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Doctoral Dissertation

Risk Information and Communication for Hazard Risk Reduction in Caribbean Multicultural Societies

December 2009

Virginia I. Clerveaux

Faculty of Civil & Environmental Engineering Gunma University, Japan

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Risk Information and Communication for Hazard Risk Reduction in Caribbean Multicultural Societies.

by

Virginia I. Clerveaux

Masters of Philosophy (MPhil) University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica (2005)

Bachelor of Arts (B.A.)

University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica (2002)

Diploma of Education (Dip. Ed.) Shortwood Teacher’s College, Jamaica (1997)

Submitted to the Department of Civil & Environmental Engineering in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

at Gunma University

January 2009

Copyright © Virginia I. Clerveaux, 2009. All rights reserved.

Signature of Author _______________________________________________________

Department of Civil & Environmental Engineering Certified by _____________________________________________________________

Prof. Toshitaka Katada Civil & Environmental Engineering

Thesis Supervisor Accepted by _____________________________________________________________

Prof. Tomohide Watanabe Dean, Department of Civil & Environmental Engineering

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Declaration

Some of the materials presented in this thesis have previously been published in the following papers:

Clerveaux, V, Toshitaka, K and Hosoi, K. “Tsunami Scenario Simulator: A Tool for Ensuring Effective Disaster Management and Coastal Evacuation in a Multilingual Society”. Science of Tsunami Hazards, Vol. 27, No. 3, page 48 (2008).

Clerveaux, V, Toshitaka, K and Hosoi, K. “Information Simulation Model: Effective Risk

Communication and Disaster Management in a Mixed Cultural Society”. Journal of Natural Disaster Science. Vol. 30, No. 1, (2008).

Clerveaux, V, Toshitaka, K and Hosoi, K. “Information Simulation Model: Effective

Communication and Disaster Management in a Mixed-Cultural Society”. In Proceedings of Infrastructure Planning Vol. 37. Japan Society of Civil Engineers. June 2007, Kyuushu, Japan.

Clerveaux, V, Spence, B and Toshitaka, K “Using Game Technique as a Strategy in

Promoting Disaster Awareness in Caribbean Multicultural Societies: The Disaster Awareness Game”. Journal of Disaster Research. Vol.3 No.5, November, 2008, Pg 321-333.

Clerveaux, V, Spence, B and Toshitaka, K “Evaluating and Promoting Disaster Awareness

among Children: The Disaster Awareness Game”. Journal of Emergency Management. Vol.6, No.5, November/December, 2008,

Clerveaux, V, Toshitaka, K and Kanai, M. “The Communication of Disaster Information

and Knowledge to Children using Game Technique: The Disaster Awareness Game (DAG)” in Proceedings of the 10th Annual Japan Society for Disaster Information Studies (JASDIS) Conference. October 25-26, 2008, Tokyo, Japan.

Except where stated, all of the work contained within this thesis represents the original contribution of the author.

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Abstract

The issue of effectively communicating disaster risk within the context of multicultural and multilingual societies is an emergent paradigm in disaster risk reduction. The need for this new focus is largely informed by a globalization process that is not only characterized by freedom of international trade but increasingly, by regional economic and political integration initiatives that facilitates increased migration to and domicile in foreign countries, by different cultural and lingual groups. The resultant multiculturalism and multilingualism has produced a new challenge for disaster and emergency managers who are bounded by international protocol to provide equitable access to disaster risk information by all persons within their jurisdictions. The high vulnerability of Caribbean countries to multiple hazards and sometimes to multiple exposures is underscored and as the regions further cements its political and economic integration movement through the creation of the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME), the multicultural and multilingual disaster risk reduction issues that pertain globally, have now become relevant to the Caribbean region. It is in that regard that the region’s disaster management community is being increasingly challenged to provide disaster risk information not only to different cultural and lingual groups but different social and demographic groups as well. In essence therefore, there is a dire need in the Caribbean to develop communication strategies and techniques that allow equitable access to risk information in multicultural and multilingual societies as well as cater to the information needs of different social and demographic groups, such as children. The Tsunami Scenario Simulation Model (TSSM) and the Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) which are the central theme of this thesis were designed and are being proposed as viable strategies for addressing the emergent disaster risk-communication needs of the Caribbean region. The TSSM was designed to provide equitable access to disaster risk information for rapid-onset events, such as tsunamis, in a multicultural and multilingual setting. It was conceptualized and developed to address the challenges of effective dissemination of disaster information in societies characterized by increasing levels of multiculturalism and is based on data for the island of Providenciales in the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI). The Model is intended to be more than a platform for effective communication of disaster information but in addition can be used in the assessment of disaster risk, evacuation planning and providing disaster managers with empirical data on the relationship between timely provision of disaster risk information and the effectiveness of risk-reduction responses. The DAG was designed to evaluate, compare and promote disaster awareness among all social groups but particularly among children. Generally, children account for the greatest proportion of casualties from hazard impacts, especially in developing countries where they comprise the largest percentage of total population. This disproportionate vulnerability of children has recently been the focus of various United Nations initiatives for disaster risk reduction and is increasingly becoming the focus of local and national measures to reduce the impacts of hazards. The specific vulnerability of children and by extension the need to promote disaster awareness among children as an integral part of disaster risk-reduction strategies is an emergent theme in the disaster management fraternity. The overarching focus of these children-specific measures has been the promotion of disaster education in schools to enhance the level of awareness among school-age children. However, this new thrust towards disaster awareness among children presents a new challenge for disaster planners, especially as this relates to the development of appropriate tools and techniques for the enhancement of the disaster knowledge-base of children. The primary challenge is in the design of awareness-promotion tools that are relevant to and appropriate for the specific learning needs of children. Specifically, disaster management planners need to ensure that the information provided is appropriate to the information-assimilation capacity of children and that the appropriate tools and techniques are developed to ensure effective conveyance of information through a medium that is neither stoic nor boring. Additionally, the DAG recognizes the role of children as important information conduits in multicultural societies and thus, as an integral part of disaster mitigation strategies. Field testing of the DAG among Caribbean school-children in the Turks and Caicos Islands and St. Vincent and the Grenadines suggests that this tool is appropriate for effectively raising levels of awareness and consequent behaviour of children in disaster situations. Also, the application of the DAG in the multicultural setting of the TCI suggests that this technique can be effective in promoting impartial access to disaster education.

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アブストラクト

多数文化並びに多数言語という状況下における災害リスクの効果的な情報伝達に関す

る問題は近年新しく現れた災害リスク軽減パラダイムの一つである。この新たに現れた

関心事に対する要請は国際流通の自由化に象徴されるだけでなく，地域経済と政治共同

体のイニシアティブに促進された異文化や言語の異なる集団の移民や外国人として海外

に在住する市民の増加から大きな影響を受けている。多数文化ならびに多数言語という

社会現象の結果は個々人における法律上に従ったリスク情報への公平な措置をとるとい

う国際間協定を守り従ってきた災害危機管理マネージャー達に新たなチャレンジを与え

ている。

カリブ海周辺の国々は複合災害や時によると複合的な危険にさらされて脆弱性が高い

ということが強調され，また”カリブ海域シングルマーケットと経済（CSME)”が作られ

たことによって地域周辺が更なる政治と経済の統合の動きを強固なものにしたように、

多数文化及びに多数言語下における災害リスクの減少という課題はグローバルな社会で

の問題であったのが，今ではカリブ海地域に深い関わりのあるものとなっている。そう

いったことを配慮しながら，カリブ海周辺地域の災害マネージメント関連組織は，災害

リスク情報を異文化や異言語集団に対してのみならず，もっと広範にわたる多様な社会

団体または異なる年齢層からなる集団を含めて提供するようにという今までに増す要求

を迫られている。本質的に，多様文化または多様言語社会におけるリスク情報を公正に

得られるようにする，または異なる社会団体や年齢層からなる集団特に子供たちへ情報

を調達できるようにする情報伝達の戦略と手段を開発する必要性がカリブ海では極度に

高くなっている。この論文の中心テーマである津波のシュミレーションモデル（TSSM)と

災害認識ゲーム（DAG)がカリブ海周辺地域で必要とされている近年現れた災害リスクコ

ミュニケーションへの具体的な手法として設計構築されまた提案されている。TSSM は急

速に変化する出来事，ことに多様文化，多様言語という状況下における津波災害などへ

の災害リスクの情報を公正に得られるように配慮されてデザインされている。この TSSM

は、ますます増加の傾向にある多様文化社会化は、Providenciales 島のタークスやカイ

コス島（Turks、Caicos) でのデータをもとにし、災害情報伝達のための効果的な普及の

という要請に答える意図をもって構成構築されている。このモデルは，災害情報の効果

的な伝達というプラットフォーム以上の役割を果たすことを意図として、また，さらに

は災害リスクのアセスメント，避難計画、または，時宜を得た災害リスク情報への対策

とその効果的なリスク軽減対応との関係を示す経験的なデータとして災害マネージャー

達に利用されることも可能である。

DAG は特に子供達，また他のすべての年齢層において災害への認識の評価，比較，そ

して促進するように設計されている。一般に，子供は災害被災者の中の大きな比率を占

め、ことに発展途上国では被害を受ける一番高い比率を占めるのは子供達である。この

子供の不均衡な脆弱性は国連でリスク軽減の対象として大きく取り扱われ，近年では各

国や地元レベルでの災害法案の焦点となり災害リスク軽減の対象となっている。子供と

いう特定の脆弱性またその延長線上にある子供への災害認識を促進する必要性は災害リ

スク軽減戦略の重要な要素として，災害マネージメントの同業者間では最近現れたテー

マとなっている。統合的な焦点としてこれらの子供特定の法案は，通学年齢の子供達の

災害認識のレベル向上のために学校での災害教育を促進している。しかし，この子供達

への災害認識への新しい責任は特に，災害における子供という知識をもとにすることを

昇進するための適切な手段と手法を開発するということに特に関連していることもあっ

て，新たな挑戦を災害計画者に挑んでいる。基本的なチャレンジとして，まず認識促進

の手段の設計段階では、子供達の特定な学習能力にたいして有意義でかつ的確であるこ

とである。特に、災害マネージメントの計画者達は、提供された情報が子供の情報普及

への理解能力にとって的確なものであるかどうか、また的確な手段と手法が専門的すぎ

ず，退屈でもないというような媒体を通して効果的な情報伝搬を確保するために開発さ

れるかどうかということを保証する必要がある。さらには，DAG では多様文化社会にお

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ける子供の役割を重要な情報伝達回路として、またそれゆえ，災害軽減戦略の重要な要

因として，高く評価している。タークス，カイコス島，また，セイントヴィンセントや

グレナディーズのカリブ海域周辺の学校児童を対象にしてゲームを行った時の現場での

実験では、この手法は効果的に子供の災害認識度を高め，更には，子供の災害時におけ

る行動を向上させるのに適切であると判断できた。また，多様文化社会という条件にあ

る TCI(タークス，カイコス島）における DAG の具体的利用はこの手段は災害教育への公

平なアクセスの促進をするのに効果的であるとも判断することができた。

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Acknowledgement

I would like to acknowledge and extend my heartfelt gratitude to the following persons who have made the completion of this PhD program and the achievement of this dream possible: To the Staff of Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Japanese Embassy in Jamaica for providing me with a Monbukagakusho Scholarship, courtesy of the Ministry of Education, Finance and Technology, one of the most esteemed scholarships in Japan and for their continued support throughout my 4 years in Japan. ‘Minna San, Domo Arigato Gozaimashita!’

This dissertation could not have been written without my Sensei, Professor Toshitaka Katada, who not only served as my supervisor but also encouraged and challenged me throughout my academic program. He guided me through the PhD program process, never accepting less than my best efforts. ‘Domo Arigato Gozaimashita Sensei!’

To the various staff at Gunma University in Kiryu, especially Kati Niwa and Miho Otsuka, and the members of the Social Engineering Laboratory (SEL) of which I was proud to be a member. Thanks especially to Dr. Masanobu Kanai, Kyouhei Hosoi, Takurou Yoshioka and Ikuko Maehara San who never hesitated to lend a helping hand whenever I called upon them. I am indebted to all of you for your kindness throughout my time in Japan. ‘Minna San, Arigato Ne’.

To all my Japanese Language Lecturers, who went beyond the call of duty of instructing me with basic Japanese literacy, you also taught me about Japanese customs, protocol etc, which allowed me to be able to adapt to this unique culture. My quick advancement in the Japanese language is a testimony of your excellent teaching skill. Sensei Domo Arigato!

To the Government of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, The National Emergency Management Organization (NEMO), and staff and students of the Marriaqua Government Primary School. Thank you for taking part in the Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) Workshop as your contribution ensured not only the success of the workshop but also the subsequent publication of several papers pertaining to the workshop.

To the Government of the Turks and Caicos Islands, the Department of Education and the Department of Disaster Management, and staff and students of the Ona Glinton Primary School (OGPS). Your willingness to participate in the Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) Workshop is foresight of the need for the provision of disaster education to primary school children in order to bring about a culture of resilience in the TCI. Your participation in the workshop is also a testimony of your commitment to disaster prevention and management in the TCI.

To Dr. Seiichi, Mieko & Sato Hosoi, thank you very much for the kindness that you have always shown to me while I was living in Japan, you understood the challenges one faced in living in a foreign country and you tried to ensure that my experience in Japan would be a memorable one. I enjoyed the time a lot spent with you and your family. It has been a pleasure knowing you all!

To Kazuko & Moeko Katada, for the role and support you showed me in Japan. I could not have assimilated without your help. Thanks Guys!

To my Shorinji Kempo friends especially Mariko and Hirosato Fuji, Troy, Akiko Kameyama, Kojima Sensei and all the other Sensei’s whose names are too numerous to mention, thanks for the love and support you showed me in both my academic and martial art classes. I will always remember the time we shared together! Minna San, Arigato!

To Aliko Ikeda Sensei and the members of the Hula Hawaiian Dance class, your smile and words of encouragement made it a pleasure knowing and dancing with you and greatly contributed to my Japanese experience. ‘Minasama gata no koto wa isshou wasuremasen!’

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To Kazuki and Tokie Hagane, my Japanese parents, whom I have come to know and love while living in Japan. You have opened up not only your home to me but also your heart and your circle of friends thus ensuring that I had a home away from home. Moreover, you provided me with a friendly environment in which to practice and speak Japanese. I will never forget you! ‘Hontoni Arigato Mama and Papa Chan!’

To my circle of friends, especially Darlene, Mayank, Nathania and all the others that are too numerous to mention, for your prayers, words of encouragement or for simply being you. I thank you!

To Pastor Minott & Mrs. Minott, Reverend Reuben Hall and the members of their congregation. Thank you for your continuous prayers for my success and safe return to the islands. Your prayers were a source of strength during my stay in Japan.

I am as ever, especially indebted to Viviene (mom) and Shannette (sis) for their love and support for the past 12 years. ‘Love you guys!’

One of the most important parts of PhD research, beyond the project organization, the results and the initial paper, is the revision. Without this last step your paper will never be published and only a few people will know your results. Karen & Elaine Ollivierre thank you both very much from the bottom of my heart for your editorial contribution.

To Dr. Balfour Spence, you were there from the beginning when the PhD was just a dream and you stayed and ensured it became a reality. That makes this achievement as much mine as it is yours. ‘Kanpai!’ I would like to thank you for your indispensable role during my PhD program, your brilliant and invaluable ideas have encouraged me not only to produce a good thesis but to always strive for excellence in all that I do.

Most especially to my biggest supporters, my family, who have been my rock and shield for the past 10 years as I relentlessly, pursued my dreams. I attribute my physical and mental well being to their continued support. Without the love, understanding, encouragement, and enjoyment they have given me, the achievement of this dream would not have been possible. Thank you all as you never stopped believing in me. I did this for all of us!

Last but by no means least, ‘To God Be the Glory’, who made all things possible! There was never a time that I needed you that you were not there!

God saw the dream of a peasant child and he smiled and said ‘why not my child, if you can dream it, you can achieve it!’

♣

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Dedicated to: My family, friends and all those who have a dream.

‘To accomplish great things, we must not only act, but also dream; not only plan, but also believe!’

♣

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Table of Contents Declaration ii Abstract iii Abstract (Japanese) iv Acknowledgement vi Dedication viii List of Figures xvi List of Tables xvii List of Plates xviii 1. Introduction 1

1.1. Risk Communication and Multicultural Issues in Disaster Management: An

Overview 1

1.2. Risk Information and Communication: Emergent Paradigm for Comprehensive Disaster Risk Reduction 1

1.3. Socio-cultural Context of Risk Communication 1

1.3.1. Factors related to the individual 2

1.3.2. Presentation of Risk 2 1.3.3. Characteristic of Risk 2 1.3.4. Evolution of Risk Communication Philosophy 3

1.4. Disaster Management and Multiculturalism: The Caribbean Context 4

1.4.1. Caribbean Multiculturalism 4

1.5. Disaster Management Approaches to Risk Communication

and Caribbean Multiculturalism 5

1.5.1 Weak Knowledge Management 5 1.5.2. Traditional mediums of risk communication 5 1.5.3. Role of the media 6 1.5.4. Insufficient capacity building for risk communication 6 1.5.5. Inadequate inclusiveness in disaster management planning 6

1.6. Rationale for the Study and Statement of Problem 7 1.7. Research Questions, Aims and Objectives 8 1.7.1. Research Questions 8

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1.7.2. Aims and Objectives 8 1.7.3. Methodological Approach 9 1.7.4. Selection of the Study Area 9 1.8. Data Sources 9 1.8.1. Primary Data 9 1.8.2. Secondary Data 9 1.9. Design of Research Instruments 9 1.9.1. Administration of the Research Instruments 10 1.9.2. Sampling Techniques 11 1.9.2.1. Sampling of Student Population 11 1.9.2.2. Sampling of Parent Population 12 1.10. Summary Outline of Chapters 12 2. Risk Information and Risk Communication in Disaster Management 13 2.1. Risk Information and Risk Communication 13 2.2. Role of Risk Information and Risk Communication in Disaster Management 14 2.3. Factors Influencing Risk Communication in Effective Risk Management 15 2.3.1. The Nature of the Hazard and Associated Risk 16 2.3.2. The Perception of the Risk and People’s Willingness to Act 16 2.3.3. Identifying the Stages of Risk Communication 16 2.3.4. Identifying Audiences and Associated Messages 17 2.3.4.1. Demographic Factors 17 2.3.4.2. Psychological Traits 17 2.3.4.3. Experience of the Hazard 17 2.3.4.3.1. Personal Exposure 17 2.3.4.3.2. Vicarious Experience 18 2.3.4.3.3. Resilience 18 2.4. Benefits and Barriers to Effective Risk Communication 19 2.5. Risk Communication Models 19

2.5.1. The Risk Perception Model 19 2.5.2. The Mental Noise Model 20

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2.5.3. The Negative Dominance Model 20 2.5.4. The Trust Determination Model 20

2.6. Summary 21 3. Multi-Cultural Context of Risk Perception and Disaster Management 22 3.1. Cultural Differences in Risk Perception 22 3.2. Use of Models/Theory to Elucidate Cultural Differences in Risk Perception 23 3.3. Cultural Barriers to Effective Risk Communication in Disaster Management 26 3.3.1. Cultural Differences 26 3.3.2. Cultural Beliefs and Values 26 3.3.3. Communication Barriers 27 3.3.4. Intercultural Communication 27 3.3.5. Race and Ethnicity 28 3.3.6. Gender 29 3.4. Summary 30 4. Environmental and Social Profile of Study Area 4.1. Environmental Profile 31 4.1.1 Geography and Climate 31 4.1.2. Geology 31 4.1.3. Natural Resources 32 4.2. Social Profile 32 4.2.1. History and Government 32 4.2.2. Economy 32 4.2.3. Settlement, Population and Multiculturalisms 33 4.3. Multiculturalism in the Turks and Caicos Islands 33 4.3.1. Hazard Vulnerability Issues 34 4.4. Limitations to the Study 35 4.5. Summary 35 5. Risk Communication Tool for Hazard Impact Reduction in Caribbean Multicultural Environments: The Tsunami Scenario Simulator (TSS) 36

5.1. Introduction 36

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5.2. Overview of Tsunami Hazard Potential in the Caribbean 36

5.3. The Tsunami Simulator Model 39 5.4. Multicultural Perspective in the Design of the Model 40

5.5. Outline of the Tsunami Scenario Simulation Model 40 5.5.1. Information Transmission Simulation Model 40 5.5.2. Evacuation Transmission Simulation Model 40 5.5.3. Tsunami Transmission Simulation Model 41

5.6. Appropriateness of Providenciales for the Application of the Model 41 5.7. Application of the Tsunami Simulation Model to Providenciales 41 5.7.1. Information Transmission Model 41 5.7.1.1. Use of Loudspeakers 42 5.7.1.2. Use of Patrol Cars 43 5.7.1.3. Use of Cellular Phones 44 5.7.1.4. Use of the Mass Media 45 5.7.1.5. Use of Oral Communication 45 5.7.2. Evacuation Transmission Model 46 5.7.3. Tsunami Simulation Model 49 5.8. Summary 50 6. Risk Communication for Disaster Management in Multicultural, Multilingual

Contexts: The Information Simulation Model 51

6.1. Introduction 51

6.2. Outline of the Information Simulation Model 52 6.3. Relevance of the Model in Ensuring Effective Disaster Management 53 6.3.1. Planning 53 6.3.1.1. Identifying Vulnerable Populations 53

6.3.1.2. Siting of Shelters and determining of evacuation routes 53

6.3.1.3. Setting of Loudspeakers and Patrol Car Routes 53 6.3.1.4. Ascertaining Evacuation Time 53

6.3.1.5. Assisting in the Evacuation Process 54

6.3.1.6. Identifying Key Stakeholders for Disaster Management 54 6.3.1.7. Simulation Exercise 54

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6.3.2. Communication 54

6.3.2.1. Use of Loudspeakers 54

6.3.2.2. Use of Patrol Cars 55

6.3.2.3. Use of Cellular Phones 55 6.3.2.3.1 . Text Messages (SMS) 55 6.3.2.3.2. Ring Tone 55 6.3.2.4. Use of Mass Media 55 6.3.2.5. Use of Oral Communication 56

