tan, understanding the “structure” and “agency” debate in the social sciences (& full...

7/30/2019 Tan, Understanding the Structure and Agency Debate in the Social Sciences (& FULL JOURNAL)

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The editors of HABITUS would like to thank the Yale Department of Sociology

for its unwavering support and encouragement.

HABITUS is published by undergraduates of Yale College; the University is not

responsible for its contents.

yale.edu/habitus

[email protected]


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Welcome to HABITUS.

You hold in your hand an invitation to a conversation.

HABITUS is a new publication of undergraduate work in the social sciences, with a central

focus on sociology, that seeks to render the social world more comprehensible. Through both

theoretical dialogue and empirical inquiry, sociologists problematize the obvious and interro-

gate our assumptions about seemingly insignicant mechanisms and larger forces which shape

society.

We draw the name HABITUS from the writings of the sociologists Norbert Elias and Pierre

Bourdieu. In its simplest articulation, the concept of habitus refers to the encompassing social

context of our collective tastes, judgments, and habits . It is the logic that constructs our living

culture and values, but one that remains uid and subject to renegotiation.

It is this idea of renegotiation that informs the theme of our inaugural issue: The Forum. In this

issue, we explore what happens when ideas, goods, and people collide. The Forum is both

event and venue, object and dialogue. A cookbook as cultural document. A protest reclaiming

public space. Contested terminology. These are some of the sites of dialogue visited within thelarger forum of this publication.

The following seven essays together constitute varied points of entry into the richness of social

science as a discipline, as well as points of departure for ongoing contemplation of the mean-

ing of The Forum.

Welcome to the conversation.

The Board

Kathleen Powers - Editor-in-Chief

Amy Tsang - Editor, Managing Director

Carl Chen - Editor, Treasurer, Business Director

Emmanuel Quartey - Editor, Artistic Director

Sta Advisors

Julia P. Adams

Chair, Department of Sociology

Professor of Sociology

Philip Smith

Director of Undergraduate Studies in Sociolgy

Professor of Sociology

Moderators Note

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Table of Contents

Public: An Intellectual Genealogy

Sam Huber

No Disrespect to Jay-Z: A Sociological Analysis of the Front

Row at Jay-Zs Concert in Yankee Stadium

Carl Chen

More Than Recipes: Cookbooks as Items of Cultural Literature

Katelyn Roth

War in the Middle East: Hostilities on the Epicurean Front

Matthew Claudel

Kefaya: Symbolic Insurrection and the Life of the Arab Street,

Reconsidered

Kathleen Powers

Debating Orientalism: Combating Complacency through

CritiqueBlair Lanier

Understanding the Structure and Agency Debate in the

Social Sciences

Sherman Tan

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page 3

page 6

page 10

page 15

page 20

page 31

page 36


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What of the public, adjective and noun? Is the public a sphere of contestation, a mass of per-

sons, a civil society? Does it demonstrate elasticity - will it yield to us? The public assumes that

a single entity has been created from a set of individuals - a kind of collapse, an alloy.

In Public: An Intellectual Genealogy, Sam Huber provides a tour of the ways in which the

public has been theorized through intellectual history. He surveys the meanings that have

been attributed to the uctuating concept. From Benjamin to De Bord, the essay traces how

our understanding of the public has changed.

Sam Huber is a sophomore in Morse College.Contact him at [email protected].

The following essay was originally written forLITR 354: Theory of Media.

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PUBLIC: AN INTELLECTUAL GENEALOGY

Sam Huber

Publiccanbeanebulousconcept.Wetakeitforgranted,buildinguponitentireide-ologiesofhowpeoplerelatetothemselvesandtoothers,butseriouscriticaldisagreementpersistsoverwhatitsigniesandhowitbehaves.Inchartingthetermstheoreticalhistory,oneencounterstwoprimaryusesforthewordpublic:thereistheadjective,referringtoanobjectorevents

accessibilityasdenedinoppositiontotheprivate,andthereisthenoun,referringtothepublicasadelineatedsocialgroup.Eventhosesocialandmediatheoristswhodonotconfrontthetermdirectlyorlabelitassuchoftenndthemselvesgrapplingwiththeconceptasanecessaryfounda-tionfortheirintendedlineofinquiryorrelyingonassumptionsaboutthenatureofpublicthatimplyunconsciousconclusionsaboutthetopic.Thetheoreticalgenealogythatfollowsmakesnoattempttobethorough,comprehensive,orchronologicallylinear,butitmaystillbeusefulinrais-ingthequestionsandidentifyingthecriticalthreadsonemightpursueindeningandemployingthetermoneself. InhisessaySocialTheoryandtheMedia(1994),JohnB.Thompsondescribesapublicasrelatingtomassmediathroughamodelofmediatedquasi-interaction,inwhichtwo-waycom-

municationisreducedtomonologue.Becauseofthewiderangeofpotentialrecipientsforsuchamessage(becauseTVandbookscannottargetindividualreceivers)andthewaysthatdifferentlocalizedconditionsshapeeachrecipientsprocessofconsumptionandappropriation,Thompsonspublicbecomesaloosecollectionofprivateindividualsthatisdifculttodelineateandrelativelypassive.ThisperspectiveissimilartoHaroldLasswellstransmissionalmodelofthemedia,inwhichthepublicpassivelyconsumesmediaastransmittedbyasender.WalterBenjaminrein-forcedthisideaofthepublicasacollectionofspectatorsinhisessayTheWorkofArtintheAgeofitsTechnologicalReproducibility(1936),associatingthedisappearanceofritualwithashiftfromparticipatoryengagementtopassiveconsumption.Theremovaloftemporalandlocalspeci-cityfromonesengagementwithartalsoimpliesthepublicsdecentralization. WhereasBenjaminfocusedonmodesofproduction,SiegfriedKracauerfocusedonmodesofperception,assertingthecentralityofsocialcontextinshapingperception.ThisideaofsocialcontextwouldbemorermlyreinforcedandappliedtotheorganizationofpublicsbyStuartHallinhisessayEncoding/decoding(1992),inwhichheproposesamodelofsocialorganiza-tionaroundthecodes(interpretivecontexts)throughwhichwetranslaterealityintoadiscourseandbackagain. JrgenHabermasinThePublicSphere(trans.1989)elaboratesonWalterLipmannsideaofpublicopinionasasocietyscirculatingnarrativesbyproposingaconceptionofthepublicsphereasconsistingofpublicopinionalongwiththesocialgroupthatauthorsandconsumesit,

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inwhichbothareengagedinakindofreexivefeedbackloop.Thepublic-privatedynamicwascentraltoHabermas,whosepublicisbothauniedgroupwithsharedcodesandvaluesandacol-lectionofdistinctindividuals. GuyDeBordandJeanBaudrillardbothviewedthepublicassubjecttodistortedrepre-sentationsoforreplacementsforreality,thoughDeBordwasmoreoptimisticaboutthepublicspotentialtoreconnectwitharealitythatBaudrillardconsideredtohavealreadybeencorrupted

beyondredemption.InPublicsandCounterpublics(2002),MichaelWarnergivestheagencybacktothepublicthatBaudrillardhaddismissed,recastingitsmembersasdeterminingactorsratherthanpassivewitnessesandcharacterizingmediaasfundamentallysubjective.Warnerde-nespublicsasbeingconstructedbynetworksofcirculatingdiscourse(counterpublicsbeingthosedenedinoppositiontoamainstreamdiscourse),emphasizingmediasperformativecomponentandtheuidnatureofpublics,whicharemadeupofwhoeverisengaginginthediscourseatagiventime.Byexaminingalloftheseperspectivesonpublictogether,wearriveataconceptionofthepublicasparticipatory,subjective,anddenedbycontext.

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You are at a Jay-Z concert at Yankee stadium. Why are you there? Moreover, why are your fellow

audience members there? The concert is a communal - albeit exclusive - display. An enclosed

spectacle. What motivates your entry?

Carl Chen grapples with the dissimilitude amongst rap concert attendees. By applying

Bourdieus sociocultural model of the eld to the case of a Jay-Z concert, Chen seeks to il-

luminate the motives behind concert going. What are the various forms of capital jockeying for

power in this context? What role does taste play? Is there a desire to achieve a coveted cultural

aesthetic?

Carl Chen is a sophomore in Morse CollegeContact him at [email protected]

The following paper was originally written for

SOCY 313: Sociology of the Arts and Popular Culture

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NO DISRESPECT TO JAY-Z: A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE FRONT ROW AT JAY-ZS

CONCERT IN YANKEE STADIUM

Carl Chen

LastSeptember,Ihadtheonce-in-a-Yale-lifetimechanceofreceivingfreesecond-rowticketsfromarichYalealumnusforthesold-outJay-ZandEminemconcertinYankeeStadiuminNewYorkCity.AlthoughIamnolongerthemostdevotedfanofthegenre,Idenitelyenjoyed

myshareofblastingbass-heavyrapandhip-hopinthecar,andsoIhoppedonthetrainwitheageranticipationforanightofgreatmusic.Everythingliveduptomyexpectationstheconcertwasamazing,therapperswereintopform,andtheybroughtoutalltheircelebritycollaborators.However,whenIlookedaroundattheothernearbypeoplewhocouldaffordextremelyexpensivetickets,IhadthedisconcertingfeelingthatsomeinthediversecrowdyoungAfrican-Americanmalefashionistas,anolderrichwhiteexecutivewithayoungblondegirl,andthewealthymiddle-agedwhiteIvyLeague-educatedgentlemanwithhisteenagedaughterandherfriendsmighthavehadotherreasonsforwantingtobeinthefrontrow.PerhapsJay-Zwasrightinannouncingthateveningthatraphadnallyachievedstatusasamusicalartformandthatthisstar-studdedspectaclewasahistoricnightforthegenreofhip-hop.

ImeannodisrespecttoJay-Zsskills,buthisdeclarationforthefansappreciationofthegenremighthavebeenabitgrandioseandself-celebratory.Thoughthechangesinculturaltastecouldbesimpliedtoashiftofpreferencesor,asJay-Zmightprefer,animprovementintheprod-uctsaestheticquality,tasteisinfactmuchmorecomplicated,ofteninvolvingavarietyofindi-vidualbackgroundfactors.InordertodeducewhytheseparticularpeoplelikeJay-Zandhismusicsomuchthattheychosetopaytopdollartoseehim,Ibelievethedisciplineofculturalsociology,particularlyitstheoriesoftaste,maybeveryenlightening.Infocusingontaste,Iwillforegothepredictableideathattheaudiencecouldhaveenjoyedthemusicandinsteadchooseothertheo-riesthatfocusmoreontheaudiencessocialstandingandbackground.Nonetheless,itcertainlyispossiblethattheywerealsocaptivatedbywhatmediatheoristWalterBenjaminmightcallthe

auraofJay-Zsperformance.Forsomeintheaudience,thisattractiveaurawasJay-Zsuniquelyfamouspersona,which,coupledwiththeparticulargrandeurofYankeeStadium,mighthavetran-scendedthephysicallimitationsoftimeandspace.Orassocioculturaltheorist,RichardPetersonmightexplain,theaudiencemighthavecravedJay-Zsauthenticitywhichisderivedfromhisidentityasthehustlerfromtheprojectswhothenbecameamulti-millionaireentertainmentmogul.Butthesetheoriesfocusmoreontheperformer,andwouldbemoreappropriateifwewerefocus-ingonthemassaudience.Sincethisessaywillfocusontheparticularcohortofthefrontrow,theseexplanationsfailtoconsidertheirwealthybackgroundandhighsocialstatus.Inordertoinsteadexplorethissortofhierarchicalsocietyinwhichstatusisdeterminedbytasteorhowgood

