have been growing in India specially the post-reform period. The feeling of injustice is greater among the educated classes i.e. students, teachers, NGOs and professional in general. This is explained by the increasing awareness leading to greater sensitivity to ‘discrimination’ in respect of employment and promotions or careers prospects, due to certain status and power. In as much as public employment always gave the rising importance of the services sector. The so called targets of development intended for social, educational, economic political empowerment of backward classes, Schedules Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Minorities have not reached the desired goals. Inclusive Social Justice: Social inclusiveness cannot be achieved so far in bigger states because of the disadvantaged sections remained fragmented. Smaller states, Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Uttaranchal carved out Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and U.P. have achieved growth rates for exceeding the targets earmarked in the tenth plan than their parent states. It has been experience in Andhra Pradesh that traditionally entrenched interests are perpetuated in bigger States because of their easy connectivity arising from their access to large resources, power and influence. The weaker sections on the other hand can come together organize themselves and raise their voices effectively in relatively small states because of their numbers and strength. Tribals in AP are the most disadvantaged section socially and economically with neglected political voice. They live in remote areas and are subjected to land alienation on a large scale. The ST constituted around 9% of population in Telangana as against 5% in the rest of the State as per 2001 census. Thus 60% of ST population of Andhra Pradesh is concentrated in Telangana and in the Statewood of Telangana, their voices can be expected to be more effective because of their representations in the state legislature and other elected bodies at different levels would be proportionately greater. Similarly, in case with Muslims who constitute 12.5% in Telangana when compared to 6.9% in rest of Andhra Pradesh. Although 60% of Muslims of Andhra Pradesh live in Telangana, of whom 60% are spread over in different districts other than Hyderabad. They can be expected to have greater political clout in separate state. At the time of the formation of the Andhra Pradesh, the BC list of Telangana consisted of 60, communities and some more have been added. The list contained mostly small occupational groups, including aboriginal and Vimukjitha Jathis nomadic and seminomadic. The BCs who constitute more than 50% of population in Telangana can carve out fortunes by joining hands with the rest of the disadvantaged sections in the struggle for a better and more secured livelihood and empowerment.



46

Thus SC, ST & BC Minorities constitute not less than 85% in the state which will have greater access to the development. The political power asserts will infuse confidence to and articulate their problems. Thus separate Telangana is certainly ensures social inclusion and secularism. Budget allocations: The allotments made to the BC under various schemes for the last decade indicate that there is lot of gap between the budget and actual releases. It has been the experience that although allotments are shown in the budget for the welfare programme but their releases are far below and the savings if any have been mostly diverted to other regions. The occupational groups among the BC i.e. weavers, fishermen, barbers have been the worst. The BCs who constitute the small and marginal farmers have been worst sufferers and the suicide cases are high according to one report. Telangana region accounts for as many as 2/3rd total number of farmers and weavers suicides reported in the state between 1998-2006 (Galab). The promised house sites to the poor backward classes and minorities could not be achieved. To quote an example, Nirmal Industry is very famous and there are number of artisans from Nirmal, Adilabad District who make toys with cloth and wood dust and other material and they are also good painters. Nirmal paintings are very famous in the world. They were doing well in erstwhile Hyderabad state due to state patronage. Most of them are unemployed now on account of others seeking up such ventures. Another instant can be quoted about Tailors. In Hanumakonda there is on Tailor Street which had more than 100 tailor shops whose workmen were experts. Now latest position in the same tailor street hardly 10 tailors shops are there and the workers are striving employment in other garment making units. The small occupational groups of Telangana suffered at the hands of the powerful occupational group from Andhra Region like Fishermen and were also subject to discrimination at the hands of vested interested in power. Regarding the welfare aspect of the weaker sections, some measures have been taken for educational facilities but enough has not been done for their economic and political empowerment. BCs feel that they have been neglected in the matter of house sites, interest free loan to the artisans, land allotment. Political empowerment: BCs feel that they did not share political power in proportion to their population and at higher levels.



47

TELANGANA: WORLD RECOGNISED ADMINISTRATION FACED ILL – TREATMENT: There were several claims from other parts, as if they taught the people of Telangana, how to eat, live, how to breathe and how to die. A cursory look at available historical information will give some understanding: Here some input: AMERICAN LIBRARIES: REF: 035274mbp placed vivid history of Administrative reforms and transition of erstwhile Hyderabad state and their concern for public welfare and interest for development of infrastructure: Nawab Mir Mahboob Ali Khan was a progressive ruler of independent character and sound judgment, and during his rule an all-round progress in the administration as well as in the general welfare of the State was maintained. The system of revenue settlement was revised to the benefit of the peasantry; new irrigation works were constructed, and the old ones restored and improved; encouragement and impetus was given to industries and crafts; and railway system was developed. He paid particular attention to education. A number of schools were opened in the districts, and schools of medicine were founded both for men and women. He was anxious to further the cause of science in the State, and in 1889 he invited Dr. Lauder-Brunton and other eminent medical men to Hyderabad to investigate experimentally the effects of chloroform, to the cost of which he contributed Rs. 15,000. Large sums of money were spent on the reform of the judicature, the reorganisation of the Police, the exploiting of mineral resources, and overhauling the Abkari and Forest departments. The financial stability of the State was quite secure, and its cash deposits and securities which amounted to one crore and thirty lakhs in 1901 were increased to over five crores in 1910. His Exalted Highness appointed in his place Nawab Yusuf Ali Khan Bahadur, Salar Jung III, as Prime Minister. During the eleven years of Maharaja Sir Kishen Pershad Bahadur's ministry every branch of the Hyderabad administration was improved, and when the Viceroy, Lord Hardinge, visited Hyderabad in 1911, he congratulated him on the successful administration of the State as well as the remarkable advance made in so many directions. In his administration, the Nizam closely proceeded on the lines chalked out by the late Nizam as the result of which many and varied improvements were made in the State. During the quinquennium of His Exalted Highness' personal administration the financial condition of the State was made sound, and the currency, which is a unique institution of the State, was placed on a secure foundation. The total revenue collection in the Dominions averaged five crores per annum against an expenditure of a little over four crores, leaving a substantial surplus at the close of each official year so that the reserve fund at the end of the quinquennium amounted to three crores, the cash balances were



48

over two crores and Government investments stood at over seven crores. In public welfare departments, the educational system was thoroughly overhauled, the Medical department was reorganised and a sanitary department established, two lakhs of rupees were set apart for the City Improvement Trust, and the railway system was extended. And to improve the material and economic condition of the peasant and the poor such useful departments as Agricultural and Co-operative Credit Societies were created during this period. For five long years His Exalted Highness worked hard ever thinking in mind as to how the happiness and prosperity of the peoples of Hyderabad, in whose contentment and advancement the interest of the House of Asaf Jahi has from the earliest time been paternal and abiding, could be enhanced. His close and personal association with the administration of the State during this period revealed to him the many flaws in the existing constitution, and he set about thinking seriously to replace it by inaugurating such a system of administration as would not only secure greater efficiency, and ensure happiness to his people but also bear in mind the change of time, complexities of modern life, and new political perceptions. While the Montague-Chelrnsford reforms were agitating the mind of people in British India, the people in Hyderabad were anxiously looking forward to the announcement of a new constitution of Governmental machinery. It may be observed that in the long course of history since 1893 during which the constitution inaugurated by the late Nizam had been in operation, many abuses might have crept in, and in the light of progressive thought and political advancement in British India might have been found wanting. The principal flaw in the existing constitution lay in the highest deliberative body of the State, the Cabinet Council itself. It failed to function so usefully as was expected at the time of its creation because of its being merely a consultative body, without power to enforce its decisions and without responsibility for the consequences of their practical application. This aspect of the constitution was characterised by the Ruler as suggestive of those conditions of success which thought properly to constitute the foundation of every political structure intended for the prosecution of great objects and for the realization of large results, associated with the advancement of public welfare. Thus on 17th November 1919 the old Cabinet Council was dissolved and the administration entrusted to an Executive Council with a President. A constitution was promulgated defining cases which required His Exalted Highness' orders, cases which could be disposed of by the President and cases which must be referred to the Council, as well as the powers of the Council, its President and the Members, and their collective and individual responsibilities. Sir Ali Imam as ' Sadr-i-Azam ' or President of the Executive Council was expected to introduce reforms which would give shape to the progressive ideals of His Exalted Highness in matters of public administration.



49

Sir Ali's first measure of great importance was the separation of Judicial from Executive, a reform for which people in British India have been clamouring for the last half a century. The next President was Nawab Sir Faridoon Mulk Bahadur, who retired after a year. He was succeeded by Nawab Wali-ud-Daula Bahadur, and he continued to be the President till 1925 when Maharaja Sir Kishen Pershad Bahadur was once again honoured with the highest office of the State. In spite of his advanced age Maharaja Bahadur is still continuing to discharge his duties. The Council is at present composed of a President and six Members called 'Sadr-ul- Mohams' in charge of Finance, Law, Military, Revenue, Public Works and Political portfolios. The distribution of subjects among them is as follows: The Finance Member deals with Finance, Accounts, Treasury, Mint, and stamps, Electricity, Railways, Co-operation and Mines. The Law Member is in charge of Legislative Council, Legal advice, Judicial Committee, Judicial, Ecclesiastical, and Stamps and Registration departments. The Military Member has under him the Regular and Irregular troops, Educational including Osmania University and Observatory, Veterinary, Medical, and Postal departments. The Revenue Member has Land Revenue, Court of Wards, Jagir and Inams, Famine and Revenue Inspection, Settlement, Forests, Customs, Statistics, Local Funds, Industries and Commerce, Agriculture, Excise, and Police and Jails. The Public Works Member has under his supervision Public Works (Roads and Buildings), Irrigation, Flood and Water works, Telephone, and Electricity pertaining to districts. The Political Member is in charge of Political department, Hyderabad Municipal Corporation, City Improvement Board, and Public Gardens. The President is invested with the powers of the Chief controlling authority in the State and is responsible to the Nizam for the proper administration of the various departments of Government. All matters beyond the powers of departmental Members are referred to him for orders. He also carries on all correspondence between the Nizam's Government and the British Residency, a weekly statement of which has to be submitted to His Exalted Highness.



50

There is one Chief Secretary Peshi Department and ten Government Secretaries, Political, Financial, Judicial, Revenue, Secretary Legislative Department, P, W. General Branch, P. W. Irrigation Branch, Military, Commerce and Industries and Ecclesiastical. From 1919 up till September 17, 1948 the Executive Council continued to be the chief governing body of the State. During the last quarter century of His Exalted Highness' reign, Hyderabad has achieved an all-round progress and prosperity. A comparison of certain figures of expenditure at the date of his accession with those of the budget - 1935 will give an idea of the progress made. The sum annually spent on public education was then only 16 lakhs, and it was 90 lakhs per annum - 1935 on medicine and sanitation 8 lakhs, it was 26 lakhs; on agriculture 7 lakh, it was 9 lakhs; on Co-operative Credit Societies lakh, it was 4 lakhs ; on irrigation 231 lakhs, and it was 591 lakhs, exclusive of nearly five crores of rupees to sunk in major projects, the biggest being the Nizam Sagar, with 442 miles of canals. In matters of administration a definite advance, in keeping with the progressive growth of political thought and conceptions, has been made. In so doing, the structure has been built solidly, if not spectacularly, upon the bed-rock of living tradition and in harmony with the broad level of popular sentiment and conviction. As a result each new development was given a thorough trial ere the next advance was made, and the body politic spared the pain of rushing through too many innovations and hurried reforms without understanding. Hyderabad under the last ruler had been making a distinct contribution to the cultural development of India by its monumental work of conservation and preservation of ancient artistic and architectural remains, by its munificent support to the publication of many outstanding works of lasting merit on artistic and literary subjects, by liberal grants to several seats of Indian culture and learning, and by the foundation of a Vernacular University, all of them supported and encouraged by the Nizam himself. So rapid was the progress towards the stabilisation of the State finances that, Mr. Saunders, the Resident, in his Administration Report for 1869-70, wrote: "Not only was the Public Treasury full, but the annual income of the State exceeded the annual expenditure by about eight lakhs of rupees, while the credit of the State stood proportionately high”. One of Nizam's first assignments after he ascended to throne was to take Mokshagundam Visweswaraiah's advice on how to control the floods and use the excess floodwater. He undertook work of embankment of the Musi River and constructed Osman Sagar and Himayat Sagar Dams at Gandipet on Visweswaraiah's advice. It was



51

because of his foresight and commitment to the welfare of his people, old city suffered minimum damage in the recent floods. He also undertook some irrigation projects on the TungabhadraRiver. It is said that upto 11 percent of the Nizam's budget was spent on education. He set up many schools, colleges, universities including Osmania University and even a 'Department for Translation'. He made primary education compulsory and provided free of cost education to the weaker sections of the society. He made immense donations to many institutions such as the Jamia Nizamia, the Darul Uloom Deoband, the Banaras Hindu University and even to some universities abroad . The Nizam was responsible for starting earliest public sector undertakings such as Nizam Sugar Factory and Singareni Collieries. He set up the 'City Improvement Board' and replaced slums with planned colonies. Last Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan started his own bank called the 'Hyderabad State Bank', which is now referred as State Bank of Hyderabad. Hyderabad was the only state which had its own currency, the Hyderabadi rupee, in British India. During his reign, many major buildings like Osmania General Hospital, Andhra Pradesh High Court, Asafiya Library (now: State Central Library), Town Hall (now: Assembly Hall), Jubilee Hall, Hyderabad Museum (now: State Museum), and the magnificent Hyderabad House at New Delhi were built. The surpluses have been due to a careful regulation of public expenditure and the avoidance of any large addition to permanent recurring liabilities; and they have enabled the State to have large Reserves and Capital account, and to utilize them in productive schemes of public benefit. The capital outlay on the extension of railway lines and the construction of large irrigation projects alone during the 1923-35 approximates 11crores of rupees. The unfunded debt of the State is only 3 crores against which valuable assets exist in the railway lines and irrigation projects, and the investments in the different reserves exceeding 9 crores. "The only amount of debt outstanding'', says the Finance Member, Sir Akbar Hydari, in his last Budget Note, "which is uncovered by the amount at present at the credit of the Debt Redemption Reserve is about 3 crores payable between 1351-61 Fasli, while on the other hand not to mention railway but only one of the many irrigation projects constructed in the last decade the State has in Nizam Sagar alone, a capital asset which has cost over 43 crores."



52

TELANGANA JUDICIARY TREATED AS INFERIOR: The amalgamation of Telangana and Andhra states gave wrong treatment to Judiciary of erstwhile Hyderabad state.

After formation of the State of Andhra Pradesh, the Andhra High Court merged into Hyderabad High Court on November 5, 1956 and which were emerged as High Court of Andhra Pradesh. On the very first day of formation of High Court of Andhra Pradesh, the Judges of Telangana region namely Justice Syed Qamar Hasan (1946) Justice Manohar Pershad (1946) Justice Mohammed Amhed Ansari (1946) Justice A.Srinivasa Chari (1947) Justice P.Jagan Mohan Reddy (1952)

Were put to great injustice in placing their Seniority and made them Juniors to the Judges of Andhra Region namely

Justice P. Chandra Reddy (1949) Justice K. Umamaheshwaram (1953) Justice K. Bhimasankaram (1954) Justice P. Satyanarayana Raju (1954) Justice N.D.Krishna Rao (1955)

The years of appointments clearly shows that intentionally and deliberately made the Senior Judges of Telangana region as Juniors to the Judges of Andhra Region and due to which the Junior Judges of Andhra Region were became seniors and the Justice Koka Subba Rao, Justice, P.Chandra Reddy and Justice, P.Satyanarayana Raju became the initial Chief Justices of High Court of A.P. from the years 1956 to 1965. During their tenures the Chief Justices Systematically filled up the posts of judges of High Court, District Judges, Junior Civil Judges/Magistrates and staff in the High Court of A.P. with the Advocates/people of Andhra and Rayalaseema regions and the persons of Telangana Region could not get any appointments according to the due share to which they are entitled. As per the area and population the Telangana region entitled to 40% of all the posts. Till now about 170 Judges were appointed in High Court of A.P., but only 42 Judges were appointed from Telangana region. Similarly in the appointments of District Judges and Junior Civil Judges, great injustice done to the Advocates of Telangana Region. The present strength of the Judicial Officers in the State is as follows:

Cadre Total Telangana Andhra &

Rayalaseema

District Judges 235 27 208

Senior Civil Judges 231 25 206

Junior Civil Judges/ Munsif Magistrates

485 125 360



53

Infact being the chief Justice of High Court of A.P., he will have Independent Judicial and Administrative powers and the Judges of High Court belonging to Andhra & Rayalaseema Regions have deliberately taken steps to appoint the persons of their respective regions as Judicial Officers in the State depriving the Advocates of Telangana Region. They have also deliberately discriminated the Telangana Judicial Officers and Advocates in the appointments, promotions and postings. The police action in 1948 led Hyderabad state to be the integral part of Indian Union, for which the people of state waged struggle for 13 months after Indian Independence, did not bring them the Independent India administration. Though this did not cause any problem in the state, it opened the doors for outsiders to occupy government positions with little English and an acquaintance in the administration. Hyderabad state stamp papers were in use till 1958. There were very well established rules of Revenue and Survey, land records were care fully maintained and meticulous maps were in existence. But, the administration of Andhra Pradesh mischievously announced that the land records were defective and new records are to be built from 1962 onwards. This is the basis for the future mishandling and dubious records of Sarf - e- Khas and other types of lands in particular in and around Hyderabad. The onslaught is still on. Remedy to it is just separation.