6.3.2.6. Dissemination of Information in Multiple Languages 56

6.3.3. Response 58

6.3.3.1. Timing of Information Dissemination and Residents Behavioural Response 58

6.3.3.2. Encouraging Positive Mitigation Behaviour 59

6.4. Summary 60 7. The Promotion of Disaster Information and Knowledge to Children using

Game Technique: The Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) 61

7.1. Information and Knowledge Gaps in Disaster Management Systems: The Case of Children 61

7.2. Disaster Risk Information and Knowledge for Children: Critical

Considerations 63 7.2.1. Curriculum development 63 7.2.2. Pedagogy 63 7.2.3. Tailoring of Disaster Information 63 7.2.4. Measurement of Level of Awareness 63 7.2.5. Children’s Attention Span 64 7.2.6. Mode of Communication 64 7.2.7. Inclusion of children in the decision-making process 64

7.3. The Disaster Awareness Game: Technique for Information and Knowledge Promotion in Children 64

7.3.1. Objectives of the DAG Technique 64

7.3.2. Critical Considerations in Development of the DAG 64

7.3.2.1. Design Considerations 64

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7.3.2.2. Reading and Comprehension Ability 65

7.3.2.3. Age Range 66

7.3.2.4. Usability 66

7.3.2.5. Attention Span and Learning Considerations 66 7.3.3. Rules and Rationale 68

7.4. Evaluation of Effectiveness of the DAG: Case Studies from the Caribbean 68

7.4.1. Evaluation Methodology 69 7.4.1.1. Pre-Game Survey 69 7.4.1.2. Initial Game Exposure 69 7.4.1.3. Provision of Disaster Management Information 70 7.4.1.4. Post-Game Assessment 70 7.4.2. Pre-Game Analysis 70 7.4.2.1. Children’s Hazard Awareness 70 7.4.2.2. Children’s Risk Perceptions 72 7.4.2.3. Children’s Level of Preparedness 73 7.4.3. Post-Test Analysis 74 7.4.3.1. Awareness of Local Hazards 74 7.4.3.2. Children’s Risk Perception 74

7.4.3.3. Children’s Knowledge of Hazard Preparedness and Mitigation 75

7.5. Summary 77

8. Using Game Technique as a Strategy in Promoting Disaster Awareness in

Caribbean Multicultural Societies: The Disaster Awareness Game 78

8.1. Role of Games in Disaster Education 78 8.1.1. Games and Education 78

8.1.2. Advantages of Games 78 8.2. Principles of Well-designed Games for Disaster Risk Reduction Education 79

8.2.1. Goal-directed vs. Sandbox Model? 79 8.2.2. Cooperation 79 8.3. Game as a Tool in Promoting Disaster Awareness in Multicultural Settings: The Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) 80

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8.3.1. Multicultural Considerations in the Goals and Design of the DAG 80 8.3.2. Goal of the DAG Technique 80 8.4. Application of the DAG in a Multicultural Setting: Case of the Turks and

Caicos Islands (TCI) 80 8.4.1. Approach to Application of the DAG to the TCI 80 8.4.1.1. Children’s Natural Hazard Awareness 81 8.4.1.2. Children’s Risk Perceptions 82 8.4.1.3. Children’s Level of Preparedness 83 8.5. Summary 84

9. Conclusion and Recommendations 86 10. Endnotes 88 11. References 89 12. Appendices 103 Appendix A-1: Before-Workshop Students Questionnaire

Survey-SVG 103 Appendix A-2: Before Workshop Students Questionnaire Survey- TCI 106

Appendix B-1: After-Workshop Students Questionnaire Survey- SVG 108 Appendix B-2: After Workshop Students Questionnaire Survey-TCI 110 Appendix C-1: Parents Questionnaire Survey-SVG 111 Appendix C-2: Parents Questionnaire Survey TCI 115

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List of Figures Figure 1 The Two-Way communication process 14 Figure 2 The four myths of human nature 24 Figure 3 Location of the Turks and Caicos Islands 31 Figure 4 Generalized Neotectonic features of the Caribbean Region 36 Figure 5 Moderate and smaller events (4.5≥M>6.5) for the period 1964- 2004 37 Figure 6 Historic, large (M≥7.0), and strong (7.0≥M≥6.5) recent earthquakes of shallow

focus in the Caribbean Basin for the period 1492-2004 37 Figure 7 Information Dissemination Network 42 Figure 8 Strategic positioning of fixed loudspeakers and patrol routes to be used during

an emergency situation 43 Figure 9 Agglomeration of population by primary language in Providenciales, TCI 44 Figure 10 Estimated information receive time by district in Providenciales 46 Figure 11 Current location of shelters and the Emergency Operation Centre 47 Figure 12 Estimated evacuation time by district in Providenciales for current shelters 48 Figure 13 Proposed relocation of shelters and the Emergency Operation Centre to

higher ground 48 Figure 14 Estimated evacuation time by district in Providenciales for amended location

of shelters 49 Figure 15 Location of hotels in Providenciales 50 Figure 16 DAG Board Game 65 Figure 17 DAG score sheet 66 Figure 18 DAG flood and hurricane card sample 67 Figure 19 DAG Instruction Sheet 68 Figure 20 Children’s perception of likely hazard impact on their communities 81 Figure 21 Comparative sources of disaster information for Anglo and non-Anglophone

children in the TCI 82 Figure 22 General hazard risk perception among Anglophone and non-Anglophone

children in the TCI 83 Figure 23 Preparedness/Mitigation among Anglophone & non-Anglophone children in

the TCI 84

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List of Tables

Table 1 Distribution of student sample by ethnicity in the TCI 11 Table 2 Sample of parent population for SVG and TCI 12 Table 3 Population of the TCI 33 Table 4 Hazards of the TCI 34

Table 5 Caribbean tsunami occurrence and impact 38 Table 6 Information receive rate by language and time for loudspeakers only rate by

language and time for loudspeakers only 57 Table 7 Information received rate every language & spread times (%) by loudspeaker

and patrol car (without mass media, phone) 58 Table 8 Children’s perceptions of likely hazard impacts on their communities 71 Table 9 Comparative sources of hazard/disaster information- TCI and SVG 71 Table 10 Pre-Test risk perception among sampled children 72 Table 11 Pre-Test summary of preparedness among sampled children 73 Table 12 TCI: Comparative levels of disaster awareness before and after exposure

to DAG 74 Table 13 SVG: Comparative levels of disaster awareness before and after exposure

to DAG 74 Table 14 TCI & SVG flood hazard risk perception 75 Table 15 TCI & SVG hurricane hazard risk perception 75 Table 16 TCI & SVG flood hazard preparedness 76 Table 17 TCI & SVG hurricane hazard Preparedness 76

List of Plates Plate 1 Playing the DAG in SVG 69 Plate 2 Playing the DAG in TCI 69 Plate 3 Provision of disaster information to students in SVG using PowerPoint 70 Plate 4 Provision of disaster information to students in TCI using videos 70 Plate 5 Students in TCI enthusiastic to share their hazard experience with the class 70 Plate 6 A student in TCI sharing their hazard experience with her class 70

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1. Risk Communication and Multicultural Issues in Disaster Management: An Overview

This chapter provides an overview of the risk information and communication issues that are pertinent to the reduction of disaster-related risk especially within the context of increasing global multiculturalism. As a prelude to subsequent ones, the chapter also examines the specific nature and character of Caribbean multiculturalism and outlines the methodological approach to the research. 1.2. Risk Information and Communication: Emergent Paradigm for Comprehensive Disaster Risk Reduction Increasing levels of exposure risk associated with both natural and technological disasters has gone hand in hand with human evolution and development as humankind occupy more vulnerable sites. However, higher levels of exposure coincide with unprecedented human capacity to predict the behaviour of related hazards and mitigate their impacts (Press, 1996). This capacity stems from increasing human ingenuity in the application of science and technology to the management of hazards and disasters. In that regard, science and technology has allowed:

i) The design and implementation of an early warning system that can detect a threat and quickly and accurately warn vulnerable populations of the threat they face;

ii) The use of scientific information to improve public participation in disaster risk reduction activities; and

iii) The enhancement of knowledge sharing, validation and adaptation of sound practices and lessons learnt in disaster risk management.

While science and technology-related measures for disaster risk reduction have gained significant momentum in recent years their impact in reducing losses has been overshadowed by a combination of higher levels of exposure and higher incidences of failed development that contribute to greater social and environmental risks. As a result, social and economic losses from disaster impacts are at an unprecedented level. For example, natural hazards have killed about three million people over the last 20 years while over 800 million have suffered loss of home, health, family members or friends, and endured economic hardship (Press, 1996). There is now general consensus that the technological solution alone is insufficient to bring about sustainable loss reduction from the impact of disasters and thus the need for greater emphasis on the social context of risk reduction. Much of the focus of this emergent paradigm is targeted at issues related to the provision of reliable risk information and the effective communication of this information to vulnerable peoples. Communication of risk information to vulnerable populations is not only contingent on the generation and availability of such information, but critically, on the accessibility of this information. Accessibility is not merely a function of the location in which the information is reserved, but as much, its formatting comprehensiveness and extent to which people’s perceptions and cultural nuances are considered in the provision of information.

1.3. Socio‐cultural Context of Risk Communication Cultural experiences are the foundation of people’s interpretation of their environment. This explains why individuals who are transplanted to an alien environment are likely to misinterpret information that is divorced from their cultural reference point. This points the disaster risk reduction community to the need for being cognizant of differences in risk perception across cultures (Tomlinson, 1999). The cultural context of risk and its relationship to vulnerability has been extensively studied over the past quarter-century. Risk perception and communication has been the central theme of this research and with regard to perception, the focus has been on identification and explanation of factors that inform

Chapter 1: Introduction

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the individual’s interpretation of risk. The basic argument is that three factors affect perception and interpretation of risk:

i) Those related to the individual; ii) Those related to the presentation of the risk; and iii) Those related to the characteristics of the risk.

1.3.1. Factors related to the individual A number of factors related to the individual affect perception and interpretation of risk. First, culture influences individual’s value systems and by extension their opinions about risks. It is in this context that cultural factors such as race, ethnicity, religion and family life are considered central to the assessment of the cost and benefits of mitigation. Literacy level and educational attainment of the individual are also critical in informing their perception and interpretation of risk. Studies have indicated that individuals with less formal education are more likely to misunderstand risk information (van Vliet et al, 2001; Grimes DA, et al, 1999). Certain innate tendencies have also been shown to affect a person’s perception and interpretation of risk. For instance, optimism bias describes the phenomenon by which individuals believe they are less exposed to risk from a hazard than the “average person.” In other words, optimism bias may lead people to believe that information about a particular risk does not apply to them (Bowling A, 2001). 1.3.2. Presentation of risk Several factors, related to the way risk information is presented, influence the perception and interpretation of that information:

i) Framing effects—or the influence of the message used to present the information—affect risk perception (Edwards A, et al, 2002). The use of positive framing, such as presenting the chance of survival when discussing a chemotherapy regimen, is more likely to persuade people to take risky options than negative framing, such as presenting the chance of death from the treatment. For example, people are more likely to choose a treatment if told that 65 of 100 people survived than if they are told that 35 of 100 people died; and

ii) The degree of uncertainty surrounding the risk being presented also affects how it is perceived and interpreted. People tend to be more fearful and concerned about risks for which there is more scientific uncertainty. Similarly, trustworthiness of the information source affects people’s perception of risk. People are more likely to discount information about risk if they do not trust its source (Bennett , 1997).

1.3.3. Characteristic of risk In addition to the way risks are presented, the characteristics of the risks themselves influence risk perception and interpretation. Individuals worry and are more concerned about risks that they cannot control, are involuntary, are associated with particular dread, are novel, result from man-made sources and are more easily recalled. In light of these concerns, disaster risk communication research and strategies have been focusing on the message design, the role of differences among cultural and socio-economic groups and the mode of conveying information on risk within the context of the prevailing socio-political structure, (Bennett, 1997; Harvard Center for Risk Statistics , 2003). The concept of risk communication therefore refers to ‘a social process that requires receiving, understanding, believing and personalizing the message’ (Tierney, et al, 2001). The characteristics of the sender and receiver influence the transmission and interpretation of the message, making this process a multi-layered, culturally-influenced challenge. Risk communication should therefore be seen as ‘an interactive process of exchange of information and opinion among individuals, groups and institutions. Ideally, it involves multiple messages about the nature of the risk in a broad-spectrum risk management landscape, (NRC, 1989). Risk communication initiatives must therefore, of necessity, be group specific. However, this must be preceded by rigorous, but objective, measures for the segregation of individual differences and needs, so as to better incorporate public concerns into the risk information provided. The range of stakeholders, responsibilities and activities that are involved in the risk communication process makes it an inherently complex process.


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1.3.4. Evolution of Risk Communication Philosophy Since the mid 1980’s, the focus of risk communication has evolved from concern about how best to inform the public about the technical aspects of risk assessment to a process of early and ongoing channels of communication among all concerned groups. The basic philosophy of this new paradigm is that risk communication should not just be about how to communicate risk to vulnerable groups, but also include an understanding of how various groups in the society perceive and respond to risk information. Researchers have examined risk perception among diverse populations based on factors such as gender, age, and social status. Whilst this type of research is relevant to the advancement of the risk communication philosophy, there is a paucity of research on the relationship between cultural influences and people’s perceptions of risk. Perception of risk is fundamental to the explanation of risk response. As such, the perception of a hazard will influence the mitigation measure employed to protect life, livelihood and property. It is in this context that there is increasing acknowledgement by disaster risk reduction practitioners of the role of social and cultural factors in understanding risk perception.

Since culture plays an important role in the way people act, judge, and react to an environment its relevance to risk perception cannot be underscored. Differences exist among groups of people, and these differences reflect a variety of factors including language, political systems, educational attainment, country of origin, geographic region, religion, gender, class, race and ethnicity as well as historical experience and relationships towards nature. Much early thinking about disasters was based on a belief of nature and culture being separate. Disasters were seen as the products of a precocious and unpredictable nature and therefore to be out of the control of humans; in other words to be ‘acts of god’ (UNDP: Living With Risks, 2002). However, the failure of traditional approaches to effectively and significantly mitigate the impact of natural hazards has led us to question this belief. Social scientists have been playing a key role in re-socializing the way we see and think about hazards and their mitigation. This process has been led by an increase in the provision of risk information to the public. The assumption here is that a risk-aware public would make more informed decisions. However, this does not always hold true because the en masse provision or the communication of risk information to the public alone is not sufficient to bring about behavioural changes especially in a society that is characterized by cultural and language differences. While cultural and social considerations in the communication of risk information are stressed, provision of risk information to people of different cultural or lingual backgrounds is extremely challenging. It is for this reason that it is often argued that although community disaster management programmes are traditionally under-funded, additional resources alone will not improve resident’s ability to cope with a major disaster. The key to behavioural change lies in risk communication programmes that are cognisant of the cultural environment in which they are operating. Integral to this approach is the belief that people do not categorise all risks as identical and will react differently according to their perception of the impact of the hazard on their lives. Carney (1993) hypothesised that when communicating about a risk, there is a need to develop a contingency model that takes into consideration both the actual risk of the situation and the perceived risk. Effective communication of risk needs to involve not only disseminating information but also communicating the complexities and uncertainties associated with risk assessment and management. While the communication of risk information to vulnerable groups is important, prudence must be exercised since an inept approach to risk communication can negatively affect the risk communication procedure. Barriers to risk communication sometimes result from linguistic differences between scientists and laypersons. For example, members of the general public, particularly consumer organizations, often address risk communication in a ‘court context’ (i.e. in an adversarial manner). On the other hand, scientists often approach the topic with the aim of educating people; for example, explaining the scientific aspects of the matter but not actively listening and responding to legitimate concerns voiced by the lay audience. Thus, an unhelpful confrontation is generated between what Filshoff (1993) calls ‘opinions of experts against expert opinion’. This further confuses the issues of trust and credibility in communication which are essential to effective risk communication. There are many other factors that can interfere with effective risk communication, among these are cultural barriers. A common mistake that is usually made is the assumption that people from similar ethnic origin or persons who speak the same language are likely to have a similar cultural background. However, people of similar nationality or ethnic origin may not have the same cultural background. Differences may exist with respect to education, religion, economics, political beliefs, etc. Individuals have unique personalities and needs, and stereotypes to define ethnic groups can be misleading and harmful. Awareness of the different cultures in our communities enables us to anticipate or avoid potential cultural conflicts in emergency situations.


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Considerable research has focused on the effects of culture on receiving and responding to warning messages. It has been found that racial and ethnic minorities are less likely to accept a warning message as credible without confirming it with other sources, such as family and social networks, which often delays reaction (Fothergill et al. 1999; Lindell & Perry 2004). Therefore, a good communication strategy is to ensure that the risk information reaches a wide cross section of the population and it is meaningful to them. Research has shown that there are several instances where risk information on an impending hazard was communicated early to vulnerable populations but many residents did not obey the evacuation orders for reasons related to safety of property as well as perceived unreliability of the information. Gender is another cultural barrier which has increasingly been recognized as a vulnerability factor in disaster management. This is due to the fact that in many countries/cultures gender roles often place women and men in locations that influence their vulnerability. On the other hand, research has found that women are more likely to believe warnings, to warn others, and to respond positively to risk messages. Therefore, if we want people to obey risk communications, then warning messages must be tailored taking into consideration the different groups in the society since people are more likely to obey warning messages when it means something to them. The inclusion of gender into disaster-reduction policies and measures translates into identifying the ways in which women and men are positioned in society. This enables the effective mapping, not only of the different and similar ways in which the lives of women and men may be negatively affected, but also of the ways in which they can contribute to disaster-reduction efforts. Lastly, the evolution of the practice of risk communication comes from an understanding that communication is more than just the transfer of information. It can only be termed ‘communication’ if the message has been transferred and understood. The move towards dialogue-based risk communication naturally entails a culture shift, not only for governmental organizations but also for non-governmental organizations and the general public. Therefore, all parties must be willing to move from advocacy to shared decision-making and from being passive recipients of information to being partners in disaster management if the goals of disaster loss-reduction are to be achieved. 1.4. Disaster Management and Multiculturalism: The Caribbean Context 1.4.1. Caribbean Multiculturalism Multiculturalism in the Caribbean is largely a manifestation of the historical patterns of migration within the region. Historically, the nature, direction and magnitude of migration in the region have always been influenced by trends in global and regional socio-economic development. The slave trade in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries represents the first major immigration waves to the Caribbean. Following emancipation of the slaves in the nineteenth century, intra-regional movement of people dominated the pattern of migration as increasing numbers of workers sought employment and better working conditions in more vibrant economies. In the twentieth century, the movement of labour to destinations within the region continued. Intra-regional migration of Caribbean people continued into the twentieth century, but unlike the earlier migration wave in which the pull factor involved employment opportunities in large-scale agricultural and infrastructural projects, this new wave was centered on an emergent and booming oil industry. The oil-boom in the 1970s attracted many migrants from the smaller and less developed islands to work in the oil refineries in the dependencies of the Netherlands and the United States, particularly the United States Virgin Islands, Aruba and the Netherland Antilles. Likewise, the booming energy sector in Trinidad and Tobago became a magnet for many in search of employment. With global crisis in the energy sector in the 1980s the demand for labour declined and new employment opportunities emerged, especially in a maturing tourism sector. A growing tourism sector in the Caribbean during the 1990s increased the demand for construction as well as service-related workers which, in many instances, could not be supplied by the domestic labour force in some of the smaller Caribbean islands. As a consequence, workers from other islands and neighbouring countries in Latin America, particularly Columbia and Venezuela, filled the gaps.

The establishment in 2005 of the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME) within the regional integration movement, the Caribbean Community, heralded a new era in the intra-regional movement of people and the fostering of higher levels of multiculturalism especially in the more economically vibrant ‘pull’ states. For many people in the Caribbean, the search for a better life begins intra-regionally. This is evident in the fact that the absolute number of Caribbean nationals residing in another country of the region has steadily increased over the last two decades (UN, 2002).While the


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absolute migrant stock is comparatively small in the Caribbean, as a percentage of total population it is considerably high. On average, about 3% of the population in Caribbean countries can be considered as migrants. However, this proportion varies considerably from country to country, with the less economically vibrant countries or those with stringent immigration laws recording the lowest proportion. Examples include the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Anguilla, the Netherlands Antilles, Aruba and the United States Virgin Islands. The majority of migrants originate in just a few countries, mainly in the smaller member States of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), with the exception of Anguilla, but also Jamaica, Guyana, Suriname and Haiti. Deteriorating economic and social conditions, high unemployment particularly for younger people and little hope for improvements in the foreseeable future constitute the main push factors for those desperate to leave.

Diversity in Caribbean culture and the intra-regional migration trends of the region have placed multiculturalism as a central theme in the disaster management discourse of the region. Such multicultural population environments call for new communication/disaster management strategies in communicating risk information. Multicultural environments thus offer a conceptual platform within which organizations, agencies, and NGOs can refine their strategies for coping with the heterogeneity of the social environment. Paradoxically, many disaster management decision-makers and informants remain entrenched in functionalist rather than structuralist views of the nature of society (Burrel & Morgan, 1979). Consequently, many disaster managers lack an awareness of the basic factors that must be embedded in an effective disaster management plan in a multicultural context. 1.5. Disaster Management Approaches to Risk Communication and Caribbean Multiculturalism The technologically era has brought together diverse cultures with unprecedented speed, increasing the need for and challenge of communicating across cultures, (Banks, 2000). In spite of this newly emerging cultural landscape and consequent challenges, disaster-related information and communication continues on the assumption of a homogeneous cultural landscape. To date there has been no comprehensive, theory-driven and systematic treatment of multicultural communication in public relations.

Although a continued integration process within CARICOM has led to the incorporation of non-English-speaking countries, such as Haiti and Surinam, efforts to address the communication of risk in countries with high levels multiculturalism are largely lacking from the recently developed Comprehensive Disaster Management Strategy. It is this gap in the comprehensive disaster management framework of the region that this thesis seeks to address. These gaps in Caribbean disaster risk communication can be summarized as:

i) Weak knowledge management; ii) Traditional mediums of risk communication; iii) Role of the media; iv) Insufficient capacity building for risk communication; and v) Inadequate inclusiveness in disaster management planning.

