team processes, team conflict, team outcomes, and gender: an examination of u.s. and mexican...
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Team processes, team conflict, team outcomes, and gender:
An examination of U.S. and Mexican learning teams
Warren Watson a,*, Danielle Cooper a,1, M.A. Jose Luis Neri Torres b,2, Nancy G. Boyd a,3
a Department of Management, University of North Texas, P.O. Box 305429, Denton, TX 76203, USAb Facultad de Contabilidad y Administracion, Universidad de Colima, Av. Universidad 333, 28016 Colima, Col., Mexico
Abstract
Team learning is growing rapidly in popularity in United States (U.S.) and Mexican universities. This instructional approach
consists of using learning teams in which participants are required to work together regularly for a semester period of time and
produce evaluated team outcomes. These team outcomes, along with their individual performance, have a significant impact on each
individual’s final assessment. We compare team processes, team conflict, team outcomes, and gender interaction in Mexican and
U.S. student teams. U.S. teams report more team-oriented behavior and more cohesiveness, and Mexican teams report more self-
oriented behavior and more conflict. Nationality (United States or Mexico) has a moderating effect on the relationship between
gender heterogeneity and cohesiveness and conflict. Suggestions are given for applications and future research.
# 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Team learning; Team outcomes; U.S. and Mexican cultural diversity
In the United States (U.S.), collaborative learning is widely applied in academia and business and crosses many
content disciplines (Brooks & Ammons, 2003; Sivan, 2000). Learning teams have existed for some time, and during
the last 25 years approaches to team instructional methods have been developed such as cooperative learning
(Chasnoff, 1979; Johnson & Johnson, 1992), team learning (Watson, Michaelsen, & Sharp, 1991), and problem-based
learning (Slavin, 1989). The use of team projects in the classroom and in business has long been popular, but over the
last two decades the application of a more organized team learning format across the entire semester or training period
is preferred. Students and trainees no longer simply participate in teams for interpersonal exercises or temporary
projects, but rather the team format is increasingly applied throughout the semester or training program, with
participants’ contributions being assessed to a significant degree by how they produce on team projects and team
exams. Such approaches are referred to as learning teams, where participants are required to work together regularly
for a longer period of time and produce evaluated team outcomes that have significant impact on each individual’s final
assessment (Michaelsen & Watson, 1993).
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International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 940 565 3140.
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (W. Watson), [email protected] (D. Cooper), [email protected] (M.A.J.L.N. Torres), [email protected]
(N.G. Boyd).1 Tel.: +1 940 565 4487.2 Tel.: +52 312 316 1073.3 Tel.: +1 940 565 3158.
0147-1767/$ – see front matter # 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.01.002
Similarly, problem-based learning (aprendizaje basado en problemas) and team learning (aprendizaje de equipo)
are utilized by a growing number of Mexican schools and universities. In a 2004 survey of 109 undergraduate business
programs, 15% reported the use of team-based learning methods (ANFECA, Asociacion de Facultades y Escuelas de
Contabilidad y Administracion, URL http://www.anfeca.unam.mx/inicio.php, downloaded 4 October 2007). Because
the use of teams in learning in Mexican and U.S. universities has spread in the last decade, research on the subject is
needed. Furthermore, studying learning teams in Mexico and the U.S. may offer insights into how teamwork differs
across these two cultural contexts.
1. U.S. and Mexican cultural differences
A number of researchers have examined cultural differences between the United States and Mexico. Hofstede
(1980, 2001) identified four dimensions of national culture that may be used for cultural comparisons: uncertainty
avoidance, power distance, individualism, and masculinity. Power distance implies a greater tolerance for role
differences between supervisor and employee, while masculinity reflects the ways in which different cultures deal with
gender differences and implies a greater tolerance for gender role differences. Individualism (versus collectivism)
reflects the ‘‘relationship between the individual and the collectivity which prevails in a given society’’ (Hofstede,
1980, p. 148), and is largely a statement of independence from the family. Finally, uncertainty avoidance describes a
tolerance for uncertainty and reflects a concern with saving face and avoiding anxiety. The results of Hofstede’s
extensive research reveal that Mexican nationals tend to be more power distance-oriented, more masculine, and
collectivistic, while U.S. nationals tend to be more individualistic and more tolerant of uncertainty. Hofstede (1980)
concludes that any examination of organizational and management problems must be evaluated within the cultural
context, reflecting important differences that are built into the fabric of society.
Research has extended Hofstede’s findings to include measures that examine what constitutes individualistic/
collectivistic values. For example, Green, Deschamps, and Paez (2005) compared U.S. and Mexican student attitudes
regarding competitiveness, self-reliance, and interdependence. Competitiveness was defined as ‘‘winning is
everything,’’ self-reliance was defined as ‘‘only those who depend on themselves get ahead in life,’’ and
interdependence was defined as ‘‘it is important to maintain harmony within a team.’’ U.S. students reported more
interdependence and less competitiveness than Mexican students. This finding appears to alter the original
assumptions of cultural differences that exist based on the dimensions of individualism and collectivism.
