" Migrants are the famous people. They're confronting the obstacles, we're here to accompany 

them." NormaRomero,coordinatorofthegroupknownasLas Patronas

supportedbytheMexicanbishops'humanmobilityministry       

 

TheloveaffairbetweentheCatholicChurchandCentralAmericanMigrants:

challengesofmediacoverageontheMexicanconflict

“Migrants are transforming everything and one of the institutions overcoming most changes is the 

Catholic Church. They are questioning strongly the high hierarchy with just its presence” 

FatherAlejandroSolalinde,migrant’sadvocatelistedinAmnesty’sInternationallistofpeopleatrisk 

MaríaXimenaPlaza

TheNewSchool

Thisistheopeningimageofa2011NationalCatholic

Reporterarticle.Thephotography’scaptionreads:

“migrantcarriesawoodencrossontheoutskirtsof

MexicoCity,duringasymbolicpilgrimagetocelebrate

theMexicanSenate'spassageofnewimmigration

legislation.”

Thenewsreporttitled“MexicanCatholicsworkingwithundocumentedmigrantswelcome

newlaw”startsbyexplaininghowthelawconstitutesanefforttoimprovethetreatmentofmigrants

transitingnorthastheyhavebecometargetofkidnappingandransoms.Theimage,alongwiththe

article,isanexampleofhowU.S.andMexicancatholicmediacoveragehaspresentedstoriesabout

migrants,usuallyCentralAmericanbornmigrants,bymakinglinksbetweenthefigureoftheCatholic

Church and this vulnerable population. These links are repeatedly found as well across U.S. and

Mexican mainstream media. This paper aims at analyzing the prominence of the figure of the

CatholicChurchinnewsreportsaboutmigrantstransitingMexicointhemidstofthecurrentarmed

conflict.BydrawingonMexicanhistoryand2011mediacoverageonthetopic,Iaimtodemonstrate

thattheCatholicChurchhasbeenarecurrentmediasourceastheinstitutionupholdsapredominant

roleinthenation’ssocialandpoliticalspheres.However,thisrolehasgainedgreatervisibilityduring

thecurrentcivilconflict.Infact,theCatholicChurchandsomeofitsrepresentativeshaverisenasa

recurrentmedia sourceon theabuses facedbymigrants inMexico,denunciationsofGovernment

performanceandrecommendationsforpolicymakingimprovingthelivelihoodsofthispopulation.

Inmyview,thisportrayalofmigrationandconflictinthecountrypresentschallengesto

enable media as a tool for peace building through dialogue among the different parties of the

conflict,giventhatitperpetuatesthesamerelationsamongactors:theCatholicchurchcontinuesto

be a direct and recognizable speaker to theGovernment throughmedia,while voices ofmigrants

remain under the church’s discourse and ideology. Thus, migrants are represented as “victims”,

insteadof citizenswhobearhuman rights andhavepolitical agency tomakediscernible claims to

Governmentsthroughpublicopinion.Anotherkindofmediarepresentationwouldallowmigrantsto

escape fromnavigating through thedifferentmotivationsandactionscarriedbyactors influencing

theconflict.CentralAmericanmigrantswouldceasetobean“easytarget”intheconflictthankstoa

greatervisibilityinpublicdiscourse.

 

Migrants as victims of the Mexican armed conflict  

InordertounderstandhowmigrantsgottrappedintothedynamicsoftheMexicanarmed

conflict, it is necessary to explain the character and evolution of this war. Carpenter (2010)

contends that Mexico is undergoing a factional‐ economic conflict. Maill et al (2005) clearly

explains this concept: “a factional‐economic conflict consists on fighting solely about the

competing interests or power‐struggles of political or criminal factionswhose aim is to usurp,

seize or retain state powermerely to further particular interests.” In the case of theMexican

conflict,DrugTraffickingOrganizations(DTO)spreadthroughoutthecountrytocontrolsignificant

territory.Howeverthesegroupsarenotdrivenbyaspecificpoliticalideologyoraimatusingthis

territorial control to legitimate governance. Instead the driving force is the interest to control

smugglingroutes,sources,marketsandalliances.Carpenter(2010)clarifiesthat“drugtrafficking

organizationsarenotanearlyautonomousspecializedsocialgroup,ratheranewclassofoutlaws

that depended closely on political and police protection.” There are cases reported through

mediaofthecloserelationshipsbetweentheseorganizationsandpoliticiansaswellasofficials,

whohavebeenaccusedofcorruptpracticesbribery,nepotism,andtheftforpublicmoney.Until

2000 these crimes were committed in the context of a state party system: the Institutional

RevolutionaryParty(PRI),whohadcontroloverjudicial,legislativeandexecutivebranches.Asit

iswelldocumented,formanydecadesMexicohadinplaceahighlycentralizedpowerstructure

thatwasnotonlypermissive,butalsoprotectiveoforganizedcriminalactivities(Cornell,2007).

DTOshaveusedtheserelationshipswiththestatetoexpandtheirmonopolisticbehavior

correlatedwithruthlessnessandexploitation(Schelling)ofpopulationssuchasCentralAmerican

migrants. TheZetas, agroupbornoutof “CarteldelGolfo”DTOasamilitaryor “enforcement

enterprise” specializing in kidnapping, extortion and human trafficking have been repeatedly

accused of targeting Central American Migrants. Alongside these allegations, human rights

nonprofits and migrants themselves have referred to the complicity of police force and local

authorities (Carpenter,2010).According to the2011HumanRightsWatchReport,hundredsof

thousandsofmigrantspassthroughMexicoeachyearandmanyaresubjectedtograveabuses

en route including physical and sexual assault, extortion, and theft. Approximately 18,000

migrantsarekidnappedannually,oftenwiththeaimofextortingpaymentsfromtheirrelativesin

theUnitedStates.AroundhalfofthemareCentralAmericanMigrants.Acasegeneratinggreat

commotioninthecountrywastheexecutionofseventy‐twokidnappedmigrantsoriginatingfrom

CentralandSouthAmericabyarmedgangsfromTamaulipas inAugust2010(MexicanNational

Commission of Human Rights, 2009.) The HRW report adds, “Authorities have not taken

adequate steps to protect migrants, or to investigate and prosecute those who abuse them.