1.5.1. Weak Knowledge Management Major shortcomings in Caribbean disaster risk reduction strategies relate to weaknesses in the management of knowledge. Information management and communication, training and research have posed major challenges to risk managers in the region. As such there is a paucity of knowledge on important risk management components such as good practices, institutions and networks of practitioners in disaster risk reduction. In addition, research related to cross-cutting issues such as perceptions and response tendency of migrants groups and the status and character of indigenous knowledge and its role in disaster risk reduction.

1.5.2. Traditional mediums of risk communication Media, such as national radio, television and print media, has been the traditional approach used by disaster risk managers to promote disaster awareness and risk reduction options to the public. This implies that the availability of such information is limited to the capacity to access and assimilate this information. Migrants are often excluded from information transmitted through these modes especially where they lack the capacity to access these traditional media and comprehend the information transmitted. Effective and inclusive risk communication must therefore be cognizant of the


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communication needs of all peoples within a jurisdiction and tailor their mode of communication accordingly. 1.5.3. Role of the media The role of the media in the communication of risk for overall disaster loss reduction cannot be overstated. The media is a critical instrument for promoting awareness at all levels of society, from political decision-makers to the layman. However, the effectiveness of the media in this regard is a function of the comprehensiveness of the information provided, the language considerations in its presentation and the extent to which access to the media is available.

• Some national authorities publish newsletters on disasters, but they often cover semi-intellectual topics with little relevance to the everyday risk situations of the majority of the people and in most cases are not translated into the common local languages spoken in the country. These defects limit the utility of media reportage in promoting effective public awareness of disaster risk reduction to multicultural and multilanguage groups in the society.

• The communication of disaster risk information in multiple languages is an activity that is rarely undertaken in most Caribbean countries and one that holds significant potential for disaster risk reduction. Even in those countries where the translation of risk information is undertaken, this is usually done in a haphazard manner. Usually this occurs immediately prior to a hazard threat such as a hurricane. Since risk perception is something that is embedded in one’s psyche it therefore means that if the provision of risk information is intended to result in behavioural change, then the communication of risk information in a manner that would be easily understood by the vulnerable population should be done over an extended period. Additionally, there is a need to ensure that the translation of warning information is accurate and that no miscommunication is likely to occur.

1.5.4. Insufficient capacity building for risk communication Public education and training are key components in capacity building for risk reduction. However, this critical component is in its infancy in the disaster management framework of the Caribbean region. Noticeable is the virtual absence of disaster risk reduction in the curriculum of the formal educational system of the region. Building this type of capacity is especially relevant in multicultural societies where the formal educational system can be utilized as a conduit for the transfer of risk information to migrant households which would not otherwise have access to this information. 1.5.5. Inadequate inclusiveness in disaster management planning If the communication of risk is to meet its intended objective of disaster loss reduction, inclusion of all groups in society must be a focal point of the communication strategy. The main reason for this is to avoid marginalization of any group in their access to disaster-related information as “…people who are marginalised in the early stages are likely to be marginalised later. They, therefore, need to be part of planning from the beginning” (Fothergill et al., 1999). Political and socioeconomic empowerment of marginalised groups enables their participation in policy and decision-making and reduces their vulnerability. Generally, migrants tend to agglomerate instead of integrating with members of the host country and they are more likely to trust someone who they can identify with. Being aware of this tendency, the onus is therefore on disaster managers to identify these migrants or natural group leaders by working with various church groups, or other associations that migrants are known to participate in and to form a partnership that can be utilized especially during emergency situations to provide migrants with risk information or to encourage their participation in policies or community disaster mitigation strategies that will affect their lives. Vulnerable groups and marginalised people are insufficiently addressed in disaster management plans. A record should be kept of the number of local languages or dialects spoken in the country and the population size of these various nationalities. Additional background information on the various groups present in the society should be kept and regularly updated. This information would be useful in ensuring that the provision of information about disaster preparedness be tailor-made to reach all groups in society and give high priority to the most vulnerable. Socio-cultural norms and traditional customs that promote or inhibit social inclusion in DRR that are not currently fully understood and addressed will be in a position to be addressed.


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1.6. Rationale for the Study and Statement of Problem Being one of the most culturally and linguistically diverse countries in the Caribbean, the TCI needs to recognise the importance of equal access to disaster information and services for all people, regardless of cultural background, language or immigration status. It is therefore imperative that the disaster management agency be proactive in developing strategies and policies that meet the needs of this multicultural, multilingual and multi-island environment. In the TCI the active recruitment of human resources from overseas to work in tourism and the contribution of the tourism industry to GDP/GNP constitutes public acknowledgement that migrants/foreigners play a critical role in the social and economic development of the TCI. However, there is currently a scarcity of strategies or policies that are in place to ensure that, during a hazard threat, the communication of risk information will reach and be understood by all groups in the society without bias against any language/cultural group. Generally, the communication of risk information in a mono-language mode during a hazard threat is a challenging task and this situation is compounded with the presence of multicultural and multi-lingual groups in the society because:

i) When migrants travel to a new destination they take with them many aspects of their culture that can negatively affect their risk perception and subsequently delay their response of undertaking appropriate disaster mitigation actions. Therefore, disaster managers in the host country have to be sensitive to these issues;

ii) Members of different minority groups do not necessarily turn to the same kinds of sources for information on hazards, nor do they find the same sources credible and trustworthy (Turner & Praz, 1986; Lindell & Perry, 1992), and as such a broader range of communication medium is needed to effectively communicate with a wider cross-section of members of the population in a resource-scarce region; and

iii) In order to ensure that the dissemination of risk information is not biased towards any lingual group, disaster managers will be required to transmit warning messages simultaneously in multiple languages and sometimes in the order of the population composition. Generally, effectively communicating disaster risk information is a challenging task and this is intensified when operating in a multi-island state as is the case of the TCI.

In adherence to international standards the disaster risk-reduction landscape must accordingly adjust to ensure timely and effective communication of risk information in this increasingly multicultural environment where cultural differences are manifested not only in language but also in disaster perceptions, attitudes and behaviour. This rapidly changing landscape presents a new set of challenges to disaster managers, which must be addressed through urgent development of new models and tools that will ensure equity in access to disaster risk information by all persons in their jurisdiction, irrespective of immigration status, culture, religion, nationality or language. Disaster impacts can be significantly reduced through development of effective early warning systems, preparation and implementation of developmental plans to provide resilience, mobilization of resources including communication and tele-medicinal services and planning for rehabilitation and post-disaster reconstruction and through promotion of hazard awareness. Two distinct themes are explored in this thesis. First, on issues related to the effective and timely communication of risk information in a multicultural and multilingual society. In order to achieve this goal the Tsunami Scenario Simulator Model was designed, developed and applied in the culturally and linguistically diverse island of Providenciales, Turks and Caicos Islands. Secondly the research focused on the measurement of levels of awareness and the promotion of disaster education among primary school children. Effective analysis of levels of disaster awareness is better informed by comparative analysis of levels of disaster awareness by children in more than one Caribbean country. In that regard, the TCI and St. Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG) were chosen for the comparative study. The Tsunami Scenario Simulation Model presented in this thesis was conceptualized and developed to address the challenges of effectively disseminating risk information in societies characterized by increasing levels of multiculturalism. The model is intended to be more than a platform for effective communication of disaster information but can also be used in the assessment of disaster risk, evacuation planning and providing disaster managers with empirical data on the relationship between timely provision of disaster risk information and the effectiveness of risk reduction responses. This model is based on data from the TCI’s culturally and linguistically diverse communities. While the high vulnerability of Caribbean countries to multiple hazard exposure is well documented there is a paucity of


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knowledge related to variations in vulnerability within and among countries. As the Caribbean region moves towards cementing arrangements for a Caribbean Single Market Economy (CSME) that will allow greater multiculturalism among many countries of the region, internal disparities in vulnerability are likely to increase. Disaster managers of the region will be further challenged with the development of strategies and techniques that will minimize disparities and allow equity in access to disaster information by all groups (women, men, children, ethnic, language, etc). The Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) is a response to this challenge and was designed to evaluate levels of disaster awareness among different groups and countries of the Caribbean region as well as to promote awareness equitably among all groups. Additionally, the DAG recognizes the role of children as important information conduits in society and by extension the need to address the issue of disaster awareness among children as an integral part of disaster mitigation strategies. There are however specific challenges in the design of appropriate tools for measuring and enhancing disaster awareness among young children. The challenge is to ensure that the tools involved are not only relevant to the educational capacity of children but also interesting enough to hold their attention. 1.7. Research Questions, Aims and Objectives 1.7.1. Research Questions The following broad questions are considered pertinent to the research:

i) Are there cultural differences in relation to preparedness, mitigation and response activities at the household and community level in the TCI?

ii) How do differences in language influence disaster management and response? iii) What problems arise when people of different cultures interact in a disaster situation? iv) How does cultural/language differences affect the reception and application of risk

messages? v) What is the most effective means of communicating risk information in a multilingual

society? vi) Are there disparities in accessing disaster information by various groups? vii) Are there differences in levels of awareness among different groups and countries? viii) What is the level of disaster awareness among children of various age cohorts? ix) What is the most effective way of promoting disaster awareness among children?

1.7.2. Aims and Objectives The aims and objectives of this study are informed by the research questions. Accordingly, the primary aim of the study is to investigate and assess current disaster risk and evacuation planning as well as to provide disaster managers with empirical data on the most effective way to communicate disaster risk information in a culturally and linguistically diverse society. Additionally, the study seeks to evaluate levels of hazard awareness in order to determine and prioritize interventions for disaster education. The evaluation process is intended to encourage positive mitigation and response behaviours, as well as to dispel myths about disasters. Specifically, the study seeks to:

i) Compile empirical data on relative proportions of migrants by nationals in the TCI; ii) Identify the main lingual and cultural groups represented in the TCI; iii) Assess the effectiveness of current disaster management strategies for risk communication; iv) Suggest an effective tool/method for use in the dissemination of risk information in a

culturally and linguistically diverse landscape; v) Determine the existing levels of disaster awareness prior to curriculum design as a means of

establishing the level of intervention required; vi) Design and develop appropriate tools for evaluating the existing levels of awareness and

also the knowledge gained from intervention; vii) Ensure that the techniques employed for imparting disaster knowledge to children are

sufficiently interesting and interactive to hold their attention; and viii) Educate multi-cultural parents about disaster management by using children as conduits.


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1.7.3. Methodological Approach Discussion of the methodological approach employed in this study focuses on the:

i) Rationale for the selection of the study; ii) Identification of primary and secondary sources; iii) Design and administration of the questionnaire surveys and conducting the workshop; and iv) Sampling techniques.

1.7.4. Selection of the Study Area The rationale for selection of the study areas is discussed at three levels. The first relates to the appropriateness of the TCI for a study of dissemination of risk information in a diverse cultural society and is summarized in discussion of the background for the study and the problem addressed. The basic point here is that the TCI hosts relatively large numbers of migrants, and tourists, and international standards require that disaster managers disseminate warning/risk information in an effective manner to all groups within the society. In that regard, the TCI is deemed to be appropriate for a study of this nature. The second level of rationalization relates to the selection of sample sites in the TCI. The TCI is made up of several islands and cays but the multicultural and multilingual issues alluded to earlier in this chapter are largely confined to the islands with the highest population density and the more economically vibrant ones, namely Providenciales with a population of 7,000 people and Grand Turk with 3,700 people. Grand Turk and Providenciales are therefore the focus of this research within the TCI. The third level of rationalization relates to the multi-island jurisdiction of the TCI. The TCI is not one large land mass and therefore lends itself to the implementation of policies on an island by island basis. 1.8. Data Sources The data that informs the discussions in this thesis are generated from both primary and secondary sources. 1.8.1. Primary Data Primary data for the construction of the tsunami model were generated through manipulation of demographic statistics, and aerial photographs provided by the department of Economics and Statistics and the Department of Urban Planning. Qualitative data was also obtained through discussions with disaster and emergency management decision-makers and stakeholders in the TCI. In relation to the DAG, primary data was generated through questionnaire surveys of Grade five students, and their parents, from two primary schools in the TCI and St Vincent and the Grenadines. Additional information with respect to evaluation of the effectiveness of the DAG was generated from score-sheets used to record student’s responses while playing the DAG at workshops organized in the target countries. 1.8.2. Secondary Data Secondary data sources in relation to both the Tsunami model and the DAG were obtained from printed material such as journals, consultant reports, conference papers, newspaper articles, and statistical reports. Informal sources included consultations with disaster management personnel. 1.9. Design of Research Instruments A variety of research instruments were employed in this research. Development of the Tsunami Model was heavily dependent on the use of a GIS that modelled different tsunami scenarios and animated their real-time impact on the vulnerable elements of the target island of the TCI. In addition, the GIS were designed to indicate optimization of multiple resources for the effective communication of risk information to the vulnerable population and calculate the benefits of different warning scenarios in real time. With respect to the DAG, the primary instruments designed for measurement, evaluation and promotion of disaster awareness among children were the Disaster Awareness Board Game, Power Point Presentations, and Children’s and Parent’s questionnaire surveys that are intended to inform discussions related to the objectives of the study. Except for a few questions that were not considered pertinent to both countries, the questionnaire designed for the TCI and SVG were almost identical and included both open and close-ended questions (Appendix). The interview schedules for parents contained questions on preparedness, mitigation and the ability to respond effectively both during and following a natural hazard occurrence. These questions were thematic and while some were close-ended, many were open-ended so


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as to allow respondents to expound as much as they desired on related issues (Appendix). In the case of the DAG Technique, the principal data collection tool was in two-fold:

i) Question cards with accompanying score and answer sheets; and ii) A questionnaire survey.

It was essential therefore that both tools translated the research objectives into specific questions. Accordingly, the questions were structured in such a way that the respondents would readily comprehend the questions and so provide both accurate and necessary information relating to all aspects of the disaster management cycle. Information about the nationality and the primary language of students was also considered to be important to this investigation, because students are a subset of the society or the community from which they originate and as such it can inform disaster managers about migrants access to risk information and response during a hazard threat. The success of interviews and questionnaire surveys was therefore dependent upon the ability of the researcher to gain the confidence of residents and obtain truthful information. To this end, and based on suggestions by Moser and Kalton (1971), Nachmias and Nachmias (1987) and Spence (1996), ardent attention was placed in designing the questionnaire taking into consideration the following:

i) The content of questions: The questionnaire incorporated both factual and opinion/attitude questions. Factual questions quantified socio-economic variables, such as income and cost of utilizing various resources, while opinion/attitude questions provided a basis for the interpretation of specific behaviours;

ii) The type of questions: Both open-ended and close-ended questions were used. Close-ended questions were appropriate where the interviewer was aware of the potential range of responses to a specific question. Open-ended questions were used where uncertainty existed about potential responses, or where the opinions of respondents were required to assess a phenomenon. There was a bias towards the use of close-ended questions, because this facilitated the pre-coding of responses, thereby accelerating the data collection process by minimising the amount of writing during the course of administering the questionnaire; and

iii) Questionnaire format: The attitude of respondents to interviews is adversely affected by the length of questions and the apparent bulk of questionnaires (Casley & Lury 1982 in Spence 1996). Bulky questionnaires are more likely to elicit negative or inaccurate responses than more compact ones, because the respondent becomes less insightful as they attempt to shorten the interview (Casley & Lury 1982 in Spence 1996). In this regard the questionnaire was arranged to accommodate a maximum number of questions per page. Check boxes were used to allow speedy recording of responses and computer data entry.

There is a tendency of interviewees to exaggerate their problems or to respond favourably to questions in order to impress the interviewer with their vast knowledge of hazards and mitigation strategies. Such tendencies can seriously jeopardize the reliability of responses and was safeguarded against as much as possible by the strategic placing of reliability check questions in the questionnaire. The questionnaires and score sheets utilized in the research were designed for input into computer application systems such as the Statistical Programme for Social Scientists (SPSS) and Microsoft Excel. Analyses began with the generation of summary statistics such as frequencies, and the patterns observed in this preliminary analysis were used to perform more in depth analyses using both parametric and non-parametric statistical tests. In terms of the Tsunami Scenario Simulation Model it was not field tested in the TCI. However, consultation with disaster management experts and officials in the TCI acknowledge the need for the implementation of this tool or a similar one which can predict different outcomes based on behavioural response and which can influence or inform the overall disaster management policies of the TCI. 1.9.1. Administration of the Research Instruments Since the tsunami model was not field tested the following discussion is based only on field work undertaken for the DAG. It is however worth mentioning that the animation of the Tsunami Model and its capacity to calculate real time impact for different scenarios represent ‘lab-based’ administration. Preparation for the DAG study commenced early in January 2007 and continued until the end of July 2007. The initial intention to conduct a pilot survey of students and parents in the countries on which this research focuses was postponed, because of the prohibitive cost of travelling from Japan to the various countries. Instead, the pilot survey was conducted with 5 students and 10 parents via telecommunication on the island of Grand Turk. Time was also spent reviewing the questionnaires with disaster management experts at Gunma University and the University of the West Indies, who had experience with conducting


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surveys, as well as with teachers, disaster management personnel and migrant experts. These reviews resulted in minor modifications to the questionnaires, particularly with regard to ambiguities and the limited scope of pre-coded questions. Field administration of the revised questionnaires commenced in late August and lasted until about the end of September 2007. A 2 day workshop was undertaken in SVG followed by the TCI, with the full cooperation of the Ministry of Education and Ministry of Disaster Management. Personnel within these ministries were helpful in making suggestions about the way in which the workshops and interviews should be conducted and in establishing other contacts (principals and teachers of the various schools, directors of education and disaster management) for the interviewer to liaise with, in order to ensure the success of the 2 day workshop in each country. Since students were responsible for interviewing their parents, translation of questions into the vernacular was deemed necessary, so that the interviews could be conducted in a relaxed and fun environment, and students would not have to become bogged down with the interpretation of questions. Being relaxed, parents would tend to be more elaborative, as they had a better sense that they were playing an informative and critical role in the study, and perhaps hoped their interview could help to shed some light on the level of disaster awareness and preparedness at the household level in both countries. The majority of parents cooperated with the questionnaire survey and only a few interviews were aborted because of lack of completion. While some parents attempted to mislead by exaggerating their hardships in anticipation that the research might somehow provide immediate relief, the majority understood the nature of the survey and were anxious to provide the requested information. It was interesting to hear farsighted respondents rationalize their assistance to the survey, by remarking that the results of this investigation might result in more disaster mitigation strategies being planned at the grassroots level. Overall both students and parents praised the idea of a workshop to educate students about hazards and their management and hoped for continuity of such an activity in the future. 1.9.2. Sampling Techniques Discussion of the sampling techniques employed in this study focuses on:

i) Sampling of the Grade 5 student population in the school where the DAG was tested; and ii) Sampling of the parents/guardians of these Grade 5 students

1.9.2.1. Sampling of Student Population The DAG was tested on Grade 5 students in the Caribbean countries of SVG and the TCI. One school was selected for evaluation in each of the countries. The Marriaqua Government School and the Ona Glinton Primary School were selected for SVG and TCI respectively. A total of 42 students were evaluated in SVG while 33 students were evaluated in TCI. Participating Grade 5 students in SVG ranged in age from 9 to 12 years with the mean age being 10.9 years. In the TCI ages also ranged from 9 to 12 years with the mean age being 10.2. There was a significant difference between the two samples with regard to ethnicity. The Grade 5 students evaluated in SVG were homogenous in their nationality and ethnicity with all of them originating from SVG. In the TCI nationality/ethnicity was varied (Table 1). Table 1: Distribution of student sample by ethnicity in the TCI

Ethnicity of Origin Frequency % of Sample Jamaica 1 3.0 Dominican Republic 2 6.1 Haiti 8 24.0 Bahamas 1 3.0 Barbados 1 3.0 USA 2 6.1 TCI 18 54.5 Total 33 100

The ethnicity of the target population is relevant to the evaluation process because ethnic background is a major consideration in assessing perceptions, attitudes and behaviour in relation to hazards/disasters. In spite of the ethnic homogeneity of the SVG sample the diversity of geographic


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locations from which students originated resulted in varied hazard experiences, thus making the evaluation process as interesting as that of TCI where hazard experiences were largely related to countries of origin. 1.9.2.2. Sampling of Parent Population Sampling of the parent/guardian population (Table 2) required students to interview and record the responses of the head of their household as long as such persons were 18 years and older (Appendix C-1 and C-2). For parents in SVG, the mean age was 39 with 88% being female; 98% were Vincentian; 65% had high school education or higher; and 5% were unemployed. In the TCI, mean age of parents/guardians were 36 with 92% being females; 61% were Turks Islanders; 80% had high school education or higher and 2% were unemployed. Table 2: Sample of parent population for SVG and TCI

Country Mean Age Females % Place of Birth %

High School Educational Attainment +

Unemployment %

SVG 39 88 98 65 5

TCI 36 92 61 80 2

1.10. Summary Outline of Chapters This thesis consists of nine (9) chapters including the introductory chapter (Chapter 1). The subsequent chapters are summarised as follows: Chapter 2 reviews risk information and communication and its role in bringing about risk-reduction. Multicultural issues and how they can affect risk communication, risk perception and ultimately disaster management are examined in chapter 3. Additionally, models that have been proffered to illustrate the relationship between risk perception and cultural issues are also discussed in this chapter. Chapter 4 provides both social and environmental background information on the study area. In chapter 5, the tsunami scenario simulator is presented as a possible tool for communicating risk information in a multicultural environment and for reducing hazard impact. The model looks at the transmission of warning information, resident’s evacuation behaviour, the physical features of the tsunami and the geology of both the land and surrounding seas and how these intertwining factors can impact human lives and property. Another simulation model is presented in chapter 6, in which the model looks specifically at information dissemination to vulnerable cultural and linguistical populations. This chapter zooms in on the factors that are necessary for establishing an effective and efficient information dissemination network. It informs about shelter location and vulnerability and assesses evacuation routes. More importantly in this chapter the relationship between timing of information dissemination and residents behavioural response is analysed. Chapter 7 to 8 looks at the Disaster Awareness Game (DAG). Specifically, chapter 7 looks at how disaster information is communicated to children and proposes the use of the DAG game technique which not only simplifies the information but at the same time makes learning fun and interactive. Additionally, chapter 7 discusses the DAG from a more prescriptive perspective. In that regard, it proposes the use of the DAG as an evaluative tool for measuring levels of hazard awareness among different groups in society and then using the results to inform public educational campaigns on hazard risk reduction. Chapter 8 looks at the challenges and opportunities for promoting disaster awareness in emergent multicultural societies using the DAG technique and suggests the effectiveness of using children as an efficient medium to transmit hazard related information to their households or to persons in their community, who otherwise might not have obtained risk information through the traditional mediums of communication. Finally, chapter 9 summarizes the thesis and presents the conclusion and recommendations.