Allik and Realo (2004) examined individualism along with social capital, which was defined in terms of
interpersonal trust and organizational membership. Interpersonal trust includes trusting people and thinking that most
people are honest, while organizational membership involves serving on committees in organizations (business, civic,
social, and public). U.S. respondents reported more interpersonal trust, organizational membership, and individualism
than Mexican respondents. Clearly, we are seeing that the constructs of individualism and collectivism are complex.
Gabrielidis et al. (2007) examined cultural differences between the U.S. and Mexico in conflict resolution, finding
support for the dual-concern model. The results of their study indicated that Mexican students preferred conflict
resolution, thus reflecting more concern for accommodation and collaboration than U.S. students. Mexican students
also reported greater independence of the self than U.S. students. This finding suggests that independence and
interdependence may be separate dimensions instead of a continuum. Again, the cultural differences on these
constructs warrant further exploration.
Finally, House and his colleagues provide additional insight into cultural value differences in the workplace. Using
the GLOBE (Global Leadership Organizational Behavior Effectiveness) survey to examine individual and teamwork
leadership values across many countries (e.g., see House & Javidan, 2004), they empirically verified 10 culture work
value clusters from a 62-culture sample (Javidan, Dorfman, de Luque, & House, 2006). Latin America and Nordic
clusters were part of the group. Hofstede’s research indicates that Mexican values are aligned with Latin American
values and Nordic values are closely aligned with values in the U.S. (Hofstede, 2001). The Latin America cluster
reported more assertiveness and less human orientation than the Nordic cluster. Another GLOBE study shows specific
comparisons of Mexico to the U.S. (Den Hartog, House, Hanges, Ruiz-Quintanilla, & Dorfman, 1999). Mexicans
reported less participation, less humane orientation, and slightly less team orientation than employees in the U.S.
Mexican employees also reported more self-protection and slightly more autonomy than U.S. employees. Thus,
research reflects a trend in cross-cultural research that described Mexicans as being more individualistic and U.S.
participants as being more team-oriented.
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537 525
2. Learning teams
Learning teams are natural teams (cf. McGrath, 1991) that are observed in the context of classroom performance,
and their use involves real consequences for participants. They consist of students (resources) that must work together
across time (transform) in order to produce successful outcomes both as individuals and as teams (products). Team
process is a critical element in creating team synergy (Watson, Johnson, & Merritt, 1998). Learning teams usually
complete team projects based on exploring, analyzing, and proposing solutions to a complex problem concerning their
domain of study. Such projects involve planning and executing tasks while in competition with other learning teams, as
well as being evaluated by class standards administered by instructors. Since this collaborative instructional approach
is gaining popularity in both the U.S. and Mexico, it is important to examine further cultural differences that influence
the nature of learning teams’ process and outcomes. This focus leads us to pose the following question: what team
processes, team conflict, and team outcomes are descriptive of U.S. and Mexican learning teams? Many studies have
been conducted that compared U.S. and Mexican cultural values, while few have addressed team processes and team
outcome differences between the two countries.
3. Team processes, team conflict, and team outcomes
Individuals in a team exhibit both facilitative and interfering behaviors toward group performance (Thibaut &
Kelley, 1959). Interference occurs when an individual’s or subgroup’s performance is incompatible with the
performance of others. Bales and Strodtbeck (1951) categorized dimensions related to group member behavior in
problem-solving situations as socio-emotional, task, and negative reactions. Schein (1988) described task and
maintenance behaviors that focus on team synergy, as well as certain self-oriented behaviors that are exhibited by
individuals or subgroups. Self-oriented behaviors are those that individuals exhibit as mechanisms for defining and re-
defining individual desires and dissatisfactions about the team. Examples of Schein’s self-oriented behaviors are tough
responses (i.e., fighting, controlling, resisting authority) and withdrawal or denial responses (i.e., passivity,
indifference, too much logic).
Group success occurs through team-oriented individual efforts that evolve when team members interact effectively.
This creates a team synergy, where the whole is better than the sum of the parts. Group discussion stimulates the
development of ideas, insights, and strategies that no one member previously considered. For example, when
discussing problems, groups have been found to provide a greater number of ‘‘crucial insights’’ as to how to best solve
problems than individuals accomplish working alone (Skon, Johnson, & Johnson, 1981). Groups also are more likely
to identify and reject incorrect solutions to problems (Shaw, 1983), and they facilitate a higher motivation to achieve.
Group synergy is realized through a context of cooperation in which members give help and assistance in promoting
each other’s success.
Groups can perform at a higher level than individuals can alone, if team-oriented behaviors are enhanced and if self-
oriented behaviors do not overly inhibit teamwork. It is also clear that individual differences may significantly add to a
group’s process tasks (Watson & Kumar, 1992). Correspondingly, an excess of individualistic behaviors will interfere
with group synergy. However, if individualism is overcome through feedback about interpersonal behaviors, then
individuality may prove to be an advantage (Watson, Kumar, & Michaelsen, 1993). Process feedback may be a key to
the utilization of self- and team-orientation cycles. The importance of process feedback on performance has long been
argued (Schein, 1988; Thibaut & Kelley, 1959; Watson et al., 1991). Since team learning is being used more and more
in the U.S. and Mexico, it is important that we better understand the extent to which team members rely on team-
oriented and self-oriented behaviors in student teams.