Authorities rarely inform migrants of their rights, such as the right to seek asylum, and the

authoritiesthemselvesareoftentheperpetratorsofabuses.”Since2007,theNationalMigration

Institutehasfired15percentofitstotalforceforsuspectedlinkswithorganizedcrimeandcrimes

suchashumantrafficking.TheirvulnerabilityisincreasedbythefactthattheFederalPopulation

Law requires public officials to demand that foreign citizens show proof of their legal status

before offering any service, such as providing medical care and registering human rights

complaints.Althoughanewlawonmigrantswaspassed,thosewhosufferabusesoftenchoose

nottoreportcrimesoutoffearofdeportation.(HumanRightsWatch,2011)

During the lastdecadetheMexicanGovernment,especiallyunder the leadershipof the

National Action Party (PAN) President Felipe Calderón, has pushed for the arrest of key drug

lords,strainingtherelationsbetweenDTO’sandstate. Intheabsenceofthearrestedorkilled

druglords,aleadershipvacuumhastakeplaceandthestablerelationshipswithintheorganized

crimechainhavefracturedintoincreasingcompetitionforpowerandterritory.Previoustothese

measures, “narcos” avoideddirect confrontationwith lawenforcement by trading social order

(refraining from actions of wide‐scale violence) for relative impunity to operate. As the

competitionamongDTOsandnarcoshas increased, theyhavepassed from intercartel rivalries

over routes and resources towinning the right to start or continue trafficking to “hurting the

other”. In this struggle for survival, the “cartels” seek to preserve their illicit power structure

alongside the state (Osorio, 2011). Their motivations to continue this factional conflict have

becomegreaterasthedrugtradebrings$23billioninrevenueannually,whichmakesupfor20%

ofMexico’sGDPin2007(U.S.GAO,2007).InthisscenarionotonlyDTOsareprofiting,butalso

groups such as Los Zetas who will continue to expand its military power as its business will

increasingly become the conflict itself. (Cornell, 2007) Furthermore, recently they have found

newwaysof sustainability suchas extortions tomigrant families andhuman traffickingof this

populationforprostitutionorsaletoDTOs,amongotherpurposes(ElUniversal,2011).

The political and social influence of the Catholic Church in Mexico  

Hagopian (2006) posits that in the last years “theMexican church has assumed amore

assertive tone on public policy than at any time in nearly a century.” The author adds that

catholic representatives suchasCardinalNorbertoRiveraofMexicoCity in the last yearshave

activelydenouncedtheplightofmigrantsinthemidstoftheconflict,amongothertopicsrelated

to social justice and democracy. This growing influence on public policy and politics has been

possibleafterthe1992constitutionalreformwhichrelaxedthesharpconstitutionalseparationof

churchandstatethathadprohibitedtheChurchfromowningpropertyandpriestsfromvoting

since the revolution, though the clergy still cannot speak about politics or proselytize for or

againstanypoliticalpartyorcandidates(Hagopian,2006).Thoughthelatterhasnotrefrainedthe

church to support certain candidates or parties. Why would the church cease to have direct

actionsaffectingthepoliticalspherewhenthe internationalcatholicestablishmentexhorted its

members to increase its influence in political actions? In 1992Pope JohnPaul II proposed the

“new evangelization project” aimed at “deepening church influence over civil society, and

organizingthepublicsphereontheprinciplesoffaith”(Hagopian2006)Tahar(2010)positsthat

theprojectnecessarilyrequiredthechurchtoadoptpositionsonquestionsofpublicmoralityand

social justice and to mobilize the believers for political action. In 1992, the Latin American

CatholicBishopsConference(CELAM)embracedthisproposal(Hagopian,2006).

However authors such as Jean‐PierreBastian (1997) have insisted that secularization in

theLatinAmericahasalwayshadformalandjurisdictionalexpressions,butnotrealandpractical

ones.Hagopian(2010)addsthattherewasanimplicitpactbetweentheMexicanstateandthe

church, respectively responsible for thepublicorderand theprivateorder. Inotherwords the

churchhadbeenaccumulatedlegitimacyasmoralauthority,whichwouldbefurtherreflectedin

the public sphere after the 1992 reform. This idea is further explained throughout the 2010

surveyandresearchcarriedoutbyMancilla(2010)tominorityreligiousgroupsinMexico.Some

of the interviewed groups argued that the 1992 reformwas thought for the Catholic Church,

followingthe“noticeablepreferenceofthestateforthischurch.”Mancilla(2010)saysthatthese

appreciationsshedlightontheperceptionsonthenexusbetweenpublicspaceandCatholicism

inMexicoacrossseveralaspects:politicalparticipation,massmediaandineducation.Sheadds

thatitisdifficulttodenythatthenewconstitutiondidnotbringagreateropennessinthepublic

space for all religious groups, however the reform allowed small steps for minority religious

groupscomparedtothosealreadytakenandbeingadvancedbytheCatholicChurch (Mancilla,

2010). Loaeza (1996) recalls thatwhen theMexicanPresidentCarlosSalinasdeGortariwon in

1988 presidential elections, his opening speech covered “the modernization of the relations

betweenstateandchurches.”Theauthorsays,“Despitereferringtoallreligiousinstitutions,the

main recipient of the elected president’s proposal was the Roman Catholic Church.” These

historical processes lead Hagopian (2006) to say that the Mexican state has continuously

accommodatedverywelltheintegratingeffectofthefoundationmythofthecatholicnation.