Chapter 2

Risk Information and Risk Communication in Disaster Management

This chapter focuses primarily on the role that effective communication of risk to vulnerable populations can play in overall disaster risk-reduction. The chapter begins with a general review of risk information and communication so as to put the subsequent sections in context. This is followed by a discussion of the role of risk communication in the management of hazards and disaster and is followed by a review of the factors that are pertinent to effective risk communication. The next section of the chapter explores the benefits of and challenges to effective risk communication and the final section highlights risk communication models. 2.1. Risk Information and Risk Communication The field of risk information and communication has gone through a significant process of transformation and inclusion. In its earliest stages, the emphasis was on ‘the right to know’ in relation to public perceptions associated with nuclear power plants, noxious chemical facilities and crisis management issues. Today, risk information and communication has now become closely intertwined with hazard risk reduction and has become a central issue in disaster risk reduction over the last decade. The 1990s witnessed a surge in risk reduction activities, processes and policies (Jardine and Hrudey, 1997; Mileti et al., 2002; Mileti and O'Brien, 1992). Risk information communication has been extensively defined according to the context in which it is being used. In this paper, risk information is defined as ‘the development and provision of information in relation to different types of real and potential hazards. This information focuses on potential impact, magnitude, duration and frequency. The related concept of risk communication is defined in this thesis as “the exchange of information and opinions among individuals, groups and institutions involved in messages, concerns, opinions or reactions about risks” (National Research Council [NRC], 1989). The argument here is that risk communications should be designed to facilitate the formation of accurate knowledge of the risks. It should convey the message containing information, concerns, and opinions about risks. It should include a continuous feedback loop among the source and the receiver, and that they should be persuasive, involving socio-cultural and psychological factors (Tanka, 1997). The uses of risk communication depend enormously on the socio-cultural context of the society and the scale of the community, be it in rural, small city or mega cities. In the context of disaster management, communicating about hazards and the involved risks for humans and their assets is a norm which takes place in a large number of environments, ranging from systematic campaigns planned by authorities to informal exchanges in occupational or private contexts. The notion of risk communication is therefore a social process by which people become informed about hazards, are influenced towards behavioural change and can participate in decision-making about risk issues as a means of reducing the impact of hazards and disasters. Usually this happens in a context where the intent is to increase disaster risk awareness and preparedness. However, there are instances where the objective is to reduce the concern about risks (The Australian Journal of Disaster and Trauma Studies, 2000). Risk communication is therefore a multi-faceted process involving information dissemination, communication, education and task management. The procedures, methodologies and approaches employed in this process are largely determined by the demands of the risk communication scenario. All communications involve a message delivered through one or more channels, a sender who encodes the message, and a receiver who decodes the message and may provide feedback. All interactions occur in an environment of competing messages, differing levels of knowledge and experience, and distractions, all of which constitute noise that affects whether and how the receiver interprets the message (NRC, 2004) (Figure 1). Given the range of stakeholders, responsibilities and activities involved, the risk communication process is inherently complex (O’Neill, 2004). Some scholars believe that informing and communicating about risks is more likely to succeed when treated as a two-way process in which participants are seen as legitimate partners, and where people’s attitudes and ‘worldviews regarding environment and technology are respected

Chapter 2: Risk Information and Risk Communication in Disaster Management

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(Cvetkovich & Lofstedt 1999, Susskind & Field 1996, Wiedemann & Schuetz 2000 cited in Bernd Rohrmann 2000). In essence, risk communication must be treated as a reciprocal process between disaster managers and the expected vulnerable population.

Figure 1: The Two-Way communication process 2.2. Role of Risk Information and Risk Communication in Disaster Management The tragedies of September 11, 2001 and the continuous threat of natural disasters, such as the Indian Ocean Tsunami in December 2004, have reemphasized the need for public officials to communicate effectively with the public and the media to deliver messages that inform without frightening and educate without provoking alarm. This re-emphasis is occurring within the context of the relationship between hazards/disaster impact and sustainable development. This is especially true in developing countries where a single disaster event can reverse developmental gains by several years. It is equally being recognised that provision of and access to disaster information and knowledge can play a significant role in the mitigation of the social, economic and environmental impacts of disasters and thereby enhance the process of sustainable development. Traditionally, the generation and dissemination of disaster information and knowledge has adopted a top-down centralized process. In that regard, decision-making in relation to this knowledge has traditionally been the forte of the intellectual community and disaster management planners. The shortcomings of this approach in terms of its ability to maximise participation of and partnership with communities has spawned the emergent paradigm of community-based disaster management planning as the more efficient strategy for disaster loss-reduction. This new approach has the capacity to galvanize mass participation in disaster management decision-making thereby creating the public ‘buy in’ that is a prerequisite for creating the culture of awareness that is necessary for disaster risk reduction. Occurring in conjunction with the shift from macro-level to community-based disaster management planning has been a shift in mitigation emphasis from structural to non-structural measures. In that regard, recent emphasis on disaster management planning has been on preparedness, prevention, emergency response and recovery planning. The effectiveness of the community-based approach is hinged on the provision of appropriate information and knowledge to the widest cross-sections of society through the design of appropriate mechanisms for the communication of disaster-related information. Communication of disaster information is central to efforts for public education, early warning, evacuation planning, and post-disaster relief (Rattien, 1996 cited in Samuel Nielsen and John Lidstone, 1998). Although new initiatives for reducing the impacts of hazards have gained momentum, it is still true that in many developing societies the process of comprehensive disaster management has lagged. This can be attributed to a number of factors such as:

i) Paucity of information on hazards and their impacts that can inform disaster management knowledge;

ii) Absence of appropriate measures for the dissemination and assimilation of disaster related information;


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iii) The absence of an appropriate socio-economic environment for the implementation of disaster mitigation initiatives and;

iv) Discrepancies in methodological approaches to the implementation of disaster risk-reduction initiatives.

These gaps in the disaster management environment, especially of developing countries, have resulted in incongruities between the types of information that are generated and the needs of the people who require loss-reduction information. It is in this context that information and knowledge management have emerged as key considerations in the formulation of disaster management initiatives. Thus, “how to do?” has become more focal than, “what to do?” in the design of strategies for disaster risk-reduction. Unlike traditional top-down approaches, the new paradigm acknowledges and accommodates the role of local knowledge and good practices in informing the ‘how to do’ of disaster loss-reduction. Disaster risk information and risk communication can be effective in risk-reduction only if they address the social complexities and variations that constitute the disaster management profiles of societies. Societies are not internally uniform, especially with regard to vulnerability, mitigation needs and the capacity to access and assimilate disaster information. For instance, not only are the specific vulnerabilities of minority non-native speakers groups greater than that of other groups but their capacity to absorb and apply disaster information is significantly different from that of native speakers. ‘The axiom “communication is key” is central to disaster risk reduction. Reducing disaster vulnerability requires increasing knowledge about the presence, imminence, and consequences of natural and technological hazards, and empowering individuals, communities, and public agencies with that knowledge to lower risk before, and respond effectively after, hazard events. Increasing this knowledge depends on focusing science and technology investments on improving disaster resiliency at all stages of disaster management by identifying and meeting needs and closing knowledge gaps wherever possible. A judicious blend of science and technology with enlightened public policy and education could change the course of history, creating a world in which the losses from earthquakes, hurricanes, and volcanoes are largely under control (ISDR, 2003). There is no one-approach-fits-all formula for communicating risk information. This is because there are many types of risk, many different communicators who relay information about risk, and many situations in which risk may occur. While it is true that the progress that has been made in hazard loss-reduction has its roots in science and technology, it is also argued that ‘one of the most important requirements for reducing the toll of natural hazards is an informed public.’ Two examples contrast the results of preparedness through risk communication versus ignoring warnings. Hurricane Gilbert, which swept through the Caribbean in 1988, was the most powerful storm ever recorded in the Western Hemisphere, but its death toll, 316 persons, was far lower than those for many smaller hurricanes in this region. The reason was that people and governments were more informed for Hurricane Gilbert. Weather reports were timely and reasonably accurate. The public was educated to heed these warnings and take appropriate actions. Land use restrictions and building codes minimized loss of life and property. Governments had emergency teams waiting to provide assistance. In contrast, the 1985 eruption of Nevado del Ruiz, the volcano in Colombia, buried 22,000 persons in a mud flow. A steam eruption two months earlier prompted scientists to warn the government of the potential for a major eruption. Unfortunately, this information was not communicated to people near the volcano. They remained in their homes and perished (Press, 1996). The above scenarios illustrate that while science might be effective in detecting a possible hazard if this information is not communicated to those at risk in a timely and effective manner it will not assist in loss-reduction. 2.3. Factors Influencing Risk Communication for Effective Risk Management

Effective risk communication is influenced by a number of factors, including: i) The Nature of the Hazard and Associated Risk; ii) The Perception of the Risk and People’s Willingness to Act; iii) Identification of the Stages of Risk Communication; and iv) Identifying Audiences and Associated Messages.

2.3.1. The Nature of the Hazard and Associated Risk Emergency managers are often disappointed by the apparent lack of concern by vulnerable people to an identified hazard. This is particularly so when managers need to communicate the risk


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resulting from an infrequent but severe hazard (Keys, 1999b). The conventional wisdom is that people need to be convinced of the risks. It is therefore the role of risk managers to give vulnerable communities sufficient details of the hazard, so that they will be prepared to protect themselves from the consequences. Sometimes however, conventional wisdom still does not deliver the level and type of public response required for risk reduction. Apparent public indifference to a threat is not always an indication that the severity of the threat is not recognized but might reflect an over-reliance on the capacity of public authority to insulate society against the impact of hazards. The issue then becomes one of not only identifying the actual risk from a hazard, but also understanding how people will perceive the risk and be willing to adopt protective behaviours. 2.3.2. The Perception of the Risk and People’s Willingness to Act Integral to risk communication is the belief that people do not categorize all risks as the same. In other words, they will underestimate or overestimate the risk according to their perception or understanding of the impact of the risk on their own lives. In situations such as an infrequent but severe hazard, the decision-making process is made harder by the complex variables that influence an individual’s perception of the risk. Research suggests that people who are being threatened by a hazard take the defensive stance that it cannot happen to them when confronted with warning messages For instance, Sandman (1994) found that people were often hostile to the idea that they are at risk. People judged themselves less at risk than the ‘average’ person to a variety of natural and technological hazards. The psychological bias whereby people believe that they are impervious to events that affect the average person is referred to as Optimism Bias (Amber, 2003 in O’Neill, 2004). This view dominates most responses to risk, and people support it by devising a rationale for the conviction that the hazard will pass them by, or that it will only inflict minor damage to their property. When communicating risk there is a need to develop a model that takes into consideration both actual and perceived risk of the situation as this will inform the communication strategy required (Carne, 1993). In essence, people usually underestimate risks because they would rather believe they are safe, free to live their lives without the responsibility of feeling vulnerable and obliged to make difficult or unpopular decisions that would affect their lifestyle. Festinger (1964) identified this conflict in his ‘Theory of Cognitive Dissonance’ by examining situations where there are often mutually incompatible alternatives that ensure conflict in the decision-making process. According to this theory, the greater the conflict before the decision, the greater the dissonance. To reduce this dissonance, a person may try to justify the decision by increasing the attractiveness of the chosen alternative and decreasing the attractiveness of the rejected alternative. For example, people who are confronted with the devastating news of a future severe flood event may deny that this level of flooding could occur and reject any information as well as assistance to reduce the risk. This is because they may consider that there is a low risk from a severe flood, coupled with low benefits from becoming flood prepared and a high cost in terms of their time and effort. Thus, they would consider their vulnerability as being low and would make a decision not to become involved in any risk-management programmes. When a severe flood occurs, these people would be ill prepared and require the assistance of emergency agencies to evacuate. Thus, a person may have a high vulnerability to a specific risk because of their belief that the risk will not affect their life, which in turn will influence their willingness to adopt safety messages (O’Neill, 2004). 2.3.3. Identifying the Stages of Risk Communication Several newer models of self-protective behaviour postulate that different messages are important at different stages of the risk communication process. Information about risk magnitude may be most important in making people aware of risks they have never heard of, while information about personal susceptibility may matter more in the transition from awareness of the decision to act (Sandman, 1994). Specific risk communication actions may be viewed in discrete environments, with each environment and the audience determining the purposes, approaches and safety messages. For community safety purposes, four discrete stages have been identified: before disasters, warning phase, during and immediately after disasters and recovery. Each of these four stages will require a different type of message, because of the changing perceptions of risk. One of the keys to this approach is the use of the warning time. During the warning period, people’s perception of the risk becomes more realistic, the cost of action goes down and the benefits increase. 2.3.4. Identifying Audiences and Associated Messages


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A perennial challenge in risk communication is how to direct the appropriate safety message to the right audience. There is a related question of cost effectiveness as there is no point in spending time and effort if the message is targeted at an audience that is unlikely to respond to the specific message. Researchers have found that audience segmentation is therefore an important issue in programme design and should take into consideration:

i) Demographic Factors; ii) Psychological Traits; and iii) Degree of Personal Experience of the Hazard.

2.3.4.1. Demographic Factors Though often discussed, demographic variables do not appear to be used as primary criteria for segmenting audiences in risk communication marketing campaigns. This may be because it is difficult to empirically isolate the demographic variables that determine resilience. While intuitively it may make sense to link specific variables such as income and educational standards to the willingness to accept and act on safety messages, there is little hard evidence to support these assertions. However, the research that has been carried out does support some generally held beliefs such as women are more responsive to safety issues and that men tend to be more risk-deniers or risk-seekers. Goulter and Myska (1987) noted that women are somewhat more risk averse than men. Millar et al. (1999) noted that vulnerability is commonly considered to increase with age. However, in his study of volcanic risks in New Zealand the 50+ age group appeared less vulnerable. They speculated that this was due to this group having greater financial security than younger groups. 2.3.4.2. Psychological Traits People’s reactions to hazards are mediated by their perceptions, notably their perception of the risks generated by a particular hazard and their belief in their ability to deal with those risks (Esmund et al. 2000, Granger 1996). Psychologists have tried to explain people’s predispositions to act based on psychological traits such as perceived self-efficacy, anxiety, and independence. In other words, people who are confident and want to be independent are more likely to be risk managers. The need to identify risk-averse audiences has long been a goal of emergency agencies, as they are the most productive group to work with. Pfister (2002) surveyed Grafton residents after the 2001 floods and concluded that about one third of respondents were 'risk averse'. "They described themselves as cautious people, or used phrases such as 'you're better safe than sorry'.” This conforms to the expectation that personal risk aversion is a critical factor in the decision to evacuate". Audience segmentation is therefore an important consideration in programme design. In many community safety programmes the audience has been identified as being on a continuum from risk managers (or risk averse) to risk deniers. However, a well-designed risk communication programme should develop messages and tools for all four audiences. 2.3.4.3. Experience of the Hazard The relevance of hazard experience in risk communication and perception is informed by personal exposure, vicarious experience and resilience, as factors that affect risk communication and risk perception. 2.3.4.3.1. Personal Exposure Several studies have highlighted the role of personal experiences with disasters as a driver for heightened risk perception (Kunreuther, 2001; Penning- Rowsell 1994; Berry and King 1998; Goulter and Myska 1987; AMEC 2002 p16). For example, in 1999 Mountford and Davidson asked residents of four Sydney councils to nominate ways to minimize property damage from storms. An extraordinary 72% of Ku-ring-gai residents correctly nominated three or more techniques, compared to 32% in Sutherland, 12% in Blacktown and 10% in Liverpool. The authors concluded, "The high response rate for Ku-ring-gai and Sutherland Shires is due in part to the resident’s recent experiences with major storms”. The above statement is supported by a Queensland research into disaster preparedness that concluded that personal experience was a decisive factor in shaping both people's perception of risk and the likelihood of preparations (Neilsen, 2003). However, merely experiencing a hazard does not mean that a person will be willing to adopt safe behaviour. This was demonstrated in the 2001 Grafton floods, where the floodwaters were within centimetres of overtopping the town levee and people still did not evacuate (Pfister, 20021). Yale et al. (2003) also identified this issue in their study of drowning deaths associated with inland


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flooding after Hurricane Floyd. According to their study, 16 people drowned in fully or partially submerged vehicles. Most of the people who drowned were familiar with the road and they had all received severe weather warnings. A possible criticism of the importance of previous experience is that people may have had personal experience of low-intensity floods or storms and therefore do not appreciate the potential danger of future severe events. Still, those with no experience of the power of major floods or storms are unlikely to respond meaningfully to any kind of communications about these hazards. Emergency risk communicators can at least work with people who have some experience. 2.3.4.3.2. Vicarious Experience Although personal experience is likely to be the best teacher, people may also have surrogate exposures of hazards in a number of ways such as through social norms of the region. This can be seen in northern Australia where cyclone warnings are taken seriously by the entire community, including those with no experience of tropical weather. The power of such 'normative social pressure' is recognized in the literature (for example, Boehm et al. 1992). This is also evidenced in the Blue Mountains, east of Sydney, which has a culture of bush fire awareness that is apparent to new residents. From personal communication with residents in Jamaica after Hurricane Ivan in 2004, many residents cited recollection of stories or pictures seen of the extent of damage caused by Hurricane Gilbert in 1989 as a driving factor for them taking mitigation strategies before the onset of Hurricane Ivan. Keys (1999a) stated that vicarious experiences like flood commemorations or the chance to view historic flood photos, may help build increased risk awareness as well as reinforce local social norms. 2.3.4.3.3. Resilience Vulnerability and resilience have emerged as critical concepts in risk management, with research being carried out to isolate the variables that make one community more vulnerable than another during times of disaster. Vulnerability is defined as a measure of the potential for events to damage the resources of a community. The issue of vulnerability involves subjective risk perception that needs to be included in the communication campaign. It is this combination of actual and perceived risk plus the perceived benefits and costs of behavioural change that determines the vulnerability of a community and the willingness of community members to accept safety messages. While technical bodies may recognize a high actual risk, if the community regards it as a low risk, detailed or involved risk communication may be counter-productive. For example, research carried out on the community’s attitude towards the Hawkesbury-Nepean flood hazard indicates that residents believe that there is low perceived risk, while experts believe that there is a high actual risk. In this situation, a long-term communication and marketing campaign needs to be developed that will overcome people's natural indifference or hostility to the flood message, and incorporate the different perceptions of stakeholders towards the risk (O’Neill, 2004). Resilience on the other hand is a measure of the capacity to recover. In regard to community safety programmes, vulnerability and resilience may be regarded as two sides of the same coin (Buckle, 1995). Thus, resilience may be seen as the positive side of vulnerability: the capacity to prevent or resist damage, as well as to recover. This usage of resilience is becoming more widespread (for example, Esmund et al. 2000 p5, Jensen 1999, Paton 2001 quoted in AMEC 2002, Pooley et al. 2003). For instance, Pooley et al. (2003), considered the components of resilience to include; Individual factors (perceived self-efficacy, coping styles and social connections) and Community factors (sense of belonging, community competence- collaboration skills). From a risk communication perspective, this means that both individual and community concerns need to be included when developing a community safety programme. An essential element is an inter-connected community (AEMC 2002, p8). The term 'community resilience' recognizes that communities operate as networks and groups, rather than as discrete individuals. This is especially so in times of disaster, but it is also true in normal times. This is because people make decisions about their response to a severe risk in consultation with their family and in the context of community climate. The Institute of Medicine (2002), referred to this ‘perceived norm’ model as one of the significant factors in predicting willingness to adopt appropriate safety behaviour. Communities take a variety of forms, based on a sense of cohesion and mutual interest that include spiritual, ethnic, and political, or through their locality. Communities therefore need to be considered as systems: interconnected networks of individuals, groups and institutions, linked by shared experiences, values, norms and beliefs. These systems enable or disable a community's response in times of disaster. This idea is identical to the concept of 'social capital' (AMEC, 2002). The evidence also suggests that people do not react in isolation, but will help their families, friends and wider community (Buckle et al., 2003). For hazards that are ill defined or perceived as low risk, it may be more productive


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to first build up the sense of community resilience, rather than place an undue emphasis on individual responsibility. 2.4. Benefits and Barriers to Effective Risk Communication While it is reasonable to assume that when members of the public receive clear, concise, and accurate scientific information on some hazards they will perceive and process that information in much the same way and reach similar conclusions concerning the threat, research has proven otherwise. The reality is that when people are presented with identical information they typically respond differently. Risk communication benefits include improved decision making, both individually and collectively. Other benefits include a better educated public, an appreciation of limited resources and difficult choices, increased coordination between various levels of government, and the development of working relationships between diverse interest groups. As citizens become more involved as participants, they become part of and contribute to the solution. Because the risk communication process is so deeply embedded in broader social issues, barriers and problems are many and can be technical or socio-psychological in nature. These barriers include the definition of the term risk, lack of risk communication expertise, lack of trust/credibility in the agency communicating the risk information, characteristics of the sender, race, gender and psychological factors such as dread, rage etc 2.5. Risk Communication Models Risk communication is based on four theoretical models that describe how risk information is processed, how risk perceptions are formed, and how risk decisions are made (Covello, 1998; Covello & Sandman, 2001). These models include:

i) The Risk Perception Model; ii) The Mental Noise Model; iii) The Negative Dominance Model; and iv) The Trust Determination Model.