Team-orientation and self-orientation process outcomes have been applied in team research utilizing learning
teams (Watson, Johnson, Kumar, & Critelli, 1998; Watson, Johnson, & Merritt, 1998), and the evidence from research
suggests that these process outcomes do correlate with team performance. Team-oriented and self-oriented measures
have proven to be stable dimensions across time. In addition, they are descriptive of the team–self processes, and are
considered to be important team outcomes in their own right. In this study, we describe U.S. and Mexican learning
teams utilizing these constructs.
In addition to team processes, we are interested in team conflict. Conflict is a state of disharmony that can cause
negative results in team activities (Rayeski & Bryant, 1994). When conflict is present within a team and between
teams, it affects decision-making (Amason, 1996; Jehn, 1995). This is an intriguing concept since research also shows
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537526
that some conflict is beneficial (Cosier & Schwenck, 1990; Schwenk, 1990). Amason, Thompson, Hochwarter, and
Harrison (1995) examine this issue in terms of cognitive conflict and affective conflict. Conflict that appears beneficial
to a team is cognitive conflict because it focuses on issue-related differences and encourages team members to question
their assumptions. Cognitive conflict also encourages innovation and creativity. Affective conflict can be detrimental
to teams since it results in animosity among members and includes disagreements over personality and emotional
issues. Effective groups are those who manage cognitive conflict to their advantage, and who minimize affective
conflict. How cognitive and affective conflict evolves and how the two types of conflict influence one another is not
entirely clear, and more research is needed to understand the nature of these concepts (Kotlyar & Karakowsky, 2006).
Thus, these conflict constructs will be utilized in the current study of U.S. and Mexican learning teams.
Finally, team cohesiveness is viewed as a preferred team outcome. Group cohesiveness has long been a key element
in the study of group behavior (Zander, 1979). Many studies examine team performance outcomes on relevant team
tasks such as exams, evaluated projects, and decision-making exercises (Watson et al., 1991). Other preferred team
outcomes have been described such as member satisfaction and attitude change (Hackman & Morris, 1978; McGrath,
1991). We use cohesiveness as a complex index of member commitment, attraction to the group, and adherence to high
standards of goals and performance (e.g., see Mudrack, 1989). Thus, this construct will also be utilized in the current
study of U.S. and Mexican learning teams.
4. Type I hypotheses
In this study, the team level of analysis is adopted in which teams have worked together for a significant period of
time. This is considered to be an appropriate view of team characteristics and outcomes (Wilson, Goodman, & Cronin,
2007). In addition, Type I and Type II analyses of cultures will be examined (Tsui, Nifadkar, & Ou, 2007). In Type I
analyses, nationality (U.S. and Mexico) is the independent variable. Therefore, we examine between-nation
differences in team process, team conflict, and team outcomes. Type II analyses are conducted with nationality being a
moderator (i.e., an interaction) with targeted behaviors and an outcome. We feel the use of both views will enhance our
understanding of learning teams in the U.S. and Mexico.
Many studies have focused on value differences among nations which are of considerable importance. We are
exploring team learning in two nations, and we have interest in team processes, conflict behaviors, and team outcomes.
Since many universities in both nations are committed to this collaborative instructional technology, we will look at
this technique with the two perspectives described above. Our first set of hypotheses will be tested with Type I
analyses.
Even though much has been made of the values comparison (e.g., Hofstede, 2001), we are more concerned with
interpersonal behaviors and team outcomes. We understand Mexican nationals are classified as more collectivistic and
less individualistic than U.S. nationals (Hofstede, Neuijen, Ohayv, & Sanders, 1990), but research has shown that this
is not a dichotomous dimension, and most collectivistic scale items assess relationships with family and friends
(Comadena, Kapoor, Konsky, & Blue, 1989). Green et al. (2005) found that Mexican students reported more
competitiveness than U.S. students, and U.S. students reported more interdependence than Mexican students. In that
study, competitiveness means ‘‘winning is everything’’ and interdependence means an emphasis on maintaining group
harmony. In addition, Gabrielidis et al. (2007) found that Mexican students preferred more independence (versus
interdependence) of the self than U.S. students. Drawing from this research, we offer the following hypotheses:
H1. U.S. teams will report more team-oriented behaviors than Mexican teams.
H2. Mexican teams will report more self-oriented behaviors than U.S. teams.
Another interpersonal process that we examine is observations of conflict behaviors. Some level of conflict has been
shown to enhance group effectiveness (Schwenk, 1990), while too much conflict interferes with group effectiveness
(Schein, 1988). Amason et al. (1995) examine this issue in terms of cognitive conflict and affective conflict. Cognitive
conflict focuses on issue-related differences, and affective conflict involves interpersonal disagreements. As described
previously, Mexican students have reported more competitiveness (Green et al., 2005) and more independence than
U.S. students (Gabrielidis et al., 2007), while U.S. students have reported more interpersonal interdependence and
more interpersonal trust than Mexican students (Allik & Realo, 2004). Competitiveness is likely to be associated with
more interpersonal disagreements on a team. In contrast, a focus on interdependence and trust is likely to stimulate the
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537 527
exchange of information that minimizes differences in task-related perspectives. Thus, we offer the following
hypotheses:
H3. U.S. teams will report more cognitive conflict behaviors than Mexican teams.