54

TELANGANA SURPLUSES : SUSTAINED AP Introduction It may be recalled that the SRC expressed reservations about the merger of Telangana and Andhra regions to form Andhra Pradesh. The reservation was based on the fact that Telangana region had budgetary surpluses in sharp contrast to the budgetary deficits of the Andhra State and the apprehension that the Telangana surpluses would be diverted to the Andhra region once the composite State was formed. To mollify these apprehensions, the Gentlemen’s Agreement explicitly provided for the utilization of Telangana surpluses for the development of the region. But as things unfolded. the surpluses were diverted to the developed Andhra region depriving the backward Telangana region of its own resources. In no other country or State, such diversion of funds from a backward region to a developed region took place. It is always the norm that the resources of developed regions are used for the development of the backward regions. Recognising the need for balanced development, allocation of plan funds in any State is biased in favour of the backward regions. Across the States, allocation of plan assistance as well as transfers from the Finance Commission are structured in a manner that ensures higher allocations on a per capita basis to relatively backward States. But when it comes to Telangana, no norms operate here. Perhaps Andhra Pradesh is the only State in the entire country, where the resources from a backward region are diverted to a developed States. K. Lalit’s Report on Telangana Surpluses In the wake of the Jai Telangana Movement, the then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh Shri K. Brahmananda Reddy wrote a letter on January 21, 1969 to then Comptroller and Auditor General of India to depute an independent officer to determine the exact quantum of Telangana surpluses. In this letter, the Chief Minister had unambiguously admitted that there was underspending in the Telangana regions and the surpluses of the region were diverted to the other two regions of the State. The following are the extracts of the Chief Minister’s Letter to the C&AG. “During the past 12 years on account of various reasons certain surpluses have accrued to the credit of Telangana region as there has been underspending in that region. This has resulted in a certain amount of grievance from the people of this area. To resolve this issue as also other issues a meeting of the leaders of all political parties of the State was held a few days ago and certain agreements were arrived at. One of the points agreed to was that the Comptroller and Auditor General would be requested to depute an independent officer to determine the exact quantum of Telangana surpluses as per the principles agreed to by all the leaders…. I will be grateful if you can depute a senior officer not below the rank of the Accountant General for this purpose on such terms and conditions as you deem fit6”.

6 Government of Andhra Pradesh (1969) ‘Report on the Quantum of Telangana Surpluses for the Period From 1-

11-56 to 31-3-1968 (By K. Lalit)’.



55

The admission by the then Chief Minister that there was underspending in the Telangana region for various reasons is ample proof of the Big Brother attitude of the Andhra leadership. Obviously, there were no reasons for such underspending in the Telangana region, except deliberate attempts to defraud the people of Telangana. If there were any valid reasons, they should have been listed by the Government. The All-Party Accord arrived at on January 19 1969 contained principles on which the Telangana surplus funds would be determined. The principles were;

i) The existing method of allocation of expenditure and receipts to either region would continue. ii) The Telangana surpluses for each year will be computed by adding to the net revenue surplus of Telangana region of that year the difference between one-third of the total expenditure of the State in that year and the actual capital expenditure in the Telangana region in that year. iii) For the purpose of computing surpluses in respect of statutory or other corporations and Boards, their receipts and expenditure will be treated as if they were booked in Government accounts. The surpluses estimated by K. Lalit amounted to Rs. 34.10 crore for the period 1956-68. This amount may look small from the current levels of revenue and expenditure. But this was a substantial amount considering the size of the State Budget in the sixties. For instance, the revenue receipts in Andhra Pradesh in the year 1967-68 were Rs.203.55 crore and the estimated Telangana surplus in this year by K. Lalit was Rs.2.29 crore or 1.13 per cent of the revenue receipts of the State. Assuming that the percentage of Telangana surplus to revenue receipts of the State remained the same, Telangana surplus in 20010-11 would amount to Rs. 1024 crore in the budget estimates for the year. This is the amount of surplus in a single year. The extent of exploitation of the Telangana region assumes alarming proportions from these rough estimates. Bhargava Committee on Telangana Surpluses The Prime Minister made a statement in Parliament on April 11, 1969 on the Telangana situation referred to as the Eight-Point Formula. This Formula contained a commitment to appoint a High Powered Committee to estimate the quantum of Telangana surpluses. Accordingly, a Committee was appointed on April 22, 1969 under the chairmanship of Justice Vashishta Bhargava, Judge of the Supreme Court of India. The terms of the reference required that ‘the Committee shall take into account the agreements reached between the representatives of Andhra and Telangana of the State of Andhra Pradesh regarding the utilization of the surpluses from the Telangana region foe expenditure on development of that region.



56

The Bhargava Committee considered three documents for the purpose of its mandate.

1) Gentlemen’s Agreement 1956. 2) Agreement between the Chairman of the Telangana Regional

Committee and the Government of Andhra Pradesh in 1959; and 3) All-Party Agreement arrived at on January 19 1969.

The Andhra leaders raised a number of objections before the Committee even on the contents of the Gentlemen’s Agreement. The contention of the representatives of Andhra was that “in the minutes of the meeting there was a paragraph which prescribed a limitation for the period during which the surpluses of Telangana were to be reserved… The arrangement will be reviewed after five years and can be continued for another five years if the Telangana members of the Assembly so desired.” Their contention was that the above sentence was missing in the Statement placed on the Table of the Lok Sabha. This shows the opportunistic attitude of the leaders from the Andhra leaders. It goes to the credit of the Committee that this argument was not accepted. As regards the agreement between the Chairman of the Telangana Regional Committee and the Government of Andhra Pradesh, the Committee came to the conclusion that the principles embodied in the document of 1959 appeared to be by and large the correct principles in some detail but felt the agreement could not be given the status of an agreement. The All-Party Agreement dated January 19, 1969 was repudiated by the representatives of both the regions. Thus, the Bhargava Committee based its estimates more or less on the same principles as the Lalit Committee7. The Bhargava Committee estimated the Telangana surpluses at Rs. 28.34 crore for the period 1956-68. As indicated earlier, this amount may look small from the current day levels but was substantial in relation to the total revenues of the State in the years to which the estimate related. The Bhargava Committee agreed that there was considerable force in the contention that it would be fair to revalue the surplus of each year in proportion to the rise in price index of that year and the price index prevailing on March 31 1968. But the Committee did not revalue the surplus. Even after the estimation of the surplus the relief obtained by Telangana was minimal. In a communication dated February 18, 1970 the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India observed that non-utilisation of surplus over a long period had retarted to a certain extent the development of Telangana. Taking this into account, the Government of India suggested that an additional amount should be made available to Telangana for accelerated development during the Fourth Five-Year Plan. Accordingly, the State Government was advised to make a special provision of Rs. 45 crore. This amount was given as additional loan assistance by the Government of India to the State Government. Thus, the Andhra region got away with the utilization of Telangana surpluses.

7 B P R Vithal (2002) “The Telangana Surpluses-A case Study” Working Paper No.44 Centre for Economic and

Social Studies Hyderabad.



57

The Bhargava Committee expected that the State Government would ensure adequate funds to speed up the development of the Telangana region in the true spirit of the Gentlemen’s Agreement. Following the submission of the Bhargava Committee, there were discussions between the Central Government and the Government of Andhra Pradesh. The Government of India suggested in these discussions that the normal share of Telangana in the general development expenditure of the State should take into account the backwardness of the region and that the share would have to be more than what was admissible on the basis of share of population. Shri K.C. Pant, then Union Minister, in his letter to the Chief Minister of the State on Ocober 21, 1971 had stated that “the Chief Minister was not in a position to give any firm decision in this matter. Determination of this share was, therefore, left to the State Government and the high-powered Telangana Committee8.” One-Third share of Telangana Apart from the question of Telangana surpluses, there was the question of allocating development funds to the Telangana region. The ratio of 1/3:2/3 was accepted as a principle for the allocation of plan funds between the Telangana and Andhra regions. It is a different matter that this ration was never adhered to and if at all adhered to, it was only in respect of certain sectors. The Telangana Regional Committee contended a number of times that higher allocations were made to the Andhra region based on availability of natural resources but the same logic was not applied, when it came to the allocations from the Telangana region. For instance, while higher allocations were made to fisheries sector in Andhra, minor irrigation sector in Telangana did not get any higher allocations. The explanation given by the Government was that it was not possible to make sector-wise allocations in the ratio of 1/3: 2/3 (Quoted in BPR Vithal’s Working Paper). The ratio was given a go by. The ratio was based on the proportion of population in Telangana region to the total population of the State. According to 1971 census, the population of Telangana was 36 per cent of the total. This proportion went up to 40.66 per cent in the census of 2001 which is the latest. It had gone up further since the last census was conducted n 2001.Thus the 1/3 share of Telangana is an under estimate. The 1/3 share is even smaller going by the share of Telangana in the total area of the State, which is 41.75 per cent. Contribution of Telangana Region to the Revenues of the State At the time of the formation of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana had revenue surpluses while the Andhra region was revenue deficit. In fact this was one of the reasons for the SRC not favouring the merger of Andhra and Telangana regions. There was a valid apprehension on the part of the Telangana people that the surpluses would be diverted to Andhra regions instead of being spent for the development of the backward Telangana region. This apprehension came true as validated by the K. Lalit and Bhargava Committees which estimated the Telangana surpluses and the underspending in the region as a result of diversion of surpluses to the Andhra region. Even today, there has been no change in the position with Telangana region contributing to the bulk of the tax receipts of Andhra

8 As quoted in BPR Vithal (2002).



58

Pradesh. The following Table presents the region-wise collections in respect of sales tax and excise. These two taxes accounted for 77.07 per cent of the own tax revenue and 43.91 of the total revenue receipts of the State in 2008-09.

Table 3.1: Region-wise Collections of Sales Tax and State Excise Duties

2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 Tax collections

(Rs. Crore) Sales Tax

1. Andhra 2834.39 3549.20 3817.18

2. Telangana 13752.86 15675.72 18334.74

Total 16587.25 19224.92 22151.92

% Contribution

1. Andhra 17.09 18.46 17.23

2. Telangana 82.91 81.54 82.77

Total 100.00 100.00 100.00

Excise

1. Andhra 705.96

2. Telangana 1978.61

Total 2684.57

% Contribution

1. Andhra 26.30

2. Telangana 73.70

Total 100.00 Source: Government of Andhra Pradesh, Directorate of Economics and Statistics,

“Statistical Abstract-2009”. Contribution of Telangana to Own Non-Tax Revenue of the State Total revenue receipts of the State consist of own tax revenues, non-tax revenues and tax devolution and grants from the Centre. We have indicated in the previous paragraph how the Telangana region has been contributing predominantly to the tax revenue of the State. The share of own non-tax revenues of the State in the total revenue receipts is about 15 per cent. Major contributors to the own non-tax revenues of the State are interest receipts, mines and minerals, forestry and rural development cess. District-wise collections of own non-tax revenues are not available. However, there are valid reasons to assume that the non-tax collections will be higher in the Telangana regions as the area under forests and mines and minerals is sizeable in the Telangana region. Tax Devolution and Grants from the Centre As pointed out by Prof. C.H. Hanumantha Rao, for the Telangana region, the per capita transfers from the Centre comprising tax devolution as well as plan and non-plan grants should be higher than the average for the State as a whole as the Finance Commission transfers are based on 25 per cent population, 10 per cent area and over 50 per cent based on criteria like lower per capita income9. The Planning Commission transfers too have a significant weightage attached to factors representing backwardness. In fact, the SRC had observed in its report that the Hyderabad State received higher transfers from

9 C.H. Hanumantha Rao (2009), “Regional Disparities, Smaller States and Statehood for Telangana,” VII

Annual Professor B. Janardhan Rao Memorial Lecture-Delivered at Warangal.



59

the Finance Commission because of its backwardness. We quote from the report of the SRC. “One important reason is of course that existing Hyderabad State and Telangana as part of Hyderabad have benefited considerably from the implementation from April 1952 of the Finance Commission’s recommendations. The increase in Central payment out of the divisible pools of income tax and Central excise which has been possible under the present arrangements and the reduction in expenditure for which credit can be taken as the situation in Telangna improves more or less offset the loss on account of the abolition of internal customs duties; and if the scope which exists for raising the yield of certain State heads of revenue is fully explored the financial position of Telangana need not cause anxiety” (Para 380 of SRC Report). Since the submission of the Report of the SRC, the Finance Commission transfers have become much more progressive favouring relatively less developed States. Thus, looked at from any angle, the Central transfers attributable to the Telangana region will be much higher than those of the Andhra region. Expenditure on Telangana There are no estimates of the expenditure incurred in the Telangana regions except those available from the reports of the Lalit and Bhargava Committees. Since the computerization of the Treasuries in 1994, district-wise revenue and expenditure figures are generated and are available with the Finance Department of the State Government. But this information is not made public. As the time available is short, we could not make a detailed analysis of the sector-wise estimates of expenditure across the three regions of the State. Our attempt was aborted because of the reluctance of the Government to part with this information. But there clear indications that there has been considerable under spending in the region as compared with the resources contributed by the region. The allocation to Kakatiya University in the Telangana region is Rs.18.06 crore as compared with the allocation of Rs. 32.34 crore in 2010-11. The allocation to Yogi Vemana University in 2009-10 was Rs. 17.48 crore as compared with the allocation to Telangana University amounting to a paltry 4.56 crore. Any number of such instances can be cited in respect of the allocations to the Telangana region. TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP earnestly requests the Justice Sri Krishna Committee to obtain the district-wise expenditure figures from the State Government and analyse the pattern of expenditure in Telangana vis-a-vis Andhra. There are a number of instances of expenditure meant for Andhra to be booked in Hyderabad. In the year-end rush releases are made to the heads of the departments located in the capital city of Hyderabad. Such releases are booked under Hyderabad but transferred to the district offices subsequently. TCMG therefore, requests the Committee the basis for booking the expenditure district-wise. The Committee may consider placing all the information received from the State Government in the website so that it is subjected to public scrutiny. In the absence of the public scrutiny, there is every possibility of the State Government furnishing distorted information and getting away with it.



60

TELANGANA IRRIGATION: SONS OF SOIL TOIL WITH TEARS Telangana, the land of live rivers deprived of irrigational future in the united state. Canal irrigation, eternal dream never realized. Tank irrigation depleted and now handy to the paper managing contractors. Open well irrigation is the method of history. Bore well irrigation gives inescapable debt trap, sleepless nights with low voltage and maintenance and swallows the kids of fiscal risky farmers. Telangana, the semi-arid land of India, is experiencing drought often pushing large numbers of people to the margins of living. The rainfall of about 70 cm and less in southern Telangana hardly justifies the fact that the region should languish under semi-arid conditions. The post-independent development of irrigation has relaxed the productivity test of irrigation projects. Expenditure incurred in different regions on construction and maintenance of major irrigation projects should be normally in proportion to the potential created in the respective regions. Telangana’s share on this score is just 18.20% (by the end of 2001).

Catchment area of Krishna Basin

Rayalaseema 18% Andhra 13% Telangana 69%

Allocation of Krishna waters as per tribunal recommendation

Rayalaseema 16% Andhra 49% Telangana 35%

Actual utilization of Krishna waters Rayalaseema 13% Andhra 87% Telangana Less Than 1%

Catchment area of Godavari Basin Telangana 79% (1170 TMC) Andhra 21% (310 TMC) Utilization of Godavari waters Andhra 23% (320 TMC i.e. 110% of allotted) Telangana 9.6 % (143 TMC) - 405 TMC is to be diverted to Andhra via Polavaram project Total loss of water share of Telangana due to merging with Andhra is 1125 TMC.



61

S.Prabhakar, An armed revolutionary & freedom fighter in JOIN INDIA MOVEMENT, Former Special Secretary, Irrigation Dept., Govt. of A.P. & Expert Member, TCMG sge: In his analysis and findings states as follows:

Telangana: Irrigational Disparities in Andhra Pradesh

Geographically, Telangana is a part of Deccan plateau bounded by Godavari Pranahita rivers in the north and Krishna river in the South. In addition to these two major rivers there are several minor river basins which traverse the length and breadth of Telangana.

Agriculture is the main occupation of over 75 per cent of the population, therefore, any development model for Telangana should focus on agricultural development. The success of agriculture mainly depends on providing irrigation facilities. The importance of irrigation is known historically and all the benevolent kingdoms of past have tried their best to create as many irrigation facilities as possible for the benefit of the people. The Kakatiya kings have done pioneering work in 13th century by constructing small and medium sized water storage reservoirs in the topographically undulating area of Deccan plateau. These water storages provided irrigation facilities to thousands of acres of cultivable lands. There were hundreds of such storages notable among them being Ramappa, Lakhnavaram, Pakhal and Ghanpur Lakes, which even today are functioning and stand as our proud heritage.

Historically, Telangana region was part of Hyderabad dominion, ruled by the Nizams of Asafjahi dynasty. The Hyderabad State comprised Telangana, Marathwada and part of Karnataka. The State which had three distinct languages was ruled by the Nizams up to September 1948.