2.5.1. The Risk Perception Model Many factors affect how risks are perceived and these factors can alter risk perceptions in varying degrees of magnitude (Slovic, 1987; Covello, 1998; Rogers, 1997; Wildavsky & Dake, 1990; Renn, 1992). To date, at least 15 risk perception factors have been identified that have a direct relevance to risk communication (NRC, 1989; Slovic, 1987; Sandman, 1989). These factors play a large role in determining levels of concern, worry, anger, anxiety, fear, hostility, and outrage, which, in turn, can significantly change attitudes and behaviour (Slovic, 1987; Sandman, 1989). For example, levels of concern tend to be most intense when the risk is perceived to be involuntary, inequitable, and not beneficial, not under one’s personal control, associated with untrustworthy individuals or organizations, and associated with dreaded adverse, irreversible outcomes. Due to the intense feelings that such perceptions can generate, the risk communication literature often refers to these characteristics as “outrage” factors (Sandman, 1989). Research indicates that an individual’s perception of risk is based on a combination of hazard (e.g., mortality and morbidity statistics) and outrage factors (Sandman, 1989). When present, outrage factors take on strong moral and emotional overtones, predisposing an individual to react emotionally, which can, in turn, significantly amplify levels of perceived risk. Risk perception research suggests that specific activities should ideally be undertaken as part of a risk communication effort (Fischhoff, 1989b; Johnson, 1993; Wilson & Crouch, 1987). First, it is important to collect and evaluate empirical information obtained through surveys, focus groups, or interviews about stakeholder judgements of each of the risk perception factors (in particular trust, benefits, control, fairness, and dread). Sustained interaction and exchange of information with stakeholders about identified areas of concern is also necessary. To organize effective risk communication strategies, shared understanding of interested or affected parties regarding stakeholder perceptions and the expected levels of concern, worry, fear, hostility, stress, and outrage is necessary. 2.5.2. The Mental Noise Model This model focuses on how people process information under stress and how changes in how information is processed affect their communication. When people are in a state of high concern because they perceive a significant threat, their ability to process information effectively and efficiently is severely


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impaired (NRC, 1989; Baron, 2000; Fischhoff, 1989b). When people feel that what they value is threatened, they experience a wide range of emotions, ranging from anxiety to anger. The emotional arousal and/or mental agitation generated by these strong feelings create mental noise. Exposure to risks associated with negative psychological attributes (e.g., risks perceived to be involuntary, not under one’s control, low in benefits, unfair, or dreaded) are also often accompanied by severe mental noise (Neuwirth, 2000; Maslow, 1970; Gould & Walker, 1982), which, in turn, can interfere with a person’s ability to engage in rational discourse. 2.5.3. The Negative Dominance Model The negative dominance model describes the processing of negative and positive information in high-concern situations. In general, the relationship between negative and positive information is asymmetrical, with negative information receiving significantly greater weight. The negative dominance theory is consistent with a central theorem of modern psychology that people put greater value on losses (negative outcomes) than on gains (positive outcomes) (Maslow, 1970). One practical implication of the negative dominance theory is that a negative message should ideally be counterbalanced by a larger number of positive or solution-oriented messages (Covello, 1998). Another practical implication of the negative dominance theory is that communication that contain negatives – e.g., the words no, not, never, nothing, none, and other words with negative connotations – tend to receive closer attention, are remembered longer, and have greater impact than positive messages (Covello, 1998). As a result, the use of unnecessary negatives in dialogue with stakeholders in high-concern situations can be highly detrimental, having the unintended effect of drowning out positive or solution-oriented information or undermining trust by stating an absolute that is impossible to defend or maintain. More specifically, risk communications are most effective when they focus on what is being done, rather than on what is not being done. 2.5.4. The Trust Determination Model A binding thread in all risk communication strategies is the need to establish trust (Renn & Levine, 1991; Slovic, 1999; Peters, 1997). Only when trust has been established can other goals, such as education and consensus building, be achieved. Trust can only be built over time and is the result of ongoing actions, listening, and communication skill (Peters, 1997). Because of the importance of trust in resolving risk controversies, a significant part of the risk communication literature focuses on the application of a trust determination model to particular scenarios. To establish or maintain trust, third-party endorsements from trustworthy sources should ideally be undertaken, as well as the use of four trust determination factors: caring and empathy; dedication and commitment; competence and expertise; and honesty and openness (Slovic, 1999). Evaluation studies indicate that individual or small group settings, such as information exchanges and public workshops, are the most effective venues for communicating these trust factors (Covello, 1998; Fischhoff, 1989b). The principle of trust transference states that a lower trusted source typically takes on the trust and credibility of the highest trusted source that takes the same position on the issue (Covello, 1998). Surveys indicate that certain organizations and individuals, including citizen advisory groups, health professionals, safety professionals, scientists, and educators, are perceived to have high to medium trust on health, safety, and environmental issues (U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1990). An advantage of being from a trusted group is that it enables a person to communicate effectively, even when communication barriers exist. However, individual trust overrides organizational trust. Trust in individuals from a highly trusted organization may significantly increase or decrease depending on how they present themselves (verbally and non-verbally) and how they interact with others (NRC, 1989; Chess, 1995). Perceptions of trust are decreased by actions or communications that indicate: disagreements among experts; lack of coordination among risk management organizations; insensitivity by risk management authorities to the need for effective listening, dialogue, and public participation; an unwillingness to acknowledge risks; an unwillingness to disclose or share information in a timely manner; and irresponsibility or negligence in fulfilling risk management responsibilities (Covello, 1989; Chess et al., 1995). Evaluation studies have consistently demonstrated the effectiveness of risk communication practices in helping stakeholders achieve major communication objectives: providing the knowledge needed for informed decision-making about risks; building or re-building trust among stakeholders; and engaging stakeholders in dialogue aimed at resolving disputes and reaching consensus (NRC, 1989; Covello, 1998; Morgan, 1992). The evaluation literature has also demonstrated the major barriers to successful risk communication (Covello, 1989; Fischhoff , 1995; Chess, 1995), including


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conflict and lack of coordination among stakeholders and inadequate risk communication planning, preparation, resources, skill, and practice. 2.6. Summary Risk communication is a complex and emerging science that will continue to evolve as research adds to current knowledge. Researchers and practitioners are quick to point out that no one form of risk communication will satisfy everyone; however, it is possible to align the theory in a predictable way and thus, build an effective risk communication strategy. Behavioural sciences are key to the basic understanding of how we communicate. The focus on values as the key elements which guide us in setting priorities that direct what we think, feel and do (Griffin, 1997), are integral not only to communications as a field of study, but also to risk communication. The evolution of practice in risk communication comes from an understanding that communication is more than just the transfer of information. It can only be termed “communication” if the message has been transferred and understood. This leads to an increased understanding and acceptance of the importance of two-way dialogue in risk communication. Even when the goals of communication suggest the need for one-way transfer of information (as in emergency management), it is critical to obtain feedback from the recipients in order to ensure that the message has indeed been understood. The move towards dialogue-based risk communication naturally entails a culture shift, not only for governmental organizations but also for non-governmental organizations and the public. All parties must be willing to move from advocacy to shared decision-making and from being passive recipients of information to being partners. Psychometric research has provided a wealth of information on how people perceive risk. As a result, there has been a shift in emphasis from purely science-based decision-making to a more balanced method of decision-making which understands that public assessment of risk, public views and values are critical to decision-making around risk and ultimately to communication about the process. The link between risk-based decision-making and risk communication must be well understood in order for the risk management process to achieve its objectives and for the development of effective public policy. The context of risk communication must be taken into account in the development of an effective communications strategy. Effective communicators must find ways to formulate messages around complex science-based issues so that the messages are understood. Pre-formed attitudes and perceptions must be understood and acknowledged when framing messages. The challenges of innumeracy, heuristic and other biases add to the difficulty of communication about risk. Nevertheless, these perspectives need to be recognized in order for communications to be successful. Researchers have demonstrated that public attitudes and judgements are formed over time in very specific stages. This process, too, must be acknowledged by communicators as well as the influence of the actual source of communication (the media, government, or non-governmental organizations). In conclusion, effective and successful risk communication is not just about giving out information or about making stakeholders understand. Today, successful risk communication can result when the quality of debate among government, the public and all stakeholders is improved.

Chapter 3

The Multi-Cultural Context of Risk Perception and Disaster Management

Until recently, studies in multiculturalism have encompassed political ethics (Gutman, 1993; cited in Rao, 2006), education research and curriculum development (Meachan, 1996, cited in Rao, 2006), communications analysis (Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995; cited in Rao, 2006), sociological analysis of organizations (Burrel & Morgan, 1979; cited in Rao, 2006), and managing diversity programmes in complex organizations (Nemetz & Christensen, 1997; cited in Rao, 2006). By way of definition, multiculturalism refers to the ‘state of a society or the world containing many cultures that interact in some significant way with each other’ (Gutman, 1993, cited in Rao, 2006); an environment design for combination of several distinct cultures (Nemetz & Christiensen, 1997; cited in Rao, 2006). These definitions, while useful in shedding some light on the mobility and diversity of cultures, lacks the clarity necessary to fully describe the concept’s complexities in contemporary society. It is this lack of proper understanding that has tended to complicate organizational approaches to multicultural marketing (Venkatesh, 1995; cited in Rao, 2006). Nemetz & Christensen (1997) argue that ‘lack of a well defined foundation of knowledge about multiculturalism has created situations whereby much of the information about multiculturalism comes in the form of rhetoric’ (Rao, 2006). The same argument can be made about multicultural issues in disaster management. 3.1. Cultural Differences in Risk Perception The conceptualization of culture has undergone considerable change depending on the context in which it is being defined for. Some researchers take a more traditional approach at defining culture and typically use characteristics such as race, nationality, ethnicity, or geographic region to operationalize culture (Bradford, Kane, & Meyers, 1999; Dean & Popp, 1990; Oetzel et al., 2000). Other scholars focus on culture as a “learned set of shared interpretations about beliefs, values, and norms, which affect the behaviours of a relatively large group of people” (Lustig & Koester, 1999). With this shift of focus, the operationalization of culture is not merely related to where people were born or the colour of their skin, but on the commonalities in and interpretations of their behaviours (Wiseman, 2001). From the above two approaches it can therefore be seen that the term culture is understood in a myriad of ways and this fact makes it an extremely complex notion. Culture has been defined as the “man–made part of the environment” (Herskovits, 1948) and consists of knowledge that is shared by a group of people (von Cranach, 1995) and useful for adaptation to a certain ecological environment (Berry, 1993). This knowledge is transferred from generation to generation and consists of rules, norms, values, beliefs and problem-solving strategies that make living together possible (Triandis, 1995). Culture plays an important role in the way a person or a group of people act, judge and react to an environment. Culture can also be described as the collective programming of the mind, which distinguishes the members of one group or category from members of another. Culture is a learned behaviour that is derived from a person’s social environment and family upbringing. Culture is not inherited; it is not an involuntary action or behaviour over which an individual or an individual’s family has little or no control. Culture can be changed and it can be nurtured. Culture affects the ways in which people think, perceive information, act and react to daily situations, and interpret information (Hofstede, 1997). Cultural differences exist among groups of people, and these differences reflect a variety of factors including language, political systems, country of origin, geographic region, religion, gender, class, race and ethnicity as well as historical experience and relationships towards nature. Each cultural group has its own set of experiences and expectations. Furthermore, relationships between people and groups of different cultures are often embedded in different sets of values, unequal power relations with some groups becoming dominant and others being marginalized. People are often not aware of their cultural background, since cultural knowledge is “normal” to them and is mostly part of an unconscious

Chapter 3: The Multi-Cultural Context of Risk Perception and Disaster Management

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knowledge. It is when people from different cultures interact that they often realise how different they are from each other, not only because of the language, but also because of their different cultural worldviews (Cushner & Brislin, 1996). Cross-cultural psychological studies highlight, for instance, differences in the way people are educated, their value systems (e.g. Hofstede, 2001; Schwartz, 1994), interaction patterns (e.g. Smith & Bond, 1998), and their problem solving and planning strategies (e.g. Strohschneider & Guss, 1999; Guss, 2000). All of these factors are highly relevant in the context of natural disasters (UNDP, 2002). Risk perception is also said to vary among cultures and sub-groups in a society. Recently, there has been an increase in the volume of research being done on culture and risk perception, as there is a need to ascertain how cultural factors influence individual/group perceptions of risk. Since the 1960s, related research by sociologists, geographers, and psychologists has focused on what has been called “hazard perception” and “risk behaviour” (Wisner, 1998). For example, Kleinhesselink and Rosa (1991) found that Japanese and American students used similar dimensions to rank or order hazards, but their individual risk perceptions weighed differently in those dimensions. Since most humans are social beings it is natural to consider the social context of a person when considering his or her perception of risk. Because risk perception does not occur in a social vacuum one cannot account for how people perceive and understand risk without also considering the social contexts. According to Douglas (1978) risk perception is not governed by personality traits, needs, preferences, or properties of the risk objects. It is a socially, or culturally, constructed phenomenon. What is perceived as dangerous, and how much risk to accept, is a function of ones cultural adherence and social learning. 3.2. Use of Models/Theory to Elucidate Cultural Differences in Risk Perception Different models have been developed to analyze and interpret results of cultural research and risk perception research. Bontempo et al. (1997) used the Conjunct Expected Risk (CER) model to describe the results of their study. These models are briefly discussed below.

i) The CER model, first introduced by Luce and Weber in 1981, captures both similarities in individual’s risk judgments as well as individual differences (Bontempo et al., 1997). The CER model has five variables in which riskiness is evaluated: probability of a loss, probability of a gain, no change, expected loss, and expected gain. The CER model can be used to evaluate health and safety risks as well as financial risks;

ii) The psychometric paradigm is another model that has been used in cross-cultural and risk perception research. The psychometric paradigm, which was developed by psychologists in the 1970s, initially resulted from investigating the different definitions of the term “riskiness” between expert and lay people (Marris, Langford, & O’Riordan, 1998). Later studies of the psychometric paradigm have investigated the relationship between risk perceptions and standard sociodemographic variables such as gender, age, occupation, and ethnicity (Marris et al., 1998); and

iii) The Five-Factor Model (FFM) has also been used in cross-cultural research and risk perception research (McCrae, Costa, Del Pilar, Rolland, & Parker, 1998). The FFM is a representation of the patterns of covariation of personality traits in terms of five broad factors, which include Neuroticism (N), Extraversion (E), Openness to Experience (O), Agreeableness (A), and Conscientiousness (C) (McCrae et al., 1998). Researchers have argued that different dimensions of the FFM have appeared to show up in different cultures and often differ in terms of collectivist and individualist societies. The two dimensions of N and E have been representative of and found in many cultures and not in others (Eysenck, 1983).

The cultural theory of risk perception is another model that has been used to examine the relationships between risk perception and culture. The cultural theory, which was developed by Mary Douglas in 1982, argues that differing risk perceptions can be explained in terms of four distinct cultural biases: hierarchy, egalitarianism, individualism, and fatalism (Brenot, Bonnefous, & Marris, 1998). The risk and culture approach draws on the grid/group scheme of Douglas and Wildavsky, 1982; Douglas, 1985, Thompson & Wildavsky, 1982, Thompson et al., 1990) that was developed to understand different logics of risk as they are expressed in social groups or organizations (Zinn, 2004). The aim of Cultural Theory is to explain how people perceive and act upon the world around them. More specifically the theory claims that the way that people act and perceive the world is largely determined by social aspects and cultural adherence. The basis of the cultural theory is Dougla’s grid-group typology (Douglas, 1978;


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Thompson et al., 1990). According to Douglas (1986) variations in social participation can be adequately accounted for by the dynamics between the two dimensions group and grid (see Douglas, 1978; Douglas & Wildavsky, 1982, Thompson, Ellis & Wildasvsky 1990 for a more detailed discussion on the theory). “The group itself is defined in terms of the claims it makes over its constituent members, the boundary it draws around them, the rights it confers on them to use its name and other protections, and the levies and constraints it applies. Group is one obvious environmental setting, but we seemed unable to conceive the individual’s environment if it is not a group of some kind” (Douglas, 1978). In other words, group refers to whether an individual is a member of bounded social units and how absorbing the group’s activities are on the individual. The other dimension of the grid-group theory is grid. It was explained by Douglas in the following manner: “The term grid suggests the cross-hatch of rules to which individuals are subject in course of their interaction. As a dimension, it shows a progressive change in the mode of control. At the strong end, there are visible rules about space and time related to social roles; at the other end, near zero, the formal classifications fade, and finally vanish. At the strong end of the grid, individuals do not, as such freely transact with one another. An explicit set of institutionalized classifications keep them apart and regulate their interactions, restricting their options” (Douglas, 1978). In other words, grid refers to what degree a social context is regulated and restrictive in regard to the individual’s behaviour. A typical high-grid situation is a trial, where each person has very limited behavioural options. As grid weakens, individuals are free to act and are increasingly expected to negotiate their own social relations, When the interaction between grid and group changes, this may influence people’s social participation. The grid-group analysis describes different modes of social control. If the world-views are placed in a two-axis system, from low to high, four outcomes occur (Figure 2). These outcomes represent different kinds of social environments. The world-view a person belongs to will guide his or her interaction with the environment.

Figure 2: The four myths of human nature Each of them, in addition to certain social relations, is therefore described as one of four worldviews or ways of life (Sigve et al., 2004). These are termed individualistic, egalitarian, hierarchical and fatalistic worldviews (Brenot et al., 1998) and have a self-preserving pattern of risk perception. This means that individuals perceive things that endanger their own way of life as risky. The individualistic worldview is characterized by low group and grid. Egalitarians are members of high group and low grid cultures, high grid and high group defines the hierarchical way of life, while high grid and low group is the fatalistic worldview. With the grid/group dimensions, the different views have several practical implications for how people understand and perceive risk (Sigve et al., 2004). In addition to the four worldviews described above, one group does not fit this pattern. These people have cut all relations to their social environment and live more or less like “hermits” (Thompson et al., 1990). They are withdrawn from others and oppose all the other worldviews. Since the birth of the cultural theory, there have been several studies conducted to attempt to explain cultural influences on risk perception. Vaughn


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and Nordenstam (1991) examined the perception of risk among ethnically diverse groups and concluded that ethnic background is one factor associated with systematic differences in judgments on risk issues and that there are several reasons why ethnicity may be predictive of dissimilar perception. They concluded that there are three hypotheses suggesting mechanisms through which ethnic diversity could act to result in differences in perceptions, these are:

i) Differences in levels of exposure to risks or prior experience; ii) Dissimilarities in general perspective on risk and the environment; and iii) Nonequivalent values on those qualitative dimensions that likely influence lay assessments

of environmental risk. Douglas and Wildavsky (1982) explained that perceptions of risk are the result of prior experiences that provide cognitive schemas for defining and understanding risk, and also help shape value systems that affect how much weight is given to various dimensions when evaluating a hazardous situation. Ethnicity can be associated with certain life situations related to the evaluation of risk (Perry & Greene, 1982; Turner & Kiecolt, 1984). Ethnicity has also been associated with general interpretations of situations of uncertainty (Mirowsky & Ross, 1980; Turner & Kiecolt, 1984). The cultural theory of risk perception introduced by Douglas and Wildavsky (1982) would predict that individuals from varying ethnic backgrounds might differ in their tendency to emphasize certain risks and downplay others. In environmental situations, ethnic minorities judge risk to be greater when compared to Caucasians (e.g., nuclear waste disposal), but for other hazards, the relationship is just the opposite (Vaughn & Nordenstam, 1991). There is evidence that for many environmental risks, significant differences in judgments may be observed for those who differ in ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic status, or educational level (e.g. Cambridge Reports, Inc., 1978; Fessenden-Raden, Fitchen, & Heath, 1987; Harris & Associates, 1980; Pilisuk & Acedolo, 1988; Wandersman, Berman, & Hallman, 1989). Culture is one of many factors that influence individual perceptions of hazards in daily activities and in risk perception. Cultural influences and beliefs in many situations are deciding factors that contribute to the misinterpretation of warning and risk communications in hazardous situations and events. The five worldviews, or ways of life, make up the central part of the cultural theory. Cultural theory draws focus away from concepts such as risk and safety, and towards social institutions. To deal with risk in a reasonable manner one must understand the underlying mechanisms. According to Thompson et al. (1990), people feel the need to justify their own way of life. If individualism is to be a useful and meaningful way of dealing with the world, nature has to be manipulated and controlled through skills. The egalitarian’s way of life does not need a controllable nature, but they should be able to account for it to know what nature can and cannot handle. For the hierarchist, nature is fertile and full of possibilities, but within strict boundaries. The fatalist needs an unpredictable and coincidental nature, or his fatalistic way of life would not work. Wildavsky and Dake (1990) sum up the cultural theory by stating that individuals are active organizers of their own perceptions, who choose what to fear and how much to fear it. Wildavsky and Dake (1990) as well as Dake (1991) have tried to empirically verify the cultural theory. They claim that hierarchical, egalitarian, and individualistic ways of life can predict a broad pattern of risk perception. Risk perception was measured in relation to technology and environmental issues, war, social deviance and economy. To investigate the relationships between these and cultural adherence, Wildavsky and Dake (1990) developed new measurements for individual adherence to the three ways of life (hierarchical, egalitarian, and individualistic). In the study, cultural adherence was found to be the best predictor of risk perception. Dake (1991) claimed that his study gave strong support to the cultural theory of risk perception. Palmer (1996) used Dake’s operationalisation on a sample of 115 undergraduate students of psychology in California, USA. Her findings were similar to those previously reported. Individualists, hierarchists and egalitarians did not differ significantly in their judgments of 10 potential risks. However, one of Palmer’s findings stands out. Cultural adherence explained much more of the variance in risk perception in Palmer’s study than reported by others. 3.3. Cultural Barriers to Effective Risk Communication in Disaster Management As stated before risk communication is a social process that requires receiving, understanding, believing and personalizing the message (Tierney et al, 2001). The characteristics of the sender and receiver influence the transmission and interpretation of the message, marking the process a multi-layered,


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culturally-influenced challenge (Phillips et al., 2005). Effective communication with people of different cultures is especially challenging, since cultures provide people with ways of thinking, and ways of seeing, hearing and interpreting the world. Thus the same words can mean different things to different people from different cultures, even when they speak the ‘same’ language. When the languages are different, and translation has to be used to communicate, the potential for misunderstanding increases. The above statement is supported by Solis (1997) who stated that multi-cultural issues may provide numerous challenges to all involved in disaster management. Language differences, along with inaccurate assumptions and stereotypes, may obstruct communication and understanding between emergency responders and victims. Breaking down these barriers is especially crucial in times of emergency, when lives may depend on effective communication. Therefore, it is important that disaster managers and policy makers are aware and explore the issues of differing cultural norms and expectations, and the problems that arise between people of diverse cultural backgrounds. Cultural barriers to effective risk communication are therefore affected by the following:

i) Cultural Differences; ii) Cultural Beliefs and Values; iii) Communication Barriers; iv) Intercultural Communication; v) Race and Ethnicity; and vi) Gender.