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onesseatis,thetheoriesofsociologistPierreBourdieuwouldbestexplaintheexpressedprefer-enceofthesevariouspeoplewhoasaneliteclassarevirtuallyunlimitedintheirchoices. Beforeshowinghowthemoreindividualcharacteristicswithinthisgroupaffecttaste,abroadlookatBourdieussocioculturalmodeloftheeldwouldhelpclarifythereasoningbehindthismodeofanalysisforJay-Zshigh-rolleraudience.Inconsideringtheproductionofcultureandtaste,Bourdieuformulatedthisconceptoftheeld,whichgreatlydiffersfrompreviousideas

ofthecultureindustryasamarket.Themarketassumesthatconsumersareequalinknowledgeorperhapsallinastateoftabula rasawhenchoosingwhatculturetosample.InDistinction: ASocial Critique of the Judgement of Taste,Bourdieuchallengesthisconceptbybringinginthead-ditionalsocietalfactorsofhierarchy,rank,andstatus,whichbecomecrucialmotivatingelementsintheculturaleld.Inconsideringhowthesefactorsaffectindividualtaste,Bourdieuemphasizesapersonssocialbackground,whichissplitintoeducationalcapitalgainedfromschoolingandsocialorigin,whichisasortofculturalinheritance1.Becauseofhowtasteisformulatedinthesemethods,itcanthenbemanifestedthroughtheuseofsymbolicgoods,whichthenmakeschoiceamodeofdistinctionorakeymarkerofclasswithinahierarchicalsociety2.Inthissortofstruc-turedworldthatvalueseducationalcapitalandsocialorigin,everyoneisthenpursuingculture

throughexpressedchoices,whichrepresenttheirtryatclimbingthesocialstatusladder.Bourdieuthenclassiestheseindicatorsofthepositionoccupiedintheeconomicandculturalhierarchiesintothethreeformsofeconomic,social,andculturalcapital3.Differentactivitiesofferdifferentformsandamountsofcapitalandthustasteinchoosingactivitiesshowshowmuchcapitalonehasorwhatkindofcapitalonevalues.Thismethodofaccruingcapitalcanbeseenthroughtheexampleofhostsofferingguestsaparticularstyleofmealwiththewishofseemingeconomicallywelloff(economiccapital)orbeinghospitableaccordingtocertainsocialrules(socialcapital).SimilarlyapersonmayattendaJay-Zconcertwiththeintentionofseemingculturallyknowledge-able. BeinginthefrontrowofaJay-ZconcertinYankeeStadiumcertainlycreatessome

formofthesethreekindsofcapital,butduetothenatureofrapmusicasagenre,capitalisonlyprovidedinlimitedwaysorinvaryingamounts.Also,dependingonthesocialbackgroundorsocialgroupsoftheaudiencemember,onetypeofcapitalmayhavelessweightthananother.Forinstance,theexpensivepriceoftheoorticket(aresellvalueofaround$1500)denitelymeansnoteveryonecanaffordorwouldchoosetopaytobesoclose,whichmakesbeinginthefrontrowratherspecialforthemajorityofpeople.Butfortherichwhiteexecutiveinafancysuit,themoneyisjustapittanceandactuallywouldnotmeanmuchtohissocialgroup.However,thefactthathehadthesocialpowertoattainfrontrowseatsthatwerelimitedtoaboutahundredpeopleinallofNewYorkCitymayhaveseriouslyawedhisyoungscantilycladandpossiblysociallyim-pressionablegirlfriend.Bourdieumayalsocategorizethisrichbusinessmanswealthbasedonhissocialorigin,whichdependsonhowandwhenhiscurrentpositionwasestablished.Ifheearnedhiswealththroughanelitecollegeeducation,thenperhapshemayhavepurchasedapaintingorsawamusicalinsteadofattendingarapconcert.Butifhejustinheritedhismoneyorluckedintoit,maybeheisaplayboywhojustwantstopartyandhaveagoodtime.Lastly,IhighlydoubthecaredtoomuchaboutthemusicalcontentsincehewasfrequentlytextingonhisBlackberryand

1Bourdieu,PierreandRichardNice.Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste.(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1987),pg.63.2Bourdieu,663Bourdieu,79

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didnotknowthelyricstothesongsexceptforanoccasionalchorus. Ontheotherhand,theyoungblackmalefashionistaswerefullyenjoyingthecapitalgainedfromtheperformanceasevidencedbytheirconstantuploadingofpicturestoTwitterforshowingofftotheirsocialgroup.Additionally,theyknewnearlyallthewordstoeverysong(butcuriouslyenoughtheydidnotcareverymuchaboutEminem),whichsuggeststhattheirsocialworldhighlyvaluesblackrapmusicasaculturalform.Jay-ZisamongNewYorkCitysmost

historicandnotoriousrappersandbeingthereonthatnightwastobepartoftheculturalfabricofthecitywhereanybodywhowassomebodywasdancingtoJay-Zshits.Tobefrontrowrappingalmostalongsidetheirheroesafrmedtheirownstatusthroughtheirdedicationtotheculture. TheYalealumnus,hisyoungdaughter,andherfriendsdonoteasilytintoBourdieusschema.AlthoughJay-Zdoeshavesomepopcrossoverhits,heislargelystillarapper,soIdoubttheyweremusicallyentertainedthewholetime.Mostlikely,thedrawofseeingcelebritystarpowerupcloseinpersonwastooenticingandcouldalsogiveagreatamountofsocialcapitaltothegirlwhenshetoldallherotherfriendsatschool.Ormaybehewasjusttryingtobeacooldadbybroadeninghermusicaltastes.RichardPeterson,amodernAmericansociologist,buildsoffBourdieutosuggestthatpeople,especiallyinthehighclass,arebecomingmorevariedintheir

culturalconsumptionsothattheyarenowmorelikeomnivores4

.Perhapsbeinganomnivoreisanotherwaytoexpresshightastebyshowingonescosmopolitanism,ormaybepeoplearenowmoremobilebetweensocialgroupsandneedthesedifferentformsofsocialcapitaltoappearsuperiorordominant.Forinstance,awhitemaleteenagergrowingupinLosAngelesmaybearapexpertinordertohavecommoninterestswithfriends,buthealsomightbeadevoutChristianinagospelchoir.ForPeterson,thesetastesinmusicarenotconictingordevaluingeachotherbecausetheyeachhavemeaningintheirrespectivesocialcircles. ThesespeculationsmayappearoverlyspeculativesinceIamsuggestingthatfewoftheaudiencememberswereactuallyrealfansofthemusic.AndtherealsoislittleroomforsomeonetorelatetoJay-Zslyricalcontentortoappreciatehisrappingskill.However,becauseBourdieus

theoryoftheeldreliesheavilyontheindividualttingintosocialhierarchy,itdoesnotgiveobjectiveaestheticqualityasubstantialroleinestablishingtaste.Itmaygivesomecredittotheindividualforknowledge,suchasinmemorizingthelyrics,butoverallBourdieuwouldclaimthatwewerentjustthereastrueJay-Zfans,butalsothatweweretryingtoborrowsomeofhisshine(orcapital)forourselves.

4Peterson,RichardA.andRogerM.Kern.ChangingHighbrowTaste:FromSnobtoOmnivore.American SociologicalReview,Vol.61,No.5.(Oct.,1996),pp.900-907

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A cultural document, placed within a greater social and historical context, reveals how it repre-sented and reinforced the values of its time. The document has incredible power because we

often do not realize that we are engaging it in conversation. And even when we are aware of its

didactic power, are we unaected by its inuence?

In the following essay, Katelyn Roth oers a sociocultural interpretation ofBuckeye Cookery

and Practical Housekeeping, written in 1877. The cookbook is revealed to be a place where

values associated with gender roles and domesticity in American society are concocted and

served.

Katelyn Roth is a junior in Calhoun College.Contect her at [email protected].

This paper was originally written forWGSS 120: Women, Food, and Culture.

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MORE THAN RECIPES: COOKBOOKS AS ITEMS OF CULTURAL LITERATURE

Katelyn Roth

Whatisacookbook?Onrstapproximation,itwouldnotseemunreasonabletoclaimthatacookbookissimplyawell-organizedcompilationofrecipes.However,suchableakcharac-

terizationasthisleadsonetooverlookacookbooksvalueasatrulyuniquepieceofliterature.Tothecarefulreader,acookbookcanindeedoffermuchmorethanlistsofingredientsandinstruc-tions.Asagenretraditionallywrittenbywomen,forwomen,cookbooksallowarareandrawglimpseintothementalityofwomenfromgenerationsgoneby.Theyallowtheirreaderstobetterunderstandthevalues,concerns,andgeneralattitudesofthewomenwholivedduringthetimeperiodinwhichthebookwaswritten.Specically,theyofferarsthandtestimonyoftheculturalvaluescenteredonwomenandfood. EstelleWoodWilcoxrstpublishedhericonicMidwesterncookbook,Buckeye Cookeryand Practical Housekeeping,in1877inthemidstofanerainwhichactivists,suchasCatherineBeecher,strovetoearnrespectfortraditionalwomenswork,suchascookingandhousekeeping.1

Asaresult,throughWilcoxscookbook,readersareabletoobservehowthissocialreformmove-mentaffectedthethoughtsandattitudesofwomenduringtheheightofitsinuence.Inparticular,Buckeye Cookeryallowsusaglimpseintohowthemovementinuencedwomensperceptionoffoodpreparationandhousekeeping,aswellashowitaffectedtheirperceptionsofthemselves,asfoodpreparersandhousekeepers.Fromtheimmenseamountofmaterialthiscookbookcontainstothespecicillustrationsandlanguageituses,itisevidentthatWilcoxandotherwomenofhertimewereinspiredbythismovementandviewedtheirrolesascooksandhousekeepersasbeingofgreatimportancetosociety. Oneofthemainfocusesofthehomeeconomicsmovementduringthelatenineteenthcenturywastoaltersocietysperceptionofdomesticwork.Cookingandhousekeepingwereno

longertobeseenassimpleormindlesstasks,butratherwerepromotedasbeingtruesciencesthatrequiredgreatknowledgeandrenedskill(Trumpler).TheoverallstructureandimmensevolumeofinformationcontainedwithinBuckeye Cookerymakesaconvincingargumentforthescienceofcooking.Thebookofover450pages(inlatereditions,itwouldbecomenearly700pages),isessentiallyanencyclopediaoneverythingaboutcookingandhousekeeping.Therst325pagesprovidethereaderwithdetailedinstructionsonhowtoproperlypreparedishesfrombreadtopicklestopoultry.Thefollowing125pagesaddresstopicsrangingfromdressmakingtoprepar-

1Trumpler,Maria.LectureonHomeEconomicsasFeministFoodScience.Women,Food,andCulture.YaleUniversity,NewHaven.7Oct2010.

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ingantidotestopoisonsandevenmanagingthehiredhelp.Throughthisincrediblycomprehensivecompilationofthetasksatypicalhousewifewasresponsiblefor,Wilcoxmakesitblatantlycleartoallthosewhoencounterherbookthatahousekeeperslifewasanythingbuteasyorsimple-minded.Indeed,thevastextentofknowledgeandspecializedskillsoutlinedinBuckeye Cookeryastonishinglyandsufcientlyshowsthatthedomesticworkofwomenduringthiserawasworthyofsocietysrespect.