The Mexican church’s political influence became even more visible during the 2000

elections,when the Episcopal Conference gave its support to thePAN candidateVicente Fox.

Through written documents, the Conference advocated for a “democratic change” implicitly

supporting PANover PRI,whichhadbeen in office duringmore than80 years. Fox answered

withadocumentcalled“Projecttobuildanation:religiouslibertyandrelationsChurch‐State”

in which he proposed to include unsatisfied demands by the church within the Mexican

jurisdictional frameworkandalsopositedopeningmassmedia spaces for theCatholicChurch

(Pérez ‐ Rayon, 2010). Authors such as Perez Rayon defend that the catholic hierarchymade

indirectanddirectexhortationstothepopulations,speciallylocatedinruralandpopularurban

areas,forthesupporttoFox.NotsurprisinglyFoxwontheelections,astherewere88percentof

Catholicsinthecountryby2000(ElUniversal,2011)Tahar(2010)positsthat“withthepolitical

change in 2000, the Catholic Church recovers positions, aiming at taking advantage of the

democratic processes for its own purposes.” The 2000 elections were very symbolic also for

publicrepresentationofchurchandpolitics.Theelectedpresident’scampaignusedtheVirginof

Guadalupeasoneofitsmainimages.Ayearaftertheelections,newsreportsshowedpresident

VicenteFoxgreetingPopeJohnPaulIIwhilekneelingdownandkissingthepapalring(seephoto

below), which was considered as a an act of submissiveness toward the Vatican’s authority

(Pérez‐Rayón,2010).Thereforeinthelastdecadethesymbiosisbetweentherepresentationof

politicsandCatholicchurchhasincreasedandisarecurrentelementthroughoutmediastories

about the current armed conflict and civilian populations threatened by violent acts such as

CentralAmericanMigrantsasIwillexplaininthefollowingpages.

 

Catholic Church and media in Mexico 

Aviolentactcatapultedfurthermorethechurchasadeservingactorofmediaattention,

speciallyregardingtheMexicancivilconflict. In1993hitmenkilledthecardinalofGuadalajara,

Juan JesúsPosada.Thehitmenallegedlyconfused theprelate’swhiteGrandMarquiswith the

onedrivenby“ElChapo”,adrugtraffickerthathadgottenintroublewithbusinessassociates.

The visibility of the fatal event beyond locating the church at the center of the news setting

agenda also enabled the institution to a position of scrutiny. Local newspapers printed the

statement of one drug lord, who suggested that the cardinal had a relationship with his

organization. Some argued that these organizations funded projects of the Tijuana dioceses.

(Ugarte, 1997). Themystery of the death of the cardinal remains unresolved,withmedia and

Government bodies turning the page and starting a new chapter in the thriller of crimes and

deathsleftbytheconflict. 

As the drug war has unfolded the use of media by the religious institution and its

construction of narratives draws on elements of the “Cristero” conflict, as it will be further

demonstrated in themedia analysis below. The “Cristero” conflict is known as themoment in

Mexicanhistorywhencatholic factionsdecided to fightagainst theGovernmentestablished in

1917asaresultoftheMexicanRevolution.Atthistimesuspicionsregardingchurchsupportfor

therevokedregimeledbyautocratPorfirioDíazdrovetherevolutionaryGovernmenttocreate

legal dispositions concerning catholic practices. The reaction of the catholic hierarchy was to

suspendmasses and an armed conflict was born in 1926 (López, 2011). During the “Cristero”

conflicttherewasanon‐goinguseofmediabythechurchinordertoclaimreligiouspersecution

andalsotonarrateadifferentversiononthehappeningsoftheconflict.Beyondlibels,magazines

and letters, theCatholic Churchmadeuseofmainstreammedia as the institutionhad greater

support than the revolutionary government. As censorship increased, information about the

catholic persecution was sent to foreign media outlets. Serna posits that catholic media

messagingwasframedusingthetoneofbiblicaltextsandthecatholicledpublicationsbecomea

“diaryofmartyr.”Sheaddsthatthisnarrativeconsistedin:

“Bloody stories and  images aiming at capturing the attention of readers.  In this way, victims are 

covered by a saint aura… Journalists and Catholic Journalists achieve greater effectiveness in several fields: 

agitate the consciences of their followers to gain more supporters in the struggle against the state. At the 

same time it allowed to strengthen arguments against the Government’s crimes.” (Serna, 2007)

The conflict lasted three years and culminated with a negotiation between state and

church,whichendedstateinterventioninreligiouspractices,butdidnotopenthechurchtohave

a juridical status. As I mentioned before, it was until the 1992 constitutional reform that the

churchgainedthisstatus.RayónPérez(2010)highlightsthatsincethen“thechurchiscompletely

integratedtothepoliticalfora,hasalargepresenceinmediaandhasbecomeadirectandopen

speaker to theGovernment”, allowing the institution to recur toCristerowarmediapractices:

the use of local and international catholic media and the institution’s representation in

mainstreammediaaswellwiththeaimofshowingpersecutionofcatholicrepresentativesbythe

Government, focusingonmartyrsandvictimssuchas thesamepersecutedpriestsormigrants

anddenunciationsofGovernmentcrimes.

