Rachel Green

Senior Seminar: Final Paper

THE DEATH OF ALBERTO NISMAN: MURDER OR SUICIDE?

A COMPARATIVE MEDIA ANALYSIS

On January 18th, 2015 Argentinean prosecutor, Alberto Nisman,

was found dead in his Buenos Aires apartment. One-week prior,

Nisman accused the Argentine government of a cover up involving the

bombing of a Buenos Aires Jewish Center in 1994. This paper will

analyze the media coverage of the case comparing the frameworks of

the Washington Post and the New York Times to the Argentinian

newspapers Clarin and La Nacion. This paper will refer to online news

sources and video news clips from Argentina and the United States,

along with class readings about media analysis to help support the

research integrated throughout the project. The main analytical

findings in this case will reveal that the Argentinian news sources,

which are non-government owned, display clear trends supporting the

theory that Alberto Nisman was murdered while American owned

newspapers reveal a tendency to frame the case in favor of the

current Argentinian government run by President Christina

Fernandez de Kirchner.

Due to the abundance of information on the case, this paper will

focus only on the week of Nisman’s death from January 18th to January

25th. This paper will explain that the mystery of Alberto Nisman’s

death in Argentina has been extremely pliable in the framing of the

media. The main differences between these types of media

frameworks are the photographs, content included and language that

was precisely chosen to resonate with the readers. This paper will

argue that the ways in which key clues to the mystery were either

evaded or included depended on the message the new source was

intending to portray.

THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA

The goal of the media is to convince the reader that the

perspective of the reporter is the correct viewpoint, and this

persuasion if done correctly can be extremely subtle, even appearing

to be objective. This paper will begin by collecting and reporting only

the facts of the case, and then proceed to analyze the way these facts

have been reported using the different media systems. According to

Entman, the problem definition of this case would be the serious

government instability caused by the suspicious death of Alberto

Nisman hours before he was supposed to announce criminal

accusations that he had filed against President Kirchner. The

Argentine democracy is continuing to weaken due to the internal

dispute within the country; the remedy to this problem can only come

from the truth, excellent public relations or an overthrow of the

government. While the truth amidst a corrupt government and a coup

d’état are unlikely at this time, the media framing in support of the

Kirchner administration is playing it’s part along with President

Kirchner in trying to rebuild trust and support for the Argentinian

Government.

Within the past century Argentina has undergone extreme

economic, political and social shifts, which have redefined the role of

the state and power within the country. When such drastic changes

occur in a country, the entity of media and journalism will inevitably

be altered as well. According to Hallin and Mancini, the political

system and the institutional tradition of a country make a direct

connection in the media ecosystem (Rodriguez, 100).

The liberal model of the media for most Latin American countries

typically brings together the most evident connections of political

context that affects the inner workings of the traditional media

systems. The three most significant aspects of the political system

influencing the media are through the historical trends towards, the

degree of closeness between new ruling politicians and traditional

media groups referred to as clientelism, and the kind of deregulation

and market reforms (Ramirez, 2014).

Renita Coleman’s chapter, “Framing the Pictures in our Heads”

argues that in framing theory, visual framing is extremely important

because visuals have the ability to reveal what words could never

convey. Coleman defines visuals as any media content that can be

processed by the eye, like video footage, photographs, even body

language while verbal content is defined as anything written or

spoken. These two forms of content must work together in order for

the reader to get a complete understanding of the topic (Coleman,

230). Framing is used in political communication studies using various

methods, Entman’s theory of cascading activation is extremely

relevant because it determines how thoroughly the thoughts and

feelings that support a frame will extend down from the government

to the rest of the system, whoever wins the framing contest will win

the political upper hand (Entman, 9). This framing contest is definitely

represented in articles from the Nisman case, but President Christina

has the upper hand because with her political power she has the

means to spin the news stories to her personal advantage. Nisman’s

attempt to expose her as a criminal has already cost him his life, and

now the only way he could win is to be represented by strong

advocates who can prove that he was murdered.