Thisperceptionamongwomenandsocietyofcookingasasortofsciencewasalsoevi-dentinthewayWilcoxcomposedtherecipes.Unlikemoremoderncookbooks,inwhichrecipesarerelativelyshortandmainlyemphasizewhichingredientstouseandhowtomixthemtogether,anenormousamountoftextinBuckeye Cookeryfocusedonthepropertechniquerequiredineverysinglestepoftheprocess.Forinstance,thersttenorsopagesofeachsectioninthecookbookweredevotedentirelytoapainstakingexplanationofhowtoprepareeachfooditem.Therefore,consultants(orreaders)ofBuckeye Cookerywerealsostudentseagertolearn.Asaresultofthevalueplaceduponusingpropertechnique,thecookbookalsooftenemphasizedthatittookmuchexperiencetobecomeagoodcook.Forexample,onpage7,Wilcoxclaimsthatnothingbutexperiencewillsecurethenamemeritedbysofew,thoughearnestlycovetedbyeverypractical,

sensiblehousekeeperanexcellentbread-maker.Thesetasksthatfewcaneverbesaidtohavemasteredsurelycannotbeseenascompletelytrivial. Inadditiontodemonstratinghowwomenofthiseraapproachedcookinglikeasciencetobemastered,Buckeye Cookeryalsoprovidedavividdepictionofhowthesewomenviewedtheircontributiontosocietythroughdomesticworkasvital.Forinstance,ontherstpageofhercookbook,Wilcoxincludedanillustrationofayoungcouplesituatedinakitchenintotaldisar-ray.Intheimage,theyoungbrideiscompletelydistraught,andthehusbandattemptstoconsolherbyhelpingwiththecooking.However,hisattemptsareanutterfailure,andtheillustrationcomicallydepictshimcoveredinsoot,withafootinapan,offeringanunappetizinglookingducktohiswife.Beneaththeillustrationisacaptionreading,NeverMind;DontCry,Pet,IllDothe

Cooking(Wilcox,pg.i).Thisillustrationsuggeststhatitwasimportantforawomantoefcientlyrunherkitchen,butnotsimplysoshecouldserveherhusband,whichmayhavebeenthemindsetinyearsprior.Infact,theillustrationshowsthehusbandattemptingtoservehiswife.Therefore,theillustrationinsteadstressestheimportanceofawomansabilitytorunakitchenefcientlybecause,ifshewasnotabletodoso,nooneelsecould.Thatistosay,womenalonewerebelievedtohavepossessedtheknowledgeandabilitytomakeahouseholdrunsmoothly.Atthistime,menlackedthespecictrainingandknow-howpassedtraditionallyfromwomantowomanandwerethereforeseenascomicallyincompetentinsuchareas.Wilcoxsinclusionofthisimageinhercookbooknotonlyservestostressherbeliefintheimportanceoftheacquisitionofdomesticskillsbywomen,butitalsosigniesanunderstandingbywomenthattheyprovideadifcultandspecializedserviceforsocietythatmanycannotprovideforthemselves. ThisculturalideathatwomenprovidedanindispensableservicethroughtheirdomesticworkwasalsohighlightedinWilcoxsprefacetothecookbook.Here,shestatesthatthebookwaswrittentostimulatethejustpridewithoutwhichworkisdrudgeryandgreatexcellenceimpos-sible(Wilcox,pg.vi).ThisphrasesuggeststhatnotonlydidWilcoxrmlybelievethatawomanshouldtakeprideinherwork,butalsothattheimportanceofherworkmadeherentitledtothispride.Furthermore,inthisquoteandthroughoutthepreface,Wilcoxreferstotheideaofwomenlovingtheirwork,ratherthanperceivingitasdrudgery(Wilcox,pg.v-vi).Toloveonesworkoftenmeansbelievingittobefullling,andtherefore,thisfurthersuggeststhatwomenatthistime

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trulydididentifywithdomesticworkanddidnditofpersonalandsocialvalue. Thereismuchevidencethroughoutthiscookbooktosuggestthat,duringthelatenine-teencentury,womenwereempoweredbythesocialreformmovementsandtookprideintheirabilitytoprovidedomesticservicestosociety.However,thereisalsoevidencethatsuggeststhatalthoughwomenvaluedandperceivedtheirdomesticcontributionsasdistinctlyfemale,theystillperceivedthemselvesthroughthelensofamasculineworld.Thisissuggestedbythefactthatof

thethousandsofwomenwhosubmittedrecipestobecompliedinWilcoxscookbook,thevastma-joritysignedtheirnamesattheendoftherecipeinvariationsofMrs.DanielleMiller,Mrs.Dr.Koogler,orMrs.GovernorKirkwood(Wilcox).Veryfewincludedtheirownrstnames,andthemajorityofthosewhodidweresingle.Thissuggeststhat,althoughsocietybegantorecognizethevalueofthedomesticfemaleprofessionsofthetime,menandwomenalikestillperceivedtheprofessionsofmen(Dr.,Governor,etc.),asbeingofgreatersignicance.Thefactthatthesewom-en,despitesocialreform,stilltookmoreprideintheirhusbandswork,thanintheirown,likelycontributedtothedownfallofthehomeeconomicsmovementsoonafter1920,atwhichtime,womenbeganpursuingcareersoutsideofthehome(Trumpler).Evidencethatthistrendwasal-readyoccurringin1877isalsofoundinBuckeye Cookeryandisthegreatestcontradictionofthis

book.AlthoughBuckeye Cookerysunderlyingagendaisunquestionablytheelevationofhomeeconomics,stampedonitstitlepageisanadvertisementforPayingWorkforWomen(Wilcox).Thisadspecicallyelicitsbrightandwide-awakewomen(Wilcox),almostsuggestingthatintelligentwomenshouldworkoutsidethehome.Suchasuggestioncompletelycontradictsthebooksportrayalofhousekeepingasarewardingandchallengingprofessionforallwomen. Inconclusion,EstelleWoodWilcoxsBuckeye Cookeryisacomplexliterarypiece,whosecompletecontent,fromitsillustrationstoitsassertionsandeventoitscontradictions,con-veysthethoughtsandvaluesofmanyAmericanwomenduringtheyearsofthehomeeconomicsocialreformmovement.Assuggestedfromthemanydifferentaspectsofthiscookbook,womenduringthisperiodbegantoapproachtheirdomesticworkwithgreaterprideassocietyasawhole

becameawareofitsnecessityandvalue.However,thegreatersocialvalueofhomeeconomicsdidnotlessentheperceivedvalueofthepaying,professionalcareersoccupiedexclusivelybymenduringthatera.Therefore,althoughthismovementdidservetoempowerthefemaleworkforce,itsinspirationwouldcometoleaditinadifferentdirectionthanperhapsanticipated.

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Food - its cultivation, preparation, and consumption is one of the great unifying activities of

humanity. Yet as cultural symbols, national cuisines can also become jealously guarded points

of national pride and the subject of contestation, both literal and gurative. Enter the Guinness

Book of World Records.

In the following essay, Matthew Claudel chronicles what he calls the Hummus War, an inter-

national battle over a culinary world title and the ultimate ownership of a cultural tradition. Can

we gain new understanding over a great divide between East and West from the bottom of a

giant bowl of hummus?

Matthew Claudel is a sophomore in Branford College.Contact him at [email protected].

This essay was originally written for

ENGL 120: Reading and Writing the Modern Essay.

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WAR IN THE MIDDLE EAST: HOSTILITIES ON THE EPICUREAN FRONT

Matthew Claudel

WarisnotnewtotheMiddleEastinfact,theoldestbitofrecordedhistorythatexistsisadescriptionofwarintheIndusValley,or,moderndayIraq.Thecradleofcivilization,asitsknown,isvast,hot,anddry,butsacred!andsowehavemarkedthelocationwithahistoryofbattlesforaboutaslongaswevebeenaround.Onlyrecently,however,havehostilitiestakena

culinarybent,andproduced,ratherthancasualties,tenandahalfthousandkilogramsofhummus.

***

Asweaty,patrioticandexcitedbattalionof300chefsdescendedonal-FanaronSaturday,May8th,2010,markingperhapsthelargestconvulsionofactivitythatthetinyLebanesetownhadeverexperienced.Theensuingeventwasunprecedentedinhumanhistory,andcrowdsthrongedtoplaywitnesstoit.Theatmospherewaspartcarnivalandpartreligiousconvocation,withchefselevatedonacentraldaisatthecenterofaswarmofsupporters.Thefocusofitallwasanearth-enwaredish,thelargestofitskindevermade,slowlyllingwiththick,goopypaste.Hummus.

Lebanesechefsworkedatafeverpitchtoprocesstherawingredientsbeforethesunwouldreachitspeakandbakethehummusintoahard,not-so-goopypaste(qualityassuredandtaste-testedbyadispatchfromtheglobalofcesoftheGuinnessBookofWorldRecords). Allinall,mixing,crushing,pouringandtastingthedishtookaroundvehoursabriefculminationofthreemonthsplanningfortheevent.Atotalof8tonsofboiledchickpeas,2tonsoftahini,2tonsoflemonjuiceand154poundsofoliveoilweredistributedalongrowsoftableswhereranksofchefsdidtheirwork.Pairssquaredoffaroundeachbowl,alternatelystirringandpouring,gyratinginanalmost-choreographeddancethatchurnedouthummusataninhumanpace.Ahuge,New-Years-Clock-esquedialsuspendedabovethedishgaveareal-timemeasurementofthetotalweight,andwitheachupwardtick,achorusofcheersrangout.Zealousfansclungtotherailingandshoutedencouragement.Motherspushedstrollers,astheirchildrengluttedthemselvesonpita,hummusandthefestivalspirit.Sectionsofthecrowdbrokeintodanceassingersper-formedanArabiclovesonginvolvinghummus.ThecelebrationwasofthesameilkasTexasChiliFestivals,theGilroyGarlicFestivalortheMaineLobsterFestivalassocialasgastronomicbutwithapoliticalandculturaledgetoboot.LebanonsprodigiousbidforAll-timeHummusWorldChampionhadalittlesomethingforeveryone,anditmarkedasignicanthistoricalmomentindeed. Despitebeingthebiggest,Mayshummusrecordatal-Fanarwasnottherstofrecentyears.Thehummuswarbeganin2006,inNewYork,whenSabraMediterranean(theworlds

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largesthummusproducer,holdingamonopoly-reeking40%ofthemarketshare)madewhatwasto-datethebiggestbowlofhummus,clockinginatjustover800lbs(Itwasregarded,frankly,asawastefulendeavor,butnotentirelysurprising,comingfromSabra.Thecompanyhasapropensitytowardsshenanigans,likecommissioningsculptorKirkRademakertocreatebustsofJohnMc-Cain,BarackObama,andHillaryClintonoutof100poundsofhummus). ButthestorydoesntendinNewYorkwithheavy-hitterSabratheMiddleEaststill

hasahometeamadvantage.Loathetobeoutperformedattheirownheritage,theAssociationofLebaneseindustrialistsrebuttedSabrasbatchwithagargantuan4,532pound,11ouncebowl.Israelichefsenteredthefrayin2010andamassedtheirownspreadatAbu-Gosh,whichreachedanunprecedented9,016pounds,14ounces.JawdatIbrahim,organizeroftherecordbreakingIsraelihummusdish,saidthatnotonlywillhemakethebiggestbowl,buthisnextpartywouldgoonfor48hours(24timesaslongasLebanonstwo-hourcelebrationinMay).Sabrasbustswerelongpast,buttheattitudeofplayfulnessremained:theeventbecameaculturalattractionthatmar-riedpatriotism,competition,andcarnivalatmosphereinawonderfuldayofhummus,settingtheprecedentfortheexperienceatal-Fanar. Considerthesituationobjectively(asaWesterner):glorifyinghummusisstrange.We

knowitasagoopyspreadthatsits,crustingover,inthebackbinsatsandwichstationsandsaladbars.AdiscerningmajorityoftheAmericanpopulationavoidsit,andforgoodreasonthemorepeoplecircumventhummus,thethicker,dryer,andlessappealingitgets.Theresultofthiscon-tinuumisachalkyoozethatis,incontrovertibly,revolting.Thereare,ofcourse,someAmericaninstitutionsthatkeep(allegedly)freshhummusontap:PitaPit(yes,afast-foodrestaurantchaincalledPitaPittrulydoesexist),andDaphnesGreekCaf(aslightlymoreupscalechainrestaurantcutfromthesameblockasRedLobsterandOliveGarden).Butmosthummusexperiencesevokethesinkingfeelingthatyourspreadisamixofpre-madepowderandoliveoil,oratbest,some-thingoutofacan. Thethingthatwascelebratedinal-Fanarisadifferentbeastaltogether:itslikecompar-

ingcaviarwithbaiteggs.Unlikecaviar,however,hummusevenatitsnestisunpretentious:chickpeas,tahini,oliveoil,lemonjuice,andspices.Butitsnotreallyamatteroftheingredients.Asasynthesisofcomponentparts,hummusbecomesadishwiththeincredibleforceofsocialsig-nicancebehindit.Itisanunderstoodbutunspokenstaplenotonlyanegustatoryexperience,withsubtletiesasintricateaswine,butaculturalinstitution,asfoundationalasAmericasbaseball.TheonethingallpeopleintheMiddleEasthaveincommonistheirloveofhummus,saidM.Ibrahim.Nomatterwhatpeoplediscuss,agreeordisagreeontheyalwaysdoitoveraplateofhummus.Itsoundslikesensationalism,oratleastexaggeration,butintheMiddleEast,thequestionisnotWould you like hummus?butrather,Taste my hummus. It is my familys recipe thatmy wife cooked this morning, using olive oil from my brothers press and the very best chickpeas

frometc.Hummusistradition.Itisculture. Andthatspreciselytheproblem.HummusisafoundationofMiddleEasternculturethatdatesbacktoatimewhenitwasjustMiddleEasternculture,notabilliard-table-messofclashingstates.Nooneknowsforsurewherehummusisfrom.Orrather,everyoneclaimstoknowwherehummusisfrom,butnoonesstoriesagree.OnelegendmaintainsthatSaladin,SultanofEgyptandSyria,solidiedhummusasaculturalinstitutioninthe12thcenturyanationaldish,asitwere.ThetruthisthatAncientEgypt,Lebanon,Israel,SyriaoranyregionbetweenIndiaandtheMediterraneancouldhavebeentheoriginator.Chickpeaswereoneoftheearliestcultivatedcropsthatmuchisknownforsureandhummuscouldbetherstofallpreparedfoods,possibly