H4. Mexican teams will report more affective conflict behaviors than U.S. teams.
In this study, cohesiveness is considered to be a team outcome (e.g., Hackman & Morris, 1978). Cohesion is defined
as the degree to which team members work together to achieve their goals. A multi-faceted cohesiveness perspective is
used in which we apply the constructs of commitment to the team and high standards of team goals and team
performance (Mudrack, 1989). We follow a traditional interpretation of cohesiveness in which we observe the factors
that cause members to want to remain with this group (Festinger, Schachter, & Back, 1950). Past research indicates
that cohesiveness correlates with team performance (Watson et al., 1991), and thus, team cohesiveness is viewed as a
preferred outcome. Additionally, team cohesiveness positively correlates with team performance in both face-to-face
and virtual teams (Hambley, O’Neill, & Kline, 2006). As previously described, U.S. students tend to report more
interpersonal trust and interdependence than Mexican students. Thus, we offer the following hypothesis:
H5. U.S. teams will report more team cohesiveness than Mexican teams.
5. Type II hypotheses
Another important issue in teams is how differences among team members impact team processes and outcomes. In
our Type II analyses, we examine how heterogeneity in gender may differentially influence a key outcome in teams –
cohesiveness – as well as an important aspect of team process – conflict – in learning teams in the U.S. and in Mexico.
5.1. Gender heterogeneity and team cohesiveness
Demographic heterogeneity, including gender, may interfere with social processes in teams. Individuals tend to
prefer others who are similar to themselves (Byrne, 1971) and who belong to the same social categories as themselves
(Mullen, Brown, & Smith, 1992; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Thus, having team members from different genders on a team
is generally expected to negatively impact group cohesiveness. This view has been supported by research which has
found a negative relationship between gender heterogeneity and cohesiveness in teams (Harrison, Price, & Bell, 1998;
Shapcott, Carron, Burke, Bradshaw, & Estabrooks, 2006). However, this research has primarily been conducted in the
United States, and the influence of gender heterogeneity in teams may differ across cultural environments. For
example, in their examination of gender differences in supervisor–subordinate relationships, Pelled and Xin (2000)
found different effects of gender differences between the United States and Mexico. Similarly, gender heterogeneity
may differentially impact team cohesiveness across these two contexts.
Two key cultural differences between the United States and Mexico are likely to relate to how teams respond to
gender differences—individualism–collectivism and masculinity–femininity. As previously noted, the cultural
differences between individualism and collectivism may be more complex than previously assumed. One way in
which individualism–collectivism may influence group member perceptions is through expectations of similarity with
group members. Yuki (2003) argues that in cultures that have been categorized as collectivist, group members may
have a more differentiated view of one another, while in cultures that have been categorized as individualist group
members may view themselves as more similar to one another. This is because in more collectivist cultures, groups
tend to contain networks of relationships in which individuals play different roles. In contrast, when individualists are
members of groups, they tend to focus on the group as a whole, rather than dyadic relationships, and thus, they expect
similarity from group members. For example, Yuki (2003) found that homogeneity increased group identification for
individuals from the United States. This suggests that team members in the United States may be more bothered by
differences, including gender differences, among team members than team members in Mexico.
As mentioned previously, the results of past research indicate that Mexico has a more masculine culture than the
United States (Hofstede, 2001). It may be expected that in a masculine culture, gender differences would be more
disruptive to team cohesiveness. However, in team settings in which team members are equal participants,
masculinity is less likely to trigger differential treatment toward women than in a setting with established power
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537528
differences. For example, interviews with Mexican and U.S. employees of Mexico-based joint-ventures suggested
that gender discrimination in Mexico was less apparent when men and women had smaller power differentials
(Stephens & Greer, 1995). Furthermore, in more masculine cultures, gender roles tend to be more distinct than in less
masculine cultures. Because gender roles are more distinct, it is possible that team members may be more accepting
and understanding of gender differences in communication norms. Research in the United States suggests that
differences in communication norms between genders – for example, women interrupting less than men and
presenting their ideas less assertively – reduces perceptions of women’s contributions in teams (Tannen, 1995). If
such differences in communication are more expected in a culture, women’s actual contributions to the team may be
recognized to a greater extent and norm differences may have less of an impact on cohesiveness. This suggests that
gender heterogeneity may actually have a weaker negative influence in Mexico than in the United States. Drawing
from these arguments:
H6. National context is likely to influence the relationship between gender heterogeneity and cohesiveness such that
this relationship is more negative for U.S. teams than Mexican teams.
5.2. Conflict
As described earlier, affective conflict refers to interpersonal disagreements among team members, while cognitive
conflict describes conflict in a team that relates to the actual work being performed, such as disagreements over
procedures, judgments and interpretations. While affective conflict is generally argued to be problematic in teams,
some researchers have suggested that cognitive conflict may actually have some benefits because it stimulates team
members to confront and examine different perspectives on their tasks (Amason et al., 1995; Jehn, 1995).