COUNTRY MEDIA CONTEXT

In order to understand the current Argentinian media system, a

brief overview of the past is a necessary aspect of research. Under

Argentina’s military dictatorship from 1976 and 1983, the media was

dominated purely by politics. The government had complete control

over print media using means of surveillance and the bullying of

government insurgents. Eventually the Broadcasting Law Decree was

passed which gave the government even more rights to regulate

content published or spoken on the radio. During Argentina’s

democratic restoration in 1983 under President Raul Alfonsin, public

liberties began to overpower the censorship model, which was so

prominent during the military dictatorship. Alfonsin helped the

country start over after the dark military dictatorship and encouraged

rapid growth among the private sector. Argentinians were taking

advantage of their new freedoms and business opportunities and the

world-wide trend of large media holding companies were becoming a

sought after idea in Argentina (Ramirez, 2014).

While under Alfonsin there was more content pluralism,

electronic media was still under state control, and strongly influenced

by political power. This transitioning environment is what led to the

creation of the group Clarin, which currently is a well-known anti-

government newspaper (Rodriguez, 102). After Alfonsin’s time in

office came to end, Carlos Menem preceded him in 1989. Menem

established a clear neoliberal model and in terms of media, he marked

this period by privatizing television channels and radio stations.

Menem finished what Alfonsin started and the private sector became

extremely powerful, setting the terms of the relationship with the

political power leading to a complete reconstruction of the media

map. Due to Menem’s strong market reforms and neoliberal ideas, the

state almost completely withdrew as a participating actor in the media

scenario and as a regulator and generator of contents. Menem’s

administration led to an age of private commercial expansion, which

constructed a model strongly ruled by economic factors (Ramirez,

2014).

The Kirchner’s have assumed Argentina’s presidential family

since 2003. Nestor Kirchner assuming office from 2003 to 2007 and

his wife Christina taking office directly after him, from 2007 to the

present day. Critics of President Christina have claimed her

administration has demonstrated various cases of corruption,

falsification of public statistics, the harassment of Argentina's

independent media, misuse of taxes as a censorship tool and use of

public funds to attack political opponents. Although there has been

clear progression in freedoms since the ages of the military

dictatorship, today the Kirchner government controls an estimated

eighty percent of the media in Argentina (Washington Post, Editorial,

2011). During the Kirchner’s first term in office, they began to play a

heavy role in the management of state media. In 2009 they took over

the broadcasts of all soccer games, which implies that they receive

free broadcasts when any of Argentina’s 40 teams, including primary

and secondary leagues play. As soccer is a huge part of the Argentine

culture, this channel, Futbol Para Todos, reaches about six million

viewers on some games. This was appealing to the government

because they are able to take advantage of halftime and commercials

to spew pro-government propaganda at the country (Post, 2015).

Currently, the non-Kirchner owned Grupo Clarin is the largest

selling newspaper in the country and remains as the government’s

largest opponent. In fact, the Kirchner administration has established

a movement to destroy the anti-government news source. The reason

they are seen as such a threat is due to their framework; Clarin is

based on claims that the government aims to control the production of

news and the flow of information through politics, they often accuse

the Argentine government of attacking freedom of expression and

weakening democracy. The Kirchner’s campaign against Clarin has

induced over 450 legal and administrative acts of harassment against

the news source and has tried to establish a controversial media law

that would force Clarin to lose its licenses and crumble (Romero,

2012). Christina claims that, “journalistic objectivity does not exist,

and that all journalists act on behalf of certain interests” but as all

things go both ways, the same could be said about Christina’s politics

and decisions that only satisfy her self-interest (Romero, 2012).

The other main non-government owned news source, La Nacion

maintains a framework less leftist than Clarin but is still known for its

critical view of the Argentinian government system. The paper was

founded in 1870 by the former president Bartolome Mitre and by the

1975 was the largest and most read newspaper in Latin America. In

2012, La Nacion’s daily circulation represents about 20% of the daily

newspaper circulation in Buenos Aires, and is not only distributed

nationwide but around the world. Those who hold the political power

in Argentina only feel relatively threatened by La Nacion in

comparison to Clarin because the news source is still associated with

Argentina’s past aristocracy and agro-businessmen (Cuestas, 2010).