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eatenasearlyas7000BC. ThewordhummusitselfisawesternizationoftheArabic ,meaningchickpeas.Itcanalsobespelledhamos,homos,houmous,hommos,hommus,hummos,hummous,oranycombinationofvowelssprinkledamongH,M,andS(althoughhumusisgenerallysteeredclearof,soasnottobeconfusedwithhumus,thedeadmaterialfoundindirt).Arabicetymologyaside,thetoptwomodern-daycontendersforthehummustitle(oratleasttheonlytwocountrieswho

careenoughtoghtitout)areIsraelandLebanon.Needlesstosay,thecompetitiontoassertsu-premacyiserce:victorymeansmorethanhummusorWorldRecordsitmarksthetruemotherofhumancivilization.ItisaboutprovingthathummusisLebanese,becauseitisbeingpromotedasanIsraelitraditionaldish,anditisnot,saidChantalTohme,theorganizerofLebanonsmostrecentrecordbreakingdish.FaidAbboud,PresidentoftheLebaneseIndustrialistsAssociation,goesonestepfarthertowardscombativelanguage:ItisnotenoughtheIsraelisarestealingourland,hesaid,Theyarealsostealingourcivilizationandcuisine. JawdatIbrahim,theHummusMakerin-Chiefontheothersideoftheborder,acknowl-edgedtheirbluster:PeopleactuallycallmefromLebanononaregularbasisjusttosaythattheirhummusisbetter,IbrahimtoldCNN(interjection:envisioningtheseconversationsunfoldisthe

subjectofnearlyendlessscenarios,eachmorecomicalthanthelast).Ibrahimcontinued,IfyouliveintheMiddleEast,beforeyouvelearnttotalk,youvelearnttolovehummus--soIjustwanttheworldtoknowthatmineisthebest,henished.Admittedly,theverbalreparteebetweenIs-raelandLebanonisnottheworstthingthathasbeenungbetweenthetwocountries,butperhapsitpointstosomethingdeepersomethingmoresinisterbetweenthem.Hostilityisnotatallunderthetableinthissituation;theMiddleEasthasbeenconvulsedbytragicconictsformillen-nia.SohummusmayjustbethelatestexpressionofasmolderingboneofcontentionthatpredatestheGuinnessBookofWorldRecords.ThattwocountrieswhohaveahistoryofexchangingSCUDmissileswouldevenengageinsuchlightheartedbadinageasaHummusWarisamazinginandofitself.

NearlyallconictsintheMiddleEastfromhummusquibblestodeadlywarfarecirclebacktoreligion.JustabouteverycreedbeganintheIndusValley,orholdsitsacred,orattheleasthasakindoftangentialinterestintheplace.Soitisntsurprisingthathummusproprietyisjusti-edonreligiousterms.Themostlevel-headedpacistssuggestthatAbraham,thecommonfatherofallMiddleEasternpeoples,wastheoriginatorofhummus.ButAbuShukri,oneofthemostfamoushummusmakersinLebanonpresumablyatitlethatcarriesafairamountofsocialheftdefendsthesecularityofthedip(orthesanctityoftheprophet,dependingonyourallegiances).Thatisjustmadeup,hetoldSkyNews,Abrahamwastoobusybeingaprophettohavethetimetomakehummus. Regardlessoftheunderlyingproblems,theargumentsandcounter-argumentsandel-ephantineservingsofhummus,LebanonisintheprocessofsuingIsraelininternationalcourttopreventthecountryfrommarketingchickpeaspreadasIsraeli.ThecasefollowsaprecedentsetbyGreeceandFranceintherecentpast:in2002,GreecegainedexclusiverightstothenameFetaCheeseinasuitagainstDenmark,andfouryearslater,itbecameillegaltomarketanysparklingwhiteaschampagneunlessitwasproducedintheChampagneregionofFrance.Itsacontrover-sythatiscomplicatedbyeconomics,ethics,anddebatablelogic,butthecentralquestionremains:What gives someone exclusive ownership of something as visceral as food? Should such rights

even exist? InthemoderneraofKraftCheddarCheeseFlavoredInstantLunchandHostess

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Twinkies,theprovenanceofcertainediblesisprettycutanddried.Ifyousynthesizedthechemi-calsandslappednutritionfactsontheneonpackaging,thatcheddaravoredproductisunques-tionablyyours.Butwerenotreallydealingwithorangecheese-ishtileshere.Whatsreallyatstakeisatraditionthathasgrownovercenturieswithanentireculture.TakeFrance:forallitsendearingphilosophersandbrioches,therealhallmarkofFrenchcultureiswineneitherwouldbethesamewithouttheother.SodoesthatmakeFrance,asanation,theproprietoroffermented

grapejuice?OrcananexpatriateFrenchmanproduceasparklingwhiteintheNapavalleyandcallitchampagne?Frenchcultureis,afterall,justasmuchhisownasitishisbrothers,whostilllivesinChaumont.Soownershipofafoodmaybetiedupinthestateorinthecultureorinthelanditself. Inthecaseofhummus,itshardtosay.WhatwenowcalltheMiddleEastisafracturedmodernimpositiononabroaderculturalbasethatseepsfromIndiatoTurkey,whichgivesrisetothestickingpointinourchickpeadebatetoday:nationalism.Acankerouspatrioticfervorhasgrownontopoftheancientculturalidentication,andithascometoeclipsethecommonalitiesbetweendifferentcountries.Today,hummusinspiresthesameerceloyaltyasBritishfootball(oranevenmorefervidallegiance,consideringthecurrentIsrael/Lebanonoffensive,whichhas

graduatedtonamed-conictstatus,i.e.TheGreatHummusWar).Butatacertainpointithastoend,nomatterthenationalpridethatsatstake(ifonlybecausewesimplycantmake30ftdiameterbowls.Andwhosgoingtoeat6tonsofhummusanyways?).Honestly,itsimpossibleforanyonewithanyshredofrationalitynottorecognizetheabjectpreposterousnessofthiswholeGreatHummusWar.CreatingenoughhummustocovertheentiretyofLebanon(fact)iswastefulandabsurdinandofitself,butusingaworldrecordasproofthatonescountrywastheoriginatorofhummus?Afoodthatdatesbacktoatimewhencountrybordershadntyetbeendrawn? Butthereisanotherexplanationofthesituation,onethatisinnitelymorehopeful.RatherthantheHummusWarbeingaconsequenceofdeepernationalfriction,whatifthebel-ligerenceisaconationofsocietalminutia?Asquabblebetweentwobrothers.Thechancefor

reconciliation,then,isinthecompetitionbecomingaboutthe hummusaboutthecultureratherthanthecountries.Anditjustmighthappen.SanitymayhaveitsmomentintheMiddleEast.Eveninthemidstofthechaotic,chickpea-inducedfervorlastMay,oneoftheLebanesechefstoldtheBeirut Times,Thisismorethanhummus.Maybesomethingwillchangeifwedonttalkabouttheconictandwetalkaboutpeople.Weareverysimilar.Webothlovethegoodlife.Butmostofallwelovehummus,hesaid,grinningandopeninghisarmswide.Peopleonbothsidesarebegin-ningtorecognizehummusoncemorefortheuniversalculturethatitrepresents.Ibrahim,staunchdefenderofIsraeliepicureanhonor,evensaidthathewouldputuphis(gurative)weaponsiftheLebaneseaccepthisinvitationtocookthenexthummusplateasajointendeavor.Weregoingtojoinalotofpeoplefromallovertheworld,becausealotofpeoplelovehummus,hesaid. Andtheonethingtheylovemorethanhummusis10,452kilogramsofit.

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The concept of the public has been explored earlier in HABITUS, but now we are able to apply

theory to case. Ownership is expressed through the usage of a space and so a groups struggle

for power often manifests itself as a contest over a geographic area.

In the following essay, Kathleen Powers, takes us to Cairo, Egypt to analyze the Kefaya social

movement that reclaimed the Midan Al-Tahrir or Liberation Square. Here, we see how chang-

ing values sparked a new understanding of physical space that culminated in mass action.

Kathleen Powers is a junior in Branford College.

She can be contacted at [email protected] paper was originally written forSOCY 216: Social Movements.

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KEFAYA: SYMBOLIC INSURRECTION AND THE LIFE OF THE ARAB STREET,

RECONSIDERED

Kathleen Powers

TheMidanAl-Tahrir,LiberationSquare,(seepicturebelow)atrstglance,isimmedi-atelydenedbythelargedisk-shapedislandinthemiddleofthemuseums,universities,govern-mentalbuildingsandhotelsthatankthespace.ItisasiteoftransienceatCairoscenter.Trafclanestanglethemselvesandthenstraightenoutastheycirclethepatchofgreeninthecenter,mo-mentarilydisorientingthedriverswhoferryciviliansthroughthebriefzahma,orblockage,tothecalmandquietacrosstheNile.Thepathwaysfortravelarewornandknown,momentsofindeci-sionlastsecondsatmost.Therightofwayisexplicitlypredetermined.Simultaneouslyunequivo-calandinvisible,themomentumofthespace,thedirectionsofthenever-ending,neverbeginningringoftrafcthatdominatesthesquare,carriesthepublicblindlyforwardhaltingonoccasioninthestoppingandstartingofthezahma.Ininstantswhenmovementceases,timelosesitssenseofforwardmomentum;onebecomesphilosophical(Edwards,Cairo2010),thelogicofthemove-mentisnolongerchoreographed.ItisinthepausethattheArab&Egyptianpublicreclaimtheir

realestate.Deviatingfromthedirectedswiftness,thezahma,altersthediscourseofthespace:itfracturesthenaturalbehaviorofthesquare,andbeginsanalternative,subversivedialogue. Besidestheeetinginterruptionofthezahmaandabriefprotesteventin1972,thepubliccultureoftheMidanalTahrirremainedunaltereduntiltheyear2006.In1972,studentsprotestedsocialimmobilityandeconomicdestitutionbydemonstratinginthesquare,occupyingitinaritualofcivicengagementakindofconcretizedzahma;itwasmademoresubstantial,moreperma-nent.However,inAprilof2006,thesquarewasswarmedforoverforty-eightuninterruptedhours.Studentsstagedatwodaysit-ininthesquareaspartoftheEgyptianKefayaMovement,otherwiseknownastheEgyptianmovementforchange,demandingdemocracyandpoliticalreformandseekingamoretransparentpoliticalprocessandlegalsystem(Fahmi99).Theyheldcandles,sang

(Fahmi99),andtookshiftssleeping.Thetrafcowswerestrangledastheprotestorsinhabitedthesquare.Theprotestorsembracednon-traditionalformsofpowerandthroughthephysicaldominationofthesquare,acceptablepublicbehaviorwaschanged:theassumedboundariesthatcircumscribedactionwithinthespacewerebreached.Themeaningofthespacewasrenegotiatedinthemomentswhenthespacewasuseddifferently.ThoughCairosstreetshadbeenprivatized(Urban YouthreferencedbyFahmi104),orchestratedbythoseincontrolofEgyptspoliticalinstitutions,themisuseofthespacepracticedbythedemonstrationsoftheKefayamovementrequiredtheprivatizedtobecomepublic-asexempliedbytheMidanAl-Tahrirsit-in.Thepubliclaidclaimtothespace,andtheMidanAl-Tahrirsquarewassurrenderedtopublicuse.Enhanced