5.2.1. Gender heterogeneity and cognitive conflict
Differences in demographic characteristics, such as gender, may be associated with differences in the perspectives
that individuals bring to a task (Cox, Lobel, & McLeod, 1991). Thus, gender heterogeneity is likely to increase the
amount of available perspectives in a team and the likelihood that task-related disagreements will occur. Cultural
differences between the United States and Mexico may influence this relationship between gender heterogeneity and
cognitive conflict. As a more masculine culture, gender roles and socialization may be more differentiated in Mexico
than in the United States (Hofstede, 2001), increasing the differences in perspectives of male and female team
members. Furthermore, as suggested previously, teams in Mexico may be more accepting of differences among male
and female team members than teams in the United States. Thus, when male and female team members have different
ideas about how to approach the task, they may be more willing to share these differences. Drawing from these
arguments, we offer the following hypothesis:
H7. National context is likely to influence the relationship between gender heterogeneity and cognitive conflict such
that this relationship is less positive for U.S. teams than Mexican teams.
5.2.2. Gender heterogeneity and affective conflict
Affective conflict often involves tension and annoyance stemming from value differences between team members
(Jehn, 1995). Because men and women tend to differ in terms of their values (Cross & Madsen, 1997) and norms of
behavior (Tannen, 1995), gender heterogeneity in teams is likely to increase the amount of affective conflict in a team.
There tends to be a greater gap in values between men and women in cultures that are more masculine (Hofstede,
2001). However, these differences are also more likely to be expected in a more masculine culture, and therefore, they
are less likely to stimulate tension. Furthermore, as suggested previously, in cultures that have been categorized as
collectivist, team members may be more accepting of differences among team members than in cultures that have been
categorized as more individualist. These arguments suggest that gender heterogeneity is more likely to increase
affective conflict in U.S. teams than in Mexican teams.
H8. National context is likely to influence the relationship between gender heterogeneity and affective conflict such
that this relationship is more positive for U.S. teams than Mexican teams.
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537 529
6. Method
6.1. Participants
The U.S. sample consisted of 287 participants (139 males, 48.4%, and 148 females, 51.6%), who were enrolled in
principles of management courses at a large state university in southwestern United States. The mean age of these
participants was 23.42 years (S.D. = 4.47). Each participant was a member of 1 of 75 learning teams. Each team
consisted of five or six members, and membership remained constant throughout the semester. During this time period,
the team members had frequent opportunities to interact as they engaged in a wide variety of team activities. Team
projects composed approximately 25% of each student’s grade, providing each individual with motivation to
contribute to the team’s success. The Mexican sample consisted of 358 participants (136 males, 37.7%, and 222
females, 61.5%), who were enrolled in principles of management courses at a large state university in southwestern
Mexico. The mean age of the participants was 21.09 years (S.D. = 2.69). Each Mexican participant was a member of 1
of 69 learning teams structured identically to the U.S. teams.
6.2. Procedure
Over a 2-year period of time, one of the authors conducted four 1-week seminars for Universidad de Colima faculty
in order to assure consistency in the application of team learning principles. The first two seminars focused on how to
design and implement team learning (see e.g., Watson et al., 1991). The last two seminars examined lessons learned
from using team learning and how to improve this instructional technique. These efforts assured that the collaborative
teaching approach was applied in a similar manner in the U.S. and Mexican samples. Data for this study were gathered
over the next year.
The demographic data (age and gender) were gathered during the first class period. This demographic information
was used to divide the participants into small teams balanced by gender as much as possible. The participants were
then assigned to their particular groups during the next class period. The students periodically had class time to work
on their projects, and a substantial amount of work was performed outside class. To be successful, groups had to
delegate outside work, as well as work face-to-face, and integrate their results. Feedback on team performance and
interaction was collected throughout the semester. During the formation of the teams during the first week of class,
communication with each team member regarding team expectations was conducted within each team. During the
second week of class, the instructor led each team in the process of team members identifying characteristics of an
effective and an ineffective team. Then each team worked as a group to decide the same issues. These findings were
discussed with emphasis on how each team should use this information to enhance their performance. Common issues
were communication, preparation, and leadership. During the next week of class a list of traditional team effectiveness
characteristics were presented and discussed. There was some overlap with what the teams had discovered earlier, but
some differences.
After every team exam and team activity, team performance and team interaction was evaluated regarding what
they did well and what they could do better. At the beginning of the semester, the instructor also discussed the value of
leadership in each team and how it could manifest differently for each team. This was repeated on at least two
occasions during the semester. Therefore, there were regular formal and conversational discussions and descriptions
regarding the evaluation of the team and the team members’ contributions and what could be improved.
6.3. Measures
Self-oriented behaviors were measured with a 10-item instrument (Watson, Johnson, Kumar, et al., 1998; Watson,
Johnson, & Merritt, 1998) which describes team members’ actions regarding individual-focused behavior. This
construct was measured using a Likert-type scale that demonstrated a .84 reliability. Team-oriented behaviors
(Watson, Johnson, Kumar, et al., 1998; Watson, Johnson, & Merritt, 1998) were measured with a 16-item instrument
which evaluates team members’ actions regarding team synergy-focused behavior. This construct was measured with a
Likert-type scale that demonstrated a .85 reliability. Team cohesiveness was measured with an eight-item instrument
(Watson et al., 1991) which describes team members’ descriptions regarding whether the team met their personal goals
and shared high performance standards, as well as their tendency to want to be on the same team again. This scale has
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537530
shown a reliability of .83. Self- and team-oriented behaviors and team commitment were averaged to produce a team
score for these measures.