As far as the New York Times and the Washington Post are

concerned, both of these North American News sources are also

socially liberal. They typically report from a racially sensitive,

feminist, gay-friendly, pro-choice and secular framing. According to a

survey from the American Trends Panel in 2014, web respondents

rated American news sources from negative ten to positive ten,

negative ten appealing to a consistently liberal audience and positive

ten appealing to a consistently conservative audience. On this chart,

the Washington Post scored a negative three and the New York Times

was slightly left of that with a negative four (Blake, 2014). This

research suggests that the New York Times parallels closer to Clarin

and the Washington Post would parallel to La Nacion.

MEDIA ANALYSIS ON THE DEATH OF ALBERTO NISMAN

This section will chronologically analyze the news pieces

published during the seven days following the death of Alberto

Nisman’s on Sunday, January 18th. By paralleling similar articles

contingent on the date of publications among the four news sources;

the New York Times, The Washington Post, Clarin and La Nacion, this

section will identify the trends in frameworks, content, jargon and

motive. The general findings will reveal that Clarin and La Nacion

have supported a framework against the Kirchner administration by

focusing on details of the death, Nisman’s personal life, and his life’s

work. Contrastingly, The New York Times and the Washington Post

take a position to support Kirchner’s innocence in the affair. The

American news sources begin by representing the possibility of

suicide VS. murder, until President Christina announces a change in

perspective, which in consequence leads to theories which suggest

possible suspects for Nisman’s murder.

In an article from the Washington Post published one day after

Nisman’s death, the author focuses in on Christina and the

Argentinian government more than the facts and details of Nisman’s

death like the Clarin article covered. The Post article states that

Christina has thus far remained silent on Nisman’s death, but the

preceding week the administration officials called the prosecutor’s

allegations, “ludicrous”. It seems that in an attempt to maintain

objectivity, the author included two opposing opinions on Nisman’s

death, although the sources seem to be completely irrelevant. The

first quote he used was from a 47-year-old museum guide who states,

“It is impossible that he killed himself”. With little explanation, the

author moves on to the next opinion from 62-year-old Federico Valdez

who works at an insurance agency. Valdez states on the contrary that,

“Everything indicates that he killed himself” then continues to explain

that he believes this because the bathroom door was locked from the

inside and the fact that Nisman’s mother confirmed this. Moving into

further analysis of this article, one must consider why the personal

opinions of a museum guide and insurance agent who were clearly no

experts on the subject were included in this article. The issue of the

locked door, which was not included in the Clarin article, is a valuable

counter argument to the theory that Nisman was murdered. The post

frames the article emphasizing the likelihood that Nisman’s death was

a suicide. It includes information that Nisman’s mother was unable to

open the bathroom door, because a key was in the lock on the other

side accompanying Nisman’s dead body, the .22 caliber gun and a

shell casing. Towards the end of the article, there was only one short

sentence that outlined the Argentinian group, “Indignant Argentines”

who called for demonstrations in several areas of Buenos Aires that

Monday, but it did not include what they were demonstrating for

(Calatrava, 2015).

The articles that lean toward the theory that Nisman was

murdered, pay a noticeably greater amount of detail to the scene of

the crime and Nismans personal life. On the 20th of January, La

Nacion published an article which leaked a photo of Nismans desk

covered in all of his evidence for the case that he was about to present

to congress. The photo was taken by Nisman hours before his death

and sent through Whatsapp to the Vice Prisident of the DAIA

(Delegacion de Asociaciones Israelitas Argentinas) Waldo Wolff with a

message saying, “Here, I am working, How does all of this look to

you?” Wolff was quoted saying that he always had very consistent

communication with Nisman and when Wolff responded to Nisman’s

message twice and both of his messages weren’t answered, he started

to have serious concerns (La Nacion, 2015).