The Nizam Government also encouraged the construction of minor irrigation storages to provide water to and lands. At the beginning of this century, the available statistics indicate that there were 21,000 small tanks providing irrigation facilities to 8,80,000 acres.

Development of Water Resources in Hyderabad State

The rulers of Hyderabad State realised the importance of water resources development from the second decade of this century. Ali Nawaz Jung, an engineer of Nizam prepared a comprehensive water resources development plan for the exploitation of vast water potential available in the major river basins of Godavari and Krishna. In 1920's, the tributaries of major rivers were tackled by constructing several medium sized irrigation projects, the notable among them being Pocharam, Dindi, Palair, Wyra, Manair and anicuts at Ghanpur on Manjira and Khanapur on Godavari.

As a first step towards the development of major irrigation systems, a major irrigation project was planned on river Manjira by proposing the construction of 140 feet high dam and a storage reservoir with huge canal system to, provide irrigation facilities to 2,75,000



62

acres. The masonry dam was one of highest in India at that point of time and it was designed and constructed by the Hyderabad engineers. The construction of dam was started in 1924 and completed in 1931. The project was inaugurated by the Nizam of Hyderabad and named as Nizamsagar Project. The canal system and other infrastructure such as roads and communication were completed in subsequent years. The project provided irrigation facilities for two crops in a year and also provided irrigation facilities to 20,000 acres of sugar cane crop. As a result a sugar factory at Bodhan was established with crushing capacity of 2500 tones, one of the largest sugar factories of Asia at that time. The Nizamsagar project was constructed to utilise 58 tmc of Manjira waters. The Nizamabad district became the most prosperous district of Hyderabad State on account of Nizamsagar Project.

Godavari river being the largest river flowing through the state, a major multipurpose project was proposed for irrigation and hydroelectric power development. The project proposals envisaged the construction of high dam across Godavari near Pochampad and Godavari north canal on the left and Godavari South canal on the right to benefit 20 lakhs of acres for irrigation in Adilabad district from the north canal and Karimnagar, Warangal, Khammam and Nalgonda districts from the south canal. The project provided for utilisation of 330 tmc of Godavari waters. In addition as a part of the project the reservoir on Kadam forming the part of North canal and Lower Manair dam reservoir forming the part of South canal were also included in the project. The stage I of the project comprising infrastructure such as approach roads, buildings at the main project site and Godavari North canal and a dam on Kadam river were sanctioned. The works were grounded and were in progress.

A project across river Manjira, upstream of Nizamsagar at a place near Devanur was also proposed to provide irrigation benefits in Manjira valley in Medak district by utilising 38 tmc of water. The two hydroelectric power stations one at the dam site and one on the power canal, which provided additional supplies to Nizamsagar, were also included in the project. The work on the approach roads and camp buildings was started and land acquisition proceedings for the dam and reservoir were initiated.

Krishna river being the second largest river of the state, the development of water resources by construction of projects was commenced from 1948. First the construction of dam on Tungabhadra near Hospet was started in 1948 as joint venture between Hyderabad and Mysore Governments. The left canal envisaged irrigation in Raichur and Mahaboobnagar districts of Hyderabad State. The dam and most of the canal system was completed by 1956, except the last leg of canal benefiting Mahaboobnagar district, which envisaged water utilisation of 19.20 tmc. Due to states reorganisation the entire project went to Karnataka and extension of canal into Mahaboobnagar district was stopped.

The construction of Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme was taken up on river Tungabhadra and the head works and canals were mostly completed by 1956, but due to States reorganisation, the head works and part of the canal went to Karnataka and most of the



63

canal came to Telangana to benefit 84,000 acres in Mahaboobnagar district, by utilising 15.90 tmc of water.

The investigation was completed and project reports were prepared for upper Krishna and Bheema Projects which envisaged the utilisation of 54.40 tmc and 100.60 tmc, respectively, for the benefit of Mahaboobnagar district. These projects were committed and approved but not grounded.

The Hyderabad State engineers started the investigation of a major project on the river Krishna and detailed project reports were prepared at two sites namely Yeleshwaram and Nandikonda after studying various alternatives. The project as finalised provided for utilisation of 132 tmc of Krishna waters for the benefit of 10 lakh acres in Nalgonda and Khammam districts. The Hyderabad Government approved the project with only left canal and the entire planning, investigation and designs were completed for the Nandikonda site since the Madras Government was not interested at this site as they had already proposed the Krishna-Pennar project from an upper location to take water to Madras State. In fact this was one of the main reasons for the Andhras to start a big agitation which finally resulted in formation of Andhra State. It is only when separate Andhra State was formed in October, 1953, that on their request, the Nandikonda (named as Nagarjuna Sagar) project was made a joint project between Hyderabad State and Andhra State and an agreement was signed in 1954 for equal sharing of 132 tmc for left canal and 132 tmc for right canal. The Nagarjuna Sagar project was inaugurated in 1955 by the Prime Minister of India Shri Jawaharlal Nehru and the execution was taken up. A joint Control Board was set up to implement the project proposals as agreed by both the states.

It is very clear from these events that the Hyderabad Government had planned in a big way for the optimum utilisation of huge water potential of Godavari and Krishna rivers for the benefit of people of Telangana and to provide extensive irrigation facilities to the farmers of Telangana area.

Water Potential of Telangana

The broad position as on l- I l- 1956, in respect of the water resources utilised and committed for utilisation for irrigation in Telangana area is given below.

Godavari Valley

A: Water utilisation under completed projects

I.. Major Projects

1. Nizamsagar Project 58.00 tmc

2. Medium Irrigation Projects 21.70 tmc

3. Minor Irrigation Schemes 21.00 tmc



64

Total 100.70 tmc

B: Projects committed and under construction

I. Major Projects

1. Godavari Valley-multipurpose project 330.00 tmc

2. Kadam Project 15.00 tmc

3. Lower Manair Dam Project 12.00 tmc

4. Devanur Project 38.00 tmc

Total 395.00 tmc

C: Projects Investigated

1. Icchampally Project 350.00 tmc

Godavari Valley Total 845.70 tmc

Krishna Valley

A: Water utilisation under completed Projects

I. Major Irrigation

1. Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme 15.90 tmc

2. Medium Irrigation Projects. 36.10 tmc

3. Minor Irrigation Scheme 90.80 tmc

Total 142.80 tmc

B. Projects in Progress

1. Nagarjuna Sagar left canal 132.00 tmc

2. Tungabhadra Project left canal extension 19.00 tmc

Total 151.20 tmc

C. Projects Investigated

1. Upper Krishna Project 54.40 tmc

2; Bheema Project 100.00 tmc

Total 155.00 tmc

Krishna Valley Total 449.00 tmc

State Reorganization

With the States reorganisation in November 1956 when Telangana was made part of the enlarged state of Andhra Pradesh, the real problem of the development of water resources started and all the major irrigation projects planned and programmed for implementation in Telangana area suffered serious set-backs. The Godavari and Krishna river basins got trifurcated, the sharing of water by respective regions became inter-state problem. The States Reorganisation Act clearly provided that all the projects which are grounded and committed for implementation before the states reorganisation should not



65

be stopped and the rights of the people benefiting from such projects were protected under the Constitution. But unfortunately the Government of Andhra Pradesh did not take any action and on the contrary created obstacles in the implementation of the projects benefiting Telangana area. This also suited their interests, since the amounts earmarked for Telangana projects could easily be diverted to the projects benefiting the Andhra area. The Telangana leaders and ministers never took any interest in projecting the claims of Telangana projects and to safeguard the rights accrued on account of States Reorganisation Act.

The result was the immediate stoppage of Godavari Valley multipurpose, project, abandoning of Devanur project and no negotiating with Karnataka for the extension of Thungabhadra left canal, already sanctioned and under execution.

Irrigation development in Telangana was practically at standstill for seven years from 1956 to 1963. During this period no irrigation project in Godavari valley was taken up on the pretext of inter-state water dispute. After several representations by the people and some of the leaders of Telangana, quoting extensively from the S.R. Act, the then Irrigation Minister, Government of India issued an order permitting utilisation of just 67 tmc of water at Pochampad by construction of low dam in 1963, for irrigation of 5,70,000 acres in Karimnagar district. The foundation stone was laid in July 1963, but the budget allocation was almost negligible. For a project the cost of which was estimated at Rs 40 crores, the annual allotment was Rs.50 takhs. This went on for 6 years till 1969, and only when the agitation for separate Telangana State took a serious turn, the A.P. Government enhanced the allotment to the project.

This is just a sample illustration of happenings in one project and there are similar stories in respect of all the projects of Telangana. Godavari River Basin The Godavari river has its catchment area in five states of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Orissa. A dispute arose among various states on sharing of Godavari river waters. The Government of India, under its Constitutional powers, appointed a tribunal under the chairmanship of Justice Bachawat. The Godavari Water Dispute Tribunal in its final award only ratified and pronounced that various agreements reached between different states as final and binding for the states. A.P. authorities blindly signed the agreement without even looking into its contents. Andhra Pradesh in fact agreed to give whatever the Maharashtra or Karnataka wanted and did not even put up a token claim to safeguard the existing utilisation of Telangana projects in. Godavari Valley and future requirements of Telangana Projects. The G.W.D.T. permitted Andhra Pradesh to utilise to the extent of 1480 tmc of water, based on 75 per cent dependability. The broad distribution of water is given below

I: Existing projects and projects under construction 680 tmc

II. Future Projects to be taken up 800 tmc

Total 1480 tmc



66

I. Existing Projects

Telangana

1. Nizamsaar Project 58.00 tmc

2. Kadam Project 11.60 tmc

3. Sriram Sagar Project (Stage 1) 140.27 tmc

4. Singur/Manjira Water supply scheme 15.99 tmc



Total 360.00 tmc

Andhra

1. Dowleshwaram Project 263.60 tmc



Total 320.00 tmc

Total for existing schemes 680.00 tmc

The dependable water available for future projects is 800 tmc. The water allocation should normally be made considering the catchment which contributes to the river system and cultivable area available for irrigation in the basin. The catchment area of Telangana is 61,780 sq miles (79 per cent ) and the catchment of Andhra is 16,420 sq.kms (21 per cent ). The cultivable land of Telangana in Godavari basin is 25.2 lakhs hectares and in Andhra 10.7 lakh hectares, which form 70 per cent and 30 per cent, respectively. If both or either of the above criteria is applied the water allocation to Telangana and Andhra to be in the ratio of 70 per cent and 30 per cent of 1,480 tmc which works out to 1,036 tmc and 44.4 tmc. The Andhra has already used 320 tmc, and the balance it can claim is only 124 tmc. But the Andhra Pradesh government without considering any basis has earmarked 405 tmc to Andhra future projects, the Polavaram alone getting a share of 4-5 tmc. In all fairness, from out of the unutilised waters of 800 tmc, the Telangana future projects should be allotted at least 560 tmc and 240 tmc can be given to Andhra future projects.

Shortfall in Utilisation The review of utilisation with regard to the completed and under construction projects of Telangana show considerable shortfall as indicated below :

S.No. Project Allotted quantity Present utilisation Shortfall

I . Nizamsagar Project 58.00 tmc 33.00 tmc 25.00 tmc

II . Kadam Project 11.00 tmc 9.50 tmc 2.10 tmc

III . SRSP (Stage1)Project 140.27 tmc 65.10 tmc 75.17 tmc

IV . Medium Projects 48.43 tmc 34.60 tmc 13.83 tmc

TOTAL 258.30 tmc 142.10 tmc 116.10 tmc



67

The shortfall is mainly due to inadequate allotment of funds and diversion of allotted amounts to other projects. The SRSP (Stage 1) started in July 1963 is still not fully completed even after 33 years.

Even it all on going irrigation projects of Telangana are completed in Godavari Valley, the total irrigated area will be only 7.10 lakh hectares out of the total cultivable area of 25.20 lakh hectares, which is just 28 per cent whereas in Andhra area the existing percentage of irrigated area to cultivable area in Godavari valley districts is 56.50 per cent.

Krishna River Basin

The Krishna river originating from Mahabaleshwar in Western Ghats traverses 1,280 km through the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh before it joins Bay of Bengal. It enters Telangana first, covers maximum distance. Telangana contributes 68.50 per cent of its catchment area as against 31.50 per cent from Andhra area. The Hyderabad State envisaged the utilisation of 459 tmc of Krishna waters for the benefit of Telangana area to irrigate vast tracts of lands in drought prone districts of Mahaboobnagar, Nalgonda and Khammam. Out of which the projects for 294 tmc were either completed or were in progress.

The Krishna water dispute tribunal assessed the availability of water in Krishna river as 2060 tmc at 75 per cent dependability and allotted 800 tmc to Andhra Pradesh. The allotment to Telangana was 266.83 tmc, Andhra 500.17 tmc and Srisailam reservoir losses 33.00 tmc. The Telangana requirements were completely overlooked. The allotment to Nagarjuna Sagar is 106.20 tmc against the requirement of 132 tmc; only 17.84 tmc was allotted to Jurala project on Krishna as an alternative to upper Krishna project extension (54.40 tmc) and Bhima Project (100.7 tmc). So the loss to Telangana in water-allocation due to States Reorganisation on account of these two projects alone is (155.10 minus 17.84) 137.26 tmc.

The main reason for such reduced allocation to Telangana projects is due to lack of proper presentation by the A.P. Government to the Tribunal for safeguarding the interests of Telangana area. On the contrary Nagarjuna Sagar Project benefiting the Andhra area got an allotment of 174.80 tmc, and the Srisailam reservoir which was included as a new project, basically a balancing reservoir, got 33 tmc as evaporation losses. The shocking part of it is that even the allotted 106.20 tmc under Nagarjunasagar left canal for Telangana area was reduced by manipulation of levels and alignment of the left canal during the stage of design and execution. This resulted in actual utilisation coming down to 89 tmc. In effect the Nagarajuna Sagar project first started by the Hyderabad Government for utilisation of 132 tmc to Telangana area came down to 89 tmc; a loss of 43 tmc due to formation of Andhra Pradesh.



68

Krishna Surplus Waters

The Tribunal allotted 800 tmc to A.P. out of dependable flow of 2060 tmc. However Tribunal allowed the Andhra Pradesh, being a terminal state, to utilise surplus waters over and above the allotted quantity without acquiring any right, on such utilisation until the time of next review in 2000 A.D.

There were a number of meetings on this issue and it was agreed by various parties representing Andhra and Telangana that the surplus waters should be used equally for the projects of both regions. To start with it was agreed to take up the following two projects from each region:

Andhra Area 1. Telugu Ganga project for utilising 29 tmc

2. Srisailam right bank canal for utilising 10 tmc Telangana Area 1. Srisailam left bank canal for utilising 30 tmc

2. Bheema lift irrigation scheme for utilising 20 tmc

But in practice the above two projects of Andhra area were taken up and are in progress from the last 13 years and an amount of over Rs 1200 crores have been spent till now. They are commissioned whereas neither of the two Telangana projects has seen any progress. As eyewash, the Srisailam left bank canal project was put on ground by executing canal part of the work, without even attempting final identification of source of supply. A controversy was created whether to get the water to Srisailam by tunnel or to lift water from Nagarjuna Sagar reservoir. There is no decision on this from the last 13 years, and since 2000 A.D. is just three years away, there is no possibility of this project being taken up and completed. The Bheema lift irrigation scheme is still in cold storage.