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byitstransitiontothevisualrealm,thehighlysymbolicprotestrepertoirewasresponsibleforimplementinganewstandardforpublicoperationwithinpublicspace.Theywereavisiblecollec-tive,theysangsongs.Theyclaimedtheirspaceinmanydimensions. Intheacademictraditionofsymbolicinteractionism,whichexplainssocialmovementsthroughinterpretiveframesasdevelopedbySnowinthe1980s,theframeisthegeneral,standardized,predenedstructure(inthesensethatitalreadybelongstothereceiversknowl-

edgeoftheworld),whichallowsrecognitionoftheworldandguidesperception...allowinghim/hertobuilddenedexpectationsaboutwhatistohappen,thatistomakesenseofhis/herreality(DellaPorta&DianiquotingDonati74).Differentframingsofagivenmovementwoulddredgedifferentchannelsofmeaningbywhichthesocialmovementparticipantwouldmakesenseoftheirexperience.Byreectingonpreviouslyestablishedmessages,symbolsandinterpretations,thesocialmovementparticipantapproachesthepresent.Butevenastheframeconstrainshowone perceives,itisaplasticmedium:itisliabletobechanged.IntheexampleofKefaya,throughpublicaction,therealityimpressedupontheactorshifted.FramesofmeaningwerealteredamidstprotesteventssuchastheMidanAlTahrirsitin,andotheractionslikeit.Thereclamationofpub-licspacebythepublichadaspecicconsequence:thepurposefulmisinterpretationofthemeaning

ofthesquare.Priortosuchevents,thesquarewasanarenaofEgyptianstatecraft,aseeminglypublicspacethathadbeencalibratedsuchthatadiscourseofnon-intervention,non-engagementensued.Inthesquare,alogicofsubordinationwasmadeconcrete.However,publicbehavior,essentiallywhatitmeanttobeacivilian,amemberofEgyptianpublicsociety,wasrstcontestedandwassubsequentlyredenedbythesit-inandbytheotherdemonstrationsthatcharacterizedtheKefayamovementthroughaddinganactive,symbolicandpublicrepertoireofaction,inwhichmassescongealedrepeatedlyatdifferentsitesandgavebirthtoapubliccollectiveidentitythatwasresponsibleforfashioninganewrealityoutoftheold. TheKefayamovementwasaradicaldeparturefromthetraditionalproceduresoftheEgyptianpoliticalsphere.Formallybegunin2004,byagroupoffrustratedintellectualswhocon-

sideredthemselvestherstmembersoftheEgyptianMovementforChangeorKefaya,awordthatmeansenoughinEgyptiandialect,organizedthemselvesinresponsetocertainamend-mentstotheEgyptianConstitution,specicallyArticles75,76,whichwerepassedbyPresidentMubaraksregime.Bywayofthesearticles,theEgyptiangovernmenteliminatedinstitutionalchecks,whichmighthavepreviouslyrestrainedtheexecutivebranch.Theamendmentsfollowedtwentyyearsofanassaultoncivilsociety:throughlegislation,Mubaraksregimehadgraduallysuffocatedthepublicandrestrictedtheirabilitytopartakeinpoliticalprocesses.However,theblatantdictatorialabuseoftheconstitutionalamendmentsrousedthepublic,stirringthemtoseekanewsystemofpoliticalandsocietalorganizationthroughKefaya. Egyptianpoliticsoverthepasthalfcenturycanbebestcharacterizedbyanoppressionthatampliedinitsduration.ThepoliticalsysteminEgyptwasabletodesign the behavioroftheEgyptianpublicbywayofanauthority,whichovertime,fortiedaspecicdiscourseden-ingwhatwasorwhatwasnotappropriatepublicbehavior.Thegovernmentnotonlycrippledcivilsocietythroughlegalinstitutionslawspreventingcivilsocietyfromachievinganactiverolebutitalsoinfectedtheveryconsciousnessofthemembersofcivilsociety:membersofcivilsocietycouldnotevenimaginethemselvesassuch.Itbeganinthelaw,butultimatelycontami-natedthepublicsocialimagination,begettingacultureofinaction.TheMubarakregimeparticu-larlyreducedthepossibilityforpublicdemonstration.Protestsdisputehowpowerisregularized,whatproceduresbecomerealities,andwhatrolesbecometradition.Thus,in2004,whenPresident

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MubarakpassedArticle75totheEgyptianconstitution,givinghimtherighttocreateemergencylaws,heeffectivelygavehimselftherighttoforbidprotestandbyextensiontherighttosustainacultureofpublicactionofhischoosing. BeforeKefaya,thepublicspacesofCairohadbeencolonizedbythelogicoftheEgyp-tiangovernment.BahaaEzzelarab,authorofKefaya: An Egyptian Movement for Change,ex-presseshowmembersoftheopposition...wererarelyinvolvedinanyactionthatwouldmake

themvisible(8),andyetKefayaeffectivelyjammedtheusualoperationsofpublicspace,inafullyapparentandpublicdisplayoffrustration.ThisdevianceallowedforanalterationinthelogicofEgyptianpublicspaces.Throughthestreet-actionofKefaya,heterogenousactors,achievedahomogenousproduct.Throughtheirhomogenousbehaviortheybirthedasingleidentity.Theimplied,unscriptedrulesofthespacehowpublicactorsperceivedthemselvesactingwithinitsatmosphereshiftedasaresultoftheiraction.Emphasizingthediscursiveopportunityestablishedbythepublicspace,MarcLynchinhisVoicesoftheNewArabPublicrevealshowthepublicspherethereforeestablishesexpectationsaboutthenormativepayoffswithinwhichstrategicactorsmaneuvered(71).Thesensationalquality-theabilityofKefayasprotesttobesensed,witnessed,seen-grantedautonomytotheEgyptianpublic.Thepublicsetforthadisplay.Through

site-specicaction,thepublicidentityandthenotionofpublicdutywereduallyreinvented.Thelogicofterritorialreclamationprovedtremendouslypowerful. By2005,demonstrationswereweekly,omnipresent,takingdifferentformsandtak-ingoverdifferentlocations.Forthreeyearsbetween2004to2007,womenandmen,youthsandtheelderlyprotestedinfrontofchurches,governmentalbuildings,onstreetsandinsquares.Theparticularissuesatthecenterofthemovementuctuatedduringthisperiod.ImanRamadan,oneofKefayascentraladvocates,appearedonAl-Jazeerain2004demandingbothanendtotheso-calledemergencypowerlawsandarepealofthelawshinderingthefreedomofthepress.Hear-ticulatedtheneedtolimitthedurationofthepresidentialterm,theneedfortheseparationofpow-ersofgovernment,theneedforthejudicialoversightofelections.Hemalignedthediscrimination

practicedbythegovernmentagainstunions,andassertedthenecessityoftherighttoestablishoppositionpartiesinEgypt(RAND13).Clearly,theissuesathandweremany.Evenifby2008,thelackofstructure,factionalizationamongmembersofthemovement,andviolentgovernmen-talreactionscausedthefrequencyofproteststodwindle,theindividualswhoparticipatedinthemovementhaddifferingsocioeconomicstatusesaswellasdifferingpoliticalorientations(RAND12).Students,politicos,low-levelprofessionals,professors,doctors,membersofthepress,busi-nesspersonsandbankers,whopossessedavarietyofpoliticalneedsandwants,abandonedtheirformeridentities,andinsteadengagedinthedevelopmentofacollectiveconsciousnessformedthroughthepublicactionthatrenderstheexampleofKefayamovementanexceptioninthegen-eraltrajectoryofEgyptianhistory. IntheseconddecadeofMubarakspresidency,hemodiedtheelectoralsystemsuchthatitwasnearlyimpossibleforoppositionpartiestobeelected,transferredtheadministrationofEgyptssyndicatesorlaborunionstothegovernment,restrictedtheirabilitytoactindepen-dentlyforthepublicbenet,andorderedmassdetentionsofpoliticalactivists(RAND8).In1995,alawwaspassedsuchthatjournalistswerelegallyliableforpublishinganythingthatcarriedmessagesadversarialtotheregime(RAND8).Furthermore,Mubarakeliminatedtheabilityforsocialmovementorganizationstoform,prosecutingthosewhodividedtheEgyptianpublicorwhosoughtanadjustmentofpopularethics(RAND8).Thesegradualrestrictionsoccurredoverthespanofseveralyears,creepingontheabilityoftheArabpublictohaveavoiceintheimpactofa

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constantstreamofconverginginformationfrommultiplesourcesthatbuildsconventionalwisdomofsociety(Lynch71).Theconventionalwisdomofthe21stcenturyinEgyptrequiredverylittlefromcivilsociety.Consequently,asalogicofdisengagementembeddeditselfinpublicconscious-ness,theEgyptianpublicbecameincreasinglyunabletoperceiveofitselfasacoherententity.Adiscourseofsubordinationsolidiedovertime. ThepracticeofidentitypoliticsisnotpartofthepoliticaltrendinEgypt.Moreover,

outsidersoftenperceivetheArabpoliticalprocessashavingavoidwherethereshouldbeanactivecivilsociety.Marx,asanearlycommentatoronthepoliticalsystemsoftheMiddleEast,discussedwhathecalledtheAsiaticmodeofproductionineditorialsoftheNewYorkTimes.Forinstance,hereferredtotheoperatingsystemsoftheMiddleEastas:empiresfoundedonapassiveandvegetivesociety(Marx87).Inhisopinion,thepubliclackedthewilltobepoliticallyrelevant.Fascinatingly,MarxsearlyobservationsonthesociopoliticalrelationsoftheMiddleEasthavelaidthefoundationfortheacademicdiscourseontheMiddleEastproducedwithinthelasttwentyyears.Obviously,thecharacterizationoftheMiddleEastasablackholeofeducatedpublicopinionandcivicparticipationisunfortunatelyafamiliarone.InanotherrecenteditorialtitledUndertheArabStreetintheNewYorkTimes,anotherwriter,ThomasFriedmanechoed

Marxist,orientalistsentimentswhenheemphasizedhowtheArabstreetisthebroadmassofpublicopinion,whichislargelypassiveandnonviolent.FriedmanattemptstoprovethatsocialinactionisaninherentproblemoftheArabindividualandaresultoftheindividualsconsciousobeisance.However,heforgetsthatcontrolovertheArabStreet,orinthecaseofKefaya,controloverArabpublicspace,hasbecometheendoftheArabgovernment.Overtime,thelawsandwhimsofrulershavecontrolledhowpublicspacecanbeusedandhowpublicspacecanbethoughtof.Absoluteruleovergenerationsconstructedarobustdiscourseofinactiononthepartofthepublic,suchthatwhatwas,atonepoint,perhapsastatuteoramomentarymilitarycrack-downonpublicopinion,hascometocreatewhatthepublicseesasreality.SocialtheoristMicheleFoucualthighlightsthemanipulationofthepublicopinionbydiscursivepowerwhenhesubmits

howovertime,notonlywhatisthoughtchanges,butwhatcanbethoughtorconceivedofaswell(DellaPortaandDiani77).Theopinionthatpopularprotestisthedutyofanactiveanden-gagedcivilsocietyandthenotionthatdemonstrationsareimportantsymboliciterationscapableofchangingsocietyarenotpresent.Layersoffabricatedculturalcodeshavefrustratedanyedglingspiritofactivism.ThoughitmightappearthatthepopulacesoftheMiddleEasthaveadistinctlyArabproblemandthattheypracticeanunquestioningsubserviencetopowerandtheiraccep-tanceofself-censorship(Lynch31),themechanismsofpublicopinionintheMiddleEasthavebeendictatedbytheconstantpresenceofautocraticregimes.Overdecades,thepublichasbeeneffectivelyifImightbesoboldcastrated.Anydeviancefromwhathasbeenreinforcedoverhundredsofyearsrequiresspecialanalyticattention.TheKefayamovementissuchadesired,deviantcase. Asdiscussed,in2004withArticles75,76and77totheconstitution,Mubarakampli-edhisabilitytoexercisearbitrary,dictatorialpower.Explicitlyandsuddenly,Mubaraksoughttocircumscribepublicdiscourse.Butfascinatingly,inhisattemptedrapidconsolidationofpower,Mubaraksauthoritywas lessened,duetohowhisactionsidentiedwherethepowerscontrollingsocietalreproductionwerelocated.Mubarakunveiledthebluntunnaturalnessoftheregimesau-thority.JustasJeremyBenthamsPanopticonprison(seepicturebelow)kepttheprisonerpower-lessthroughtheapplicationofconstantsupervisioncoupledwithaninvisibilityofthesupervisor(Foucault200),sotheinabilityoftheEgyptiancivilsocietytodeterminewhoprescribedtheir