While pro-Kirchner news sources push that it was either a

suicide or a set up to frame the Argentinian government, anti-

Kirchner sources push the idea that the government murdered him.

One example of this is the inclusion of Diego Lagomarsino in pro-

Kirchner news sources, when in anti-Kirchner news sources

Lagomarsino was either not mentioned at all or very briefly integrated

in the article. Lagomarsino was the man who gave Nisman the pistol

that “killed” him; he was an aide to Nisman and stated that Nisman

feared for his family’s safety. While it could be that Lagomarsino was

merely giving his boss protection or piece of mind, the wording and in

depth inclusion of Lagomarsino makes him seem like a scapegoat to

prove that Nisman’s death was a suicide and that the government had

nothing to do with his death. The fact that this information was not

included in any of the Anti-Kirchner reports also makes a statement,

and was most likely done intentionally because they want their

readers to blame the government and believe that Nisman’s murder

was not a suicide. The pro-Kirchner framings make Nisman appear

extremely paranoid, like he couldn’t handle the stress of his

accusations leading to his suicide. This attack on Nisman’s character

introduced by pro-Kirchner articles also raises flags. This attempt by

the media to discredit Nisman’s mental state through a manipulation

and exaggeration of facts is an old technique used throughout history.

In this case, the means of making him sound unstable and paranoid

was used to make Nisman’s suicide appear more legitimate to the

public (Clarin, Washington Post, 2015).

Nisman’s work as a prosecutor led to the collection of various

enemies. Part of the evidence he was acquiring led to allegations

against Tehran, that they had planned and financed the attack of

1994. While this theory was not universally supported, it allowed for

several articles to shift the blame from the Kirchner administration to

Iran in Nisman’s death. Disguised by subtlety from The Washington

Post in an article from the 21st of January, the possible motives that

the Argentine government could have had in assassinating Nisman

were outlined. It states that due to the deal with Iran in 2013 to end

Argentina’s energy crisis, Tehran had been hoping to find a release

for the economic pressure imposed by sanctions that could give both

parties diplomatic legitimacy. Differentiating itself from most of the

other articles on the topic, the Post then delves into the role of Iran in

the ‘murder’, stating that Nisman’s accusations could have been just

as condemning for Iran and Hezbollah as they were for the Kirchner

administration. Next, came the loaded sentence that, “his death

(Nisman) could have been arranged by Tehran”. The following

paragraph discusses an interview with a researcher who studies the

Shiite militant group at the University of Maryland. He states that

Iranian-backed groups and their intelligence services have been

pretty good practitioners of their, ‘art’. Referring to Hezbollah’s

professional means for carrying out assassinations quietly. The Post’s

attempt to shift the blame from the Kirchner administration to Iran in

this article was impressive. Especially as the following paragraphs

plant the perspective of Argentina’s government officials who have

suggesting that the former intelligence officials and the news source,

Clarin may have orchestrated Nismans death. According to the New

York Times, Clarin has responded by calling this accusation of their

involvement a mere, “conspiracy theory” (Taylor, 2015).

In an article from La Nacion on the same date January 21st,

there was a detailed explanation of the details of the case. A section is

included discussing the investigators decision to confiscate the only

two copies of Nisman’s nearly three-hundred page denouncement

against President Christina, along with the weapon and several of

Nismans brief cases. The language used throughout articles is

extremely important to take into consideration when reading news

sources with more subtle frameworks as certain words come with

definite implications. The word choice used in the sentence of

‘secuestraron,’ which in English translates to the agents, ‘kidnapping’

Nismans personal documents implies a clear perspective on this

section of the story. The word kidnapped, implies an obvious bias by

the author that the documents in Nisman’s apartment were not

rightfully taken. While common procedure may be to take in the body

for forensics along with the weapon used, taking the victims personal

work is not acceptable and caused a controversy, as they were taken

Monday morning at dawn with no explanation. One could argue from

the framework of this article that Nisman was killed merely for the

purpose of taking those denouncements and giving them back to those

with political power. Dependent on the hands that Nismans research

was sitting in, they had the capacity to either bring down the Kirchner

administration completely causing extreme instability within the

country or make sure that the truth behind Nisman’s investigation of

the 1994 bombing would never be revealed (La Nacion, 2015).