Cognitive conflict and affective conflict were measured with the Amason et al. (1995) instrument. Cognitive
conflict constitutes four items of his seven-item instrument, while three items target affective conflict. Affective
conflict has shown a reliability of .81, and cognitive conflict has shown a reliability of .83. The mix of gender on a team
was measured by a heterogeneity score (Blau, 1977), which has been cited as reliable and consistent with other
acceptable indices of heterogeneity (Bantel & Jackson, 1989). This index shows the proportion of team members in a
category in a team. For instance, if all members on a team were female, the score for the team would be 0 and approach
1 if there were an equal distribution.
Finally, a ‘‘decentered’’ approach, i.e., translating for equal meaning, as opposed to a strict, literal translation, was
used to translate the survey into Spanish. The Spanish version of the questionnaire was then administered to 60
Mexican students in order to pilot test the Spanish version. Three Universidad de Colima business faculty, who were
also fluent in English, volunteered to subsequently review both the English and Spanish versions of the survey.
Throughout this process, ambiguities in the Spanish version, or inconsistencies between it and the English version,
were noted and corrected. This technique should limit misunderstandings emanating from nuances of language,
however, it does not guarantee conceptual equivalency (Peng, Peterson, & Shyi, 1991).
To further assure the equivalence of instrumentation of the Spanish version of the questionnaire, we factor analyzed
both data collected from the 60 Mexican students and data collected from 60 U.S. students to determine if the patterns
of answers showed consistency in item interpretation. The team-orientation and self-orientation measures showed
80% item agreement between U.S. and Mexican students. Those factors were used for the final analyses. In summary,
because of the combined effect of careful translation, independent back-translation, student input and the factor
analytic results, we believe that the Spanish questionnaire was conceptually equivalent to its English counterpart, and
the previously demonstrated construct validity of the instrumentation was not hampered.
7. Results
Descriptive statistics are shown in Table 1. To test Type I hypotheses, a multivariate general linear model was
constructed (SPSS 13), that used nationality as the independent variable. Dependent variables were team-oriented
behaviors, self-oriented behaviors, cohesiveness, cognitive conflict, and affective conflict. Table 2 shows that the
overall model was significant (d.f. = 5, 138; F = 7.31; p < .01). H1 stated that U.S. teams would report more team-
oriented behaviors than Mexican teams, which was supported (F = 17.34, p < .01). Means for Mexican and U.S.
teams are given in Table 3. H2 stated that Mexican teams will report more self-oriented behaviors than U.S. teams,
which was supported (F = 11.61, p < 01).
H3 stated that U.S. teams will report more cognitive conflict than Mexican teams, which was not supported.
Mexican teams reported more cognitive conflict than U.S. teams (F = 4.46, p < .05). H4 stated that Mexican teams
will report more affective conflict that U.S. teams, which was supported (F = 25.61, p < .01). H5 stated that U.S.
teams will report more cohesiveness than Mexican teams, which was supported (F = 4.41, p < .05).
The Type II hypotheses were also tested using a general linear model, and the findings are presented in Table 4.
Following Cohen, Cohen, West, and Aiken’s (2002) recommendation for regression models with interactions,
independent variables were centered. In order to test the moderating effect of national context (U.S. versus Mexico) on
the relationship between gender heterogeneity and cohesiveness, the gender heterogeneity variable, nation, and the
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537 531
Table 1
Descriptive statistics
Variables Mean S.D. 1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Age 22.32 2.62 1
2. Team behaviors 40.85 4.18 .08 1
3. Self-behaviors 15.31 3.95 �.13 �.61 1
4. Affective conflict 6.81 2.31 �.18 �.54 .55 1
5. Cognitive conflict 7.05 1.63 �.02 �.31 .41 .64 1
6. Cohesiveness 32.91 4.45 .05 .77 �.56 �.48 �.31 1
Correlations equal to or greater than .18 are significant at p < .05.
interaction term for gender heterogeneity and nation were entered into the model along with control variables. Control
variables included the average age of team members and the team process variables: team and self-oriented behaviors
and affective and cognitive conflict. A similar approach was followed for testing the influence of this interaction on
cognitive and affective conflict; however, each of the conflict variables was removed as a control in their respective
regression models.
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537532
Table 2
Tests of between-subjects effects for Type I hypotheses
Variables d.f. Mean square F Significance R2
Team behaviors 1 272.12 17.34 .001 .11
Self-behaviors 1 169.02 11.61 .001 .07
Cohesiveness 1 85.61 4.41 .038 .03
Affective conflict 1 115.74 25.61 .001 .15
Cognitive conflict 1 11.68 4.46 .036 .03
The multivariate model was significant (d.f. = 5, 138, F = 7.31, p < .01, R2 = .39).
Table 3
Descriptive statistics for Type I between-subjects effects
Nation Mean S.D. n
Team behaviors
1 39.4422 4.18182 69
2 42.194 3.74572 75
Self-behaviors
1 16.436 3.47479 69
2 14.2673 4.10304 75
Cohesiveness
1 32.1024 4.47794 69
2 33.6458 4.34082 75
Affective conflict
1 7.7511 2.34758 69
2 5.9564 1.89973 75
Cognitive conflict
1 7.3025 1.41445 69
2 6.7324 1.78372 75
Nationality: 1 = Mexico; 2 = U.S.