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actionskeptthemfromrealizingthattheiraction,orinthiscaseinaction,wasprescribed.Animperceptiblepoweroverranthem-ascatteredpower.WithinthePanopticon:

Eachindividual,inhisplace,issecurelyconnedtoacellfromwhichheisseenfromthefrontbythesupervisor;butthesidewallspreventhimfromcomingintocontactwithhiscompanions.Heisseen,buthedoesnotsee;heistheobjectofinformation,nevera

subjectincommunication.Thearrangementofhisroom,oppositethecentraltower,im-posesonhimanaxialvisibility;butthedivisionsofthering,thoseseparatedcells,implyalateralinvisibility.Andthisinvisibilityisaguaranteeoforder.(Foucault200)

Publicbehaviorinpublicspaceswasunderthesurveillance,perhapsnotofanycentralsupervisorsituatedhighinatower,butbytheestablishednormsandbythenecessityofbehavinginawaythatwasexpected.Yet,whenthelocusofpowerisperceptible,thedominantculturecracks,theholdersofpowerbecomeapparentandthesupervisors-onceinvisible-formtargets.Inconse-quence,over500intellectuals(RAND10)gatheredtodiscussthearbitrarypowerofPresidentMubarakataconferenceheldinsummerof2004andresolvedthataneworderwasnecessaryand

consequentlyfoundedKefaya. OneofthemostpowerfulqualitiesoftheKefayastreet-actionwastheabilitytouniteagroupofactorswhocarrieddifferentpoliticalbackgrounds.ThefactthattherewasnoonepoliticalagendaonlyreinforcestheargumentthatKefayawasamovementandnotsimplyanexpressionofpoliticaldiscontent.TheparticipantsinKefayasoughttocalibratetheculturewhichprovokedit.Theculturalsphere,ofcourse,includesbutisnotlimitedtothepoliticalarena.Moresignicantly,theculturalarenahasthepotentialtodictatehowthepoliticalsphereisarrangedandhowactorswithinitperceivethemselves.TheNationalDefenseInstitutedescribesKefayaashav-inganon-politicalstatus(10),andcharacterizesitasfosteringaunionthatwashistoric;therehadneverbeensuchacoalescenceofEgyptianpoliticalgroupsaroundanysetofissues(11).Ke-

fayawasthusunprecedentedingivingEgyptiancommunists,IslamistsandNationalistscommonmotiveandprovidingacommonspaceforrenegotiatingwhatpublicbehaviormeant.KefayawasabletounitethoseindividualswhothoughtthatIslamwasthesolutionthoseparticipantsintheal-Wasatcenter-Islamicparty,andthosewhoself-identiedasMarxists(RAND12)giventhecollectiveidentityfashionedbyKefayasrepertoireofconstantandpublicaction.Inwhatcanbecharacterizedasritualsofself,orreication,amongstthedemonstrations,newselvesmaterialized.DellaPorta&DianiintheirstandardtextSocial Movements: An Introductiondenecollectiveidentity:theprocessbywhichsocialactorsrecognizethemselves-andarerecognizedbyotheractorsaspartofbroadergroupingsanddevelopemotionalattachmentstothem(91)asbasedonsharedorientations,values,attitudes,worldviews,andlifestylesaswellasonsharedexperiencesofaction(92).Itistherecognitionofcommoncircumstancethatappearstocultivateacollec-tiveidentity,andthecommonabuseofpublicspaceappearstoprovideavehicleforrealizingasharedcircumstance.Thephysicalbecomesmetaphorical:thephysical,geographicalaspectsofstagingandmanagingcollectiveactionsthedecisionsandpracticesareincorporatedintheprocessofchangingestablishedsocietalpractice,thenorms,rulesandlawswhichformthebasisofsociety(Eyerman194).Themassesintheirvariousprotestspracticedgoverningthemeaningofspace,providingnewcodesofbehaviorforEgyptiancivilsociety,whichovertimetransitionedfrombehaviorthatwasentirelyroguetobehaviorthatvergedonautomatic.Theirbehaviormovedtheunusualtotheusual.ThomasHayden,founderofStudentsforaDemocraticSocietyandleader

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oftheAmericanleftiststudentmovementinthe1960s,perceivedaneedinwhatheperceivedasavapid,emptysociety,tomak(e)valuesexplicitaninitialtaskinestablishingalternatives(10).InthecontextofKefaya,protestsexplicatedabehavioralsystemforindividualsasmembersoftheactiveandablepublic.Itwasbecauseofthisthatparticipantswouldactasindividuals,leavingtheirpartisanhatsatthedoorstepastheywork(ed)forKefaya,bringingwiththemonlyideasandpracticesfrompastexperiencesbutnottheinstitutionalstructuresinwhichtheyareembedded

(Shorbagy48).IndividualscametothemovementandthroughtheunionfosteredbythepublicperformancesofKefaya,becameabletonegotiatewhatitmeanttobeaself-awarepublic. Actionserectboundariesdelineationsassimpleasusonthissideofthestreetvs.themontheother,usrunningfromthepolice,fromthethemchasingus.IntheKefayamovement,actionwasatoolofseparation;spatiallyandemotionally,actionseveredthosewithintheactionfromthoseuninvolved.TheNationalDefenseResearchInstitutehighlightsthestateofimmensehatredbetweentherulersintheArabworldandtheArabpopulacewhowantthesegovernmentstodisappear...thegovernmentshaverespondedbyindulgingthemselvesinevenmorerepression,usingabunchoflawsthatinstitutionalizetheirgriponpower(31).Thisantago-nismmanifesteditselfintheviolencetheMubarakregimepracticedagainstdemonstrators,which

includedphysicalassault,rape,tortureafterdetainment,publichumiliation,clothingremoval,sod-omyandsexualassault(RAND29).Lessviolent,theEgyptiansecurityforcesalsopracticedthesqueezingprotestorstechnique,hunchingupagainstthedemonstrators,suchthattherewasanobviousvisualandphysicalcleavagebetweenthetwo,blackagainstcolor,physicallyandvisuallyatseparatepoles,representingasimplicationofidentitytheprotestorsasandenitiveentity,posedagainstrepressors. WithinthecontextofKefayathemass(one,madefromaheterogenousmany)reclaimedpowersofarticulation.ManarShorbagy,inUnderstanding Kefaya: the New Politics in Egypt,dis-cussestheroleoftheintended,purposefuloccupationofpublicspacebythepublicandnoteshowKefayawithitscreativestreetaction,infacthasdealtwiththemostacuteofEgyptspolitical

problems,namelypoliticalapathyonthepartofthevastmajorityofEgyptians(54).Protestorsemergedfromtheirparticipationwithanalteredinterpretationoftheirownabilityaspublicactors.Tohaveexperiencedaprotesteventwastohaveonesframesofmeaningrealigned.Theconse-quencesofpublicactionradiatedoutfromtheactitself,tosupporttheformationofanalternativeculturalspherewhichwouldgiveagencytomembersofcivilsocietyandwhichwouldestablishthememoryofactionasatoolforempowerment.Throughthecollectiveeffervescenceaccompa-nyingmassaction,theEgyptiancivilsocietywasresurrected.RonEyermannotesthenaturalizingqualitiesofpublicactioninhisPerforming Opposition, or How Social Movements Move:

...individualidentitiesaretransformedasgroupsform.Inthissense,anemotionaltransferenceoccurs,whichproducesacharged,collectiveemotionalenergy,asenseofbelongingtosomeforcegreaterthanoneself.Anempoweringcantakeplace,especiallyascognitiveshiftsoccur,andclarityofvisionorpurposegivedirectiontothesenseofmovement(195)

TheprotestsofKefayanormalizedcivicparticipationbyemployingthesymbolicdisplayofmasspower.Itwasalsoanexerciseinlearningpower,orasEzzelarabnotesinhisKefayaAn EgyptianMovement for Change,experienc(ing)democracythroughaprocessoftrial-and-error(12);thustherstmoversinEgyptweretrained(10)bythetacticsoftheiraction.Theprotestorsreied

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theirpowerthroughtherehearsalofthatpower.Itwasdoneinthestreets. Highlypersonal,theKefayamovementwasnotmerelyapoliticalphenomenon.Thepotencyofthemovementresidedinitsabilitytodevelopacrediblelong-termvision(Shorbagy48).Themovement,likeitsnameandslogan(whichwassimplyKefayameaningenough),wasattheheartofEgyptspopularcultureandwidelyopensuptheprospectsoffutureactionandpresentsaradical alternativeforEgyptsfuture(53),includingthefutureofthosewhose

senseofselfwaschangedbytheirparticipationintheprotesteventsofthemovement.Themove-mentwascomprehensive,consuming.As,forthersttime,thecrowdsofpublicactorsconsumedpublicspace,individualactorswereforcedtore-imaginetheirsocietyandtheirrolewithinit.Intheillegalinvasionofplaceswithpreviouslydenedrulesofinteraction,invigoratedmembersofcivilsociety,fullycognizantofthedegreetowhichtheiractionwasaninvasion,visuallyandemblematicallydisplayedtheirpower.OvertimeprotestasaritualdenedbyDellaPortaandDianiassymbolicformsofexpressionbywhichcommunicationsconcerningsocialrelationsarepassedoninstylized,dramatizedways(109)engenderedaculture,therulesandnormsofwhichwerecreatedfromtheemblemofprotestitself:thosewhoclaimedpowerinthepublicspacesofprotest(themasses)wereencouragedtodosoinpractice,andtherepetitionofprotest

fosteredanexpectationofcivilpower.CulturewasrevisedinthemannerthatToddGitlin,asoci-ologistspecializinginAmericansocialmovementsofthemid20thcentury,discussestheculturalrevisioninvolvedintheAmericancivilrightsmovement:Insteadofsayingthatsegregationoughttostop,theyactedasifsegregationnolongerexistedtheideaofestablishingthegoodsocietyrighthereandnow(85).TotheextentthattheKefayamovementwasall-encompassing,engen-deringanewcultureinthespaceitoccupieddisputingwhatwasandwhatwasnotnaturalpublicbehaviorandreconguringtheperceivedabilityordutiesoftheindividualithighlyresembleswhatarereferredtoasthenewmovementsbysocialmovementtheorists.Atermusedwhende-scribingtheleftiststudentmovementsofthe1960s,ormorerecentlytheglobaljusticemovement,newmovements,ascharacterizedbyDellaPortaandDiani,emphasizetheheterogeneityof

actorswithinthemovement(8),innovativestrategiesusedtodevelopthemovement(10)andmostimportantly,thelocationoftheactoratthecenterofthemovement(10).Thenewmovementsfedoffoftheenergycreatedbyidentity,fermentingatthecenter. Inthecaseofthenewmovement,theindividualsperceptionofherselforhimselfgeneratedandsustainedthemovement.Theidentityoftheactorwasnotonlyrelevantinthemo-mentofprotestbutalsoaffectedallotherspheresoftheactorslife.Publicactionandtheidentityformedineventsofcollectiveresistance,mergedwiththeactorsprivateself.Thenewmove-mentswereproductive.Participantsinthesenewmovementswereadvocatesfortheaban-donmentofthedominantreality,sothatitmightbereplacedbyrealityconstructedbytheactorsthemselves.Duetotheirconstructivequality,thenewmovementsnolongersoughtinclusionwithinthesocietiestheyresisted,butinsteadfavoredthecreationofnewcommunities.Theac-torsinthesemovementswerenotisolatedindividualsatthemarginsofsociety,but,asTouraineconcluded,playersinthecentralforcesghtingoneagainsttheother(inthiscasetheburgeoningforcesofthenewmovement)tocontroltheproductionofsocietybyitself(DellaPortaandDiani12).SimilartohowthestudentsoftheAmericanleftistmovementsinthe1960sre-examinedtheviabilityoftheirsociety,andconcludedthatsocietysawscouldnotbemended,theKefayamovementdepartedfromthepoliticalinitstransformativepotentialatonceacross-ideologicalforcethathasthepotentialinthelongrunofcreatinganewmainstream(Shorbagy1).InthemindsoftheKefayaparticipants,Egyptiansocietyneededtobere-createdandlikethenew