Irrigation in Krishna Basin The catchment area of Krishna from Telangana is 51,628 sq.km (68.50 per cent) and whereas the catchment from Andhra is 23,741 sq.km (31.50 per cent). The water allocation for Telangana is 266.83 tmc (37.50 per cent) and the allocation for Andhra is 500. 17 tmc (62.50 per cent). The cultivable area of Telangana in Krishna basin is 22.40 lakh hectares. The total irrigated area from all the irrigation projects is 5.38 lakh hectares which is about 24 per cent. In Ranga Reddy district it is 9.76 per cent, Mahaboobnagar 14.27 per cent, Nalgonda 21.68 per cent and Khammam 33.07 per cent. But the percentage of area irrigated by Krishna waters in Andhra area is 76.72 per cent in Krishna district and 63.10 per cent in Guntur district. Telangana: Irrigation Disparity The Telangana region which has a cultivable area of 47.60 lakh hectares will have an assured irrigation facility of only 8.57 lakh hectares with all the existing projects and on completion of all the ongoing major and medium irrigation projects. The overall percentage of assured irrigation to total cultivable area is 18 per cent, which is the lowest by any standard. This vast irrigational disparity, in spite of having considerable water potential, is mainly due to the deliberate neglect by all the Governments which were in



69

power from I- 11-56, to deprive the benefits of irrigation to Telangana farmers and to keep the economy of the region backward. Today Telangana is one of the most under-developed and economically backward regions in India. This is primarily due to the setback it received in the development of irrigated agriculture. A study conducted in the command areas of various irrigation projects in different parts of the country has shown that the income levels of farmers in post irrigated period have improved by 5 to 7 times generally and in some instances the increase is up to 14 times. One can imagine how much damage has been done to the economy of Telangana as whole in the last 40 years when the region was deprived of a water utilisation of 472 tmc, which could have provided irrigation to about 19 lakh. hectares of cultivable lands. Future of Irrigation in Telangana Naturally every one is upset and wonders whether is it possible to do any thing in future with such a huge backlog and damage inflicted on the water front. There is always hope, provided the people of Telangana as a whole take up this issue seriously and make a united effort to tackle the problem. The normal method of submitting petitions and memoranda may not solve the issue. Everybody interested should sit together and do some serious thinking and adopt a very bold and innovative approach in selecting the projects and continuously fighting for their sanction, implementation and completion. The Telangana region, being a part of Deccan plateau is in a disadvantageous position, as regards gravity flow irrigation. Since most of the water which it could have got has been deprived and taken away due to political and regional considerations, the cultivable area of Telangana is in-between the contours of + 300 and + 2000 ft. The water availability as on today in these elevations is very limited. Therefore, any future irrigation development of Telangana should have much greater lift irrigation component. Where the flow irrigation potential is still available it could be fully used. New Irrigation Projects proposed for Telangana

Name of Project Water

Utilization

Ayacut (in

hectares) Districts benefited

Ia. Flow Irrigatioin Projects(Major)

Sriramsagar (Stage 11) 69.80 2,80,000 Warangal,Khammam; Nalgonda

Penganga Project 12.00 48,000 Adilabad (Joint venture with Govt.of Maharashtra)

Pedda Vanglada 8.40 33,000 Adilabad

Srisailani left bank canal 30.00 1,20,000 Nalgonda

1b. Flow Irrigation Projects(medium)

Ten medium irrigation Projects

16.50 66.000 Nizamabad ,Adilabad & Khammam

Total Flow Irrigation Projects 136.70 5,47,000



70

II. Lift Irrigation Projects

Pranahita lift irrigation scheme

12.00 48,000 Adilabad

Bheema lift irrigation scheme 20.00 80,000 Mahaboobnagar

Jurala lift irrigation@scherne 18.00 72,000 -do-

Icchampally left irrigation project

350.00 14,00,000 Warangal Karimnagar Khammam, Medak Ranga Ready, Mahaboobnagar

Total of lift irrigation schemes

400.00 16,00,000

All the above projects are important and should be taken up without any further delays. However I will make a special mention of one project on which depends the future prosperity of Telangana.

Icchampally Lift Irrigation Project

The Godavari river has huge water potential only after its confluence with Indravati. The Icchampally site on Godavari is after the above confluence. A major multipurpose project was planned and investigated by the Hyderabad Government before 1955. The reservoir level was originally fixed at + 410 ft. level, which was reduced to + 370 ft. level. The project was proposed as joint venture with Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. The sharing of irrigation and power benefits were contemplated to different states. But the reservoir formation results in several serious problems. It will submerge 2,70,00 acres of land which includes 54,900 acres of prime reserved forest in three states. It also submerges 148 villages with a population of 90,000, most of them being tribals. The project report has been prepared and sent to Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Government of India. The Governments of Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh have not agreed for the Project and have expressed their unwillingness for any submergence in their states. The Government of India has rejected the project altogether as unacceptable due to environmental problem and has advised the state government to drop the reservoir proposal. There is no hope of reservoir project materialising in future. Telangana development is closely linked with the utilisation of available Godavari waters at Icchampally. Therefore, an alternative project is proposed to be called "Icchampally Lift Irrigation Project".

1. The construction of Barrage (Low Dam) across river Godavari at Icchampally site with water level of the pond at + 300.00 ft. At this level of + 300.00 ft. there will be no submergence of any land, forest or a village, and the water is stored only with in the river margins.

2. The lifting of 350 tmc of water from Icchampally Barrage to various locations in Telangana area by installing suitable pumping stations, to provide irrigation facilities to 14 lakh hectares of and lands in seven districts of Telangana.



71

3. The laying, of pumping mains from the Barrage site to intermediate storage

reservoir, the first of such reservoir being, Pakhal Lake in Warangal district.

4. Lifting of water from Pakhal Lake to Hanamkonda and laying of pumping mains.

5. Distribution system to provide irrigation facilities to upland areas of Warangal and Khammam districts.

6. The laying of pipeline from Hanamkonda to Lower Manair Dam.

7. Lifting water from lower Manair Dam to provide irrigation to the upland areas of Karimnagar and Medak districts.

8. Pumping and gravity mains from Hanamkonda to Shamirpet lake near Hyderabad.

9. Provide irrigation to Jangoan, Bhongir and Ramannapet areas of Warangal and Nalgonda districts.

10. Laying pumping main from Shamirpet lake to Haldi Project reservoir in Medak.

11. Providing irrigation facilities to Gajwel, Medchal and Sangareddy areas of Medak and Ranga Reddy Districts.

12. Laying pumping and gravity mains to Himayatsagar and Osman Sagar reservoirs near Hyderabad City.

13. Provide drinking water to the city and irrigation to the areas in R.R. district.

14. Laying of gravity and pumping mains from Himayatsagar to Makhtal Mahaboobnagar district.

15. Providing irrigation to and areas of Mahaboobnagar district.

16. The overall project proposal includes the improvements to various existing storages where necessary and forming new storages where essential for balancing purposes.

17. The water distribution system comprises of open canals, piped supply lines, sprinkling irrigation systems and drip irrigation systems, depending on the area, levels and topography.

18. The usage of water will be in most economical way by using all the modern methods of water management and crop water requirements. The project outlined above is feasible and essential for the development of Telangana.



72

Krishna Rao Naram, former Chairman, Hyderabad Metro Water Works Board, Former Chief Engineer, Govt. of A.P., Advisor to Netherlands & UN & Expert Member, TCMG sge In his assessment, states as follows:

TELANGANA CAN DRINK ONLY FLORIDE WATERS:

It is axiomatic that exploitation occurs only between two unequal and that the exploiter would always like to keep the exploited weak. Therefore, development of the Telangana region in a combined state is theoretically not possible. This leaves little scope for the implementation of developmental strategies even if they are suggested. This is precisely what has been happening.

For example, the magnificent prosperity of the people living downstream of two mighty rivers Krishna and Godavari, is due to adequate utilization of their waters for their benefit. This is hardly the case with Telangana through which these rivers pass. The people of Telangana, particularly of this generation, feel they are cheated out of their educational and employment opportunities. Add to this the absence of any developmental programs. No wonder, the people are disenchanted and frustrated. Because of the violation of rules made to protect their interests, their faith and credibility in the government has been getting guide seriously eroded. What they are asking for in these meetings, is their right to guide their own destiny. They are not asking for anything that belongs to others. They regard it utterly fatuous when someone tells them not to ask for separation. They see it as an invitation to be exploited further. And they consider it extremely uncouth and uncivilized the way some people try to humiliate them in their own house.

Coming to the question of regional imbalances which are in reality the outcome of discrimination and neglect, it surprising that even in the matter of supplying water to drink, a strange type of indifference can easily be noticed on the part of government . Although Hyderabad is the capital of unified Andhra Pradesh, the water scheme drawing water from the Krishna was allowed to languish on the drawing boards for almost a quarter of a century. In order to delay the scheme, government spent crores of rupees in the name of fresh appraisals; a scheme that was recommended by three expert committees and for which two foundations stones have already been laid, sites fixed and compound walls built. To develop the concept, a private consultant was paid Rs 5 crores whereas, there is hardly anything left to conceive. Only those living on the Banjara & like Hills and few others, can afford to buy that water, aggravating further the hardship faced by vast majority of city's population, and incidentally, that of the surrounding municipalities that now form part of the so called megacity.

Meanwhile, the water from different river basin is increasingly being diverted to the city depriving the people of Medak and farmers toiling for generations in the are under Nizamsagar their legitimate share. The most tragic of all is the case of Nalgonda. People for generations have been facing the twin problems of scarcity and excess fluoride in the water.



73

The Royal Netherlands Government had offered to provide financial assistance, which is non-repayable, to provide fluoride-free water to the people who are suffering from crippling effects of flourosis. It is really pathetic to see people afflicted with the disease. Yet no serious effort has been made to secure the grant offered. Under this scheme, around three hundred villages and an equal number of hamlets were to be covered. It was also proposed that Srisailam Left Bank Canal should provide water for some of these villages. The Dutch experts were shocked to hear that though the canal is being dug, nothing has been done to make the water flow in it.

The areas around Hyderabad where the industries are located have become unlivable; the ground water is polluted, denying the people water to drink and the air vitiated in such a way that breathing is hazard. The waste treatment plant has been declared as the biggest polluter by the Supreme Court of India.

The general feeling one can gauge in these meetings is that they have crossed the point of no return. Hope held out for so long has been tormenting their soul; anything offered now is not likely to affect their resolve. They attribute it to sheer arrogance when they hear people saying that they will not concede Telangana.

Telangana is nobody's pocket. It does not lie in their mouth to criticize those who favor separation when they themselves have deified the man who wrested the Andhra region from the erstwhile Madras province. In spite of all this, it is remarkable that the voice of the protagonists of Telangana is conciliatory. They believe that affection grows with separation. Bonds that have been established between the two Telugu speaking people can never break. And Telangana, as it has been its traditions, will continue to welcome all those who have genuine love for it.

Thus says our TCMG expert members.A careful glance of the following charts may give someinight.



74

Area localised under Nagarjuna sagar project: Even these figures are fabricated:

S.No. Canal District Area Covered

1 N.S.R.C Guntur District 2.74 Lakh Ha. (6.77 Lakh acres)

2 Prakasam District 1.79 Lakh Ha. (4.42 Lakh acres)

Total 4.53 Lakh Ha. (11.19 Lakh acres)

3 N.S.L.C Nalgonda District 1.51 Lakh Ha. (3.73 Lakh acres )

4 Khammam District 0.93 Lakh Ha. (2.30 Lakh acres)

5 Krishna District 1.53 Lakh Ha. (3.78 Lakh acres)

Total 3.97 Lakh Ha. (9.81 Lakh acres)

The States Reorganization Commission also noted this fact by observing:

“When plans for future development are taken into account, Telangana fears that the claims of this area may not receive adequate consideration in Vishalandhra. The Nandikonda and Kushtapuram (Godavari) projects are, for example, among the most important which Telangana or country as a whole has undertaken. Irrigation in the coastal deltas of these two great rivers is, however, also being planned. Telangana, therefore, does not wish to loose its present independent rights in relation to the utilization of the waters of the Krishna and the Godavari”. (SRC Report: Para 377)

This is prophetic and proven to be complete true.



75

TELANGNA ELECTRICITY GENERATION : PRODUCTION FLAWS: Erstwhile Hyderabad state generated electricity in 1910 in its Mint Compound Thermal Power Station. Even before any place of Coastal or Rayalaseema have power supply, Hyderabad did illuminate its streets with electricity. As irrigation projects for Telangana got bogged down in delays, cost-overruns, controversies, power generation projects too suffered. The Srisailam Left bank canal is one such project. Singareni coal did not yield much power to Telangana whereas far flung places of other parts have generation stations. Private power generation is in the hands of ne-rich Coastal lords. Only 1543 mw of power is generated in this region whereas the generating capacity of the other two regions is 7477 mw. All power generation stations with the exception Ramagundam and Kothagudem are located outside Telangana, although Telangana accounts for a major share of power consumption and more than three-fourths of catchment area of Krishna and Godavari rivers is in Telangana. The NTPC at Ramagundam gives 27 percent share which serves all the state. FOOD CROP SKIPPING FROM THIS SEMI-ARID LAND: A dangerous and little-noticed development that threatens Telangana is the changing cropping pattern in the region with food crops giving away to cash crops. The change has been taking place over two decades now with food crops suitable for semi-arid regions giving way to water-intensive cash crops. Staple cereals such as jawar, maize and bajra preferred by local people, serving as food for them and fodder for their cattle have declined significantly in area. The area under jawar has come down from 13, 63,169 hectares to 7, 97,864 hectares during 1981-84 to 1990-93. Bajra declined from 1,94,981 hectares to 64,398 hectares and maize fell to 2,55,863 hectares from 3,17,098 hectares. Coarse cereals have been the major staple food for millions of people in the area and a shift from these crops needs to be understood in the context of the needs of the people most of whom continue to languish in poverty. Groundnut, castor, sunflower, cotton, chillies and sugarcane have witnessed considerable growth in cropped area. While sunflower registered 500 percent growth, it is more than 100 percent in case of cotton. Except for castor and groundnut, all other crops have entered the region quite recently. While it may seem strange that the impoverished farmers of Telangana are opting for water-intensive cash crops in the place of rain-fed food crops, the fact is that this change has been brought about the migrant farmers and not the native ones. Settled in tracts irrigated by Nagarjunasagar and Sriransagar canals, these farmers who came to Telangana in 50s and 60s have adopted sugarcane, sunflower, chillies, cotton and



76

groundnut since returns on them are higher than on traditional crops. Liberalization and opening of the market has come as god-sent opportunity to these farmers to make more money at he cost of the people of Telangana. In Medak, where cotton has been introduced by the Coastal Andhra farmers on a wide scale, the people realized the dangers from it: it introduced new pests to the region and new diseases since the crop requires heavy doses of strong pesticides, and more important, the change in their dietary habits, from jawar and maize to rice had come with high undesirable price: insufficient nutrition to them and shortage of fodder for their cattle. Helped by NGO, the people have gone back to their traditional crops, which have provided them since time immemorial, food and fodder.

Another development as a result of this change is the rise of a merchant class in towns dealing in these inputs, a majority of whom are immigrants from coastal area. The cash-rich migrants beat the local entrepreneurs and farmers out of the market.

Only with the achievement of separate statehood, Telangana can hope to plan and expand its canal irrigation potential, have safe drinking water and proper cropping pattern which will lead to protection of food grain production. The utter indifference of the officials toward Telangana can be seen from a recent occurrence. The Nizamsagar dam on Manjira river, built in 1931 was designed to irrigate 1.1 lakh hectares but enormous siltation over the years has reduced its ayacut by half. A satellite mapping has shown that all its major distributaries (83 in number) and minor distributaries (243) have been silted up as the canal bunds eroded. Nine gates of the dam meant for letting silt escape from the reservoir has been jammed for the past 20 years, reducing the capacity of the reservoir. Nothing has been done to rectify them. In 1992-93, the World bank lent Rs 30 crores for Nizamsagr through its Natural Water Program for remodeling the project. The government utilized only six crores rupees and the rest of the amount lapsed. The state government failed to get the loan revived. A high-powered committee went into question of finding funds for the project and submitted its recommendations in 1994. They have remained on the paper. Telangana irrigation projects did not give water to the agricultural fields of this region but some times, becoming buffer stock for the use in Coastal parts. This is being regularly experienced with pendency of tail pond at Nagarjunasagar, just because to rush the waters used in hydel project there to coastal fields. Coastal people are not satisfied with that. They are eager to have completed Pulichinthala, which will ruin parts of Nalgonda district. Sri Ramsagar waters were taken to coastal parts. Even the waters from Kinnerasani project, meant for Kothagudem Thermal Power Station were also being robbed. Dummugudem on Indravathi, tributary of Godavari is intended to serve them. To retain judicious share of river waters of Telangana, to protect the agrarian economy of this region and to have needed power generation, the separate state is the only answer.



77

TELANAGANA YOUTH CHOSEN TO SERVE NOT TO ADMINISTER: Services has been rock bottom of all discontentment, due to discrimination meted out to the Telangana employees leading to agitations right from the formation of A.P. The Telangana personnel became victims of discrimination and denial of opportunities due to them, at the hands of the Officers who came from other regions. The SRC rightly observed in their report that “We have come to a conclusion that it will be in the interest of Andhra and Telangana, if for the present, the Telangana area is constituted into a separate State which may be known as “Hyderabad State” with provision of integration / unification with Andhra State after the general elections likely to be held or about 1962, if by a 2/3 majority in the legislature of the residuary Hyderabad State expresses itself in favour of unification”. Keeping in view the opposition from Telangana for integration of the two regions, to form Vishalandhra State, and in view of the fact that the Central Govt. was likely to accept the recommendations of the S.R.C. Commission (Fazal Ali Commission) the ‘Govt. of Andhra “gave a word of assurance to the people of Telangana by their unilateral offer of safe guard in the matter of employment and development”.

What a pity that the leadership in Telangana could not see-through the mischievous statement that they would look after them generously, which was in itself an indication of the events that would follow from day one of the merger. It appears to be a statement of a victor over a vanquished nation. Obviously it was not an assurance given by the big brother to protect a weak and undeveloped partner in the integrated State of Andhra Pradesh, but a deceitful assertion of his superiority and strength.

These solemn words of Andhra Assembly were seldom honoured. They were honoured more in breach than in practice. Then came the heroic Telangana movement of 1969 sacrificing several young lives in Telangana. Meanwhile the historic judgment of the Hon’ble Supreme Court was delivered on October 16, 1972 which declared Mulki Rules as valid. “Hyderabad State was one among the several another Princely States of India. Due to political conditions and historical reasons the State remained isolated. There were no adequate educational facilities afforded to the people of the State”. “So much so, that these people were not in a position to compete with others in the matter of employment even in their own State, if no protection was afforded to them in this behalf on the basis of resident within that State. The constitution assembly while guaranteeing fundamental rights in the matter of employment of various States felt it imperative to continue that protection in the matter of employment afforded on the basis of residence within the State and made provision under article 35 (b) of the constitution for the continuance of those laws”.