Thenewcharactersofthesemediapracticesareundocumentedmigrants.Regardingthe

interest of the church inmigrants, it is undeniable thework of the institution to improve the

livelihoods of this population. In fact, since 1999 the institution created a network ofmigrant

shelters,whichareclose to50andareextended in thenorthernandsouthern frontiersof the

countryaswellasthecapital(Alvarado,2009).Howeverthishumanitarianismandthedemands

of the church for changes in policymaking in the name ofmigrants acrossmedia outlets has

implicationsintheconflict,whichthisanalysisalsoaimsatexploring.Whydidthechurchtakeon

migrants plight and why has media been driven to focus greater attention to this aspect to

represent the institution in themidstof theconflict?Thesearequestionsnoteasilyanswered,

nonetheless Alvarado offers a possible answer by pointing out that under the theology of

liberation, proposed in the 70’s, Mexican catholic church has increased its actions for the

“unprotected”andalsohaspushedforapoliticalincidenceoverstateandgovernanceregarding

what should be done with Central American migrants threatened by violence. She adds that

catholic advocacy (Iwould addmedia advocacy) also has the potential of surpassing frontiers.

This is further achievedwith the figure ofmigrants and their international dimensions.While

government’s actions are limited to concepts of sovereignty and state boundaries, the

transnationalcharacterofthechurchallowsagreaterpresenceininternationalandlocalpublic

forums,whileadvocatingfortherespectofmigrants’humanrights(Alvarado,2009).

  Mediaadvocacy ledby theCatholicChurchwasencouraged in2004byMexicanbishops,

whoarguedthattheinstitutionshould“promotereligiouseducationinvarioussettingsandhave

greatermediapresence”(Hagopian,2006).Inordertofollowthisgoal,theinstitutionpublishes

printanddigitalmediasuchastheweeklies“Desdelafé”or“Semanario,amongothers,which

have become accessible to Mexicans and foreign readers through the Mexican Catholic

Episcopate Informational System.1Some editions of Desde la fé” are cited and analyzed in

mainstreammedia.Though thechurch isnotallowedtoownamediacompany inMexico, the

awakening in theuseof technology, especially Internet, by religious groups in this decadehas

allowedreligiousmediasuchastheCatholicmediatoreachbroaderaudiences.Atthesametime

theemergenceof religiousonlineplatformshascomealongwitha reneweduseofmarketing,

branding and public relations to further the church’s position in public spheres and has also

provided avenues for the institution to provide an alternative discourse on Mexico and the

conflictbothlocallyandinternationally(Moors,2010).

 

News Reports on the Catholic Church and Central American Migrants 

Thefollowingmediaanalysisincludes2011newsreportspublishedinUScatholicmedia.I

chosetostudytheNationalCatholicReporterandtheCatholicNewsServicesgiventheirconstant

references to theMexicanconflict, alongwithCentralAmericanmigrants.Thesemediaoutlets

also quote information originally created for Mexican mainstream media. News stories in

MexicancatholicmediasuchasDesde La FéandEl Semanarioaswellasmainstreammediasuch

asLa JornadaandExcelsior areakeycomponentofthisanalyticalexercise.ThoughIhadsome

difficultiestoaccesscatholicmediasuchas“DesdelaFe”onlineeditions.Infactitwaseasierto

access fragments of articles published in Desde  la  Fé through U.S. Catholic media as well as

Mexicanmainstreammedia. The average ofMexicanmainstream articles onmigrants, church

andconflictis1‐2newsreportspermonth.InitiallyIwillusetheCristerowarmediapracticesasa

frameworktoassess2011mediacoverage,followedbyotherspecificaspectsofCatholicmedia

advocacy such as the case of Catholic Priest Alejandro Solalinde, and some criticisms to the

church’sroleasanmigrantadvocateandwithintheconflict.Eachofthesetopicswillbefollowed

withexamplesfoundinthenews.

BothAmericanandMexicancatholicmediaandMexicanCatholicmediastartmanynews

reportseitherbyexplainingastatementmadebyachurchrepresentative,narratingthearduous

journeyofCentralAmericanMigrantsinMexicoor/andthecriminalactionsagainstmigrantsby

criminal gangs such as Los Zetas or even state bodies. However quotations of migrants

                                                        1 This is the link to the Information System of the Mexican Episcopate : http://www.siame.mx/apps/aspxnsmn/templates/?a=7&z=58  

themselvesarefewerandhave lessspacethanthosededicatedtoCatholicrepresentatives.An

August2011NationalCatholicReporter(NCR)onlinearticleinformsthattwopoliceofficerswere

arrestedafterdetainingaGuatemalanmigrantandhandinghim to individuals accusinghimof

assault.CitingtheMexicannewspaperReforma,NCRadds,“Migrant JulioCardonaAgustínwas

beaten, struck with stones and was found dead” near St. Diego Migrant Shelter House.

AfterwardsFatherHugoMontoya,whorunsanothermigrantshelterinthearea,explainsthatthe

situation tookplacedue to xenophobia.Thearticle continueswithFatherMontoya’snarration

aboutCardona’spreviousdaystohisfatalend.ItremainsunclearwhytheFatherknewaboutthe

details of the case and the news report is only based on this version. In a December, 2011

Excelsior news report points out that boatman transporting migrants across San Pedro de

Tenosique, in theGuatemalan‐Mexican frontier, havealliedwithorganized crimenetworks to

kidnap,stealandphysicallyassaultundocumentedCentralAmericans.Thenewsreportincludes

thetestimoniesoftwomigrants,whonarrateindetailhowtheseboatmenthreatenedthemand

howtheyachievedtoescape.ItalsohighlightstheprotectionprovidedbytheMigrantShelterled

bymonkTomásGonzález.ThesetwoexamplesshowhowbothCatholicChurchandmigrantsare

taken into account when sharing this population’s drama and therefore their figure can be

consideredasthe“victims”oftheconflict.

While Catholic representatives arewitnesses of the horrors lived by

migrants,theyarealsoportrayedthroughtheirlifeofsacrificeand,in

some cases, of state persecution. Father Pedro Pantoja’s life and

contributions is narrated in a June 2011 Excelsior article, which

includes theportrait in the side,which is not a commonelement in

the visual media narratives. Usually journalistic photos on site are

used; instead this image follows the tradition of recent portraits of

martyrs and saints. (Though this is my intuition after searching for

MexicanmartyrsportraitsinInternet)2.