3.3.1. Cultural Differences Humans are continually exposed to information from the social and physical environment; the way in which we interpret or react to the information is a reflection of our culture. Cultural experience, developed throughout a lifetime, is a mechanism for interpreting our surroundings. Lacking the knowledge of cultural norms of an unfamiliar society, travelers or immigrants may misinterpret the communication and behaviour of others and this can lead to frustration, stress, and even conflict. Culture can be perceived by others, as it frequently manifests itself as social behaviour. People of similar nationality or ethnic origin may not have the same cultural background. Differences may exist with respect to education, religion, economics, political beliefs, etc. Individuals have unique personalities and needs, and stereotypes to define ethnic groups can be misleading and harmful. Awareness of the different cultures in our communities enables us to anticipate or avoid potential cultural conflicts in emergency situations. Cultural understanding also enhances communication and cooperation in emergency preparedness endeavours. Therefore, disaster managers should endeavour to learn about cultural diversity in the community in which they operate and support existing programmes. 3.3.2. Cultural Beliefs and Values To understand the behaviours of people during an emergency, it is helpful to look at psychology and cultural values. When people evacuate they do not know if they will return to find their property intact or if they will be exposed to diseases or hunger in resettlement camps (Bautista, 1993). They know that governmental support is low and in many other past emergencies, families were not adequately supported, and had to live in misery and poverty. Consequently, they often prefer the risk of the actual situation to the uncertainty of an unfamiliar situation. It is because of such factors that Filipinos resort in some situations to the “Kanya-Kanya syndrome”, i.e., each man for himself. They feel that the government cannot or will not do anything about their situation and that they have only themselves and their families to rely on. When people are under extreme pressure, when their lives are threatened, and when resources are scarce, they might rely on kanya-kanya as a coping strategy. Another form of coping in such an extreme situation is “pakikipagkapwa” (Jocano, 1997), i.e., being in harmony with another person, helping or connecting with him or her. Pakikipagkapwa is the basis on which social support is constructed and gives strength and hope to the concerned population. Experienced social support leads to “utang na loob”, a sense of reciprocal social obligation (Jocano, 1997). This term is often translated as debt of gratitude, which can be life-saving and long-lasting relationships and help people to rely on each other. Another reason why some residents hesitate to leave their homes is the often described Filipino attitude of “Bahala na”. This means to accept a given situation, to trust in God, that he will make the best out of it. In a sense, Bahala na is associated with another Filipino value called “Pagkaya”. Pagkaya is a coping mechanism and implies courage and a will to survive despite the odds. This acceptance of a given situation, this will to survive, and the strong family support (Licuanan, 1994; Wong-Fernandez, 1997),


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enable Filipinos to adapt to their environment, an environment characterized by enormous changes in nature and society. Almost all cultures have fatalistic beliefs; “God’s will”, “when your number’s up”, etc, and still in the insurance industry, “Acts of God”. Fatalism, even if almost subconscious, justifies lack of mitigation or preparation. Underlying the belief systems of western society are biblical views and stories, including Noah’s flood, and Jesus calming the storm. Thus all fundamentalist Christians and to a lesser extent many of the less devout, see natural hazards as the work of God, and quite likely a punishment for social wrongdoing (King & David, 2004) and the absence of the impact of hazards as a blessing from God. Different worldviews and beliefs systems at least partially influence the way in which many people interpret hazard information. Science cannot automatically override these beliefs and attitudes (Skertchly & Skertchly, 2000). 3.3.3. Communication Barriers Language can be an impediment to effective communication in multicultural societies. A classic example relates to the Saragosa, Texas tornado where two problems contributed to the loss of life among Spanish-speakers (Aguirre et al., 1987). The first was an incorrect translation of the word “warning” from English into Spanish (Enarson et al., 2004). The second problem occurred because a Spanish-language television station did not broadcast local warnings (Phillips et al., 2005). Language is the most powerful form of communication and has been considered the most compelling and enduring expression of cultural identity. Learning a new language requires time and patience. Recent immigrants and visitors may have language difficulty, and some elderly people may never develop the language skills required to communicate in a new society. Emergency preparedness and response information may require translation to be fully understood by ethnic people. Translations should convey the message clearly and be delivered in a manner respectful of cultural differences. Non-verbal methods of expression may be equally important in cross-cultural communication. In order to understand non-verbal communication, it must be interpreted in its cultural context. During an emergency, language skills which are normally adequate may be impaired due to stress and pressure. People may use non-verbal expressions unfamiliar to the emergency responders, and they may misinterpret the responder’s attempts to assist them. 3.3.4. Intercultural Communication Effective intercultural communication is critical to the establishment and maintenance of favorable intergroup relations (Dodd, 1995; Gudykunst, 1986; Hall, 1976; Kim, 1986; Martin, 1993). Factors that have been identified as central to intercultural communication competence, such as cultural knowledge and awareness, communication skills, and tolerance for ambiguity, strongly impact the favorability of inter-group contacts (Giles & Johnson, 1981; Gudykunst, 1986; Lustig & Koester, 1996). Intercultural communication barriers arise from group differences in cognition (e.g., fundamental epistemologies, values, norms, etc.), affect (e.g., types and levels of emotional expressivity), and patterns of behaviour (e.g., language, customs, communication styles, etc.). Effective intercultural communication requires cognitive, affective, and behavioural (including linguistic) adaptations that can be arduous and troublesome to participants in an inter-group encounter (Dodd, 1995; Gudykunst, 1986; Lustig & Koester, 1996). Several decades of research on intercultural communication points to the relative difficulty of achieving effective and satisfying communication between ethnolinguistic outgroups (Dodd, 1995; Hall, 1976; Kim, 1986; Martin, 1993). Individuals must meet the challenges of language barriers, unfamiliar customs and practices, and cultural variations in verbal and nonverbal communication styles in order to achieve successful intercultural understanding (Dodd, 1995; Gudykunst & Hammer, 1988; Kim, 1986; Wiseman & Koester, 1993). As a result, linguistic and cultural barriers often carry evaluative and affective consequences for interactants in an intercultural context. 3.3.5. Race and Ethnicity Research focusing on the effects of culture on receiving and responding to warning messages have found that racial and ethnic minorities are less likely to accept a warning message as credible without verifying it with other sources, such as family and social networks, which often delays response (Fothergill et al., 1999; Lindell & Perry, 2004). After the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, for example,


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Hispanics were more likely to have secured information from family and friends while Anglos relied on formal English-language sources (Phillips & Ephraim, 1992). Researchers studying the 1995 F5 tornado in Birmingham found that fewer African Americans used television as their primary information source. African American and Hispanic households were less likely to evacuate for Hurricane Andrew (Gladwin & Peacock, 1997). While this tendency to confirm and delay has been substantiated in numerous studies, it is important to recognize that differences exist among and within minority groups. For example, in one study Mexican Americans reported using social networks to confirm information more often than African Americans. (Perry & Mushkatel 1986; see also Blanchard-Boehm, 1997). Further, each population carries internal diversity: being Hispanic may mean that one’s cultural framework for interpreting a warning message derives from Spain, Puerto Rico, Mexico, South America or the Philippines. Some racial and ethnic differences in disaster response can be explained by other conditions such as poverty or geographical location in hazardous areas, but even when these factors are isolated, cultural differences appear to be an important factor related to warning messages (Lindell & Perry, 2004). However, more qualitative and quantitative research is needed to better explain how race and ethnicity interacts with other variables as a first step toward targeted weather-related messages. Data derived from fatality and injury counts following disasters, though sparse, documents that minority group citizens tend to suffer disproportionately high negative consequences in connection with the impact of disasters. On the basis of this information, it is inferred that differences exist between the emergency decision-making processes of minority and majority citizens (Perry & Green, 1982). While literature reviews show that little systematic data exists regarding minority groups in disaster (White & Haas, 1975; Cochrane, 1975; Mileti et al., 1975), the information available suggests that minorities experience difficulties in adaptation at a higher rate than non-minorities. For example, Red Cross Fatality counts have historically shown that disaster-connected deaths are higher among ethnic minorities. When Hurricane Audrey ravaged Louisiana in 1957, the death rate for whites was 38 per thousand populations, compared with 322 per thousand for blacks (Bates et al., 1963). The Waco, Texas, tornado of 1953 left 4% of white families involved reporting at least one seriously injured member, while 12% of black families endured the same experience (Moore, 1958). A similar trend was observed in September 2005 when Hurricane Katrina made landfall in New Orleans, once again highlighting the plight of minority groups during natural disasters. These figures may be interpreted to indicate that minority group members tend to disproportionately experience negative consequences in connection with the impact of natural disasters (Perry & Green, 1982). The apparent discrepancy in death and injury rates between minority and other victims may be a function of several factors such as the victim’s relative ability to understand emergency instructions, particularly when these instructions are communicated as part of a disaster warning. Minority group members, especially those whose primary language is not English, appear to be more subject to warning-related difficulties than non-minorities. As part of a larger study of community evacuation warnings, Perry et al. (1981a) reported that, when warned to evacuate in the face of rising flood waters, substantially more Mexican-Americans than whites chose not to comply. In attempting to understand this response, the investigators found that, even after statically controlling for the effects of non-English speakers and message content, Mexican-Americans tended to have less confidence in the accuracy of warning messages and believed themselves to be at less personal risk than whites. Among other things, minorities appear to be less likely to engage in evacuations and tend to assess risk as lower and to place less faith in warnings than do whites. This implies that the risk identification, risk assessment, and response-choice process among minorities are somewhat different than among non-minorities. Given this knowledge, it is important to understand how racial/ethnic minority group members assess risk differently from whites, and specifically what variables might account for these differences (Perry & Green, 1982). In terms of feelings of fatalism and risk perception, a study done by Turner et al. (1986) of earthquake threats in southern California, discovered differences between Anglos, blacks and Mexican-Americans. Their study found that blacks were much more fatalistic about earthquakes than Anglos, and felt that there was little or nothing one could do to protect against them. Mexican-Americans and white Anglos were about equal in their fatalistic feelings. However, some studies purport that white males as a category were the least worried about the risks of natural disasters. Palm (1996) discovered that white men were consistently the least concerned group about the risk to their homes in her study. Blanchard-Boehm (1997) reported that blacks were most likely to perceive the chances of a major earthquake seriously damaging their homes to be high or extremely high (Fothergill, 1999). 3.3.6. Gender


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Gender has increasingly been recognized as a vulnerability factor. Gender often works indirectly to affect disaster response. For example, the majority of single parents are female and approximately 40% have household incomes below the poverty line. It is not surprising that many single mothers report difficulties in being able to respond effectively to hurricane warnings by preparing their homes and/or evacuating (Morrow & Enarson 1999 qtd in Phillips 2005). Gender roles often place women and men in locations that influence their vulnerability. For example, all of the women in the coastal village of Lampuuk, Indonesia were killed by the tsunami on December 26, 2004 while children at school and men fishing at sea were spared (Times Online, 2005). According to the PAHO Fact Sheet, women are made more vulnerable to disasters through their socially constructed roles. As Enarson (2000) states, “gender shapes the social worlds within which natural events occur”. It is often said that if we want people to heed risk communications, then “warning messages must mean something to them” (Handmer, 2002). To illustrate, there is considerable evidence that women are more likely to believe warnings, to warn others, and to want to respond. (See Major & Atwood 2004 for a recent example.). Researchers have theorized that meaningfulness based on gender is influenced by female socialization patterns; in particular norms compelling women to obey authority and to bear responsibility for the family (Morrow & Enarson 1999 qtd in Phillips 2005). Because gender may positively influence warning response, women represent a potential key target for public outreach and education. Conversely, if men tend toward riskier behaviours, it is important to find effective ways to reach and educate them to respond to warnings. For both genders, cultural values and norms appear to influence interpretation of forecasts and warnings, suggesting a promising research agenda. However, it is not appropriate to launch one-dimensional studies based on gender, or any other attribute. Warning response is likely to involve a combination of gender, race, income and family structure factors (Phillips et al., 2005). “Mainstreaming gender into disaster-reduction policies and measures translates into identifying the ways in which women and men are positioned in society. This enables the effective mapping, not only of the different and similar ways in which the lives of women and men may be negatively affected, but also of the ways in which they can contribute to disaster-reduction efforts. In other words, cultural patterns structuring the lives of women and men must also be clearly understood. Women’s and men’s differing needs, roles and social power in different social contexts need to be taken into account. Men are usually seen as primary income generators while women’s economic activities, often the mainstay of the household economy, are less visible. Women carry the primary responsibility for the care of children, the elderly, the disabled and the ill, whose mobility and survival in disasters may be limited (UN/ISDR, 2002b ). Because of the role of women in some societies, they may be less able to mobilize resources for rehabilitation, more likely to be overrepresented in the unemployed following a disaster, and overburdened with domestic responsibilities leaving them with less freedom to pursue sources of income to alleviate their economic burdens. It is most often the women who go without food in order to feed their families during a disaster (PAHO Fact Sheet). Sex-specific dependencies and vulnerabilities based on reproductive differences are relevant in disasters, as is the respective ability of women and men to participate fully in household, community and national decision-making about hazard and risk (UN/ISDR, 2002b ). Anecdotal evidence suggests that women are typically the most affected by disasters. For example, in contrast, women were highly over-represented among the 120, 000 people killed in the 1991 cyclone in Bangladesh, because cultural norms constrained their access to emergency warnings and cyclone shelters. Gender relations structure is part of the social and cultural context that shapes a community’s ability to anticipate, prepare for, survive, cope with, and recover from disasters (UN/ISDR, 2002b). Research conducted in 2000 by the International Labour Organization (ILO) suggests that gender is an important dimension within disasters such as the Indian Ocean Tsunamis (Enarson, 2000). It has been argued that vulnerability to natural disasters and their consequences is gendered and socially constructed, meaning that women and men face different challenges during natural disasters because their roles in society have been constructed differently. It has often been observed that women are more affected by larger or smaller disasters than men, due to higher vulnerability and marginalization, even though no systematic gender sensitive statistics are available (UN/ISDR, 2002a). Recognizing the important role that gender plays in disaster management and relief, it is alarming that gender concerns often get pushed to the background in the event of a natural disaster. It is therefore imperative to ensure that a gender perspective is included in all natural disaster management programmes so that the relief efforts are able to properly address needs and concerns for both women and men. 3.4. Summary


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Disasters are not merely the outcome of natural processes that impact human societies and for the most part beyond human control, but are equally the product of human actions that engender greater exposure to risk of impact (Blaikie et al., 1994). It follows therefore that risk cannot be interpreted in purely physical and quantitative terms but is as much a social construct that is defined by variables such as differences in perceptions, ethnicity, gender socio-economic status, among other things (Fessenden-Raden et al., 1987; Gallup, 1986; Harris and Associates, 1980). For instance, individuals from different ethnic backgrounds emphasise certain risks and downplay others because their perception of the hazard concerned arises from a culturally based set of values and world view (Douglas & Wildavsky, 1982; Vaughan & Nordenstam, 1991). These differences in perception and response, coupled with differences in people’s socio-economic characteristics and circumstances, result in a wide range of vulnerability in any community. Social aspects of risk interpretation must be recognised if risk is to be effectively managed, and community participation in the practical management of the problem faced is a vital component of sustainable development approach.

Chapter 4

Environmental and Social Profile of Study Area 4.1. Environmental Profile 4.1.1. Geography and Climate

The Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) is a small British Dependency covering 430 square kilometres (sq km) and is situated at approximately 21°45˝N, 71°35˝ W (Figure 3). The climate of the islands is tropical marine, moderated by trade winds, sunny and relatively dry. With no highland areas, rainfall is low averaging 26 inches per year. Mean annual temperature is about 80 to 90 degrees Fahrenheit, which, along with the prevailing trade winds evaporate the sparse rainfall.

Figure 3: Location of the Turks and Caicos Islands 4.1.2. Geology Geologically, the Turks and Caicos Islands are ancient coral seamounts that have been periodically exposed and covered by changes in sea level. The Islands are made up mainly of limestone with outlying coral (TCI National Museum, 2001). The archipelago consists of two distinct groups of islands, the Turks Islands and the Caicos Islands, which are separated by a 35.4 kilometres (km) wide deep water channel, known as the Columbus Passage. The Turks Islands lie to the east of the passage and the Caicos Islands to the west. The TCI consist of 40 islands and cays of which, only 8 are inhabited. The highest point is the Blue Hills, which is 49 m and is located in Providenciales. 4.1.3. Natural Resources In the Turks and Caicos Islands the low levels of rainfall, thin soils, and a somewhat saline water table, deters the growth of crops in most of the islands (TCI National Museum, 2001). Wetland areas and coral reef provide habitat for 14 endemic plants and reptile species (UN General Assembly, 2001).

Chapter 4: Environmental and Social Profile of Study Area

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Natural resources consist of spiny lobster and conch. There are three fishing banks within the territorial area of the Turks and Caicos Islands; the Turks Bank, the Mouchoir Bank and the Caicos Bank. Fishing is a major industry and is centred mainly in the island of South Caicos and Providenciales, as well as on fishing banks (Clerveaux, 2002). 4.2. Social Profile 4.2.1. History and Government There is debate about the date of discovery of the TCI as well as the person who discovered these islands. One argument is that TCI was discovered by Christopher Columbus in 1492 and that contrary to popular belief, his first landing site in the New World was not San Salvador in the Bahamas but Guanahani Beach in the TCI. A second argument is that the TCI was discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512 and that the islands remained unsettled by Europeans until 1678, when Bermudians arrived and established a solar salt industry. The Islands were later settled by royalist sympathizers from the United States after the American War of Independence. In 1799, the Turks and Caicos Islands were annexed by the Government of the Bahamas, but in 1848 they were granted a separate charter. From 1874 to 1959, the Turks and Caicos Islands were governed by Britain as a dependency of Jamaica and placed under the authority of the British Governor-General in Kingston, Jamaica. The Islands became a separate colony of the United Kingdom in 1962, when Jamaica became independent. During the 1960s and 1970s, the islands were placed under the control of the Bahamas, but with Bahamian independence in 1973, the Turks and Caicos Islands were placed under a British Governor in Grand Turk, the capital. The Turks and Caicos Islands today is an Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom with a ministerial system of government (UN General Assembly, 2001; Sadler, 1997). 4.2.2. Economy The economic history of the TCI has revolved around three major industries: Salt, Fishing and Tourism. Today the main economic base of the TCI is tourism, offshore financial services and fishing. In terms of economic contribution, fishing ranks behind tourism and financial services, but in social terms its contribution to livelihood surpasses the other economic sectors as it is the main employment sector in South Caicos (Clerveaux, 2002). The TCI can boast of one of the fastest growing economies in the Caribbean based primarily on the growth in its tourism industry. Proximity to island territories such as the Bahamas, Haiti, Dominican Republic and the mainland territory of the United States of America (USA), is a factor in the overall economic relations of the TCI, especially with regard to trade and the movement of migrant labourers. Easy accessibility, the third largest and one of the healthiest coral reef systems in the world, combined with the fact that TCI boasts some of the best tropical beaches has led to the development of a very stable and profitable tourism industry over the last two decades. The tourism sector has grown substantially over the years with the construction of numerous hotels, condominiums and restaurants that have contributed 31.8% to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Visitor arrivals have increased from 93,011 in 1997 to over 268,200 in 2007, approximately a 65% increase in the 10 year period, with tourist arrivals from the USA, Europe, Canada, Caribbean countries and the rest of the world (TCI Tourist Board; CIAO/EIU). The unspoiled natural environment and the close proximity to the USA have ensured a steady growth in the tourism industry. Given the rapid growth in the development of the TCI and with a national population of only 11,750 people, the TCI is unable to fulfil much of its human resource demand for educators, medical practitioners etc, from local sources. In light of its human resource deficiency, the relative prosperity of the TCI has been maintained through active recruitment of skilled and unskilled personnel to fill major gaps in human resource demand. In essence, the relative prosperity of the TCI has served as a pull factor for migrants throughout the Caribbean region and outside the region. 4.2.3. Settlement, Population and Multiculturalisms Currently, the migrant population of the TCI accounts for approximately 65 % of the 33, 202 people living in these islands (DEPS, 2006). The population of the TCI is spatially distributed over eight islands and cays, with a growth rate estimated at 8.5%. Some 65% of the population lies within the 15-64


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age cohort and another 33% in the 0-14 range. Both residents and illegal immigrants are included in the estimated total, resident population referring to persons who were born in the TCI (“Belongers”), as well as the ‘Non-Belonger’ population who are legal residents. Prior to the 1980s, population growth was slow, averaging about 1.4 percent. However, since the 1980s, better economic opportunities have attracted migrants and encouraged the return of natives, leading to a significant growth in the population. In 2000, there were estimated 5,000-6,000 immigrants from Haiti and the Dominican Republic, who work mainly in tourism and construction (CIA/EIU, 2007). During the period 1990-2001, the population of the TCI almost doubled and the growth rate over this period averaged 75 percent. Currently, more than 80% of the population lives in Providenciales and Grand Turk (Table 3). During the past decade there has been significant internal movement of people in search of better and white-collar employment opportunities in the less developed islands to Providenciales. The rapid population increase has placed a strain on existing infrastructure and accelerated the need for improvements to support the growing settlements. Table 3: Population of the TCI

Island Population Numbers Providenciales 24,348

North Caicos 1,537

Middle Caicos 307

South Caicos 1,118

Grand Turk 5,718

Salt Cay 114

Parrot Cay 60

Total 33,202

Source: DEPS 2006 4.3. Multiculturalism in the Turks and Caicos Islands The TCI is one of the highest migrant receiving countries in the Caribbean. The TCI is comprised of a combination of many people who arrived on these shores in waves over many centuries. Over the years the migrant population of the TCI has been increasing steadily. This trend is likely to continue in the foreseeable future especially given the growth rate of the local economy. The social make up of the TCI is characterized by several enclaves of migrants especially Haitians, Dominicanas, Bahamians, Jamaicans, Guyanese, Americans, Canadians, Europeans, Indians, Filipinos and Chinese (Clerveaux, 2002). However, Haitians represent approximately 50 percent of the foreign population and the Dominican Republic nationals represent a distant second of approximately 8 percent (TCI Population Census, 2001). Most of the immigrants in the TCI can be categorically labelled either as investors or labourers. The majority of which are not competent in English, the national language. Additionally, in any one day there are more than 6 international flights landing and in any week more than 3 cruise ships arriving in the TCI. Paradoxically, the large scale number of tourist that the TCI economy depends on can spell unparallel disaster in the event of a tsunami occurrence or other natural hazards since tourists are unlikely to be familiar with local warning systems. This situation poses a serious problem for disaster managers in the TCI especially as this relates to effectively communicating risk information and warnings. This therefore provides more impetus in the area of disaster management for communication of disaster information to be well understood by all nationalities and in the primary language of both residents and visitors. The TCI is vulnerable to a number of natural hazards. Within the context of this vulnerability approximately 60% percent of the population consists of non-English speaking ethnic groups. Additionally, a common mistake often made is the assumption that all persons from English speaking backgrounds are homogeneous. However, researchers have found this not to be true. In the same breath, people of non-English speaking backgrounds are not a homogeneous group. Their country of origin, time of arrival in the TCI, length of settlement, reason for migration, educational background, socio-economic background, etc. indicates the diversity that exists within and between ethnic communities. English is the official language of the TCI but Spanish and French-Creole are commonly spoken owing to the influx of migrants from neighbouring Dominican Republic and Haiti. Augmentation of the population of the TCI