78

The then Chief Minister Shri P.V. Narasimha Rao issued order for implementation of Supreme Court Judgment. Consequent to the Supreme Court judgement on Mulki Rules, and in view of the Govt. directions on the Supreme Court Judgement for implementation, the leadership from Andhra Region protested on the ground that since the two regions were integrated there should be no discrimination between the people of Andhra region and Telangana region, and there should be no special safeguard for Telangana. They started Andhra Agitation for formation of a separate State of Andhra. The Andhra leaders were perhaps shy to give special protection to the people of Telangana in spite of their solemn assurance given in Andhra Assembly. Thus Mulki rules were hardly observed. The violent agitation in Andhra forced the Prime Minister to declare Six Point Formula which resulted in rendering the continuance of Mulki rules redundant. Thus ways and means were deviced with the connivance of the bureaucracy, to create such situations in the field of employment that Telangana youth would not even get their due share in employment. The Six Point Formula was totally ignored. Regional Development Boards and Committees were abolished. No efforts were made to identify the area of development in the backward region of Telangana, instead the resources in Telangana became the ground for exploitation by the powerful lobbies from the other Region. Several project posts were kept out of the purview of Presidential Order for obvious reasons paving way to bring several persons from outside Zone V and VI and several persons were appointed under the shelter of 14(b) of presidential order. The depts. resorted to posting of non-mulkies violating zonal regulations which have become the breeding ground for discontentment among the Telangana employees. Sensing the irate mood of the people of Telangana, and to assuage their feelings the Government issued G.O. Ms.No: 610 on 30-09-1985 providing certain procedure to be followed in respect of employment in Government services to undo the injustice done to Telangana people in the field of employment for 30 years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh. The G.O. was not only misinterpreted but several G.O.s were passed to bypass the G.O. 610 and the Presidential Order. After another 16 years of exploitation by denying the fair share in employment to the youth of Telangana, One Man Commission was appointed by issuing G.O. Ms. No: 270, G.A. (SPF-A) Department, dated 25-06-2001. The disclosure that was made by the commission was an eye opener to the Telangana leadership to gauge the injustice done so-far, and to take necessary follow up action as suggested by the commission. The recommendation and report of One Man Commission were dismissed on several occasions but hardly any result to undo the injustice to the Telangana employees.



79

A P Public Service Commission: There is hardly proper representation of Telangana personnel in the Public Service Commission, a constitutional body to recruit personnel for the Govt. service. There were quite a many cases of violation of the Zonal regulations in recruitment BCs & STs from Telangana were not given proper representation in these bodies. Confidential Reports: Another gray area of denial of promotions was to spoil the confidential reports of the Telangana employees on flimsy grounds, which could not be substantiated and thus deny or delay the promotions and elevations.

But the irony is that who will implement the G.O. 610, when the Government and official machinery is dominated by Andhras? The G.O. was not only misinterpreted but several G.O.s. were passed to bypass the G.O. 610 and the Presidential Order. After another n16 years of exploitation by denying the fair share in employment to the youth of Telangana, One Man Commission was appointed by issuing G.O. Ms. No: 270, G.A. (SPF-A) Department, dated 25-06-2001.

Employment in Government The entire government and its various departments are dominated by people of Coastal Andhra. This pattern has been a blatant violation of agreement to share government jobs between Andhra and Telangana in the ratio of 2:1. Out of 14 lakh jobs in the government as per 1997 figures, Telangana's share has been barely two lakhs and these too are in lower levels. Similarly, of the 531 judicial officers, only 92 belong to the region. Of the 22 judges in the state high court, there are only two representing Telangana. Moreover, no one from Telangana could become the advocate-general since the state was formed in 1956. On the educational front, of the 96,031 primary teachers, only 15,921 belong to Telangana. All the top and middle level jobs cornered by Andhra people: there's not a single secretary in the government today belonging to Telangana. Out of 140 heads of department in the government barring a handful, all are from Coastal Andhra. Public and private undertakings, autonomous bodies, corporations and universities have been made the monopoly of Andhras. Rules have been twisted, manipulated or simply ignored to ensure government jobs went to those from coastal a Andhras and to keep out Telangana people. The present trend is to keep out the Telangana people even from the posts of peons, bus conductors and drivers. The new recruits are all brought over from coastal districts. This strategy has been adopted since 1956 despite agreements entered into, working out the procedure and share. For instance, in 1966, all of the 70,000 vacancies, of which 90 percent went to the people of Andhra. The latest example is that of recruitment of more than 200 munisif magistrates. In course of time, they will become district and high court judges. Evidently, with an eye on capturing these crucial posts, the procedure has been changed, more centres of



80

examinations opened in coastal Andhra towns, and it was ensured that an overwhelming majority of examiners chosen belong to Coastal Andhra: 50 of 55 judges-examiners were Andhras. The written examination was held on February 23, 1997. The results were predictable: 68 candidates (80 percent of them from Andhra region) passed from Hyderabad; Warangal (the only centre in Telangana) was only 15. Visakapatnam accounted for 85, Vijaywada 75 and Tirupati 47 successful candidates. Only 30 candidates out of 290 called for interview are from Telangana.

Andhra Rayalaseema Telangana

IAS 115 19 27

IPS 50 19 20

IFS 48 6 20

High Court Judges 15 2 8

Telangana court Judges 69 13 31

Eng college Principals 17 1 25

Andhra ENG college Principals 27 ------ -----

Rayalaseema college Principals 2 10 -----

N G Ranga College Principals 9 4 -----

N G RANGA coll Board members 9 2 4

APPNC Board Members 7 6 2

Commercial Tax officers 418 42 161

Collectors 10 1 -----

Vice Chancellors 10 2 5

Registrars - University 6 7 4

IT Officers 5 ----- -----

There are more than 5,000 employees in the state’s secretariat. Out of them not even 10%belong to the Telangana region There are more than 130 posts of heads of departments. Out of them only 7 or 8 are held by the officers belonging to the Telangana region. This unending betrayal in livelihood became unbearable now.



81

TELANGANA COULD NOT BE LITERATE IN ERSTWHILE; NOW DENIED TO GAIN: At any point of time, Telangana with its 10 districts is either got a status equal to or less than Rayalaseema with 4 districts. If it is compared with Andhra, the scenario will be horrifying! For every 1 lakh Andhra people and 70,000 Rayalaseema people there is a government junior college and in Telangana for every 6 lakhs students there is a government junior college. In case of govt degree college in both the regions for every 1,75,000 students there is a college and 3,75,000 Telangana students have a college.



82



83



84

TELANGANA GENERATIONS LOST FOR WANT OF DRINKING WATER: Globally known Nalgonda floride victims could not attract the grace of rulers of state Government. An observation from foreign media on this as case study: Indian villagers crippled by fluorideIndian villagers crippled by fluorideIndian villagers crippled by fluorideIndian villagers crippled by fluoride

BBC correspondent in Hyderabad

This is a story of a land where excess fluoride has turned the gThis is a story of a land where excess fluoride has turned the gThis is a story of a land where excess fluoride has turned the gThis is a story of a land where excess fluoride has turned the ground water into a slow poison, round water into a slow poison, round water into a slow poison, round water into a slow poison,

crippling at crippling at crippling at crippling at least 10,000 people and leaving hundreds

of thousand of others in constant misery. This is the story of Nalgonda, one of the poorest and most drought-prone districts of Andhra Pradesh in southern India.

The seriousness of the problem can be measured by the fact that the groundwater has 10 to 12 parts per million (ppm) of fluoride in contrast to a maximum permitted level of just 1.5 ppm.

In the dust-filled hamlets and villages hardly 100 kilometres (60 miles) from the state capital Hyderabad there are many living examples of the havoc caused by fluoride.

Shocking

People with paralysing bone diseases, stooped backs, crooked hands and legs, deformed teeth, blindness and other handicaps are a common sight.

Ramaswamy can never be cured of fluorosis



85

The most shocking and sad image of this suffering is Ramaswamy.

At 18-yeard of age, when other youths are full of enthusiasm for life, Ramaswamy looks to be hardly five-years-old, with a physique completely devastated by the effects of fluoride.

He is so weak that he cannot walk and weighs barely 15 kilogrammes (less than 34 lbs). He is blind and mentally challenged.

He cannot recognise his own name and he cannot even eat by himself.

"We have done all we could have done," says his father Ramalingaiah, himself a victim of fluoride in Anneparti village.

'Dreadful fate'

"Now it is up to the God and government to do something to relieve our sufferings," he says with misty eyes.

Komati Reddy Venkat Reddy, a member of the Andhra Pradesh legislative assembly representing Nalgonda district says: "Ramaswamy is the symbol of our dreadful fate, our horrendous sufferings.

"But the government shows no seriousness towards solving the problem".

Mr Reddy represents the opposition Congress party and succeeded in raising the profile of the problem in March when he went on a hunger strike, demanding the completion of a drinking water project.

Although his fast was forcibly broken he succeeded in stirring up public opinion.

His party also mounted pressure on the state's Telugu Desam Government by organising a march of fluoride victims to the Governor's House.

Ram Prakash Sisodia is head of the administration in Nalgonda. He denies the allegations of inaction.

"This problem has been there for ages. The typical underground rock formation with fluoride is the root cause of the problem. And there is no solution other than bringing water from other areas through a pipeline," he says.

Local people have been demanding this for 30 years and say they want a supply of water from the River Krishna, which flows about 100 kilometres (60 miles) south-east of the area.

Crippled

Saidamma is 36, but looks like a 60-year-old with grey hair and a thin body.

She is a widow and is suffering from severe chest pains and recurring fever. Her son is crippled and her grandson was born with defective legs.

With extensive suffering, there is growing anger, frustration and disappointment.

Sudhakar Reddy is handicapped and uses a hand-driven

FLUORIDE FACTS

Nalgonda is one of the 23 districts of Andhra Pradesh state 600 villages and 300,000 people are affected by excess fluoride in the underground water 10,000 people are totally crippled Plans to bring clean water from the river Krishna are under way at a cost of 12 billion rupees Experts say there is no cure for skeletal and dental fluorosis

Supplies of fresh water will be too late for some



86

tricycle to move around the village.

"People keep coming to see us as if we are exhibits. They make meaningless promises that water will come. But nothing has happened so far," he says angrily.

Venkat Reddy says this is despite a clear ruling that if the government is not able to supply safe drinking water, it should relocate the villagers.

Mr Sisodia says that day is not far off. "We will start pumping water to these villages by June 2004," he says.

Now that a definite time limit has been given, there is some hope that the region will see drinkable water one day.

But even if that water comes, it will be too late for thousands who had already been crippled by an incurable disease.

The June 2004 is yet to come in several of these villages. This is the fate of Telangana.

TELANGANA HEALTH CARE IS EARNING SOURCE TO OUTSIDERS: Comparative Study of Public Health Care and Medical Infrastructure of Telangana region during the period of 1948 – 56 of Hyderabad state and systematic destruction of Public Health care system in the Telangana region after formation of Andhra Pradesh State in 1956 till now is clear violation of Constitutional Protection given to the human beings of Telangana. As a part of Hyderabad state, Telangana had following Hospitals:

Erragadda Institute of Mental health (1897) Osmania General Hospital (1925) Nilofer Children Hospital (1945) Gandhi Hospital ENT hospital Fever Hospital T.B. Hospital Nizams Orthopaedic Hospital: NIMS

Every District had a Head quarter hospital with sufficient infrastructure and Medical staff. In the Rural areas, the Civil Hospitals had sufficient buildings for the out patient and inpatient wards and Quarters for the Medical staff in the same hospital premises. After formation of the Andhra Pradesh State, no major Government Hospitals are established in the Telangana region. The district head quarter hospital attached to a Private Medical college at Warangal district, was later taken over by the Government of Andhra Pradesh and after 2004, one more Government medical college started at Adilabad district. Where as after formation of the Andhra Pradesh State, two government medical colleges are established in Rayalaseema region and now all the four districts of Rayalaseema region are having Government Medical colleges.



87

After formation of the Andhra Pradesh State three Government medical colleges are established in the Coastal Andhra Region - Vijayawada , Kakinada ,Srikakulam in addition to already existing two government medical colleges - Guntur, Vizag. During the period of Hyderabad State, poor people of the Telangana region were dependent on the Government run General Hospitals at Hyderabad, District Hospitals, and Civil Hospitals at Taluka levels. Well established government hospitals, at Hyderabad were taken good care by the Government of Hyderabad State and they had very good reputation by maintaining the up to date standards in the health care sector. The poor people of Telangana Region had trust and confidence to get admitted at Osmania General Hospital, Hyderabad and Gandhi Hospital, Secunderabad. Now, because of the negligence by the State Government more than 20 years these prestigious General Hospitals were not able perform Cardiac operations, Neurosurgeries, Orthopedic surgeries and Intensive care units were out dated. Where as corporate hospitals run by the vested interested of Coastal Andhra region were flourished and they got all the benefits from the Government. . The corporate hospitals when they acquired valuable land, at much cheaper and even nominal prices, in Hyderabad, they had given a written assurance to the Government that they will provide 30% of beds in their hospitals to the poor patients and got excise duty concessions to import Medical equipment from the Foreign countries and after establishment of their hospitals they ignored the assurances given to the state government. Poor patients of the Telangana region were the worst sufferers because their only hope was Osmania hospital, Gandhi hospital, MGM Hospital and Health care conditions in these hospitals were so much deteriorated that they could not get proper treatment for their Chronic diseases, Life threatening diseases; where as rich patients of Hyderabad and Coastal Andhra region admitted at Corporate hospitals for Renal Transplants, Cardiac surgeries , Neurosurgeries Orthopedic surgeries and Efficient Intensive care units and came out these corporate hospitals as treated healthy individuals. Result of this disparity some of the poor patients suffering from chronic diseases and life threatening diseases, sold their agricultural lands to bear cost of treatment at the corporate hospitals and due to this financial crisis suicide deaths occurred in the villages of Telangana region by the poor farmers. The Private Medical colleges in and around Hyderabad started hiring the poor Telangana people as patients when ever Medical Council of India inspects these colleges for the assessment of infrastructure facilities and standards in these Private Medical Colleges and fraud events reported in media many times. During the admissions of under graduate and Post graduate Medical courses, “Unreserved 15% Quota” had been misused and still misusing process is going on. Unreserved 15% Quota applies to all the regions of Andhra Pradesh, where as officials of the Government of Andhra Pradesh dominated by the Coastal Andhra region ,deliberately converted the “Unreserved 15% Quota” as “Non Local Quota” because the students of Coastal Andhra region have got advantage of securing the high score in the Medical Entrance examinations compared to Telangana region students and result of this disadvantage all the



88

15% Unreserved Quota converted as “Non Local quota” to secure admissions in the Undergraduate and Post graduate Medical admissions were hijacked by the students of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. There are many incidents supporting the violation of “6 - point Formula” constitutional protection to the students of Telangana region by submitting false certificates as the students of the Telangana region. Even Reputed Institutions like “ Nizams Institute of Medical Sciences”, Hyderabad,deliberately kept the Post graduate medical seats below 6 in number to avoid 6-point formula constitutional protection to the students of Telangana region and there by depriving the Post graduate seats to the undergraduate students of Telangana region.Violation of “6-point formula” and “610 G.O”: During the selection process of candidates for the Jobs as Medical officers - Civil asst .surgeons in “Vaidya Vidhana Parishad” and consequence of this mischief adopted by the officials of Coastal Andhra region , many of Telangana qualified doctors are deprived of working in the Area Hospitals of Telangana region. In the year 2007, the Employment Notification issued by the “Vaidya Vidhana Parishad” clearly shows the violation of “6 –point formula and Presidential order G.O 610) because the employment notification not all demarcated the “Zonal wise allocation” of the jobs. And during the process of selection of candidates, there is clear violation of 6-point formula and presidential order & G.O 610. Creation of Vaidya Vidhana Parishad, bypassing the Directorate of Public health by the Government of Andhra Pradesh itself against the constitutional protection of 6-point formula, and in the year of 1984 -85 the Government of Andhra Pradesh created the Vaidya Vidhana Parishad with motivation of transferring influential Doctors from Coastal Andhra Region and Rayalaseema region to the Area hospitals of Hyderabad and Rangareddy districts. After formation of Vaidya Vidhana Parishad, Government of Andhra Pradesh has given the option to the doctors working in the department of Health to work in the Area Hospitals of Vaidya Vidhana Parishad and deliberately paved the easy way to the influential Doctors of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema to grab majority of posts in the area hospitals of Hyderabad and Rangareddy districts and there by violating the constitutional protection of 6-point formula. For example, at the Area Hospital, Malakpet, Hyderabad, about 46% doctors are Non Locals. There is documentary evidence which shows that out of 28 doctors presently working in this area hospital, 13 doctors are Non Locals and clear evidence of breeching Presidential order. There is also violation of 6-point formula in the recruitment of posts like Sweepers, Watchmen, Drivers and Attendants at the Area Hospitals of Rangareddy district. Verification of service records of the doctors who are working at the area hospitals of Rangareddy district and Hyderabad including the details about the “Place of Appointment at the time of joining the duties after the recruitment as civil asst.surgeon” and presently their place of work, will prove this beyond doubt. The Valuable Land of Institute of Preventive Medicine, situated at Nacharam, Hyderabad transferred to the vested interests of Coastal Andhra at a nominal price.The fact is that the Institute of Preventive medicine was providing excellent services during the period of



89

Hyderabad State by manufacturing the “Anti Rabies Vaccine” and now it is disheartening to note that systematic destruction of this prestigious institute. The Valuable Land of Previously located Gandhi Medical College at Basheerbagh, Hyderabad sold to the neo rich of Coastal Andhra by the Government of Pradesh and there is historical evidence that the Telangana students of Gandhi Medical College fought for this valuable land for 20 years and helped the Government to liberate this land from the illegal occupation. TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP records the involvement of Doctors and Medical students of the Telangana region in the movement and also feels that at every stage there is violation of constitutional protection given to the Students and Doctors of the Telangana region by the rulers of Andhra Pradesh. From the day of the formation of Andhra Pradesh State in 1956, they faced deception and now it has reached to the irreversible demand for “Telangana State” not only expressed by the conscious portion of the brain but also deeply imprinted so powerfully in the subconscious portion of the brains and no force on this earth can demolish this opinion.