The article describes howFather Pantoja overcamea childhood and youth in poverty, howhe

assistedprisonerswithhismotherandalsohispreparationasapriest.Finallythereportnarrates

hisworkwithmigrants,theestablishmentofashelterunderhisleadershipandhisassessmenton

                                                        2 The Internet search carried for this media analysis can be found here: http://bit.ly/sI7rXh  

anewmodalityofkidnapsofmigrants.SeveralUScatholicmediaandMexicanmediareporton

the detention of Father Alejandro Solalinde, a renown activist for Central Americanmigrants,

while leading the caravan “ A step towards peace” with more than 500 hundred migrants.

ReportsarguethatSolalindewasdetainedunderthesuspicionthatoneofhisbodyguardshada

longweapon.BothAmnesty Internationaland theMobilityPastoralof theMexicanEpiscopate

denounced the arrest. Solalindewas arrestedone afternoonand shortly after local authorities

apologized to Solalinde for the inconvenience. Other news reports refer to threats and

persecution of criminal parties to catholic representatives. In a September, 2011 La Jornada

article, the Executive Secretary of Human Mobility Pastoral of the Mexican Episcopate

Conference states, “despite the increase in intimidation acts and threats against defenders of

migrant rights, “pastoralagentsarestill standingandarenotgoing to takeastepback. In this

way, these representativesare representedasmartyrs for their lifeof sacrifice to thecauseof

migrants.”

Pantoja,Solalinde,Montoya,amongotherpriests,alsodenounceGovernmentandDTOs

actions.Theyalsoproposechangesingovernmentbodiesandtheiractionsaswellaspoliciesand

laws concerningmigrants.A July, 2011National Catholic Reporter article informed that Father

PantojaquestionedthenewMexicanimmigrationlaw“wouldmakemuchofdifferenceandifthe

federalgovernmenttrulywantedtofixthemigrationissue.”Whilea2011Excelsiornewsreport

focused on Solalinde’s argument against the Mexican National Institute of Migration (INM),

because“ithadbeenthebestallyof theorganizedcrimegroupLosZetas in thekidnappingof

undocumented inthesouthernstatesofthecountry. Inthe lightofcasesofcorruptionof INM

staff,thepriestarguedthattheorganizationhadlostprestigeinthefaceofcitizensandmigrants;

therefore it was better for the INM to disappear. Another July 2011 Excelsior article includes

Solalinde’spetitions toCongressoneliminatingvisas forCentralAmericanandSouthAmerican

born family members of disappeared migrants in Mexico. The same newspaper published in

January a report based on the Catholicweekly “Desde la Fé”,which pointed out omissions of

Mexicanauthorities“whoshineduetotheirirresponsibleabsence”regardingjusticetomigrants

who have been victims of kidnappings and extortions. The common elements between the

“Cristerowar”andthecurrentarmedconflictsuchasmediaportrayalofvictims,martyrsandthe

denunciations of the church regarding Government actions can also be explained through the

conceptoftrinityproposedbyNietzsche.Infact,Gonzalez(1999)usesthisconcepttoanalyzethe

current state of Mexican Catholic Church (In this analysis we will use the trinity to further

understandtherepresentationsembeddedinmediadiscourseontheCatholicChurch,migrants

and theconflict.According toNietzsche’s view, the trinity stands foragod thatactsas tyrant,

victimandsavior.Thetrinity isavictim,because itcarriesotherssins;tyrant,because itpoints

outother’ssins;andsavior,becausesavesothersfromtheirfaults.Followingthislineofthought,

media’s portrayal sheds light on how the Catholic Church by advocating for migrants and

providingthemshelterscarriesthefaultsorconsequencesoftheactsthatGovernmentofficials

andDTOshavecommittedagainst thispopulation,holding thepositionof“victim”or“martyr”

(González). The church is a tyrant because it denounces the faults of state and criminal

organizations against migrants, assesses when Government actions are working or not and

proposeshowthestatecanchange itsbehavior through institutional changesorpolicymaking.

Finally the institution acts as savior becausenomatter the grievances caused tomigrants, the

churchstillworkstoimprovethesituationofviolenceinwhichstateandDTOstakepart.Alsothe

churchissourceofasanctifiedworld,whileoutsidetheMexicanterritorylivesinchaos.AJune

2011CatholicNewsAgencyarticlereportsthattheXalapaArchidioceseinMexicowarnsthatthe

abuse suffered by Central AmericanMigrants traveling throughMexico is “an evident sign of

societaldecay”.Theagencyaddsthatthearchdiocesethankedthepriests,religiousandlaitywho

“asgoodSamaritans,”offerfood,shelterandclothing“tothosemostinneed.”Toconclude,the

holy trinity concept allows us to notice that the ideological thought of the Catholic Church

underlies Catholic and mainstream media coverage on Central American migrants and the

conflict.

ThecaseofAlejandroSolalinde

ThemostoutstandingcatholicfigureinmediacoverageisFatherAlejandroSolalinde,who

isusuallyincludedonreportsaboutCentralAmericanmigrants.HeistheDirectoroftheShelter

Brothers in the Road located in Ixtepec,Oaxaca and Coordinator of the Catholic Pastoral Care

CentreforMigrantsinsouthwesternMexico.Solalindeispartofthelistof“individualsatrisk”by

AmnestyInternational,giventhat“gangs,officialsandintolerantcommunityhavethreatenedhis

life” (Amnesty International, 2011). Solalinde’s portrayal differs between catholic media and

mainstream media. The former just referring to his contributions and claims toward the

Government, instead the latter refers to Solalinde’s controversial criticisms to the Catholic

Church itself, theU.S.,politicalparties, amongothers.A July2011Excelsiorarticle isbasedon