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by migrants scarcely confirms the possibility of replacement effects, characterized by immigrants replacing native population. This was supported by McElroy and de Albuquerque (1988), who posited that Small Island Developing States (SIDS), such as the TCI, are undergoing migration transitions. Multiculturalism is a fact of life in the TCI today and the multi-dimension of multiculturalism makes it a grappling problem. This increasing level of multiculturalism and continued increased levels of vulnerability make the effective communication of risk information to vulnerable populations particularly necessary. Since it is the responsibility of the national government of the TCI to facilitate the safety of residents, visitors and non-native residents alike, and in light of the ever-increasing numbers of visitors and migrants, there is extreme urgency for the formulation and implementation of measures that will ensure the safety of all during an emergency. As such, the need for strategies that will allow timely and effective communication of disaster-related information within the context of the multi-lingual mix cannot be overstated. Warning and evacuation information are most critical in that regard as ineffectiveness in their communication can mean the difference between life and death during emergencies, such as a tsunami. Like the rest of the Caribbean region, the TCI is unprepared to deal with a tsunami hazard. Warning systems are non-existent and the bulk of the resort facilities and non-English-speaking nationals are located in a zone highly vulnerable to tsunamis. Additionally, despite the large presence of non-native English speakers in the TCI, no attempt has ever been made to ascertain their hazard awareness and their ability to respond effectively before and after a hazard occurrence. Therefore, for the most part disaster management strategies in the TCI have mainly been a top-down approach. 4.3.1. Hazard Vulnerability Issues The TCI is exposed to both natural and anthropogenic hazards (Table 4). The islands are located within the hurricane belt and their low lying nature make them very vulnerable to the effects of hurricanes and tropical storms such as wind damage, inland flooding and coastal surge (CDERA, 2003). Table 4: Hazards of the TCI

Hazards of the TCI Hurricanes and Tropical Storms with attendant effects of wind, storm surge and flooding Drought Earthquake Fire Oil Spill Environmental Health Environmental Degradation ( particularly sand mining) Border Security Accidents on land, sea and air

The island’s vulnerability and risk are in turn associated with multi-hazard exposure and the possibility that the same hazard can affect the island more than once within a relatively short period. The later was exemplified in September 2008 when Hurricane Hanna and Ike both made landfall in the TCI just a few days apart. Additionally, low lying topography and coastal settlements, increasing development in sensitive areas, high levels of flooding on all islands, increasing population with a growing component due to uncontrolled/illegal immigration, inadequate awareness of risk by all sectors of the population, multi-island jurisdiction and inadequate institutional capacity to handle the needs all contribute to the vulnerability of the TCI. In addition, and of grave concern, is the fact that traditional drainage structures have been dismantled and /or are not maintained, and there is on-going infilling of natural retention and soak away areas, thus creating disconnected gradients especially on Providenciales and Grand Turk. This has exacerbated the naturally occurring levels of flooding, and has created flooding in areas where none previously existed (Smith Warner International, 2006). 4.4. Limitations to the Study

i) The cost of travelling to various Caribbean islands and the lack of sufficient funding prevented the testing of the DAG in more than two countries and therefore the effectiveness of the DAG as an effective regional benchmarking tool was not ascertained;


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ii) Due to the time frame for which research was allowed to be undertaken the researcher was unable to test the DAG in more than one school in each of those countries in which it was tested or within various regions within those two countries (i.e. rural vs. urban) for a broader comparative analysis of the tool;

iii) The Tsunami Scenario Simulator failed to look at a broader prospect of issues that can affect risk perception but instead only took into consideration one cultural issue i.e. language that can affect risk communication and effective disaster response; and

iv) Cost and time constraints did not allow the field testing of the Tsunami Scenario Simulation Model in order to ascertain its effectiveness in communicating risk information in a multicultural and multilanguage environment.

4.5. Summary The multicultural character of the Turks and Caicos Islands and the factors that have contributed to this multiculturalism have previously been discussed. Increases in the multicultural mix of this island chain has added a new dimension to the disaster risk reduction needs of the country and had presented disaster risk managers with the added challenge of communicating risk information to all those domiciled in their jurisdiction. The models that have been developed in this research have been designed with these issues in mind and are intended to provide disaster management decision-makers in the Turks and Caicos Islands and indeed, the increasingly multicultural states throughout the Caribbean region with a viable tool for sustainable disaster risk reduction.

Chapter 5.0

Risk Communication Tool for Hazard Impact Reduction in Caribbean Multicultural Environments: The Tsunami Scenario

Simulator (TSS)

5.1. Introduction

The need for the development of appropriate tools to meet the challenges of effective communication of disaster risk was previously underscored. This chapter proposes and highlights the Tsunami Scenario Simulation as one such tool that is capable of communicating tsunami risk in Caribbean multicultural societies. The model is based on data from the Turks and Caicos Islands and its application there is discussed. 5.2. Overview of Tsunami Hazard Potential in the Caribbean Tsunamis are among the world’s most destructive coastal hazards and their potential for catastrophe is aggravated as coastal population density and the pace of coastal infrastructure development increases. Most of the tsunami threat in the Caribbean lies along the heavily populated island chains of the Greater and Lesser Antilles and the coasts of Central and South America and is a result of the tectonic geology and related seismicity of the region (Figures 4, 5, 6.). Much of this seismicity occurs in submarine areas and their source mechanisms included a significant component of vertical motion, two necessary conditions for earthquake-induced tsunamis.

Figure 4i: Generalized Neotectonic features of the Caribbean Region

Chapter 5: Risk Communication Tool for Hazard Impact Reduction in Caribbean Multicultural Environments: The Tsunami Scenario Simulator (TSS)

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Figure 5ii: Moderate and smaller events (4.5≥M>6.5) for the period 1964- 2004.

Figure 6iii: Historic, large (M≥7.0), and strong (7.0≥M≥6.5) recent earthquakes of shallow focus in the Caribbean Basin for the period 1492-2004.


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Tsunami events have been recorded in the Caribbean Sea since the 16th Century (Lander et al., 2002), and the number of tsunami casualties in the Caribbean exceeds that of the U.S. West Coast, Hawaii, and Alaska combined (Uri ten Brink et al., 2005). There have been 91 reported tsunamis in the Caribbean basin since Europeans moved to the area, of which 27 events are well documented and caused extensive damage and casualties. The most famous of these events are indicated in Table 5. Although there have been deadly tsunamis in the NE Caribbean during the last century (1918: 42 persons and 100 missing; 1946: 1,790 persons by some reports), it is a repeat of the 1867 tsunami in the US Virgin Islands that may be most worrisome. A tsunami that followed within a few minutes of an earthquake in the Anegada Trough created a 6-9 meter high wave entering simultaneously St. Thomas, Charlotte Amalie and St. Croix’s Christiansted Harbours. This event lifted the US Navy ship Monogahela onto a pier at Fredriksted, St. Croix. Table 5: Caribbean tsunami occurrence and impact

Date Tsunami Location Characteristics Impact/Fatalities 1692 Port Royal, Jamaica 2000 1755 Lesser Antilles 6-7m wave Unknown 1781 Jamaica 10 1842 Haiti >5000 1853 Venezuela 600-4,000 1867 Virgin Islands 6-9m wave 23 1882 Panama 75-100 1906 Jamaica 500 1918 Puerto Rico 140 1946 Dominican Republic (1) 1790 1946 Dominican Republic (2) 75 1997 Montserrat 3m wave Unknown Total 8203-11628

Statistics from Caribbean Tsunamis, A 500-Year History from 1498-1998 by Karen Fay O’loughlin and James F. Lander, 2003 The Caribbean Plate boundary is prone to tsunamis because it has all the tsunami-generating sources within a small geographical area: subduction zone earthquakes of the type that generated the Indian Ocean tsunami are found along the Lesser Antilles and the Hispaniola (1946 tsunami) and Puerto Rico trenches.

Other moderately large earthquakes, due to more local tectonic activity, take place probably once a century, such as in the Mona Passage (1918 tsunami), and in the Virgin Islands basin (1867 tsunami).

Moderate earthquakes that can destabilize the steep underwater slopes and cause a tsunami landslide occur even more frequently. Submarine landslides contributed an unknown amount of energy to the three tsunami sources mentioned above.

An active underwater volcano (Kick-em Jenny) is found near Grenada, where sea floor maps show previous episodes of flank collapse. (The eruption of the volcano itself is not thought to be a potential source for a tsunami.)

Above water volcanic activity along much of the Lesser Antilles periodically generates landslides that enter the sea to cause tsunamis.

Tele-tsunamis can propagate from the African-Eurasian plate boundary, such as the great Lisbon earthquake of 1755 with 6 and 7 meter-high waves in the Lesser Antilles.

There have been several attempts at modelling tsunami impacts in the Caribbean, based on documented events. For instance, an estimated travel time chart estimates a 3.2 hours meridianol crossing of the Caribbean (Weissert, 1990). These estimates are based on specific-event simulations such as those undertaken of the 1918 Puerto Rico tsunami and the 1867 Virgin Island tsunami by Mercado & McCann (1998) and Zahibo et al., (2003b). The propagation of the Trans-Atlantic tsunami after the catastrophic Lisbon earthquake in 1755 has been modelled by Mader (2001a). According to his calculations, the wave amplitude east of Saba (Lesser Antilles) is 5 m close to the observed value (7 m). Heinrich et al (2001)


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performed the numerical simulation of the 1997 debris avalanche in Montserrat (Lesser Antilles) that induced tsunami waves up to 3 m. Taking into account the lack of historical data for the evaluation of the tsunami risk in the Caribbean Sea, the simulation of possible tsunamis can be an effective tool to forecast tsunami events in the future. The potential hazard on the northern coast of Puerto Rico due to submarine a landslide along the Puerto Rico Trench has been estimated (Mercado et al, 2002). Mention must be made of the possible tsunami expected from a lateral collapse of the Cumbre Vieja Volcano on La Palma (Canary Islands); according to Mader (2001b) its height may be 3 m high on the Caribbean Islands (Saba Island). Ward and Day (2001) and Pararas- Carayannis (2002) discuss 20-40 m waves during this event in the Caribbean. Heinrich et al (1998, 1999) studying the danger of the volcanic eruption in the Soufriere Hills Volcano, Montserrat, showed that the potential debris avalanche can induce tsunami waves of 1-2 m in the nearest zone and 50 cm at Guadeloupe and Antigua. Le Friant et al., (2002, 2003) simulated the tsunami waves from the potential eruptions of some volcanoes in the Lesser Antilles (Martinique, Dominica) and showed that the islands in the Lesser Antilles face a non-negligible risk from generation of tsunamis associated with potential future events (Zaibo et al., 2003). The last major Western Atlantic basin tsunami event(s) occurred in August, 1946 (Table 5) and the total lives lost during that event was approximately 1865 persons. Since then, population shifts to Caribbean coastal communities and explosive tourism has taken place. Assessing risks based just on historical deaths greatly understates today’s potential loss of life from Caribbean tsunamis. Despite coastal populations at risk being so much less in the past, we know at least 8203 lives were lost in the Caribbean Basin since 1692 (Table 5). Like the Indian Ocean, the year-round warm ocean temperatures of the Caribbean beaches are a significant attraction for residents and tourists increasing the potential loss of life. Beaches with flat, low-lying topography maximize beach attendance while offering minimal opportunity to climb away from tsunami harm. Such flat topography is more prevalent in the Caribbean than in the USA or some Asian countries. The Indian Ocean and the Atlantic Basin have a lot in common besides warm waters and similar topography. NOAA Geophysical Data Center says the Caribbean Basin has had 8% of the world’s tsunami events and the Indian Ocean, 7%. The 200,000-300,000 deaths that resulted from the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004 is therefore a sobering prospect for the Caribbean region. In this regard, the urgency for a Caribbean Tsunami Warning System within the context of multi-national and inter-regional commitment to preparedness and response cannot be overstated. To be effective such an early warning system must be conceived within a multi-language and multimedia environment owing to increasing levels of regional multiculturalism stemming from fast tracking of the regional integration movement. Disaster managers are therefore challenged to become more cognizant of the multicultural constituency of areas under their jurisdiction. 5.3. The Tsunami Simulator Model The multicultural mix of the Turks and Caicos Island epitomizes the tsunami warning challenges faced by regional disaster managers in an environment characterized by increasing multicultural trends. In the TCI, like many other Caribbean countries, warning systems are non-existent and the bulk of the resort facilities and non-English-speaking nationals are located in a zone that is extremely vulnerable to tsunamis. Additionally, on any day the TCI has a high tourist techno-density to local residents, further accentuating the risk communication challenges. It is in that regard that the Tsunami Scenario Simulator model was designed to ensure that during the occurrence of tsunami risk/warning information being communicated is understood by both English and non-English speaking people. This simulator can also be used as an educational tool by disaster management decision-makers in the TCI and the general population. This is because the model has the capacity to simulate different two dimensional (2D) scenarios that are determined by the actions taken by residents in relation to warnings. Through the use of this simulator, disaster managers will be better able to effectively communicate risk information in a multi-language setting by using several media simultaneously. These media include sound, speech and text, thus ensuring that the dissemination of risk information is not biased towards any particular language group. In other words, the use of this simulator by disaster administrators can be an effective mitigation tool as it caters to the complexities that are involved in communicating disaster risk information in a multicultural and multilanguage society.


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5.4. Multicultural Perspective in the Design of the Model Every culture includes a language as the primary means of linking members of a society. During a disaster, communication of related information may fail due to cultural and language differences and could reduce the efficiency of the overall response system. For this reason, minority cultural and language groups in a society may be disproportionately at greater risk than dominant language-cultural groups. It is in this context that emergency planners are charged with the task of developing communication networks and systems that are effective in allowing equity of access to all cultural-language groups in their jurisdiction. In response to this challenge by emergency managers in the Caribbean, the design criteria for the TSS model considered a range of related social issues that are pertinent to the communication of risk in multicultural-multilingual societies of the region. These social issues included:

i) Identification of target populations that may require alternative methods of communication in the event of a disaster;

ii) The collection of demographic data of the target population in regard to geographic location and size;

iii) Identification of preferred communication methods and possible barriers that may exist. Multi-lingual representation in the provision of warnings since language skills which are normally adequate can become severely impaired by the stress of an emergency;

iv) Repetition of warning messages; v) Multimedia approach to the dissemination of tsunami warnings in recognition that

mainstream media might be unavailable especially to non-English speakers in a multi-lingual society such as the TCI;

vi) Use of oral communication to augment traditional media. The model recognizes that even the most meticulous disaster preparation cannot guarantee that communication efforts in times of emergency will be effective. Serious disasters may disable infrastructure such as telephone lines or television and radio transmissions. There may remain a small number of people who do not receive critical information, and as such, the model takes into consideration the need to convey information by alternate means;

vii) Simplicity of terminology used to convey warning messages to ensure that the message will be understood by all groups in society regardless of educational attainment;

viii) Provision of 2-dimensional (2D) simulation of resident’s behavioural output as a means of informing and encouraging appropriate response by vulnerable populations; and

ix) Recommendation of the most effective communication methods for each target audience. 5.5. Outline of the Tsunami Scenario Simulation Model The Tsunami Scenario Simulator model consists of three components:

i) Information Transmission Simulation Model ii) Evacuation Transmission Simulation Model iii) Tsunami Transmission Simulation Model

5.5.1. Information Transmission Simulation Model This aspect of the model expresses communication that occurs between the disaster officials and residents and between residents and residents. For further details on this aspect of the model please refer to Chapter 6. 5.5.2. Evacuation Transmission Simulation Model This aspect of the model expresses resident’s evacuation behaviour from their houses to the nearest shelter after the transmission of evacuation information. The model can also express the preparation time for evacuation, that is, the time that it takes residents to begin evacuation from the time the evacuation order was issued. The Evacuation model takes into consideration resident’s decision-making processes with regard to evacuation i.e. whether or not to undertake evacuation. Additionally, the model takes into consideration other factors that might impinge on resident’s evacuation behaviour and the status of the threat situation at the time residents begin their evacuation. The model expresses resident’s evacuation behaviour in relation to the family unit. This allows users to establish the family’s structure, evacuation speed, evacuation start time and destination. The model assumes that each family evacuates from their house to the nearest shelter at a constant speed. The shortest path from residence to shelter along an existing road network is used as the evacuation route by


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the simulator. The evacuation simulation has the capability to calculate the time required to undertake evacuation by identifying the shortest evacuation route, impassable routes due to fallen trees or utility poles and traffic congestion that might impede evacuation speed or movement. Therefore, by integrating these various elements the time-frame within which each resident can safely evacuate in relation to the time when the tsunami makes landfall, can be established. 5.5.3. Tsunami Transmission Simulation Model This component of the model uses a GIS-based framework to calculate the number of casualties that are likely to result from the occurrence of the tsunami, the location of potential evacuees at the onset and during the impact of a tsunami and the areas that would have been inundated by the tsunami. This tsunami simulation works independently from the two simulations previously discussed. This model simulates possible wave height and flood velocity by taking into consideration the geophysical characteristics (such as bathymetry) of the impact zone during the occurrence of the tsunami. The model is mindful that the tsunami impact will be influenced by the magnitude and location of the hypocenter of the earthquake that generated the tsunami and the existence of prevention infrastructures (e.g. seawalls) in the area. In that regard, the model allows simulation of different scenarios involving earthquake characteristics, human interventions and behaviour to mitigate impact. 5.6. Appropriateness of Providenciales for the Application of the Model Providenciales is the urban centre of the Turks and Caicos Islands and is situated on the west side of the Caicos archipelago. It has an area of 38 square miles and is the most developed island in the island chain owing to a vibrant tourism industry. Prior to 1960, the island had a population of 500, but today, with a population of approximately 24, 358 (DEPS, 2006), it has the largest population concentration in the TCI, accounting for 73% of the resident population. This island also accounts for the largest concentration of non-native population, consisting primarily of Haitians and Dominicans with a recent increase in the number of migrants from other Caribbean countries as well as from outside the region from countries such as China, The Philippines and India. In that regard, Providenciales consists of the largest number of multilanguage groups in the Turks and Caicos Islands. In addition, the bulk of the tourism infrastructure of the TCI is concentrated on Providenciales, specifically in Grace Bay which features the famous 12 mile Grace Bay Beach (Clerveaux, 2005). Approximately 60 percent of the employment in Providenciales is derived directly or indirectly from tourist-related services located on or around this beach and the island had a tourist-to-resident ratio of 10.02 to 1in 2005. Grand Turk, which is the capital and the second most developed island in the TCI, and South Caicos, the third most economically vibrant island, and the other islands had a tourist-to-resident ratio of approximately 0.97, 0.62 and 2.88 to 1 respectively. In 2003, Providenciales accounted for 94 % of total tourist arrivals to the TCI. In essence, in the absence of appropriate and effective communication of related risk information to the population of Providenciales and the design of related evacuation measures, the impact of a tsunami or other high magnitude hazard on this island would spell unparalleled economic disaster for the rest of the country. In light of the recent focus of Caribbean disaster managers on coastal evacuation planning in the aftermath of the Asian Tsunami and the limited horizontal evacuation options offered by the low topography of Providenciales, the time is opportune for the application of a model that not only ensures effective risk communication but also provides measures for smooth and efficient evacuation response to tsunamis. 5.7. Application of the Tsunami Simulation Model to Providenciales The Tsunami Simulation model can assist disaster managers in effectively planning for a tsunami hazard and in ensuring that a wide cross section of residents of Providenciales will be able to receive warning information accurately and quickly. 5.7.1. Information Transmission Model The transmission of information in this model can be described as a ‘web of communication’ since there is communication taking place between formal and informal sources. However, it is worth noting that the government is the primary source of dissemination of warning information to the public (Figure 7). In this model, the government would utilize a number of media as a means of communicating risk information to the public. These media include loudspeakers, patrol cars, cell phones, and the mass media. On the informal side, residents would engage in face-to-face communication and communication


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via cell phones and fixed line telephones as a means of verifying the authenticity of the risk information received and in making evacuation decisions.

Occurrence orOccurrence or

Appearance of Appearance of

DisasterDisaster

MediumMedium

Fixed LoudspeakerPatrol CarFire EngineTV and RadioCell phone

…etc

GovernmentGovernment

Primary Source ofInformation

ResidentsResidents

Oral and Telephone Communication

The Authorities

LegendSource of Information

GovernmentSourcesMediumCommunicationAmong Residents



DisasterDisaster



DisasterDisaster

MediumMedium

Fixed LoudspeakerPatrol CarFire EngineTV and RadioCell phone

…etc

GovernmentGovernment

Primary Source ofInformation

ResidentsResidents

Oral and Telephone Communication

The Authorities


GovernmentSourcesMediumCommunicationAmong Residents


GovernmentSourcesGovernmentSourcesMediumCommunicationAmong Residents

Figure 7: Information Dissemination Network 5.7.1.1. Use of loudspeakers In the scenario analysis for Providenciales, a proportionate sampling technique was used to determine the optimum number of fixed loudspeakers that should be located in each of its 15 districts. The methodological approach was to first determine the total population of each district as well as the proportion of the population accounted for by the major non-English speaking ethnic groups. Based on population density and sound-range information it was considered appropriate to install 3 loudspeakers for districts with populations exceeding 1000, 2 for districts with populations between 600-999 and 1 loudspeaker where the district population is less than 600. Therefore, a total of 31 loudspeakers would need to be strategically installed throughout the island of Providenciales, assuming a range of 250 meters for each loudspeaker (Figure 8).