90

TELANGANA: INDUSTRIALISATION & SPREAD OF TECHNOLOGY

The process of industrialization had already begun by 1909 with a steam saw mill and several private and government owned spinning and weaving mills being established in Hyderabad.

The course of commercial and industrial progress never runs smooth; but in spite of periods of mishap and depression there are abundant signs to show that Hyderabad was advancing steadily, and it will not be an exaggeration to say that the State had by 1935 itself entered on an era of material prosperity the like of which she has never known in the past. The world famous Chemical laboratory, now known as Indian Institute of Chemical Technology was started in 1944, to research on the usability of natural resources as Central Laboratory. Then it became RR Labs and now as IICT.

INDUSTRIES IN EXISTENCE BY 1948: 1. Azam jahi mills-Warangal, 2. Osmania chemicals, 3. Nizam sugars-Nizamabad, 4. Taj glass factory-Hyderabad, 5. Praga tools-Hyderabad, 6. Sirpur paper mills- Adilabad, 7. Singareni Collieries-Adilabad, Karimnagar, Khammam 8. Hyderabad asbestos Are they sounding something like they were brought by settlers who claim that they brought investments? Andhra districts had just rice mills before independence, now by the grace of AP people of Telangana lost what they have. All the companies that were mentioned above are evidences of rich and varied industrial strength of Telangana region which are no more.

INDUSTRIALISATION IN TELANGANA: Industrialization of Telangana has been restricted to the Hyderabad city and Ranga Reddy district due to their physical proximity to the seat of the government. Industries in other parts of Telangana did not take off other than those set up prior to 1956. Several industries in Telangana have been allowed to become sick with government refusing to help out to restore them. Today, more and more PSUs such as Allwyn Auto and Republic Forge, located in Telangana are closed down by the government for various reasons. Those threatened include Antargoan and Sirpur Sirsilk Mills. Others in the line for closure are Nizams Sugar factory, FCI at Godavarikhani and Miryalguda Sugar Mill. According to data, a major chunk of the existing medium and major industrial units in



91

Telangana are owned by people from coastal Andhra. Of the 10,0000 odd units located in Telangana, only 1250 units are owned by the native Telanganites. Coastal Andhra industrialists own 6000 units and the rest are owned by outsiders from different parts of the country. With regard to employment in these industrial units, only 23 percent belong to Telangana, the rest hail from the Coastal Andhra region Twelve milk chilling plants established by the erstwhile Telangana Regional Committee indifferent parts of Telangana have been abruptly closed down. The fertilizer factory at Ramagundam is closed because of, among other factors, inadequacyof power supply and poor quality of coal made available. This fertilizer plant is in the coal belt of the region and large quantities of good quality coal available here are diverted to other regions for feeding thermal plants there. A national super thermal power plant is situated in Ramagundam itself and its operation is solely dependent on coal and water supplied by the Telangana regions, ignoring other pressing requirements of the people of the region. These major inputs available locally are, ironically, not accessible to a locally situated fertilizer plant. Coinciding with the decision to close down the plant, a decision is taken to set up a new fertilizer plant at Nellore in Coastal Andhra. The industrial development that has taken place in and around the capital city has not benefited the people of Telangana in any way. The land, water, power and other infrastructure facilities made available to these industries belong entirely to Telangana yet the migrants from other regions grab more than 95% of the jobs offered by these industries. The environmental pollution caused by the industries in and around Hyderabad is going unchecked because the sufferers are mostly areas around city were polluted and drinking water system seeped with industrial waste, the Musi river passing through Hyderabad was flowing into Hussain sagar and the Sarkar canal has dried up in most of the streches effecting the much draught effected area Nalgonda. If we go into the story the major chunk of pollution comes from the industrial waste of recent industries established by andhra people. They are eating the fruits and we are bearing the side effects of their pollution and industrialization but who is saying that we are being developed at their cost, capital investment goes into Telangana account. There are about 13,90,000 lakh jobs in the government and government-funded offices and establishments. Based on the size of population at least 40% of these jobs, i.e. 6 lakhs, should have gone to the job seekers from Telangana, but we have only 1,35,000. There are many rules only passed to flout them.



92

HYDERABAD: WELL PLANNED, FULLY EQUIPPED GLOBAL CITY IN 1909: Hyderabad, an integral part of Telangana, was the fifth largest city at the time of merger, it still remains so. At the time of merger, Hyderabad was the fifth largest city in India, with underground drainage, two major public hospitals, many other super speciality hospitals, one large university, well developed road and railway network – these were put in place by the Nizams. It possessed several beautiful buildings that could house the important offices of the state. The city could boast of a cosmopolitan culture with Tamilians, Marathis, Telugus, Persians, British, French and North Indians living alongside Muslims of various persuasions. Irrespective of origin, many were conversant with Urdu or its local variant, Deccani. This long history of living with many cultures gave the city a culture of openness, where even the Coastal Andhra migrants feel included. Due to these reasons, Ambedkar recommended that it should be made the second capital of India. It is precisely for this reason that all the major politicians of Andhra state, including T.Prakasam coveted Hyderabad as a capital. Not a single town or city in Andhra state such as Kurnool, Rajamundry, Vijayawada or Visakhapatnam had even a fraction of the facilities, buildings or land for expansion as was available in Hyderabad of 1956. Hyderabad’s unseemly and unsustainable expansion in the last three decades has been due to the relaxing of Mulki rules; conversion of Hyderabad into a ‘free zone’ where non-Telangana people were given free reign to set up industries and to get education and employment. The policy of ‘development’ of backward areas in the districts of Telangana got concentrated only in surrounding districts of Hyderabad. While industrialization in Telangana took place due to the initiative of the Union Government, deindustrialization picked up speed in 1990s due to the then regimes. Several Public Sector undertakings were closed down even though they were not sick. There was a boom in real estate and speculation. Land obtained from surrounding villages for industrial development was turned into colonies, leased out on nominal prices or donated to industries, especially the film and IT industries. Recently, in the name of Greater Hyderabad more mandals of Rangareddy, Medak, Mahboobnagar and Nalgonda have been merged in Hyderabad. Nearly 600 villages have been merged in Hyderabad so far. In this entire expansion, misleadingly called ‘development’, what happened was expansion of corporate capital-driven privatization. The local Telangana people gained little, either in education or employment or health.



93

They in fact have lost their land and livelihoods. Over the last twenty years, public investment has fallen while profit driven enterprises have grown. As a result, the per capita income of Hyderabadis (GDDP: Hyderabad 7686 IN 1993-94 where as Rs: 15743 in 2004-2005) has declined, now falling below Visakhapatnam’s (GDDP: Visakhapatnam 8265 in 1993-94 where as Rs: 17504 in 2004-2005). It is misleading to say that Hyderabad has been ‘developed’ by people of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. Hyderabad was considered good enough to be a second capital of the country in 1956 itself. While they may have set up some profit-driven industries along with many national and international companies, it is undoubtedly the substantial revenues of Hyderabad that financed its expansion, often at a huge cost to the local populace. It is a basic question where all these industries, including the Telugu film industry would have gone, if they were not given huge subsidies in land, power and taxes. Though the decision to build Hyderabad into a modern city to rival the best in the world was taken by the Nizam and the landed aristocracy, the resources were provided by the toiling masses of the erstwhile Hyderabad State. Over 90% of the revenues of Hyderabad state were based on the rural economy and a significant portion of this was invested to develop the infrastructure and services in Hyderabad city. So it would be correct to state that Hyderabad was built largely by the sweat and blood of the people of Telangana. These investments took place over a period of over a hundred years and already by 1909 Hyderabad had the makings of a modern city as can be seen from the following description: Hyderabad a Hundred Years Ago In 1909, the Imperial Gazetteer of India reported that Hyderabad was the 4th largest city in India with a population of 4.5 lakhs in 1901, which had increased to 5 lakhs in 1909. Hyderabad was linked to the rest of India by the Nizam’s State Railways. Hyderabad had a larger population than Delhi in 1909 and was still 4th largest in 1956. The city had 139 large and 310 small tanks along with several dams on the Musi River which was also the source for irrigation. The city had a protected water supply from the Hussain Sagar and the Mir Alam tank. The Hyderabad Water Works was already constructed and the Gazetteer reports that “this supply has led to considerable improvement in sanitation, and cholera which used to be an annual visitant has not been known in the city for the last few years”.



94

The Public Works Dept was established in 1868 and a municipal administration system was first introduced in 1869. A taxation structure was also established for revenues from properties, transportation, water supply, and roads and buildings. The municipal administration soon built a number of public buildings, hospitals, and gardens to develop the city. The Imperial Gazetteer of 1909 further states that “road widening had already taken place and old streets and lanes had been widened through the exertions of the Municipality”, and, “it may be said that practically three-fourths of the city and suburbs had been renovated or rebuilt under the Ministry of Sir Salar Jung in addition to the new buildings”. If one were to view the matter truthfully one has to admit that Hyderabad has slipped from the 4th place to the 5th place over the last fifty years and now to Sixth place. However, the primary reason for the influx of people into Hyderabad from the Andhra region was the prospect they saw of prospering from such a move. There were enormous tracts of land that were available for free or at throwaway prices. It is a historical fact that the areas around the urban core (atraf-e-balda) to the extent of over 2000 square miles (5,200 sq.kms or 13,00,000 acres) were sarf-e-khas (crown) lands. Like honey to the bee these lands attracted farmers and business people from the coastal region. In the 1950s and 60s this was limited to government employees and those who had business with the government along with a trickle of the more adventurous people. A particularly sordid phase was the dispossession of the landed property of the Muslim community under the threat of the Urban Land Ceiling Act. Many Muslim families resorted to distress sales and the landmark properties of contemporary Hyderabad like the 5-Star Hotels and Malls on Road No.1, Banjara Hills belong to this sorry chapter in the city’s history. These and many other properties were regularised after they passed into the hands of the newcomers. The city of Hyderabad is widely known for its tolerant attitude and composite culture. This is a culture that is a result of the interactions and amalgamations of many peoples, languages and their ways of living. The culture of Hyderabad has a history of more than 400 years and is referred to as a “ganga-jumna tehzeeb”. Apart from the Hindus and Muslims, Armenians, Anglo-Indians, Parsis, Shias from Uttar Pradesh and Sikhs and Punjabis have all been part of the diversity of communities that have lived peacefully in Hyderabad. They all claim themselves as Hyderabadis. Even today Hyderabad is the only city in South India that is multi-lingual and can be home to people from any part of the country.



95

Non-implementation of the environmental laws and haphazard planning and growth of Hyderabad city have reduced the Musi river to a sewer drain carrying the domestic and industrial waste generated in Hyderabad city adversely impacting on the river ecology. The government’s approach to the conservation of Musi has not considered the wider catchment area of the river. Hyderabad urban agglomeration (HUA), the capital city of Andhra Pradesh State in India, has a population of about 80 lakhs. With an area of about 778 square kilometres, the HUA consists of the Municipal Corporation of Hyderabad (MCH), Secunderabad Cantonment and the ten surrounding municipal towns as important components. The HUA has registered a decadal growth rate of about 43 per cent, 67 per cent and 28 percent during seventies, eighties and nineties respectively with much of the spatial expansion in the last two decades occurring in the peripheries. In April 2007, much of the HUA has been constituted into a single urban local body, Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC). Now, it is the sixth largest city in India, closely behind Bangalore. In recent years, the city has emerged as important information technology centre in India and has acquired a global image in this field. Water Sources and Water Supply The main sources of surface water are Osmansagar, Himayatsagar, Manjira Barrage, Singur Dam and Krishna water (Table 1). Osmansagar was built in 1920 across Esi, a tributary of Musi river, and Himayatsagar was constructed in 1927 across Musi. Before these two reservoirs were built Hussainsagar and Mir Alam Tank (built in 1562 and 1908 respectively) supplied drinking water to the city till 1930 or so. Over the years, the latter two got polluted and are no more used as drinking water sources.



96

LOCAL AND MUNICIPAL BODY : MODEL LOCAL GOVERNANCE: The system of administration known today as ' Local Self-Government ' has had its parallel in the ancient Hindu and the medieval Mughal systems of village administrations. In the Mughal Empire each town had its own officer, styled the Kotwai, who exercised the functions, now classed as municipal. Abu' Fazl gives detailed instructions for the guidance of these officers in his Ain-i-Akbari. He writes: "The appropriate person for this office should be vigorous, experienced, active, elaborate, patient, astute, and humane. Through his watchfulness and night- patrolling the citizens should enjoy the repose of security, and the evil-disposed lie in the slough of non-existence. He should keep a register of houses and frequented roads, and engage the citizens in a pledge of reciprocal assistance, and bind them to a common participation of weal and woe. He should form a quarter by the union of a certain number of habitations, and name one of his intelligent subordinates for its superintendence, and receive a daily report under his seal of those who enter or leave it and of whatever events therein occur. And he should appoint as a spy one among the obscure residents with whom the other should have no acquaintance, and keeping their reports in writing employ a heedful scrutiny. He should establish a separate sarai and cause unknown arrivals to alight therein, and by the aid of divers detectives take account of them. He should minutely observe the income and expenditure of the various classes of men, and by a refined address make his vigilance reflect honour on his administration. Of every guild of artificers he should name one as guildmaster, and another as broker, by whose intelligence the business of purchase and sale should be conducted. From these also he should require frequent reports. He should see to the open thoroughfares of the streets, and erect barriers at the entrances and secure freedom from defilement. When night is a little advanced, he should prohibit people from entering or leaving the city. He should set the idle to some handicraft. He should remove former grievances and forbid any one from forcibly entering the house of another. He shall discover thieves and the goods they have stolen or be responsible for the loss. He should so direct that no one shall demand a tax or cess save on arms, elephants, horses, cattle, camels, sheep, goats, and merchandise. In every subah a slight impost shall be levied at an appointed place. Old coins should be given in to bs melted down or consigned to the treasury as bullion. He should suffer no alteration of value in the gold and silver coin of the realm, and its diminution by wear in circulation he shall recover to the amount of the deficiency. He should use his discretion in the reduction of prices and not allow purchases to be made outside the city. The rich shall not take beyond what is necessary for their consumption. He shall examine the weights and make the ser not more or less than thirty dams. In the gaz (measure) hereinafter to be mentioned, he should permit neither decrease nor increase, and restrain the people from the making, the dispensing, the buying or selling of wine, but refrain from invading the privacy of domestic life. Of the property of a deceased or missing person who may have no heir, he shall take an inventory and keep it in his care. He should reserve separate ferries and wells for men and women. He should appoint persons of respectable character to supply the public water- courses, and prohibit women from riding on horseback. He should direct that no ox or buffalo, or horse, or camel be slaughtered, and forbid the restriction of personal



97

liberty and the selling of slaves. He should not suffer a criminal deserving of death to be impaled, nor any one to be circumcised under the age of twelve. Above this limit of age, the permission may be accorded. Religious enthusiasts, calendars, and dishonest tradesmen he should expel or deter from their course of conduct; but he should be careful in this matter not to molest a God-fearing recluse, or persecute bare-footed wandering anchorites. He should allot separate quarters to butchers, hunters of animals, washers of the dead, and sweepers, and restrain men from associating with such stony-hearted, gloomy-dispositioned creatures." For a long time after the declaration of independence by Asaf Jah the Mughal system as described above, more or less, continued to prevail in the administration of the country. But the system of municipal administration, on the lines of British India, was first introduced in the Dominions in the year 1869, when the city of Hyderabad was divided into four, and the suburbs into five divisions for municipal administration, the whole management being placed under a Municipal Superintendent. In 1881 the suburban area was separated and formed into the Chadarghat Municipality and placed under a separate officer designated Municipal Secretary, and likewise the City area was placed under another Secretary. In 1903, however, the two municipalities were amalgamated and placed under one Secretary. The Municipal Committee consisted of a President, a Vice-President and 24 members, of whom 12 were non-officials, 8 officials and 4 ex-officio members. In 1905 the number of the non- official members was increased to 13, while that of the officials was reduced to 5 and ex-officio members to 3. A new Municipal Act was passed in 1934 by the State Legislative Council by which the powers of the Municipality have been considerably enhanced. Its constitution was based on the advanced Bombay Municipal Act, which was closely followed. But the important feature about the Hyderabad Act is that the schedule of taxation and fines is much lower than those found in British Indian Municipal Acts. The Municipality, in which vests absolutely the municipal government of the city of Hyderabad, consists of a President and 36 Councillors, including the Vice-President who was elected by the members from among themselves. Of the Councillors, 13, including 1 Parsee, 1 Christian, and 1 representative of the Harijans were nominated by Government in consultation with their representative organisations; the remaining ten being returned in the following manner : 1 by the Sarf-i-Khas, 3 by the Paigahs, 1 by the Salar Jung's Estate, 1 by the Mahraja Kishen Pershad's Estate, 2 by the Jagirdars, 1 by the Graduates, and 1 by the mercantile class. The other 13 are elected from the 13 wards into which the City area has been divided for the purpose of elections. The term of office is 3 years, the Councillors being eligible for re-election.