Solalinde’s considerations about the Catholic Church and its role to helpmigrants. He says, “

Referring to the Catholic Church, with its honorable exceptions, the institution has not really

caredaboutthesituationofmigrants,thatisthesadreality.Theinstitutions,dedicatedtoserve

thehumanbeing,havebecomeindifferenttopeople,theyarenotinterestedinanything,onlyin

political favoritism.” Instead in a September 2011 Jornada report the priest’s opinion on U.S.

policyishighlighted:“WeareoutragedregardinghowtheDEA,PentagonandCIAarehavingtheir

wayhere(Mexico),thisisnotanovelty;buttheMexicanNationalInstituteofMigration,through

the Mérida Plan, is completely being used as an instrument for Washington in detriment of

national sovereignty, but also in prejudice of our transmigrant brothers,who are cornered by

Washington, who considers them as a danger and as persons unwanted in the U.S.” He has

becomesuchaprominentsourcethatMexicanmainstreammediaaskforhisopinionregarding

political issues not directly related to his cause. An October 2011 Jornada report is based on

Solalinde’sperspectivesonthe2012presidentialelections.Heproposesanationalcandidacyfor

thePresidency,howeveritshouldbeisolatedofpoliticalparties,whohavelostcredibility.

Solalinde’s apology to los Zetas was the news that caused most polemic. A July 2011

Jornadaarticlequotesthefatheraskingforgivenessto“LosZetas,criminalsandallthebrothers

whowehavefailedandthatarevictimsofasicksocietythatdidnotknowhowtoprovidethem

support, did not teach themvalues.” In a July 2011 Excelsior report, Solalinde argues that Los

Zetas are “marginalized and victims of a corruption system.” In the article, the Government

Subsecretary of Population, Migration and Religious Issues expressed his concern regarding

Solalinde’s statements, which in his opinion give the impression of exalting violators and

assassins,making them look as victimswhen they are criminals.” In this samemonth, another

newsreportwaspublishedbyExcelsiorinwhichmembersoftheSenatepointedoutthatthere

are thousands and thousands of victims left by Los Zetas, who carry the guilt of mutilating

families, thereforeCongressdoesnotconsider that these familieswouldagreewithSolalinde’s

statement.

SuchistheinfluenceofpriestslikeSolalindethattheirconstantmeetingswithofficialsare

alsoreported.AnAugust,2011NationalCatholicReporterarticle informedthatChurchofficials

haddiscussionswithTultitlanandMexicostategovernmentstofindlandforanewshelter.While

a July 2011 Excelsior report informs that Solalinde will not continue to participate in the

negotiations table carried by poet Javier Sicilia and businessmen AlejandroMarti, whose sons

weremurderedaspart of the conflict, andMexicanPresident, FelipeCalderón.His reasons to

leavethenegotiationtableconsistinthedenialoftheGovernmentregardingthefactsand,that“

instead of helping, the Government is undermining the persons defending human rights.” An

August2011Excelsior article reports that Senatorsof theopposition receivedmembersof the

caravan“Stepbysteptowardpeace”.Despitethatthearticlementionsaneventparticipatingall

caravan members, the claims made by Sicilia and Solalinde to the Senate are the only ones

included. Another August 2011 Jornada article reports the agreement between the Migrant

Secretary of the State of Michoacán and the Civil Association Brothers in the Road, led by

Solalinde,topromotetherespectformigrants’rightsandtransformingtheirrealitybythemeans

ofjustice,opportunitiesandequality.

ThenationalsectionofnewspaperReformaincludesanarticleabouttheInternationalDetentionCoalitions,alongwith

anupdateontheencounterwithmothersofdisappearedCentralAmericanMigrants.

CriticismstotheRoleoftheCatholicChurchintheConflict

Inthe2011mediaanalysis,thereweresomecriticismstotheroleoftheCatholicChurch

in theconflict.Writtenby theauthorof thebookThe Last Narco:  Inside  the Hunt  for El Chapo 

MalcolmBeith, the World’s Most Wanted Drug Lord, aJanuary2011NCRarticlepointsoutthat

thechurchhierarchyadmittedthatsomeofthe“dirtiestandbloodiest”moneyinMexicocould

well have been used to build chapels and other facilities. This was “immoral,” the church

declared.“Nothingcanjustifyallowingthissortofsituationtooccur.”However,Beithsays,the

papalMexican nuncio did not denounce drug trafficker Ramón Arellano, who had visited the

nunciotoreceivehisblessing.ThepriestneverconsideredturningArellanoin,because“thiswas

amatterofconscience,myworkasapriest isonething,buttoactasanauthorityisanother.”

WrittenbyRicardoAlemán,aSeptember2011ExcelsiorOp‐edquestionshowthechurchdefends

itsparticularinterestsinthecontextoftheconflict.Heasks,“WhatdoesitmeanfortheMexican

EpiscopateConferencetorequireDTOsatruceinorderfortheparishionerstoveneratetherelics

ofPopeJohnPaulII?”

Regarding controversies related to the destination of public resources for activities

related to the Catholic Church, the President of the Center of Studies of Religion in Mexico,

BernardoBarranco,warnedinJornadathatthecommissionofofficialstravellingtoassisttothe

beatificationoflaicJuandePalafoxandMendozacarriedinBorgaofOsma,Spainmisusedpublic

resources and Government time for this event. In a July 2011 Excelsior article senators are

quotedsayingthattheyareawarethatthedecisiontoclosetheshelterofSanLuísdePotosíwas

madebytheCatholicChurchduetolackofspaceandaneedforrenovation.Stilltheycontend

thatthestateshouldnothaveacceptedthisdecisionand,insteadhadtheobligationofproviding

therequiredresources.