On January 22nd, the New York Times posted an article about the

Nisman case but once again focused in on President Christina

Fernandez. Despite the rushed decision to declare Nisman’s death a

suicide, Fernandez shifted her theory from suicide to being convinced

that the death was part of a sinister plot to defame and destroy her

and her government. The article continues to explain the country’s

response to the death, and how thousands of Argentines were

protesting on the street to show their anger towards the bombing that

still remains unsolved and demanding that there be a full

investigation of Nisman’s death. On the surface level, the quotes used

by Christina claiming that who ever killed Nisman just used him while

he was alive and then, “they needed him dead” are definitely written

in favor of Christina’s and almost make her seem like a victim. The

times explains how the Kirchner administration has dismissed all of

Nisman’s accusation on the account that Nisman was merely,

“manipulated” by Antonio Stiusso, ex-senior intelligence official who

was fired in December. On a more analytical level, it appears that

Christina’s sudden change in opinion is a mere safety net in case the

truth should reveal that there was a third party involved, and to

ensure that she can blame someone else for the crime. This article

from the New York times mentioned all of the actors that could have

manipulated Nisman to think that Christina was covering up for the

1994 bombing and focused heavily on the possibility that there was

definitely someone guilty of murdering Nisman but the culpable entity

was not Christina nor her administration (Gilbert and Gladstone,

2015).

On January 25th, exactly one week after Nismans death, Clarin

lays out five of the main findings from the case. The article begins by

directly stating the suspicious nature of the case. During the first

week of the case, the three main hypotheses were that Nisman had

either committed suicide, was a victim of induced suicide or he was a

victim of murder. As the article proceeds, the ‘five main points’ wreak

with skepticism against the suicide hypotheses. This article focuses on

the scene of the crime, Nisman’s 13th floor apartment in Le Parc

towers located in Puerto Madero, Buenos Aires. The Clarin article

states several times that the typical signs of ritual suicide were absent

in this case. The body was found in the bathroom, when typically one

kills himself in either his place of work or rest. One particularly

interesting piece of this puzzle is the detail of the gunshot wound to

Nisman’s head which is said to have killed him instantly. Point

number’s four and five of the article explain the, “expertise shooting”

and the way the bullet was lodged in Nismans skull after being shot

through the brain tissue. The key information included in this section

was that no gunpowder residue was found on Nisman’s right hand.

The author then emphasizes how despite the size of the pistol, a small

Bersa Thunder 22LR, every time a gun is fired, gases and gunpowder

residue are released from the weapon (Clarin, 2015).