98

The first elections under the new constitution were held in December 1934. They were so very lively that a great awakening in the civic life of Hyderabad was noticed on the occasion. There is a sort of municipal government in almost all the towns in the Dominions, and the State is contemplating to introduce formally the Municipal Act in all such places. Local Resources: About 20 years after the earliest legislation for raising rates to be devoted to local objects was made by the Government of India in imitation of the system of local cesses inherited from the administration of the Mirs of Sind, Hyderabad decided to levy a similar cess. It was to be at the rate of one anna per rupee of land revenue. Rules for the control and expenditure of these funds were passed and brought into force in 1887. The local cess provides funds for the construction and maintenance of roads, schools, dispensaries, rest houses and other works calculated to benefit the inhabitants of the districts. Prior to 1928 the one anna cess was allocated as follows: Village police 4 pies, Education 2, Roads 2, Medical 1, and General improvement 3. In 1928, as a result of the Government deciding to pay the village police from general revenues, the police cess was made over to local funds. The allocation of the funds at present is as follows : General welfare ( Rif a-i-Am ) 5 pies, Roads 2, Education 3, and Medical 2. The local fund rules provide for the establishment of (1) A District Board at the head-quarters of each district, and (2) A Taluk Board at the head-quarters of each tahsil, controlled by the Revenue Secretariat in the city of Hyderabad. A Central Board was in existence from 1889 to 1893 when it was abolished and its work transferred to the Revenue Secretariat. The District Board consists of a President and 13 members, of whom 6 are officials and 7 non-officials. The non-official members are representatives of Zamindars, pleaders, and the mercantile class. The term of office of the members is 3 years. Under the District Boards are the Taluk Boards. The Taluk Board consists of 8 members, of whom 4 are officials and 4 non- officials. There are in the Dominions in all 15 District Boards and 103 Taluk Boards. In order to assist the smaller head-quarter towns, where much of the expenditure is due to their being the capital towns of the districts, Government gives permanent grants to them. Government is also contributing largely to the cost of constructing town water- works. The aggregate expenditure since the scheme of the improvement of water supply was taken in hand has amounted to Rs. 13.78 lakhs. The main sources of income in the towns are gharpatti (House tax), roshnipatti (Light tax), and barbardaripatti (Toll tax), and one of the minor sources is sawaripatti (Vehicle tax). The District Boards receive a contribution of 7 pies from the one anna cess, and they are generally in a prosperous condition, having- large balances to their credit. This may



99

be due to their lack of initiative in undertaking programmes of rural uplift work, It is interesting to note that the average incidence of taxation per head of population in Hyderabad is about 12 annas only; whereas, during the year 1929-30, the average incidence of taxation, excluding tolls, in the municipal towns of the Madras presidency was about Rs. 3. The pitch of town taxation in the Dominions of the Nizam is extremely low, and consequently the people are happier and contented. The elaborate description of city governance and resource procurement shows the forward looking nature of the then Ruler. Now, out of 80 lakh population, about 20 lakh live in 5000 and odd slums. They are natives, original Hyderabadis, lost their homes in fiscal scarcity and expansion and confined to safe water less, hygiene missing plight. The influx from other parts has caused this agony to Hyderabadis and the so called claims of developing the city is just ruthless truth, which they are going on disputing. Hyderabad can not live without Manjira, Krishna and other water sources. Hyderabad can not sustain with out live inter dependency with Telangana region. Hyderabad is through the ages, integral part of Telangana and can only survive as part of the region, which is struggling for separation. Hyderabad is immersed with the mass movement for separate statehood to Telangana.



100

Case study on contemporary scenario: An observation of a girl came back from her foreign stint, in her own words:

More than Sibling Rivalry: The Andhra Pradesh Conflict By Navya Akkinepally 23 January 2010 1,360 views 75 Comments

I remember, as a child, packing my suitcase to get ready for a two-month vacation in

Hyderabad. The moment the flight landed at the Begumpet Airport, I knew I would have

another memorable summer to cherish. At the end of the two months, the only thing that

helped me get back on the plane was the promise of another summer like the one just spent.

For me, Hyderabad was the place that made me feel the most content. And so I moved back

permanently.

Hyderabad, historically, has been cosmopolitan. It has been called home by many diverse

people, and has accepted them and drawn them with its charm. Centuries ago, it was the

center of international trade for diamonds during the Nizam period, and it is once again

becoming so in the present era of globalization. And in spite of its present state of chaotic

growth, Hyderabad still bears evidence that it was once hauntingly beautiful; the elegant

Nizam structures, the enchanting landscapes of massive rock formations, and lakes that are

all but dry now. People from all over the country flock to get a taste of the original

Hyderabadi Biryani.

It’s my home.

Today, Hyderabad is also at the center of an intense political crisis that has broken out in

India. One that disturbs not just the city, but also the state in which it lies.

Hyderabad is the capital city of Andhra Pradesh, a state that was created a few years after

India gained independence from British rule as a homeland for Telugu-speaking people from

a variety of different political regions, some not even formally under British rule. The region

of Andhra was separated from Madras State and annexed to the Hyderabad State, to create

the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956. The creation of Andhra Pradesh was very influential, in

that it led to the linguistic basis of state organization for India’s diverse peoples. Language, as

Ramachandra Guha writes in India After Gandhi, was even more influential in creating

political identity than religion in postcolonial India. But in Andhra Pradesh, where the

paradigm of language-based statehood began, language would also prove strangely

insufficient as a unifying identity from the start.



101

There were three adjacent regions inhabited by Telugu-speaking people that were brought

together to form Andhra Pradesh: Coastal Andhra, which lies on India’s Southeastern

peninsula and was a part of the Madras province during British rule; Rayalaseema, a

landlocked region in the West adjoining Karnataka; and Telangana, the region surrounding

the city of Hyderabad and was part of the former princely state of the same name. The leaders

of Telangana were reluctant to join Andhra Pradesh, but went along. Since then, the demand

for a separate Telangana state has continued, with two major agitations since its inception.

Osmania University, the college that I attend, is known as the nerve center of both. The first

agitation in 1969 ended with fatalities; 369 were lost, most of them students. The second

agitation took place just one month ago, when the leader of the party calling for a separate

state went on a hunger strike. This gave rise to students, lawyers, government employees,

industrial workers and other sections of the population all taking to the streets demanding a

separate state. Fearing the worst, the government of India rather abruptly announced at the

stroke of midnight on December 9th that it would take steps to create a separate Telangana

state.

The celebrations of the leaders and supporters of the Telangana movement lasted all night,

heard clearly in my neighborhood due to its proximity to Osmania University. But the rest of

Andhra Pradesh has become worried and infuriated with the ruling Congress party for its

unilateral decision. Many people from outside Telangana have established stakes in

Hyderabad and wonder what separation means for them. It has since been the turn of

politicians from the non-Telangana regions to call for protests and strikes. The Congress

party, the victors in the most recent election, has found itself clearly divided in half over this

issue.

But politics aside, it is the concerns of ordinary citizens, and of those in Hyderabad in

particular, that reveal the full gravity of the present situation. Telangana sees Hyderabad as its

natural capital, dismissing suggestions that even if Andhra Pradesh were to be bifurcated,

Hyderabad could remain as a common capital city for all regions (as is the case of

Chandigarh, which is shared as a capital by the states of Punjab and Haryana). People from

the non-Telangana regions of Andhra Pradesh aren’t happy about losing Hyderabad; as the

capital city, it has drawn investors for generations. In addition to the financial stakes, there is

a cultural dimension to the bond. Hyderabad has not been the sort of city that divides and

throws out its own; it is in fact arguable that Hyderabad is one of the major melting pots of

India. It has been both Muslim and Hindu, Telugu and Urdu. People from different parts of

India - Kayasthas from Uttar Pradesh, Tamils employed in railways, Marwaris from

Rajasthan and of course the Maharashtrians and Kannadigas from the neighboring states of

Bombay and Mysore- have lived in Hyderabad. And since 1956, it has comprised Telangana,

and Andhra, and Rayalaseema. It has been both HiTech and Old City. But for the first time,

the people of Hyderabad are beginning to wonder who they are. The search for identity has

reared its ugly head. There is also emerging anxiety in Hyderabad: some people are choosing

to speak in English instead of Telugu, lest their dialect (be it Telangana or Andhra) expose

them as outsiders. All this in their own state; in their own country.

Why did all this have to be? Some of Telangana’s grievances are indeed legitimate. While

Hyderabad has prospered economically, the rest of Telangana has remained largely poor and

is one of the most underdeveloped regions in the whole country. The dominant culture of

Andhra Pradesh has been a coastal Andhra one, with Telangana culture and language (which

is largely Telugu with a mix of Urdu and Hindi) often being caricatured in Telugu cinema.

Hyderabad has gone from a largely Muslim-and Hindu-Telangana culture to an increasingly

Andhra-Telugu one. Following the establishment of Telangana, there was a deluge of

migrants from Andhra, of whom most could speak only one language and were thus not

exposed to cosmopolitanism. These migrants held the reigns of political power in the newly



102

formed state, helping them to promote their own lifestyles and dialect in the city. Their

speech and cultural forms were drastically different from those of the local Telugu

population. In addition, Telangana’s resources have been exploited - diversion of the region’s

natural resources, such as water and raw materials, and the income drawn from them

comprises 45% of the state’s aggregate. But when it comes to the distribution of funds,

Telangana’s share is only 28%. The local Telangana youth are threatened by the competition

for jobs by the rest of the state. The protests were extensive despite the fact that their aim was

politically viable. Most major political parties supported the call for a separate Telangana in

recent elections, and it got them the votes. Now, each of these parties has either back-

pedaled, or found itself divided on regional lines between those who are for a separate

Telangana and those who are not.

Those who are opposed to the formation of a separate Telangana state also face numerous

concerns and counter-grievances. Telangana truly has been neglected and undeveloped, but

so has the Rayalaseema region, and, indeed, so has much of rural India. There are also

administrative and commercial concerns. The state is losing money, and the information

technology businesses that fueled Hyderabad’s recent boom are wary. On a side note, the

Facebook page for a united Andhra Pradesh has around 25,000 members whilst the separate

Telangana one has around 500. Is separate statehood the only solution to perceived

grievances?

However, when I see children aged four to senior citizens marching in Telangana villages

chanting “Jai Telangana Jai Jai Telangana”, or thousands of college students from all over the

Telangana region getting together to attend the ‘Vidyarthi Garjana’ (roar of students), I

realize that there may be no way for the state to remain united. That, just perhaps, the

Telangana movement may strive for something more than economic prosperity - that it may

be for the very social and cultural identity of its people.

……………….. Thus says the voice of Telangana.

The four crore Telangana people thoroughly sensitized. Irrespective of caste, creed, age, education, occupation and economic status, through out length and breadth of the region, the urge is rampant and involving. Universities, the epicenters of this mammoth mass movement are treated as disturbed areas by this present state Government. The angry reaction of Supreme Court about the positioning of Gray Hounds – para – Military forces meant for handling extremist forces on the Osmania campus has led to attract the global attention. Suicides of the students and youth through out the region are unabated. The state Home Minister on March 7, 2010 informed the state Assembly that so far 139 suicides have recorded, where as the public claim has already crossed 350.



103

Such sacrifices were also belittled by other parts. The comment on the sacrifice of Siripuram Yadagiri, by a leader of other part that he was not a student attracted deep condemnation.

Since this movement became the rights movement, the emotions are raising and gradually turning into civic strife. DO OR DIE is the ultimate slogan.



104

PRAYERS FOR SEPARATE STATEHOOD TO TELANGANA

Much has been said and written about the history of the merger of Telengana and Andhra. Much water, entirely undrinkable and polluted, has flowed down the Musi since 1956. Telangana passions - mostly suppressed, occasionally bursting out - have not disappeared.

Ministries have come and gone. Two political parties have alternated in running the Government. Development - even or uneven – has taken place. Poverty has been reduced. Castes and classes on the fringes of socio-economic development have advanced towards the center stage of society and economy due to democratic empowerment but mostly due to education. Migration - from rural to urban areas in the region and state; to other urban areas outside the state; to the Gulf, US, UK & Australia – continues and brings prosperity, hope and self-confidence to the region and its people. Yet, the passions refuse to die down. The feelings of betrayal, of humiliation, of deprivation - even of jealousy and envy- continue to manifest themselves and grow stronger. This situation is now beyond solution. It has not been solved for 55 years - it is hardly likely to be solved in the near or distant future in a State dominated by the elites from the bigger and richer regions whose vested interests seem more important to them than the larger interest of the state - much less the narrower and vital interests of Telengana. The assurances and safeguards intended for Telengana are many -: unanimous Andhra Assembly Resolution (1955) , Gentleman’s Agreement (1956), Eight Point Formula of the Prime Minister (1969), Supreme Court Judgment on Mulki Rules (1972), Six Point Formula of the Prime Minister (1972), Constitution 32nd Amendment to Article 371-D (1975), Presidential Order – AP Public Employment Order (1975), G.O.Ms.No.610 (1985).

These assurances were given, presumably in good faith, and confirmed by two Assemblies, a Parliament, a Supreme Court, a President and a Prime Minister and in the broad daylight of politics, media and civil society. These promises were expected to be implemented and enforced by the State Government. If successive Congress and Telugu Desam State governments could not solve the problem, then the solution is not within the nature of state governance. And no one in public knowledge has contended that they were implemented as contemplated by their authors and supporters. On the other hand, the Kumar Lalith Committee (1969) concluded that its rightful share was not granted to Telangana. The Justice Vashista Bhargava Committee (1969) confirmed Lalith’s findings, differing only on quantum of Telangana surpluses.



105

The Officers’ Committee under the chairmanship of K Jayabharat Reddy (1985) found that the rightful share of Telangana in employment was not accorded. The House Committee on Implementation of GO 610 (2001) and JM Girglani Commission (2003) found that the GO supposed to redress the grievances of Telangana employees was not implemented even after two decades. The Girgliani Commission revealed the current situation regarding these solemn assurances and guarantees agreed nearly two or more decades ago by all political forces in the State and Center. Consider only four issues out of the 126 that he examined in light of the Presidential Order and the consequent GO 610. The first is related to the exemption from the Presidential Order of the offices of the Heads of Department (HOD’s) of 51 Departments in the State Government from the operation of the Order. The idea, sensibly, was that since the HOD’s offices service the whole of the state their staffing would be statewide. What was a reasonable exemption resulted in an unreasonable exercise, which saw the number of HOD’s doubled to 102! A Department can have only one single Head while it may have many wings. Yet the Head of Wings were designated as Head of Departments- wings flew high and became heads – an almost mythological exercise. The Departments of Irrigation, Roads and Building, Panchayat Raj Engineering, Health - all became, like Ravana, hydra headed. The Irrigation and Command Area Department outdid Ravana with 16 HOD’s, the R&B has 5, and PR Engineering and Health 7 each!! In order to facilitate the posting of Non-Telengana officers and staff, State Governments had opted to dismantle its command and control structure and set up multiple HODs. The second is the Work Charged Establishment. This group largely consists of manual labour in a casual capacity without any tenure, perks and salaries of normal government employees. They are mainly employed in the Departments of Irrigation, Panchayat Raj and Road & Building. Their employment was exempted from the operation of the Presidential Order as they were temporarily employed and did not constitute a regular government cadre. Yet the Girgliani Commission recorded that the Irrigation Department regularized 17,161, Road & Building 5,984, Panchayat Raj 7,860 – a total of 40,870 who were non-local (i.e., not Telengana persons) in the Telengana region were give permanent government employment, circumventing the spirit of the Presidential Order. Girgliani stated: “This was only the tip of the iceberg as many more non-locals were employed as Work Charged Employees in Departments which did not furnish figures to the Commission”. Which brings us neatly to the point that in the two years that Girgliani worked on this job, only one-third of the 102 Department have responded to his requirement for data – so much for the writ of the Government! The third is the exemption in the Presidential Order for Gazetted employees. This was neatly circumvented by including previously non-Gazetted posts in the gazette with or without changing the designations of the posts. Girliani stated: “Thus by this ingenious method the local candidates were deprived of the preferential treatment under the



106

Presidential Order By resorting to these methods the estimated number of posts that were Gazetted after 18.10.1975 (date of Order) cannot be less than a lakh of vacancies which otherwise would have been filled by local candidates.” Lastly, there is the neat invention of a “Free Zone”. Girgliani says, “ There is no territorial stipulation for the organizations that are excluded from the Presidential Order. They may be located anywhere. It is just incidentally that they are located in the Hyderabad City Area which gives us the impression that Hyderabad City is Free Zone”. He stated: “ Therefore the Hyderabad City or Hyderabad District should not be defined as a Zone VII or a Free Zone which is totally wrong… The Presidential Order does not mention Zone VII and therefore, there cannot be a separate cadre fro Zone VII which does not exist.” Girgliani goes on and on about another 122 issues…the litany is endless, it seems. It is therefore, abundantly clear that a separate Telengana state is needed in order to implement the assurances, guarantees and entitlements, which have been acknowledged by everyone over five decades to be necessary, fair, equitable for the people of the region. TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP reiterates while conluding that The story of Telangana is one of deception and dishonesty, violation of agreements in letter and spirit, diversion of funds and other resources discrimination in all fields, deliberate deprival and denial of opportunities, total domination in administration and dissimilarities in social, cultural, economic and political fields compounded by continuous exploitation and colonization of the region, for sole and singular benefit of the colonizers. PANDIT NEHRU ON TELANGANA ON MARCH 5, 1955 IN NIZAMABAD: EK MAASOOM BOLI BAALI LADKI KO EK NATKAT LADKE KE SAAT SHAADI KIYA JAA RAHAA HAI. CHAHETHO WOH MILKE RAHE SAKTEHE HAI YAA BICHAD SAKTHE HAI. WEDDING IS BEING PERFORMED BETWEEN AN INNOCENT CUTE GIRL WITH CLEVER MISCHIEVOUS BOY. THEY MAY IN MUTUAL AGREEMENT, CAN BE TOGETHER OR THEY GET SEPARATED. PANDIT NEHRU ON VISHAALANDHRA ON OCTOBER 2, 1953

VISHAALANDHA IS AN IDEA BEARING A TAINT OF EXPANSIONIST IMPERIALISM.