ThemostrecentcaseofcriticismcamefromCongressregardinganeditorialpublishedin

Desde  La  Fé against the actions of the legislative branch. Congress members asked the

Governmenttoinitiateaprocessagainstthepublicationduetoitsdenigratingdiscourseagainst

oneofthestate’smainbodies.APRIsenator,EnoéUranga,claimsthelackofpowerofthelaic

state in Mexico. He goes further to say that the Catholic Church and followers among other

religious groups, hidden in its moral hypocrisy, are open to pressure and challenge elected

powersbythepeople.

Implications of media coverage of church and migrants for the conflict  

  ThemediaanalysisshowshowtheMexicanCatholicChurchisleveragingitsprominence

asasource,stemmedonitshistoricalsocialandpoliticalpositioninthecountry,tospeakabout

migrantsfrequentlyundergoinghumanrightsabuses.TheCatholicChurchportrayalhasemerged

as the expert and the advocate of Central Americanmigrants asmost of the articles refer to

representatives of the Catholic Church. The institution speaks out in order to engage in

policymaking for migrant’s wellbeing, however there are no recognizable voices coming from

migrantsthemselves.Thelackoftheirvoicemightbeexplainedbythefactthatmigrantsusually

areundocumentedandareprecisely the targetofviolentacts.However recentmigration laws

include the right to medical services, judicial bodies and also recognize the jurisdictional

personalityoflegalmigrants,accordingtointernationaltreatiessignedbyMexico(Secretaríade

Gobernación, 2011). Though there is a large amount of undocumented Central American

migrantsinMexico,thepassingofthislawwouldmakethesemigrantsentitledtoavoicegiven

thatbylawtheirjurisdictionalpersonalitymustberespected.Theapprovalofthisnewlawtook

placeby theendofApril, thereforea larger time frameof its applicationwouldbeneeded to

furtherevaluatewhethermigrantsaresteppingasadvocatesacrossmediaoutlets.Inthemean

timeorganizedcrimewillcontinuetorefrainfromcommittingviolentattackstotheinsitution’s

representatives thanks to their image of “sanctity”, opening a door for them to be quoted by

media.Butonecanwonderifthechurchweretobestricterwiththeactionsofitsparishionersby

turning in people allied to the organized crime chain, the institution would have the same

position of privilege to freely speak about currentmigration issues. An argument against this

thought would be that the church’s representation in the public discourse consists in a civil

societyorganizationdeepeningandfurtheringtheprotections formigrants, insteadofhavinga

direct judicialorpolitical involvement in the conflict.Many civil organizations in conflictprone

areas draw this line and continue to keep a strong influence in the country, even when the

conflictpersistsandillegalactorsapproachtheseorganizations,withoutnecessarilycontributing

financiallytothesecivilsocietymembers.Butthisrepresentationforthechurchandothercivil

societyorganizationsisalwaysproblematic.

Atthispoint,thequestionregardingwhethertheCatholicChurchcanbeportrayedascivil

society arises. Walzer (1992) defines civil society as "dense network of civil associations

promoting the stability and effectiveness of the democratic polity through both the effects of

associationoncitizens'habitsoftheheartandtheabilityofassociationstomobilizecitizenson

behalfofpubliccauses.”InthissenseFoley(1996)questionswhetherinterestgroupsorreligious

bodies shouldbe included in thedefinition,due to their intermittentmobilization inpursuitof

politicalgoals.InmyviewtheCatholicChurchinMexicoshouldnotbeportrayedaspartofcivil

society, because it is currently not promotingmigrants as citizens bearing political agency and

andit’sauthoritydoesnotcomefrombottomup.But,ingeneral,civilsocietyischaracterizedto

beaheterogeneouslandscape,allowingaweaveoforganizationstocallthemselvesinmediaor

forjournaliststocallthemassuch.Basedontheconceptof“holytrinity”proposedbyNietzsche,

fellowadvocatesorfollowersofthecatholicmigrantcausewouldrelyonthoughtsonthematter

andwhethertheinstitutionagreestheirmessagerelevanttobeincludedinpublicdiscourse.At

thesametimegiventhehighlycatholiccultureinMexico,theconsiderationsofthechurchhave

to be prioritized than those ofmigrants and even advocates from other religious groups. The

portrayalasacivilsocietyactorisalsoasourceofdilemmaswhentherearepublicresourcesin

between.As Ipreviouslyshowed,there isapublicunderstanding,exceptfromonearticle, that

the state must support financially catholic related events and the church’s work towards

migrants. But one could wonder whether other religious groups or civil society organiations

receivethesamemediatreatment,whentheyareinneedoffinancialsupport.

Ifthechurchisconsideredaspartofcivilsociety,thisstatusalsoimpliesanothersetof

challenges in terms of media advocacy. Luyendick proposes that NGOs frame their messages

throughmediainwaysinwhichtheycanmanagetokeepsupportfrominternationaldonors.In

the case of the Catholic Church in Mexico, the church requires to uphold its public moral

authorityandsupportamongitsparishioners.A“positivepublic image”andhavinggoodpublic

relationshasbecomeincreasinglyimportant,asrecentscandalssuchaspriests’pedophiliacases,

useofcondomandaids,amongothers,havesurfacedonmedia.Thereforethechurchwillnot

enablemedia spaces toquestion theclosingofmigrant shelters, corruptionand itsnexuswith

the institution and the dilemma about its moral role to support all people, including drug

traffickers,withoutbringingthemtojustice.Thisispredictableforanycivilsocietyorganization,

however in the caseof theCatholic Church journalists refrain fromdoing tough critics as they

follow traditionalmedia practices inMexico, established through historicalmilestones such as

theCristeroWar.Also,becausecommercialandmainstreammediacompanies,duetoeconomic

interests,willnotportrayapointofviewthatcanbeunpopularamong90%ofcatholicbelievers

andeventhePANGovernment,electedfortwoconsecutivetermswithsupportbytheCatholic

Church.