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movements,whichwereinvolvedinreclaimingindividualsrighttodenetheiridentities...againsttheomnipresentandcomprehensivemanipulationofthesystem(DellaPorta&Diani9).ThomasHayden,inhisLetter to the New Leftgloriedtheopportunityofmakingnewandrevolutionarydepartures(5),butqualiedhisdemandsbyemphasizingtheneedtoerectanewsocietyintheoldsocietysstead,theneedtovisualizeandthenbuildstructurestocounterthosewhichweoppose(7).Similarly,Kefayadidnotproposeasimpledistastewiththemisuseof

politicalpower,butanewsystemforoperationarestructuringofthesocialcontractthegov-ernmenthadwithitspeople.AstheNationalDefenseResearchInstitutenoted,acomplaintofKefayabyWesternandEgyptianintellectualswasthatKefayalackedaprogramthatwentbeyondsimplytargetingMubarak(RAND39);however,thisopinionignoresthenuancesinvolvedinthebirthofidentitypoliticsinEgyptandrefusestoacknowledgetheopportunityforthecrystalliza-tionofanewdiscourse,whichprovidedbytheprotestrepertoire-ondisplayandevent-oriented-ofthemovement. ItisunderstoodthatKefayasparticipantsdisagreedwithMubaraksuseofarbitraryanddictatorialpower,butasevidencedbythemovementsofcialproposal,AProjectforDemocraticChangeinEgypt-TowardaNewSocio-politicalContract,whichelaboratesonthemesoffree-

dom,politicalaccountability,power,andcivilrights(Shorbagy49),themovementtranscendedthepoliticalarena.TheproposalwasaverbalvalidationoftheEgyptiancitizensroleasamemberofsociety.Itwasthismembership,thisparticipationintheinstitutionsofsocietythatmarkedKe-fayasdeparturefromtherestofEgyptianhistory.Itsoughtacommunion,apartaking.AsrevealedbyMarcLynchinhisstudyVoices of the New Arab Public,publicpoliticalargumentsthrewopenwidequestionsofwhatitmeanttobeArab(4).TherealityofdailylifehadbeenorientedaroundacultureofinactionfosteredbytheMubarakregime,andthemovementencapsulatedthevariedissuesthatfrustratedtheEgyptianmasses.WaelSalahFahminotestheopinionsofbloggersofthemovementwhostatedthatKefayabroache(d)issuesthattouch(ed)allsectorsoflifeformtrans-portationcoststohealthcareaccesstounemployment(97BloggerK-anonymouslyquoted).One

activistalsoestablishedthatwereagroupofyouthprotestingthecurrentconditionsofnohealth,noeducation,nowork,nohousing,nofreedom(97-Adetainee).Themovementgavepossibilitytocontestthecultureofsubmission. Thevisible,publicactionofKefaya,drasticallycounteredassumptionsofthepeoplesef-cacy.Whattheindividualcouldandcouldnotdoasamemberofcivilsocietywasre-examined,andframesofmeaningthatgovernedtheindividualsinterpretationofthesurroundingworldshiftedasdenitionsofcriteriafordeterminingnormalityanddevianceforareasthatwereprevi-ouslylefttotheregulationofotherinstitutionshavebecometheobjectofpublicintervention(DellaPortaandDiani47).LiketheleftiststudentmovementsintheUnitedStates,andthenewmovements,Kefayawasfundamentallyconstructiveandcomposednewsystemsforoperatingamidstthecollectiveidentitycreatedbythemanydemonstrationsofthemovement.Theradioac-tivequalityoftheprotesteventsthatcharacterizedandsustainedKefaya,reorganizedsociety.TheprotesteventintroducedculturalpathwaysandtraditionsthatchangedtheroleoftheEgyptianpublic,andforcedtheindividualtorealizeherorhisplacewithintheactivecommunity.Itwasalmostasiftheactionofthemovementcouldnotbeseveredfromtheidentitygeneratedbythemovement,astheactiongavemeanstothematerializationofidentitythateffectedthelifeoftheindividual:publicandprivate.KefayaexempliestheabilityoftheArabStreettoengageinpub-licengagement,inacomprehensivemovementforchangeinthetotalityofsociety.Actionandtheindividualwereatthecenterwhilepublicdisplayswereresponsibleforpropellingthemovement

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forward.Ininstancesinwhichthepublicintentionallyimplementedazahmaoftheirowninpublicspaceasopposedtosimplyandoccasionallybeingeffectedbyit,thepublicformednarrativesofsolidarityandenmity(that)hasshapedthemeaningofallthathashappened(Lynch11).Thesenarrativessanctiedpublicaction:demonstrationswereredemptiveandbestowedpoweruponthosewhohadnone.Thedemonstrationswereperiodsoftransition,inwhichtheinterruptionofday-to-daylifewasfueledbyaradicalintent.Therewaspurposeandvision.Kefayaheraldsanera

oftheArabpublicsphereinwhichthezahmathatredirectsandfreezesautomatic,practicedmove-mentsofonecultureisnolongerspontaneousandsurprisingbutcalculated,preconceivedbythosewhoimagineadifferentroutineproducedbywhatothersmightseeassimplechaos.

Works Cited

DellaPorta,DonatellaandMarioDiani.SocialMovements:AnIntroduction.MaldenMA:BlackwellPublishing:2006.

Edwards,BrianT.Cairo2010:AfterKefaya.APublicSpace.Issue9.2009..5Dec.2009.

Images

Image2.JeremyBenthamsPanopticon

Image1.MidanAl-Tahrir.PhotographbyMuhhamadGhafari

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Eyerman,Ronald.PerformingOpposition,orHowSocialMovementsMove.Social perfor-mance: symbolic action, cultural pragmatics, and ritual.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006.

Ezzelarab,Bahaa.Kefaya:AnEgyptianMovementforChange.AmericanUniversityofCairo..5Dec2009.

Fahmi,WaelSalah.Bloggersstreetmovementandtherighttothecity.(Re)claimingCairosrealandvirtualspacesoffreedom.Environment and Urbanization21.1(2009):89-107.

Foucault,Michel.Discipline and Punish.,RandomHouse:NewYork,1995.

Friedman,Thomas.UndertheArabStreet.The New York Times.23Oct2002..5Dec2009.

Lynch,Marc.Voices of the New Arab Public.NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress:,2006.

Marx,Karl.KarlMarxonColonialismandModernization:HisDispatchsandotherWritingsonChina,India,MexicoandtheMiddleEastandNorthAfrica.NewYork:AnchorBooks,1969.

Oweidat,Nadia,CherylBernard,DaleStahl,WalidKildani,EdwardOConnellandAudraK.Grant.The Kefaya Movement: A Case Study of a Grassroots Reform Initiative.SantaMonicaCA:TheNationalDefenseResearchInstitute,2008.

Hayden,Thomas.LettertotheNew(Young)Left. The New Student Left: An anthology.Boston:

BeaconPress,1966.

Hayden,Thomas.PortHuronStatement.The New Student Left: An Anthology.Boston:BeaconPress,1966.

Gitlin,Todd.LeftwardKickingandScreaming. The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage.NewYork:BantamBooks,1987.

Shorbagy,Manar.UnderstandingKefaya:TheNewPoliticsinEgypt.Arab Studies Quarterly29.1(2007):39-60.AssociationofArab-AmericanUniversityGraduatesandInstituteofArabStudies:2007.

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Post-colonial theory attempts to reckon with and react to the cultural legacy of colonialism.

In his now-iconic book, Orientalism, critical theorist Edward Said sought to expose a colonial

mindset that reinforced the unequal power relations between the East and its Western colonial

masters. But contemporary scholars have since grappled with both the power and limitations

of Saids framework.

In the following essay, Blair Lanier explores one particularly provocative critique: might Saids

theorizing fail in some ways to escape the very orientalism he critiqued? Such debates prompt

us to reconsider the relationships between our academic discourse and material reality, our

ideas and our changing perspectives on history.

Blair Lanier is a senior in Pierson College.

Contact her at [email protected].

This paper was originally written forSOCY 306: Empires and Imperialism.

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DEBATING ORIENTALISM: COMBATING COMPLACENCY THROUGH CRITIQUE

Blair Lanier

Tracingtheevolutionofanideathroughacademicdiscourserevealsimportanttruthsaboutourchangingperspectivesonhistory.Newtheories,newmodesofinterpretation,andthedebatesoverthemhaveshapedthestudyofImperialismandcontinuetoinuenceourknowledgeofthehistoricalformsandsocietaleffectsofEmpire.Inhis1978workOrientalism,EdwardW.Saidproposedonesuchnewreadingoftheideologicalprocessesandmechanismsofpowerat

workinEuropeanImperialism.TheconceptofOrientalismsuggestsaparticularreadingofthehistoryofEmpire,which,likemostinuentialtheories,hasbeenprofoundlyinuentialbothinitsownrightandalsobecauseitprovokednewacademicworkseekingtodissent,qualify,orimprovethattheory.FrederickCooperisonesuchscholarwhoengageswithOrientalism,acknowledgesitsintellectualvalue,andmakeshisowncriticalclaimsabouthowthestudyofImperialismcanbepushedbeyondOrientalismtothebettermentofourhistoricalunderstandingofimperialactors,colonizedpeoples,andtheEmpiresconstitutedbytheirrespectivecommunitiesandidentities.CooperadvocatesfortheacademicandpoliticalimportanceofamorehistoricallyawaretreatmentofEmpireandthelanguageofimperialidentitiesandprocesses.FredericCooperisjustiedbothinhiscritiquesofOrientalismsgeneralizationsandalsoinhisprojecttoworkfromSaidsconcept

towardsthebetteringofourtheoreticalandpragmaticunderstandingofImperialismthroughcloserattentiontohistoricalvariability. EdwardSaidsOrientalismisaremarkablybroadconceptualizationofWesternattitudestowardstheEast.HearguesthatWesternImperialismwasinextricablytiedtoandevenconstitutedbyasetofideologiesthatconstructedactionalOrientand,throughthatconstruction,denedthepowerrelationshipbetweentheOrientandOccident.Orientalism,Saidwrites,hasbothanacademicandideologicallifeintheWesternworldandisbuiltandexpressedthroughlanguage,art,literature,andstatesmanship.Ashewrites,Orientalism,therefore,isnotanairyEuropeanfantasyabouttheOrient,butacreatedbodyoftheoryandpracticeinwhich,formanygenerations,

therehasbeenaconsiderablematerialinvestment.Orientalismisthestudyofthisconcept,thisideathathasahistoryandatraditionofthought,imagery,andvocabularythathavegivenitreal-ityandpresenceinandfortheWest. 1 Toconstructhisargument,SaiddenesOrientalism,tracesitsmanifestationsinthehis-toryofBritish,French,andAmericanculturalartifacts,andsuggeststhatuncoveringtheexistenceandnatureofOrientalismiskeytounderstandingWesternpowerovertheOrient.HewritesthatthescholarofImperialismmustunderstandOrientalismasaWesternstylefordominating,restructuring,andhavingauthorityovertheOrient.2Thisstyleconsistedoftheenormously1EdwardW.Said,Orientalism(NewYork:Vintage,1978),5.2Said,Orientalism,3.

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systematicdisciplinebywhichEuropeanculturewasabletomanageandevenproducetheOrientpolitically,sociologically,militarily,ideologically,scientically,andimaginativelydur-ingthepost-Enlightenmentperiod.3AccordingtoSaid,studyingthisdiscourserevealsthatinaquiteconstantway,Orientalismdependsforitsstrategyonthisexiblepositionalsuperiority,whichputstheWesternerinawholeseriesofpossiblerelationshipswiththeOrientwithouteverlosinghimtherelativeupperhand.4BycreatingtheOrientalastheiconicothertotheEuro-

peanself,Europeanculturegainedinstrengthandidentity.