1. Deception and Dishonesty: Even before the ink was dry on the gentlemen’s

agreements, the name of the state was changed from Andhra Telangana to Andhra Pradesh and the deputy Chief Minister’s post that was due to a Telangana after Shri Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy was elected as CM but denied by Shri Reddy who dismissed the deputy CM post as sixth finger. The irony was that he himself was such a sixth finger as a deputy CM in Andhra state just before the merger. In order to



107

convince the Union Government of Pandit Nehru, the then Andhra state Assembly unanimously passed two resolutions one on November 25, 1955 and the other one on February 1, 1956, re-affirming to adhere to envisaged assurances and safe guards. The assurances and safeguards as condition precedent for the proposed merger but they were not intended to be implemented either in letter or spirit. They were basically a ploy to convince the Union Government of their sincerity and the gullible Telangana leaders to accept the merger with Andhra state.

2. Violations: The merger between Andhra and Telangana has been in deed a sordid

story of series of violations stretched over five and half decades. Each successive agreement either at the time of merger or those following agitations, were broken immediately and with impunity which explains the fate of the following agreements. They were never implemented sincerely and honoured more in breach than in practice.

3. Diversions: The surpluses of Telangana funds were diverted, not only that were

available at the time of merger, but also funds meant for Telangana in subsequent years till now for the benefit of Andhra region, depriving and denying the accelerated development of Telangana region to enable it to catch up with Andhra Region. These acts deliberately undermined its future growth widening the developmental deficit between the two regions.

Not only just the funds but also the river waters were diverted to Andhra region for the benefit of Andhra farmers what rightfully belonged to Telangana region.

There were number of jobs of Telangana running into virtually thousands and thousands over five decades which were occupied by Andhras by skillful and large scale manipulations of rules and regulations to suit their purpose, since they enjoyed virtual monopoly in the administration.

4. Discrimination: The discrimination was most striking feature of this merger of these

two regions, in the field of education, employment, industry, trade, commerce and in all fields of government activities. The discrimination which got institutionalized over the years affected all fields of governance in the state and all sections of people and it became so brazen and pervasive that the current agitation and unprecedented mammoth mass movement – to be in theglobal history, is one of its manifestations out of sheer frustration of Telangana.

5. Domination: The total domination on the state and its resources, offered unlimited

opportunities to Andhra leadership, which helped them to discriminate, divert and deliberately deny the opportunities to Telangana region.

Even today the CM, the Speaker and leader of opposition, DGP, Advocate General, Chief Secretary and all important posts are in the hands of Andhra leaders. The Secretariat which happens to be nerve centre of the state is dominated by Andhras relegating Telangana employees to meager numbers and minor share and thus enhancing their grip and control on every aspect of the administration in government.



108

6. Deprival and Denials: The Telangana people were deprived every way in terms of equal opportunities in the combined state. Wide ranging opportunities emanating from government policies, programmes and projects in a large state like AP were only served selectively to Andhra Region and some of its favourites, who had the resources, power and influence denying share to Telangana region in proportion to its legitimate rights.

7. Dissimilarities: For more than a century the people of Telangana and Andhra lived

under different Social, cultural, economic, administrative, political conditions. The people of Andhra, inspite of their being in the composite state of Madras for ages have developed a linguistic and cultural monism, which is the reason why they could not adjust with Tamilians and demanded a separate state. On the contrary the people of Telangana had not only lived among several linguistic groups for ages but also fully adjusted to such pluralistic socio-cultural existence. After the state of AP was formed both the people of Andhra and Telangana cherished their respective socio-cultural values. As it always happened in history, those adhering to the socio-cultural monism become very aggressive in asserting their superiority over those having a pluralistic set of values. The political and administrative control that Andhra acquired in the integrated state due to their numerical superiority added to their aggressiveness. This went to meaningless extremes that Andhras started bragging that the Telugu spoken in Telangana was not at all real Telugu. The socio-cultural exclusiveness of Andhras is at the root of exploitation of Telangana economically, politically and administratively.

No integration, emotional or otherwise, has taken place in all these years despite several upheavals in the relationship between two regions either socially, culturally, economically, politically, particularly in the social and the cultural realm. In terms of language, dialect, folklore, traditions, arts, movies and even in celebration of festivals. There are strong dissimilarities and therefore neither common culture or ethos evolved, nor a fusion has taken place across the cultural and social fields between the two regions.

It has been a story of one way migration from Andhra to Telangana to capitalize

the opportunities the capital offered, thanks to the liberal serving by their own administration. The dialect of Telangana, its people, their customs were ridiculed or portrayed as inferior in the movies made by Andhra producers. This pattern of integration has not promoted understanding, mutual appreciation or a synthesis between two regions and never took the roots deep enough to ward-off possible challenge to the very merger or survival of the merger itself. No language can bind and no tongue unit people if decades of injustices are perpetuated, agreements are flouted, outright discrimination is made.

Since the formation of AP, the democratic principles, practices and processes have been under attack by Andhra rulers to promote their region and personnel interest of themselves and their supporters, at the cost of Telangana. Nepotism, corruption and aggrandizement came to characterize the administration, much to the bewilderment of Telangana people. Threat of violence, factional feuds, murders which characterize their region, has cast its shadow on the capital city and its



109

surroundings much to the consternation of local people. Grave and wholesale violation of government rules and regulations in bidding for contracts, or operating transport services, cornering contracts landing lucrative government or public – private projects, sale of government lands, location of industrial or infrastructural projects. Establishment of SEZ etc., are indicative of a political culture alien to Telangana. On the other hand Telangana had far better, prudent and efficient administrative culture which reflected in its beginning revenue accumulated in the amount of Rs. 11 crores in marketable securities.

Telangana would benefit from bifurcation of the state since it can weed out the pernicious Andhra administrative culture and revive its responsive, efficient and accountable administration and restore respect of rule of law and promote democratic norms, traditions and healthy practices.

8. Exploitation and Colonization: The exploitation reached to such an extent over all

these years that it amounted to virtual colonization. Few irrigation projects that were taken up in Telangana, the Andhra Farmers with the help of helpful and cunning administration cornered thousands of acres of lands buying at cheap rates, establishing their own colonies, displacing the original owners and alienating them from their own lands. According to agreements no lands could be acquired in Telangana region by Andhra farmers or industrialist. This was done primarily to protect the Telangana region from colonizing by the prosperous and advanced Andhra people. The Andhras have occupied or in a way colonized very costly lands around the city and in the adjoining districts with the open support and encouragement of the state government in order to benefit the Andhra people with a view to increase their numbers in and around the city and thwart the demand for separate Telangana. Many projects were prepared and approved for the benefits of few who have grown enormously rich to the extent of wielding considerable clout in the administration and it is the same voices who are in the vanguard to oppose Telangana.

9. The Centre and its Role: It is sad but true that the role of Union government proved

decisive in determining the fate of Telangana right from the merger in 1956. The Government of India is fully aware of the trials and tribulations of Telangana people since 1956 right up to the current turbulence, which once again reiterated in December 9, 2009, December 23, 2009 and January 5, 2010 announcements.

As the Hyderabad state case was pending in the Security Council, in the wake of states reorganization in 1956, the Government of India took the opportunity to dismember the Hyderabad state to nine Telugu speaking districts, Telangana was forcefully merged with Andhra state against the wishes of people of Telangana and the recommendation of SRC. The Fazal Ali Commission categorically said the safeguards to protect the interest of Telangana in Vishalaandhra would not work.

“We understand that the leaders of the existing Andhra State may be prepared to

provide adequate safeguards of protect the interest of Telangana in the event of



110

integration in Vishalaandhra. We have carefully gone into in the details of the arrangements which may be made on these lines. It seems to us however neither guarantees on the lines of Sri Baug Pact nor Constitutional devices such as ‘Scottish Devolution’ in the United Kingdom, will prove workable or meet the requirement of Telangana during the period of transition. Anything short of supervision by the Central Government over measures intended to meet, the special needs of Telangana will be found ineffective and are not disposed to suggest any such arrangement in regard to Telangana” (SRC page 107 para 384).

The acts of commissions and omissions are many on the part of the Union Government some of which are listed below. i. It is the Central Government which forced the merger against the wishes of the

people of Telangana and that of SRC on the single minded pursuit and persuasion of wily and scheming Andhra Leaders, who offered assurances, safeguards.

ii. The merger was effected against the wise and matured decision of SRC as well as the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru who said that the recommendation of such committee (SRC) must necessarily be given full weight and accepted.

iii. It is the centre that arranged the meeting on February 19, 1956 of Andhra and Telangana leaders and finalized gentlemen’s agreements; a regional formula was devised providing for regional committee on Telangana and a Presidential order issued accordingly.

iv. Article 371 of the constitution was amended to provide constitutional cover to the contractual safeguards embedded in the Gentlemen’s Agreement.

v. It was again the centre under the leadership of Shrimathi Indira Gandhi, which announced 8 point program following serious and sustained agitations in Telangana in 1969. The 8 point programme was not satisfactory since it left out Mulki rules which was bread and butter issue to Telangana.

vi. Telangana people expressed their desire for a separate state by winning 10 out of 11 MP seats following which Shrimathi Gandhi offered 6 point pact and promised to restore the Mulki rulers by amending the constitution but follow-up on the promise curtailed.

vii. Following the Supreme Court’s decision on October 3, 1972 declaring the Mulki Rules valid retrospectively Andhra agitations started against the decision. It is again the Union Government that devised a settlement under a 6 point formula in 1973 that wiped out the gains of Telangana agitations of 1969 with regard to Mulki rules and Telangana regional committee which were central to the Gentlemen’s Agreement.

viii. The centre could not stall wholesale violations of all agreements right from 1956 and faced problems to supervise the implementation of the various safeguards given to the people of Telangana as suggested by sagacious, wise men of the SRC and other committees.

ix. After the 2004 elections, it is the UPA Government, at the centre that included the Telangana issue in its common minimum program and ensured Presidential commitment to the first joint session of Parliament in 2004, that the UPA government would consider the demand for the formation of a Telangana state at an appropriate time after due consultations.



111

x. The UPA government though tried to move further but could not. The issue has been burning ever since while the Telangana people are exhibiting extraordinary patience, perseverance, adopting democratic and Gandhian Path in their struggle without undermining peace, progress and harmony in the state. There is hardly any parallel in independent India that a prolonged agitation like Telangana, is continuing peacefully even today although this phase of the current agitation started in 1996.

xi. It is the UPA which appointed Pranab Committee. The recorded commitments to that committee are basis and history now.

xii. Following the developments in November 2009 which led the faceless student community, peasantry, professionals and employees to take lead, it is the present UPA Government that acted quickly and got consent of all major parties in the state and agreeing in principle to bifurcation of the state. The Union Home Minister armed with the all parties endorsements announced on the December 9, 2009 that the process of forming a separate state of Telangana initiated, which the nation and all global institutions and countries took note of.

xiii. Then only the clever and influential “united” sloganeers surfaced and could pressurize the Government of India to retract its announcement. Never in the history of Indian Republic there has been an instance where the Home Minister goes back on his decision on an important issue, after duly announcing in the two houses of parliament. It is widely believed that the Andhra Leaders arm twisted the Government into submission.

xiv. The appointment of Justice B.N. Sri Krishna Committee is more elaborate than that of State Reorganisation Commission, with deeply involving gamut with seven terms of reference with ample scope to recommend judiciously. Obviously its report will be PASHUPATHASTHRA. It will strengthen the hands of the Union Government which has to take a political decision. In the state, democracy would be reduced to a mockery if the people’s will is by-passed, the public opinion is flouted and the mass movements are sought to be crushed with the help of bayonets and bullets, which is going on.

10. Tyranny of the majority: cannot be a rule of a law, without exception and without

considering the extenuating circumstances. A brutal majority cannot be allowed in a democratic setup to enslave 4 crore people and exploit them fully in all walks of life swamping their rights, freedom and liberty against the very spirit of democracy forever. The United States of America came into being that in the principle that tyranny of majority should not be allowed to dominate the smaller states by the larger states by sheer numerical strength. One of the famous compromises discussed in the Constitutional Convention of USA in 1787 was the compromise between large and small states over representation in Congress. There were serious differences among the various groups, especially between the representatives of large states who favoured a strong government that they expected it to be able to dominate and the delegates from the small states that were anxious to preserve the confederate character of the union. Finally a compromise was arrived at popularly known as “Connecticut compromise”.



112

It provided for a Lower House (Congress) which representation would be on the bases of population, and an Upper House (Senate) in which each state would have an equal vote regardless of the size of the state. This was a set back to the large states who agreed only when the smaller states made it clear that this was their price for the union. The famous compromise ensured that smaller states have equal voice and equal voting with that of larger states to block any bills if found inimical to their interest. The Connecticut compromise is working famously since then safeguarding the interests of smaller states without being forced by brute majority by sheer members.

11. The Optimum Solution: In view of the foregoing the one and only optimum solution

is to recommend creation of a separate state of Telangana to fulfill the aspirations of 4 crore people being cherished for over 50 years.

Any other solution would be unrealistic, untenable and unacceptable and not in the larger interest of stability and progress of Telugu People. Any other solution would amount to imposing a solution once again, against the wishes of Telangana People, who expressed their verdict more than once since 1969 and through widespread and prolonged agitations and elections. All the major parties in the AP State from 2004 onwards, have conceded the demand for Telangana and have altered their positions and their policies in this regard.

There is a vertical division across all the sections of the society encompassing the political parties, advocates, doctors, employees, trade unions, students, professionals, and SC, ST and Backward classes. The gap and gulf is unbridgeable and there is a pervading feeling in whole of Telangana and all sections of society that it is NOW OR NEVER. The 4 crore Telangana People cannot be suppressed any more in a democratic setup nor any solution can be imposed, or pushed down their throat any longer. They have gone through the full cycle of safeguards, guarantees and agreements including gentlemen’s, agitations followed by new formulas only to be violated again. Telangana should be demerged from Andhra Pradesh for the very same reason that led to the creation of a separate Andhra state in 1953. In this context Shri Ayyadevara Kaleshwara Rao, an eminent leader of Andhra and the First Speaker of Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly vividly described the ‘Plight’ of Andhra in ‘Madras province in the following terms: “Tamils have greater influence, in the Madras Legislature, in the Government and in the High Court. In the Government of Madras run by the TAMILS, the individuality and self-respect of Andhras has decreased. That is a Tamilian State and not of Andhras. Under the Madras Government, the Tamils are enjoying all the benefits whereas Andhras are backward in respect of employment, education and economic development, industries and power supply in ANDHRA area”. The reasons for de-merger of Telangana from Andhra are much stronger than those advanced by the Andhras against Tamilians because all the agreements, safeguards, guarantees were flouted from day one systematically and continuously even



113

after, few serious and prolonged agitations which rocked the state, requiring the intervention of the centre at each time. The total domination utter discrimination, colonization and decades of neglect by Andhra rulers regardless of the so called development in and around of Hyderabad or few district of Telangana, is not a consolation of any consequence. Therefore Telangana people are convinced and believe passionately that it is SELF RULE and self rule alone can be panacea and restoration of Telangana pride and SELF RESPECT can come only from self rule.

If Indian Democracy is to gain strength, survive and establish good and

lasting traditions in order to become vibrant, the Government of India has to respect the wishes of Telangana people who are continuously and relentlessly demonstrating their preference for a separate state since 1956 on several occasions unambiguously and stridently.

Telangana had been a separate state, stable, large, viable and surplus. Now SELF RULE and SELF RESPECT is the only goal. PRAYERS from TELANGANA being earnestly conveyed by TELANGANA CONGRESS MONITORING GROUP.

telangana congress monitoring group memo to srikrishna committee

Documents

separate telangana

telangana state

telangana people

telangana surpluses

word telangana

telangana irrigation

remote telangana

telangana development