Ontheotherhand,migrantsalsofollowthecatholicdiscoursebecausethereisdefinitely

atradeoffforthemwiththevisibilityoftheCatholicChurch.Migrantscanuseelementsofthe

catholicimaginarysuchasmigrantscarryingacrossandthequotationsofmigrantsinCatholic–

ranshelters,amongotherexamples.Ididnotfindalternativemediaranbymigrants,asIdidwith

the caseofNepalimigrantworkers in theMiddle East. Therefore theremightbepotential for

bothmigrantsand theCatholicChurch to leadmigrantnewsoutlets,with thechurchhavinga

special role in endorsing migrant’s voices. In the light of security issues, their names and

identities could not be revealed, but if they are part of the advocacy led by the church, their

opinionscouldbereferredasamigrantofacivilsocietygroup.Thoughsecurityconcernsmight

stillrefrainmigrantstohaveanincreasedvisibilityasmigrantworkersintheMiddleEast.Inthis

scenario, diaspora media from sending countries such as Guatemala, Honduras could be

supportedbycivilsocietyand,inthissense;theCatholicChurchcouldalsotakeapartofit.U.S.

catholicmediahavealsocontributedtoraiseawarenessontheissue,whileIonlyfoundTheNew

YorkTimesandAlJazeeraonlypublishedonearticleregardingviolenceagainstCentralAmerican

migrants. Nonetheless, US catholic media refer and repeat the stories already covered by

Mexicanmainstreammedia.

MediacoverageontheCatholicChurch,migrantsandtheconflictisnotclear‐cutand,in

fact,manycontradictionscanbefound.First,mainstreammediaaswellascatholicmediafollow

thediscourseofthe“holytrinity”,butnotinallcircumstances.WhenFatherAlejandroSolalinde

asksforgivenesstoLosZetas,criticismsfromofficialsandCongressmenarise.Still forthemit is

unrecognizablethatthechurchisactingbothasvictimandtyrant,becauseitiscarryingwiththe

DTOs faults and asking for forgiveness, and at the same time it is pointing out the corrupted

governmentandthesystemastheonestoblame.Secondly,itisverypossiblethatGovernment

officials meeting with Solalinde and other prominent figures such as business man Alejandro

Martíareawarethattheseconversationswillbepartofmediacoverage.Implicitlythesepublic

actsareendorsingthefigureoftheCatholicChurchasagovernancepoleaboveotheractorsand

havingadirectinterventioninpolicymaking.Nonetheless,atthesametime,editorialsofDesdela

Féarecriticizedduetoclaimsagainstthelegislativebranch.Ifthechurchhasbeenacknowledged

publicly as a permanent actor contributing to Mexican state governance, how can the

Governmentrefrainthe institutionfromhavingasay inhowgovernance isworking inMexico?

Thirdly, media reports have focused on mass events advocating for migrants’ rights, such as

caravans,at thesametime thesehave reinforced theneed forpersonalities throughoutmedia

coverage of the conflict. New Yorker writer and author of the book “The Years we were not

happy:chroniclesabouttheMexicantransition”AlmaGuillermoprietofurtherexplainsthis ina

2010 New Yorker article when she points out that “Mexican drug clans and organizations

responsibleforsomuchbloodshedhaveacquireda likingforpublicattention”,sheadds,“and

thestory, likethemurders, isendlesslyrepetitiveandconfusing:therearethedouble‐barreled

familynames, theshiftingalliances, thedouble‐crossingarmygenerals, thecapobetrayedbya

closeassociatewhointurnkilledbyanotherbetrayerinasmalltownwithanimpossiblename,

followedbyanother capowithadouble‐barreled lastnamewho isbetrayedbyahigh‐ranking

armyofficerwho iskilled in turn.”Fromthisquote, Iunderstandthatmediastorieshavebeen

framedaccordingtocertainpersonalities;accordinglytherepresentativesofthechurchhavenot

beentheexception.

All these entangled contradictions seem conflicting when thinking whether media can

contribute toward peace building. A plethora of characters are included and each one plays

separate roles. Luyendickargues thatbeyondcontrasting theversionof contendingparties, an

article should include pro‐peace organizations and opponents to government policies. In this

sense,thechurchwouldachievetoperformasthelatter.Inmyperspective,foralldimensionsof

anissuerelatedtotheconflict,suchasCentralAmericanmigrants,tobecoveredinmedia,there

is a need for media to become a platform for dialogue among all parties, not only the

personalities, but those who have been marginalized and can have a crucial effect in the

outcomesoftheconflict.This“fairplay”amongsourcesisnoteasilyattainedwithinastatewith

aweakgovernmentandanationwithhighlytensepowerrelations. If thisdialogueweretobe

possible,itwouldleadtocreatingopenpublicspacesformediaadvocacyformigrants,insteadof

onlyregisteringthemeetingsbetweenofficialsandcatholicrepresentatives.AtthispointIshould

clarify thatmothers of disappeared Central Americanmigrants have started to become other

sourceofmediaattention,duetotheirpublicactssuchascaravansandalsowiththesupportof

internationalnon‐profitorganizations.Thisisdefinitelyasigntowardsamoreinclusiveapproach

bymedia.Greatervisibilityofmigrantsaspoliticalagentswithaccesstojusticeandprosecution

processes(illegalmigrantscanalsobearpoliticalagencyduetotheircategorizationasvulnerable

populationbymembersoftheinternationalcommunity)isrequiredinorderforthemtonotbe

subjectedtothewillandactionsofanyoftheactorsinfluencingtheconflict.Finally,analyzedasa

crisis,theconflicthasallowedthereinforcementofrelationsamongvisibleactorssuchasstate

and the Catholic Church, while the opportunity of challenging relations between state and

migrantsinthemidstoftheMexicanconflictissomethingIhopemediaexploresinanearfuture.

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