5

Thespeciccontentandcharacterofthisotheringresultedintherelationshipofpower,ofdomination,ofvaryingdegreesofacomplexhegemony6betweenWestandEast.SaidpositsthatOrientalismideologicallydividestheworld7intobinaries:WesternreasonandOrientalmysticism,EuropeanpowerandOrientalsubjugation,colonizerandcolonized.Orientalism,likeallotherideas,cultures,andhistoriescan-notseriouslybeunderstoodorstudiedwithouttheirforce,ormorepreciselytheircongurationsofpower,alsobeingstudied.8SaidsownengagementinthisstudyconsistsofidentifyinghowtheideologicalbinariesofOrientalismfunctiontobuildandenhanceEuropeanpowerovermateriallyrealbutideologicallyimaginedcolonies.SaidsworksucceedsincomplicatingapurelylogisticalreadingofEmpirebyquestioningtheideologicalandconceptualframeworksinherenttoEuropean

Imperialism. FrederickCooperengageswithSaidsconceptbyacknowledgingtheimportancehisintellectualframeworktheinterpretivegainsfromexaminingtheideologicalstructureofEmpire-buthecritiquesSaidsunderstandingofthoseideologies,hisconceptofOrientalism,byadvocat-ingforamorecomplexconceptualapproachthatworkstoacknowledgethelocalparticularitiesofEmpireandimperialistaction.CooperarguesthatOrientalismfailstoappreciatesufcientlythedifferencesbetweencommunitiesofEuropeancolonizersandgroupsofcolonizedpersonsastheyvaryoverbothtimeandgeography.CoopersarticlesuggeststhatalthoughSaidpointedoutOrientalismsfallacyingroupingallOrientalsunderonediscourseofother,theanalysisofthedynamicsofcolonialismwhichhebeganisnotcompletewithoutparticularizingthatanalysisto

individualcontextsandmomentsandexpandinganthropological,sociological,andhistoricaltreat-mentofEmpiretoincludethecolonizeraswellasthecolonized.HiscritiquesofSaidthereforelogicallyincludeargumentsthatthebroadtermsusedbySaidtoidentifyEuropeancolonialistsrequiremorenuancedandspecicdelineationaccordingtocontext,andthattheneedforrecog-nitionofindividualconditionsandidentitiesappliestotheEuropeansaswellasthecolonized.InColonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History,FrederickCooperfocusesonacriticalanalysisoftheacademystendencytobecomestuckinconceptualruts.Hesuggeststhatacadem-icsworkingwiththeconceptofOrientalismarenotexemptfromsuchacademicstagnation,andhearguesforaheightenedsensitivitytotheparticularconditionsofanyareaofstudyincludingEmpires,imperialoutposts,andcolonies.ByanalyzingCoopersengagementwiththeconceptofOrientalismandexploringinwhatwayshiscritiquesarejustied,welearnmorenotonlyaboutSaidsseminalworkbutalsothebroaderstudyofEmpire. ForFrederickCooper,understandingwhatisproblematicaboutacademictreatmentofEmpireisintegraltounderstandingtheEmpiresthemselves.Cooperarguesthatonlybyunder-standingthebiases,gaps,andfallaciesinacademicworkonEmpirecanhistoriansmoveonce

3EdwardW.Said,Orientalism(NewYork:Vintage,1978),3.4Said,Orientalism,7.5Said,Orientalism,3.6Said,Orientalism,5.7Said,Orientalism,45.

8

Said,Orientalism,5. 32


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againtowardsamorecomplete,nuanced,andusefulunderstandingofImperialisminitshistoricalandcontemporaryforms.ThedifcultquestionfacingacademicswhostudyEmpireisHowcanonestudycolonialsocieties,keepinginmindbutnotbeingparalyzedbythefactthatthetoolsofanalysisweuseemergedfromthehistorywearetryingtoexamine?9Coopersanswerhingesuponanawarenessofandghtagainstdisciplinarystagnation. CooperarguesthatSaidsconceptofOrientalismisanhistoricallyrootedtheorylikeany

otherand,therefore,mustbesubjecttothesamehistoricalcriticismsandreevaluationsoftermsthatSaidhimselfappliedtoearlierunderstandingsofImperialism.Orientalismplayedanimpor-tantroleinpushingthestudyofEmpireforward:HistorianscomplacencyabouttheEuropeanboundariesoftheireldwasshakenupbyEdwardSaidsOrientalism.10ButCooperisabletomovebeyondOrientalismtoaproductivecritiqueoftheSaidsterminologyandthecontextualspecicityofhishistorywhilestillacknowledgingtheintellectualusefulnessofSaidsconcept.Cooperwrites,Interdisciplinarystudiescanbeimpoverishedbyonceprovocativeconstructsthathavebecomeclichs,justasadisciplinecanbenarrowedbyprofessionalhierarchies,requiredmethodologies,ortheoreticalconservatism.11ThusCooperheedshisownintellectualwarningbycritiquingSaid.IfSaidbecomesaclichandhistoriesofthecolonizedbecomethenorm,the

intellectualdismantlingofOrientalismbecomesasinstitutionallypervasiveasOrientalismitselfoncewas.AsCooperwrites,thereisadeliciousironyhere,forEuropeansbecomethepeoplewithouthistory,anotiononcereservedforthecolonized. 12Historycannotmoveforwardtowardsamorecompleteunderstandingoftheworldifanyideologybecomestooentrenched,reied,orunquestionable.Saidsconceptcannotbetakenasthenalwordbutinsteadmustbequestioned,examined,andexplored. CoopercritiquesSaidsconceptforbeingsobroadlygeneralizedoversuchanexpansivegeographicandtemporallandscape.Cooperarguesforrootingconceptsbackintothespecicconditionsofagivencolonywhenhewrites,Colonialpower,likeanyother,wasanobjectofstruggleanddependedonthematerial,social,andculturalresourcesofthoseinvolved.Colo-

nizerandcolonizedarethemselvesfarfromimmutableconstructs,andsuchcategorieshadtobereproducedbyspecicactions.13Colonizerandcolonized,Cooperargues,mustbethoughtofashistoricallyspecicterms.ClarityinterminologypreventsthedangerofconatingdrasticallydifferenthistoricalmomentsandthedistincteffectsofvariousEmpires.ContinuingtoworkwithintheacademicframeworkstemmingfromSaidsconceptofOrientalismcanleadtothefollowinghistoricalerror:

ThesharpseparationofacertainkindofEmpirewhichproducescolonialandpost-colonialeffectsnotonlyprecludestheposingofimportantquestionsaboutcriticalhistoricalmomentsandinterrelatedprocesses,butreproducesaformofEurocentrism.CentralAsianMuslimsconqueredbythetsarsandsubjectedtotheviolentandmodern-izingprojectoftheSovietsdonotreceivetheattentiondevotedtoNorthAfricanMuslimscolonizedbytheFrench;1989isnotmarkedinpostcolonialcirclesasamilestoneofdecolonization.14

9FrederickCooper,Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2005).10Cooper,Colonialism in Question.11Cooper,Colonialism in Question.12Cooper,Colonialism in Question.13Cooper,Colonialism in Question.14

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ThiswarningfromCooperincitesthehistoriantopushintoadeeperunderstandingofEmpirebybroadeningthescopeofanalysisbeyondtheBritish,French,andAmericanEmpiresdiscussedbyEdwardSaidandhisintellectualdiscipleswhoengagewiththehistoryoftheformerlyoriental-ized.Cooperproposesaconcertedefforttowardsspecicityoftermsandattentiontoparticularhistoricalconditionsoftheiruseasanantidotetothisintellectualpropensitytowardsawedgen-eralizations.UnderstandingtheconnectionsbetweenEmpiresisusefulaslongasthosesimilarities

arenotmythologizedintouniversaltruthsbyacademics.TothisendCooperwrites,theneedtounderstandtherangeofformsofimperialpowerentailsappreciatingboththegeneralconditionanditsspecicforms,includingEmpireandcolonies.15AcademictermsmustbeconceptuallyusefulabletoincreaseourunderstandingofEmpiresingeneralbutalsonotconceptuallymis-leadingnotglossingoverofgeographicparticularitiesandhistoricalchange.CoopersacademiccritiqueofSaidthereforecentersonOrientalismsstatusasahistoricalworkthatmustbeques-tionedbyhistory. Buttheseacademicdebatesabouttermsarenotconnedtopurelyacademichistoricaldebates.TheyareintegrallyrelatedtothematerialnatureofEmpireanditsimpactuponindi-viduallives.Cooperwrites,Europesambivalentconquestsoscillatingbetweenattemptsto

projectoutwarditsownwaysofunderstandingtheworldandeffortstodemarcatecolonizerfromcolonized,civilizedfromprimitive,corefromperipherymadethespaceofEmpireintoater-rainwhereconceptswerenotonlyimposedbutalsoengagedandcontested.16ThevocabularyofEmpirewasnotcreatedinanintellectualvacuumbutarosefromtherealitiesofImperialism.ThelanguageofEmpirethereforereects,tosomeextent,theconditionsofthatEmpiresformofImperialism.Termswhichallowindividualsandgroupsofpeopletoconceptualizeofthemselvesagainstanotherwhethertheimperialauthorityorthesubjugatedcolonizedaretermswhich,asSaidsuggested,holdrealpower.ThereforecontestationsoverthetermsofEmpirewithincoloniesarecontestsoverthepowerdynamicsofImperialismitself.Cooperexplains,politicalactivisminandaboutEmpirehasposednotonlypossibilitiesofacceptingorrejectingtheapplica-

tiontocolonialworldsofideasandstructuresassertedbyEurope,butalsothepossibility,howeverdifcult,ofchangingthemeaningofthebasicconceptsthemselves.17Hereweseetheintersec-tionofacademicdebatesabouttermsandthepoweroflanguageinlivedhistory.Coopersengage-mentwithSaidthereforecrossestheintellectuallinefromconceptualcritiquetoateleologicalargument.Termshaveapurposeandauseintherealworld,soitiscrucialforimperialactors,thesubjectsofEmpire,andtheacademicswhostudybothtogetthosewordsright. FrederickCoopersengagementwithEdwardSaidsconceptofOrientalismpushesthereadertowardsabroaderandmorenuancedunderstandingoftheideologicalpowerdynamicsatplayinImperialism.TheargumentinCoopersarticlealignswithSaidsrequirementthatastudyofideologicaltermsmustconnectthosetermstomanifestationsofpower.ThestudyofEmpireisnotapassiveinvestigationpurelyforintellectualsatisfactionormerelytocreateaninternallyconsistentsetofdenitions.ThestudyofEmpirehaspoliticalimplicationsastheeffectsofImpe-rialismcontinuetoreverberateintheformercoloniesaroundtheworld.CooperscritiqueofSaid,andSaidscritiqueofanideologicallyentrenchedhegemonythroughotheringtheorientarenotdusty-ofcemusingsandacademyin-ghtsbutoutcome-orientedcriticismsofahistorythattruly

15FrederickCooper,Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2005).16Cooper,Colonialism in Question.17Cooper,Colonialism in Question.

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affectstheworldanditscitizens.Complacencyinthehistoricalanalysisofempirereectsanun-acceptabledistancingfromthepoliticalrealitiesandlivedexperiencesofpeoplepastandpresent.

Works Cited

Cooper,Frederick.Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History.Berkeley:Universityof

CaliforniaPress,2005.

Said,EdwardW.Orientalism.NewYork:Vintage,1978.

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If academia is a forum, social theory is one of its moderators, constantly shaping and renego-

tiating the very terminology used in its discourse. Theory is by nature an abstraction from the

empirical world. Yet theorizing is a live practice that still engages with it. Dierent theoretical

perspectives confront big questions and fundamental assumptions about human nature andsocial reality. And theorizing implies a continual dialogue with ones predecessors and future

critics. Ideas and paradigms are not allowed to rest but are continually pitted against each

other in debate.

In the following essay, Sherman Tan explores one big theoretical debate: what lens should

we use to understand the very nature of human action? Should the social sciences view action

as shaped most by individual agency or by the constraining forces of social structure? The es-

tan, understanding the “structure” and “agency” debate in the social sciences (& full...

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