Table 4
Two-way interaction between gender heterogeneity and nation
Variable Cohesiveness Cognitive conflict Affective conflict
Average age .06 .06 �.02
Team-oriented behaviors .74* .04 �.15*
Self-oriented behaviors �.15 .05 .19*
Affective conflict �.16 .47*
Cognitive conflict �.06 .68
Nation �1.27* .13 �.92*
Gender heterogeneity 3.40 .62 .43
Nation � gender heterogeneity �4.84* �1.87* �.14
F 30.16** 16.01** 15.58**
R2 .64 .45 .41
Adjusted R2 .62 .43 .38
n = 142. Note. Tests are two-tailed for control variables and one-tailed for hypothesized effects.* p < .05.
** p < .01.
The interaction term was significant for cohesiveness (B = �4.84, p < .05). As shown in Fig. 1, the results support
H6, which predicted that gender heterogeneity would more negatively influence cohesiveness in the U.S. than Mexico.
This graph and subsequent interaction graphs were created by drawing the regression line for when the moderating
variable is 1 standard deviation above the mean and when the moderating variable is 1 standard deviation below the
mean (Aiken & West, 1991). The interaction term was also significant for cognitive conflict (B = �1.87, p < .05). As
shown in Fig. 2, the results are supportive of H7, which predicted that gender heterogeneity would more positively
influence cognitive conflict in Mexico than in the U.S. The interaction term was not significant for affective conflict
(B = �.14, n.s.), thus H8 was not supported.
8. Discussion
The use of collaborative learning is growing rapidly in U.S. and Mexican universities. This instructional approach
consists of using learning teams in which participants are required to work together regularly over the course of a
semester and produce evaluated team outcomes. These team outcomes, along with individual performance, have a
significant impact on each individual’s final assessment. Even though we applied the same team learning instructional
technology in universities in both countries, we assume that there will be cultural influences that show relationships to
team processes, cohesiveness, conflict, and gender within teams. First, we examined Type I hypotheses that applied
nationality as the independent variable (Tsui et al., 2007). Second, we used nationality as a moderator with key
variables in the study to examine Type II hypotheses. With both viewpoints, we gain insight into the differences in
learning teams in the U.S. and Mexico.
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537 533
Fig. 1. Gender heterogeneity, nation and cohesiveness.
Fig. 2. Gender heterogeneity, nation and cognitive conflict.
8.1. Type I hypotheses
Hofstede (2001) has reported that individuals in the U.S. are more individualistic, while individuals in Mexico are
more collectivistic. Other work has indicated that this is a complex concept, and that Mexican students prefer more
independence of the self, while U.S. students prefer more interdependence. Our findings support the latter statement.
At the end of a semester of participating in learning teams, U.S. students report significantly more team-oriented
behaviors. Team-oriented behaviors included such activities as everyone participating, listening to each other,
delegation of responsibilities, and reaching consensus (Watson, Johnson, Kumar, et al., 1998; Watson, Johnson, &
Merritt, 1998). These results, however, do not necessarily conflict with the dimensions of individualism–collectivism.
Most of the items on traditional collectivism measures describe membership in the family and extended family and
relations with friends. The team behaviors indicate more synergy and effort within an academic work group. In
addition, the hypothesis that Mexican students would report more independence and distance of the self are supported
by our findings. As we predicted, Mexican students reported more self-oriented behaviors than U.S. students. Self-
oriented behaviors included such activities as members being unreasonably stubborn, pretence of knowledge which is
not so, and members not participating. If self-behaviors overtake team synergy, then they become a detriment to team
outcomes (Watson, Johnson, Kumar, et al., 1998; Watson, Johnson, & Merritt, 1998).
Other Type I hypotheses we tested addressed conflict within teams. Amason et al. (1995) categorized interpersonal
conflict as affective and cognitive conflict. Affective conflict causes the most discord interpersonally since it is about
personality and anger issues. A degree of cognitive conflict can help group outcomes since it involves discussion about
different ideas and alternate approaches to a task. The actual degree of each type of conflict that produces specific
outcomes remains undefined (Gabrielidis et al., 2007). Mexican students reported more competitiveness and
independence of self than U.S. students, while U.S. students reported more interdependence and interpersonal trust
than Mexican students. Correspondingly, we thought that Mexican students would report more affective conflict, while
U.S. students would report more cognitive conflict. We found, however, that Mexican students reported both more
affective and cognitive conflict than U.S. students. Mexican students were both more emotional in their conflicts, and
also indicated more differences in ideas and opinions about tasks than U.S. students. Greater independence and
competitiveness probably influenced both more affective and more cognitive differences of opinion.
The above Type I hypotheses with nationality as the independent variable focused on team process behaviors and
interpersonal conflict. We selected team cohesiveness as an outcome variable (see e.g., Hackman & Morris, 1978).
Team cohesiveness is defined as team preferences such as the desire to be with the same team in another class, whether
the team enabled them to reach personal goals, emphasis on team goals, and having high standards of performance.