In one BBC segment, which interviewed people who knew

Nisman’s on a personal level, created the impression that murder was

the most likely cause of Nismans death. Even by the title of the

segment, “Who Killed Alberto Nisman” BBC is suggesting a

framework against the government through implications that Nisman

was murdered. Interviewed in the video was Sandra Arroyo Salgado,

Nisman’s former partner and ex-wife who stated that in knowing

Nisman’s personality, he would never have taken his own life, that he

was extremely health conscious and even afraid of dying young. She

explains that the moment she found out that he had been found and

there was a fun on the crime scene she knew that someone had

murdered him. She then continues that she was not in Argentina

during the time of his death and was sickened on the speed of the

post-death exam and the lack of evidence that was saved from the

scene. She was quoted saying, “My investigative team has analyzed

the photographs and videotape from the official autopsy and they

came to the conclusion that Alberto’s violent death was certainly not

accidental”. She indicates that the authorities investigating the case

were clearly working alongside the Kirchner administration due to the

way they moved so quickly in declaring his death a suicide. BBC then

backs up Salgado’s theories in discussing the way protocol and

procedure were not followed when viewing the dozens of images

taken at the scene of the crime. There is proof that during the

procedure evidence was tampered with, the police allowed Nisman’s

mother to wash dirty dishes that could have revealed evidence to

determine if there was a third party in Nisman’s apartment, and

photos were taken revealing several people walking through the

apartment without protective clothing. Several weeks after Nismans

death, Salgado’s team reveals the crucial clue, which used a Luminol

test that proved that there had been an attempt to wash blood from

something in the bathroom sink (BBC, 2015). It is important to

consider that this BBC segment was framed from the perspective of

Nisman’s ex-wife and was extremely biased in its theories against the

government and in its support for the possibility that Nisman was

murdered.

While there are many factors that come into play with the death

of Nisman, the facts in relation to the weapon used is a definite step in

the direction towards the truth. These specifics on the gun, which

were only discussed in detail in the non-government backing articles,

analyze the placement of the gunshot wound and the location of the

gun when it was found. One of Argentina’s leading crime reporters,

Ignacio Prieto, explains how most people who commit suicide shoot

themselves from the side of the front of the head but the bullet that

entered Nisman’s head went through above and behind his right ear.

Specialists confirmed that it is very unlikely that any suicide victim

should shoot themselves in that part of the head. When Nisman’s body

was found in a pool of blood in the bathroom, the gun was underneath

his left shoulder even though the shot went through the right side of

his head. The derma test proving that there was no gunshot residue

on his hand and Sandra Arroyo Salgado’s test proving that blood had

been cleaned from the sink prove to experts that it is highly probable

that a third party may have been involved (Clarin, La Nacion, 2015).

In a Clarin article discussing the eight main doubts surrounding

Nisman’s death, key details were revealed that were not mentioned in

any of the United States news sources. Little pieces of Nisman’s life

that were left behind were analyzed such as a shopping list of things

to buy for the following Monday and mention of the fact that Nisman

already had two guns in his possession, therefore he did not need the

Lagomarsino’s loaned gun because he could have made that decision

at any time. Another interested piece of information from this article

was the fact that the secretary of security was at Nisman’s apartment

Sunday night to make sure that no one would touch anything or enter,

including an ambulance with doctors that was denied entry two times,

they finally left at nearly three in the morning without being able to

get in the building. This Clarin article like many of the other ones then

finishes with Nisman’s psychological profile, stating that there were

no signs that he was showing any signs of a suicidal person, or

someone who had characteristics of a sick person, but he was a

person who had been threatened for several years and sensed there

could be a fatal outcome for his life (Clarin, 2015).

Another point that doesn’t seem to be discussed in detail is the

veteran prosecutor who was assigned to the Nisman’s case. Viviana

Fein denied that her officials went against protocol during the first

hours investigating the crime scene, yet in an article from La Nacion,

it was reported that Fein didn’t even show up at the crime scene until

hours after Nisman was already dead. In a quote from Fein, she states

that it’s not necessary that her crime specialists use the white

antiseptic robes because, “We don’t touch the crime scene”. (BBC).

While Feins official investigation is leaning toward a ruling that

Nisman killed himself, Salgados investigators are arguing confidently

that the evidence suggests murder. The nearly 100 page forensics

report carried out by Salgado who is working closely alongside

Nismans family reveals that there was no alcohol found in Nismans

system and no sign of cadaveric spasm referred to as, “death grip”

which is a common indicator of suicide. The conclusions of the report

contrastingly supported that Nisman died in agony and his body was

moved after he was killed which contradicts the official version

presented by Vivian Fein (Montevideo, June 7th, mercopress). There

was no information regarding how or why Fein was actually appointed

to investigate the official case but all of her conclusions seem to side

in favor of the Argentine government.

CONCLUSION

The main analytical findings in this case will reveal that the

Argentinian news sources La Nacion and Clarin in comparison the

American newspapers the New York Times and the Washington Post

have distinct differences in their framework regarding the death of

Alberto Nisman. As previously stated, all four media sources are

more liberal in perspective but the Argentinian news sources focus on

evidence supporting the theory that Nisman was killed by reporting

information on his personal life, details of his death and the effect that

his death had on Argentinian citizens while North American media

focused on the response from the Kirchner Administration and

probable culprits for the death after the “suicide” was deemed a

murder.

In the articles collected from the first seven days following

Nismans death, there were several drastic shifts in the case as new

information was revealed. One of the most reported shifts identified

during this period were the perspectives of President Christina,

especially from North American media sources. The silence which first

came from Christina after word of Nisman’s death quickly led to her

confidence in that he committed suicide. Directly after this, the

autopsy done revealed that Nisman’s death was a suicide. Four days

later, Fernandez shifted her opinion once again, stating that she was

convinced that Nisman was in fact murdered as part of a sinister plot

to defame and destroy her government.

This flip-flop from Kirchner’s administration moving from a

suicide to a murder led to the character questioning of Nisman.

Reports explain Kirchner’s new confidence that Nisman was fooled

with false information, used and then killed, as he was no longer

needed. One could assume that the Argentine government carefully

crafted this theory to tarnish the reputation of Nisman while making

the Kirchner administration appear innocent against all charges of

murder. All factors involving Vivian Fein, government appointed

investigator to the Nisman case, like the “botched” crime scene, and

lenience towards the suicide theory implies that she was working

along side the government.

As stated in this papers first section “The Role of the Media”,

the media’s ultimate goal is to convince the reader that the

perspective of the reporter or supported administration is the correct

viewpoint, and if done correctly this persuasion can be extremely

subtle and appear objective. The lack of information included in the

articles such as the way Fein was appointed to the case, evidence

from the crime scene and details about Nisman’s personal life like his

fear of dying young were omitted intentionally from articles that

framed the story with a Pro-Kirchner outlook. At the same time, the

Anti-Kirchner articles conveniently avoided discussing the locked

door, the man who gave Nisman the gun, Diego Lagomarsino, and any

negative character traits that Nisman may have shown.

The visual framing in all of these articles was extremely

important as well as pictures can often reveal more than words. Pro-

government news articles framed President Kirchner as a concerned

woman who felt a sense of loss after Nisman was so, “foolishly

misled”. An analysis of the photographs included in Kirchner

supporting articles emphasizes this point, as they include close up

images of her face, deeply pensive with tears in her eyes as she

discusses the, “tragic” outcome of Nisman’s life. The articles framing

the case against the government typically included photos of Nisman,

typically including photos where he looks determined and strong,

sporting a nice suit and a serious face. These photos do not portray

him as a victim of suicide but a warrior fighting to reveal the truth

behind a corrupt government.

While the goal of this paper was not to solve the mystery behind

the death of Alberto Nisman, the ability to analyze media frameworks

on a deeper level allows one to form their own opinions about

significant world events instead of just soaking in the information that

they are receiving without question. That said, while this conclusion

will not make any final theories about whether Nisman’s death was a

murder or suicide, the evidence provided in the media analysis should

prove the bias behind what is supposed to be an objective media

system is very much existent. The media comparison between the

New York Times, the Washington Post, Clarin and La Nacion prove

clearly that the Kirchner Government is using the media to prove its

innocence just as the Anti-government media sources are intending to

prove the corruption embedded in the Argentine system. Like many

others in the past, Argentine prosecutor Alberto Nisman died just as

his proximity to the truth was nearing. Regardless of how his death

occurred, not taking every perspective into consideration before

closing in on a final conclusion would be an injustice to Nisman, the

eighty-five people who died in the 1994 bombing and the entire media

system.

WORKS CITED

"13 Personajes Clave Para Entender La Muerte De Fiscal Alberto Nisman." La Nacion, January 21, 2015, Politica sec. "A Una Semana De La Muerte De Nisman, Los Cinco Puntos Clave Del Caso." Clarin, January 25, 2015, Politica. Link.

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