Since we proposed that Mexican student teams would report less team-oriented behavior, more self-oriented behavior,
and more affective conflict than U.S. students, we assumed that U.S. teams would report greater team cohesiveness
than Mexican teams. This was supported. Significantly more cohesiveness was indicated by U.S. teams than Mexican
teams. This is important because Mexican teams demonstrated less effective team processes and more conflict, while
the outcome variable of team cohesiveness is much greater for U.S. teams.
For quite a number of years, the Mexican culture has been shown to be more collectivistic and less individualistic
than the U.S. culture, but is this finding related to learning team effectiveness in Mexican universities, and how does
this compare to U.S. learning teams? Collectivism is usually measured with items describing relationships with family
and friends, and individualism is usually measured with items about personal achievement, and both concepts deal
very little with the notion of working in objective teams (Comadena et al., 1989). Research has described Mexican
students as being more competitive and having more self-independence, while U.S. students indicate more
interdependence and interpersonal trust. Our research supports previous studies by showing that Mexican teams report
more self-oriented behavior, less team-oriented behavior, more affective and cognitive conflict, and less team
cohesiveness than U.S. teams. Certainly, cultural differences could influence these results.
8.2. Type II hypotheses
Similar to our prediction, the Type II results indicated that gender heterogeneity negatively affected cohesiveness in
the U.S. student teams and positively affected cohesiveness in the Mexican student teams. This finding suggests that in
the more individualistic, less masculine culture of the United States, team members may be less comfortable with
gender differences on a team than in the more collectivistic, more masculine culture of Mexico. One possible
W. Watson et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008) 524–537534
explanation for this difference is that in individualist cultures, such as the United States, group members expect more
similarity within groups than in more collectivist cultures (Yuki, 2003). Additionally, it may be that in the more
masculine culture of Mexico, team members are better able to handle differences in working styles between genders
because gender differences are more expected. We also found that gender heterogeneity diminished cognitive conflict
in the United States but increased cognitive conflict in Mexico. This finding supports the idea that in Mexico, gender
differences may be more defined than in the U.S., leading to greater differences in task perspectives across genders and
also a greater comfort openly sharing these differences.
These results have implications for cross-cultural research as well as the literature on diversity in teams. First, they
suggest that individualism–collectivism and masculinity–femininity may have complex effects on interactions across
genders. Differences along these cultural dimensions between the U.S. and Mexico appear to influence the extent to
which male and female team members are able to work effectively together and share different task perspectives.
Additionally, the findings demonstrate that cultural context is a key factor to be considered when examining the effects
of diversity in teams. The slopes of the relationships between gender heterogeneity and both cohesiveness and
cognitive conflict were in opposite directions for the U.S. student teams and the Mexican student teams. The
differences in these effects support the assertion in Williams and O’Reilly’s (1998) review of the diversity literature
that contextual factors should be incorporated into models of diversity. The findings also suggest that different
approaches are likely to be required when managing teams with gender diversity in Mexico and the United States.
9. Conclusion
Even though the independent variable of nationality and the interactions of nationality and gender resulted in the
above findings, we also feel that experience in teamwork and knowledge about team effectiveness can be a powerful
influence (see e.g., Watson et al., 1993). Exploration of the influence of team-related experience and knowledge on
outcomes provides an avenue for future research. Research has demonstrated that culturally diverse groups have more
process problems early on than non-diverse groups. Nevertheless, with frequent process feedback and instruction
about working as a team, process difficulties diminish. Collaborative learning in the U.S. easily goes back to the 1970s,
while in Mexico this trend has been popular only within this decade. In the U.S., collaborative learning is widespread
in universities and public schools. At this point, we do not really know how much of the above findings are due strictly
to cultural differences and how much are due to lack of experience. Further research may provide a better
understanding of the roles of both culture and team processing and instruction on team outcomes. It is quite likely that
instruction in team processes will be a substantial influence on effective team outcomes, regardless of cultural context.
Such an understanding may extend an application of these team-based principles to the organizational environment in
which both homogeneous and cross-cultural teams are called upon to produce positive outcomes. This will increase
the potential of these teams to contribute to organizational effectiveness.
Even though the focus of this research is on the comparison of U.S. and Mexican learning teams, and the interaction
of culture and gender, future research should investigate similar processes and outcomes with teams of mixed
nationalities. What differences might there be between teams comprised of Mexicans and U.S. citizens compared to
similar teams made up of only one nationality? Since these types of teams are becoming more prevalent in the U.S. and
Mexico, this is an important point of research. How are these teams different and how are they similar? What hiring
concerns should be taken into account when creating mixed nationality teams?
Some research of teams with mixed ethnicity and nationality has been conducted within the U.S. (Watson et al.,
1993; Watson, Johnson, Kumar, et al., 1998; Watson, Johnson, & Merritt, 1998). That research found that mixed teams
had less process effectiveness in the early stages of their development. Nevertheless, over time, as these teams which
were guided in regular process feedback activities, their performance was equal to the homogeneous teams. In fact, in
one study the mixed teams reported more creativity. Obviously, a key factor relates to language differences. Assuming
that the team members all speak a common language, facilitating the teams in periodic process feedback techniques
would enhance the synergy and use nationality differences to their advantage. This is a key point for future research.
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