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Figure 8: Strategic positioning of fixed loudspeakers and patrol routes to be used during an emergency situation

The use of sound via loudspeakers, instead of language ensures that, regardless of primary language, there is no ambiguity in or misinterpretation of the risk information being communicated. The information conveyed by the pitch of the warning sound would be a universal one as long as people have been sensitized to the meanings of the different pitches and are educated as to what actions are expected following each pitch alert. To accomplish this, a major educational campaign and mock-drills at regular intervals will need to be conducted to enhance preparedness levels. Pitch alerts during a mock drill would differ in length from alerts during an actual hazard occurrence. The former alerts would be short and a one-off sound. However, during an actual hazard, pitch alerts would be long and repeated at regular intervals. The efficiency of the fixed loudspeakers was measured on both resident and tourist population in terms of the number of people that would be reached through this medium. It was found that by using this medium, approximately 45 percent of the resident and 30 percent of the tourist population would be able to be reached. If loudspeakers are to be efficiently located without transmission overlap, some areas will be peripheral to the transmission range and will therefore not be covered. It is therefore proposed that patrol cars be used to provide warning to transmission-deficient areas (Figure 8). 5.7.1.2. Use of patrol cars A total of 8 patrol cars would be dispatched from designated locations along paved roads to disseminate disaster information to the public, especially in those areas not covered by the loudspeakers. Patrol cars would be required to cover a maximum distance of 11 kilometres at a speed of about 20 km per hour. As in the case of the loudspeakers, the patrol cars would also be able to broadcast information at a distance of approximately 250m. For each district, the population size, nationality and primary language of each household was ascertained and plotted on the map. This information is important in order to determine the location of ethnic/language groups, since there is a tendency for persons from similar language/cultural backgrounds to cluster together, which would allow emergency managers to better customize risk information. Also for each district, the primary language of each household was tabulated and the various languages were then grouped as: English, French-Creole, Spanish and Other (Figure 9).


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These languages were then assigned ranking based on prevalence and the rank was used to determine the order in which the patrol cars would relay the warning information to residents in various communities. For instance, if the dominant language in a district is French-Creole, this language would be given priority in transmission followed by the next dominant language.

Figure 9: Agglomeration of population by primary language in Providenciales, TCI Given the fact that approximately 60 percent of the migrants in the TCI originated from Haiti and owing to the fact that the majority of Haitians are more eloquent in speaking French-Creole rather than standard French, it was deemed prudent that the information being relayed by the patrol car speakers should be disseminated in French-Creole. Additionally, given the absence of data on migrant’s educational attainment, it was decided that the information relayed to the residents be simple and brief. This would ensure accuracy and efficiency in the timing of information dissemination from the disaster official’s standpoint and easy comprehension and hopefully prompt responses from residents. 5.7.1.3. Use of cellular phones The use of cellular phones in disaster management has grown tremendously with the introduction of satellite cellular phones. This means that even if cellular lines are damaged disaster managers would still be able to communicate and mobilize resources as long as key stakeholders also possess these satellite phones. From the general public’s perspective the use of cellular phones for day to day activities have become indispensable both because of its growing multiple use and the increase in the number of subscribers. As such, the use of cellular phones to transmit short messages with warning information to the public is another method employed in this simulation. It is estimated that in the TCI for every cellular subscriber per 100 population there are 99.64 users (UN Statistic Division). Moreover, in some instances there are persons with more than one cellular phone from either one of the 3 telecommunication companies in the TCI. Therefore, it was felt that the use of such a communication medium will aid the relevant government officials in transmitting information quickly and in multiple languages. The message that will be relayed via the cellular phone will be tailored to ensure that it is straightforward but informative as to what action is required by residents. Prior to an emergency, the government and telecommunication providers on the island would need to cooperate to implement such a system that would allow the transmission of a designated warning tone and the dissemination of risk


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information in the form of SMS in multiple languages simultaneously via this medium. Such an arrangement would allow the government to transmit the warning sound and text message to all cellular phone holders during an emergency. It would also be required that this sound be heard even if the cellular phone instrument is turned off or is on silent mode by allowing the telecommunication providers to automatically override the codes in the cell phones in order to transmit that warning message or tone. This would further increase the chance of warnings being received by all members of the society. 5.7.1.4. Use of the mass media Use of the mass media (radio and television) to communicate disaster information, especially during the onset of a disaster, is one of the oldest media used worldwide. In order to effectively utilize this medium during an imminent threat from a hazard, prior collaboration with local broadcasters would be required. This collaboration can take the form of the disaster office providing personnel who will go on the air to directly relay the warning message from the disaster office to the public or allowing the disaster office to tailor the content as well as the language order in which the information will be broadcasted. The information that will be disseminated through this medium can be very informative, informing residents about the imminent threat, what measures they should be presently undertaking and perhaps, if possible, how much time they have to safely evacuate. This message can also be site specific, that is, informing the public of which areas are likely to be impacted first or the expected hardest hit areas and any new development that occurred re the hazard. Prior collaboration with the media would allow disruption of the viewing of normal programmes for the broadcasting of emergency information. The use of the mass media is very important because if individuals are located outside the audible range of both the loudspeakers and the patrol car speaker’s routes, then the mass media can be relied upon for transmission of risk information to those residents. 5.7.1.5. Use of oral communication Another medium utilized for information/warning transmission in the model is the use of oral communication. The adage ‘information spreads like wild fire’ is welcomed in this instance and to a certain extent is being depended upon to relay the emergency information to groups/persons who might not have received the warning information through normal channels. In the context of this model, communication takes place between residents via telecommunication and face-to-face contact. This parameter was incorporated because in many societies, and especially those that contain large mixed groups, where not only culture is different but also language, there is a tendency for the agglomeration of people either by nationality or language and additionally for mistrust of government. In this model, oral communication is said to take place between residents as a means of verifying the warning message issued and in deciding what actions to take. According to Katada et al. (2006), “during a disaster there is increased oral communication between residents. In fact, communication parameters, such as distance of each contact, number of contacts (receivers) and timing of each contact, which usually exist during normal days (i.e. days when there is no imminent threat from a hazard occurrence) tend to increase during a disaster, a factor that explains jammed telecommunication circuits during emergencies. Therefore, it is assumed that oral communication will take place not only between closest neighbours but also with distant friends.” This type of communication is especially significant among persons from similar cultural and language backgrounds. During a disaster there is an increased demand by residents for relevant information. However, there is the possibility that communication systems could be damaged and, because of this, oral communication networks will prove to be an effective medium (Katada et al., 1996). Having established a communication web for the dissemination of risk information, disaster managers can therefore determine the information-receipt time for each district in Providenciales (Figure 10). They are then in a better position to determine the likely impact a delay in information will have on households.


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Figure 10: Estimated information receive time by district in Providenciales 5.7.2. Evacuation Transmission Model Based on the topography of the island it was decided that all areas below 10 meters would be vulnerable to a tsunami or high magnitude flooding. The inundation level was decided by the authors after taking several factors into consideration, such as:

i) Maximum wave height of past tsunamis in the Caribbean; ii) Geographical relief of the seabed near and in the TCI; iii) Maximum distance travelled by past Caribbean tsunamis; and iv) Geographical relief of Providenciales.

It is important to note that the inundation depth chosen for Providenciales is not fixed and can be easily modified with the availability of new data or to reflect current situations. Nonetheless, the model in its existing state acts as a type of benchmarking tool that allows disaster managers to simulate different disaster scenarios based on the earthquake characteristics, the origin of the earthquake, and local characteristics of the country etc allowing better preparation for various hazard scenarios. Analysis of the current available data for hazard vulnerability of the TCI suggests that a tsunami hazard is not a significant threat as other hazards such as flooding, hurricane, and storm surge. While tsunamis are not publicly recognized as a major hazard for the TCI, the country is not immune from such threats and sea level changes. It is a well known fact that the earthquake that occurred in Lisbon Portugal in 1755 did travel great distances generating tsunami waves that crossed the Atlantic Ocean, reaching as far as the Lesser Antilles. According to Lander (1997), the Lisbon Earthquake, in Portugal, "… sent waves into the Caribbean with amplitudes of 7m at Saba, 3.6m at Antigua and Dominica, 4.5m at St. Martin, and 1.5-1.8m at Barbados.” Therefore, the Caribbean region is not only vulnerable to tsunamis generated within the region but is also vulnerable to teletsunamis, which may have their origin outside of the region. Given this reality, the implementation of mitigation measures against a possible tsunami occurrence in the TCI can be considered foresightedness and the tsunami model proposed in this study will allow disaster managers to achieve this goal. In the scenario analysis site for Providenciales there are 15 Government-designated emergency shelters (schools, churches, and community centres) (Figure 11). However, all of these shelters are currently sited below the 10m line. Providenciales has a total of 4926 households but only 886 households are located in areas of 10m height or above. In other words, approximately 79% of households in


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Providenciales are below the 10m line and generally these houses do not allow vertical evacuation since most homes in the TCI are generally one-storey buildings and as such will need to be evacuated in the event of a tsunami or high magnitude meteorological hazard.

Figure 11: Current location of shelters and the Emergency Operation Centre Using the model it was determined that, given the current location and number of shelters, if residents were to evacuate by foot, it would take the majority of the population more than 30 minutes to complete evacuation (Figure 12) and that the population density in the shelters would be high. Currently, all government-designated shelters and the Emergency Management Centre, from which disaster mangers are expected to relay warning information, are below the 10m height level. The model was therefore, able to suggest suitable areas for the strategic relocation of the current shelters, the Emergency Centre and the proposed additional 19 shelters to higher ground throughout the island of Providenciales (Figure 13). Care was taken to ensure that, as far as possible, a shelter would be located in each district. However, this parameter was difficult to achieve given the fact that not all districts had areas of 10m or higher. In order to resolve this problem, shelters were located as near as possible to each district in areas that are 10m or higher. In addition, the time required to evacuate quickly from a tsunami was taken into consideration when siting the shelters. However, given the relief of the land, a few shelters had to be located approximately 5 kilometres away from residents in particular districts and therefore evacuation by foot, though the desired mode in order to prevent traffic congestion, would be impossible in light of the time factor involved in evacuating from an imminent tsunami. Re-simulation of the time required to safely evacuate to shelters based on the relocation of the shelters and the availability of additional shelters indicated that there is a significant decrease of 10 minutes in the time that would be required to complete evacuation on foot by residents. This reduction in evacuation time can be the difference between life and death in an emergency situation (Figure 14).


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Figure 12: Estimated evacuation time by district in Providenciales for current shelters

Figure 13: Proposed relocation of shelters and the Emergency Operation Centre to higher ground


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Figure 14: Estimated evacuation time by district in Providenciales for amended location of shelters In addition, the model places tsunami towers, able to accommodate a higher number of persons, in areas that had a high population density and where the siting of the nearest shelter would still be difficult based both on the parameters of relief and shortest distance to a shelter. Currently, the areas where the tsunami towers have been sited in the model have an approximate combined population of 4,547 residents and 1,891 hotel room occupancy. This therefore means that shelters would have to be provided for all persons. Of equal importance is the fact that the tsunami towers would be sited near the coast because beaches are most vulnerable in terms of loss of life and a 2 meter tsunami would result in high mortality near sea level (NOAA, 2006). Research indicated that in Providenciales approximately 97% (Figure 15) of the hotels are located on relatively low-lying areas (lower than 10m) and of these, only a few are multi-storeyed. Another criterion of the simulator design was that most households would evacuate to the nearest emergency shelter on foot at a speed of approximately 80 meters per minute. However, persons in areas that are substantially distant from the nearest shelter would have to evacuate via car. For example, the distance from Chalk Sound to the nearest shelter is 5 km, and if residents were to evacuate on foot at 80 meters per minute it would take them approximately 60 minutes to complete evacuation, resulting in unacceptable risk exposure. 5.7.3. Tsunami Simulation Model The tsunami simulator component of the model simulated different impact scenarios of an earthquake generated tsunami based on characteristics of the earthquake, and the geological configuration and bathymetry of the sea floor around Providenciales. The model was used to simulate both a worst and a best-case scenario of a tsunami occurrence in the Caribbean with different possible wave heights expected to reach the TCI. Based on these various scenarios/estimates, gaps in current disaster management policies were highlighted. Additionally, the range of probable damage was simulated and the location of vulnerable populations and infrastructures in the island identified. The model therefore allows the relevant authorities to establish and put in place relevant and essential mitigation strategies for use against the impact of a tsunami. Use of this model would also enable smooth and orderly evacuation of persons located along the coast and other vulnerable sites. In addition, the model could be used to inform land use planning by encouraging the implementation of structural and non-structural mitigation measures such as sea walls or other types of embankments as well as investment in information transmission and the education of residents on the tsunami hazard.


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Figure 15: Location of hotels in Providenciales, TCI 5.8. Summary The TSS was constructed on the premise that vulnerability to and the impact of natural hazards such as tsunamis can be significantly reduced through structural and non-structural measures that are bolstered by reliable and efficient warning systems. However, the relevance of a warning system is best informed by its capacity to be accessed by vulnerable populations and to predict risk-reduction responses. These are the criteria which have informed the design of the TSS model. In that regard, the tsunami model can be considered a type of dynamic digital “hazard map” as it informs, educates and identifies vulnerable populations. What actually makes the tsunami model very interesting is the fact that the results of various scenarios can be depicted in two dimensional or graphical formats. This therefore makes the presentation of the results more realistic and thus more likely to appeal to residents irrespective of cultural and language differences, about the need for ensuring that they have taken sufficient measures to protect themselves, their family and property from various disasters. Given the wide range of devices/mediums used to communicate risk information, this tool can be effective in communicating risk information to a mixed-cultural group and in encouraging prompt evacuation from vulnerable areas in the face of an imminent threat. From the disaster managers perspective the tsunami model can be considered as a type of digital disaster manual as it can be used to assess the effectiveness of current disaster management strategies.

Chapter 6.0

Risk Communication for Disaster Management in Multicultural, Multilingual Contexts: The Information Simulation Model

6.1. Introduction

The role of risk communication in disaster risk reduction and its challenges in multicultural-multilingual environments was outlined in Chapter 5. This chapter discusses the specific risk communication needs of multicultural societies and proposes a risk information simulation model as a strategy for evaluating the effectiveness of risk communication initiatives in multilingual communities.

The development of any effective communications strategy depends on both the nature of the message and the characteristics of the audience that is the target of that message. An assessment of these two factors is necessary before communication channels can be designed (Callaghen, 1989). In the context of disaster management, effective risk communication is essential to protecting lives, livelihoods, and properties. The expectation therefore, is that the effectiveness of risk communication initiatives is inversely related to the level of impact from a hazard. However, risk communication continues to be the bane of disaster risk reduction efforts as disaster managers are constantly challenged by social complexities that militate against risk reduction. Such complexities include cultural diversity, language diversity, availability of and access to the range of media required for effective communication, and message design/tailoring. Most societies are becoming increasingly culturally diverse, placing even greater demands on the mode of risk communication. Irrespective of target audience or media of communication being utilized, risk communication goals are universal. Zimmerman (1987) identifies three goals of risk communication: To educate for the purpose of changing perceptions, attitudes and beliefs about risks and consequently achieving behaviour modifications toward risk, to build consensus and to educate or disclose information without expectations about quality of learning or ability to influence. The ultimate goal of communicating forecasts, watches and warnings is to motivate individuals to take appropriate action. However, before they do so, most persons move through a multi-stage decision-making process. Researchers characterize the process using a variety of terms, but in general messages need to be heard and attended to, a process that requires comprehension and, quite frequently, confirmation. For action to occur, the recipient must believe that protective action is necessary and possible. The message must be personalized in order to motivate the desired behavioural response (Lindell & Perry, 2004; Mileti, 1999). People often wait to act while confirming the message (Mileti, 1999). Studies over the last two decades have identified population differences in the sources various groups tend to turn to for confirmation of information. For example, after the Whittier Narrows earthquake, some Latinos reported that the English-Language radio tended to have better information than the Spanish-language stations; the sole Chinese newspaper was out of date and the Hispanic radio stations focused on human-interest stories which resulted in these ethnic communities getting incorrect information (Bolten et al., 1993). Research has indicated that social networks are critical resources for confirming the personal relevance of a message. This appears to be especially true for women and some racial and ethnic groups (Fothergill et al., 1999; Fothergill 1999). Getting those at risk to heed forecasts and warnings, then, requires tapping into those social networks (Heinz Center, 2002) or the local mediums utilized by various ethnic or language groups. Additionally, the language of dissemination of the risk information must be comprehendible by the target audience. This is because language barriers have been shown to affect all aspects of the disaster management cycle, from mitigation and response to recovery. For example, Subervi-Velez et al. (1992) found that disaster agencies had too few bilingual staff for Spanish speakers and were even less prepared for Asian victims. After Hurricane Andrew, much of the early relief information was provided only in English, preventing area Latinos and Haitians from receiving needed food, medical supplies and assistance information (Yelvington, 1997). Given the

Chapter 6: Risk Communication for Disaster Management in Multicultural Contexts: The Information Simulation Model

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complexities of effectively communicating to mixed cultural groups there is increasing suggestion that multiple mediums or channels be used to communicate with residents during all stages of the disaster management cycle because different groups find different sources credible. The increasing vulnerability of the Caribbean region to multiple hazards, its escalating social and economic costs as well as increasing trends towards multiculturalism and multilingualism has previously been discussed. If disaster risk reduction is to be a reality in the region, communication of information to key sectors and vulnerable populations in multiple languages in a multicultural jurisdiction will have to play a central role in the disaster management cycle. The disaster management cycle illustrates the ongoing process by which various stakeholders in the society plan for and reduce the impact of disasters, react during and immediately following a disaster, and take steps to recover after a disaster has occurred. Appropriate action at all points in the cycle leads to greater preparedness, better warnings, reduced vulnerability or the prevention of disasters during the next iteration of the cycle. The complete disaster management cycle includes the shaping of public policies and plans that either modify the causes of disasters or mitigate their effects on people, property, and infrastructure. Therefore, the challenge for disaster managers is to design effective tools/strategies that not only span language differences, but also take into consideration race and ethnicity, gender, cultural perceptions and attitudes etc so that the objectives of disaster risk-communication can be achieved. It is in this regard that the information simulation model was conceptualized and designed in order to allow wide dissemination of risk information to a wide cross section of a diverse multicultural society. The information simulation model, bearing in mind the need of multiple mediums in communicating risk information, made provision to ensure that regardless of a cultural group’s preferences for a particular media, that the wide range of medium utilized in disseminating risk information would ensure not only easy dissemination of the risk information but also the tailoring of the information message through translation into local languages/ dialects. Additionally, this would increase the chances that various groups are more likely to receive the warning message from multiple sources, thus reinforcing the risk communication message or goal. 6.2. Outline of Information Simulation Model The information transmission simulation model provides warning and other relevant information from the authorities to the public, through the utilization of various communication media (Figure 7 Supra 42). The model also depicts informal means of communication between residents by expressing the communication that occurs by means of telecommunication (i.e. cellular phones and telephones) and face to face contact. The basic structure of this simulation model is constituted according to the Biased Net Model (Rapoport, 1979), which is a Human Network Formation Theory in Mathematical Sociology. The Biased Net Model is a probability-theory-network generation model developed by imitating the information transfer structure of a nerve cell. The Biased Net Model was applied to research for a friend selection problem by Fararo (1981) and Skvoretz (1985), etc. in social science. The basic structure of the information simulation model presented in this thesis is similar to the original model developed by Katada et al. (2006) for use in Japan which is considered a mono cultural society. Both models take into consideration the:

i) Establishment of various communication mediums (patrol car, cell phones, oral communication, media and loudspeakers);

ii) Setting up of communication facilities parameters (audible distance for loudspeakers and patrol car speakers and frequency of and timing of information dissemination);

iii) Siting of communication facilities and shelters; iv) Shortest and safest evacuation route (parameter: evacuation by foot); v) Relationship between information receive time, residents behaviour and impact of disaster;

and vi) The model also takes into consideration spatial distribution of information and the elapse of

time of information communicated. The information simulation model was adapted and modified for use in a multicultural and multilanguage environment. One of the main features of this model that differentiates it from other existing models is the fact that this model recognizes that language barriers can significantly hinder appropriate responses to disaster management by impeding communication and understanding of risk information. Therefore, a new parameter of’ ‘multiple languages for dissemination of risk information was added. The information transmission model developed for the multicultural environment of Providenciales in the TCI takes into consideration:


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i) Use of cell phones by government authorities to transmit risk/warning information to residents via SMS (Short Message Services) and an Emergency Ring Tone;

ii) Simultaneous transmission of warning messages in the 3 main languages (English, French-Creole and Spanish) spoken in the country;

iii) Communication between Residents (Telecommunication-fixed line, cellular phones and text-messages and face to face oral communication);

iv) Use of fixed loudspeakers to transmit a warning sound; and v) Use of Patrol Car Speakers to disseminate warning information.

6.3. Relevance of the Model in Ensuring Effective Disaster Management Effective disaster management helps to eliminate or reduce the probability of a disaster occurrence or its effects on societies. Ensuring that effective mitigation measures are in place so that disaster managers and residents can effectively respond to disasters is important to disaster loss reduction. In that regard, the key steps in ensuring successful disaster management strategies are; planning, communicating, and the ability to effectively respond during a disaster. 6.3.1. Planning A key mitigation or preparedness measure is to imagine a worst case scenario and then to begin to concretely prepare to respond to such a scenario. Planning for a disaster involves several steps such as, identifying vulnerable populations, identifying location of shelters, assessing evacuation routes, establishing communication networks to be used for dissemination of information, and educating residents on the hazard and meaning of warning messages and various communication mediums that will be utilized. 6.3.1.1. Identifying Vulnerable Populations Through liaising with various agencies or groups in the society vulnerable groups such as persons with disabilities, ethnic minorities, elderly, women, children, low income families etc can be easily identified. The identification of these various vulnerable groups allows disaster managers to effectively plan for these groups by taking into consideration their special needs and interests. Being equipped with this information, disaster managers would be in a better position to determine the number of persons who would require special assistance in evacuating and the type of services that might be needed in these shelters in order to meet the needs of a particular group. 6.3.1.2. Siting of Shelters and determining of evacuation routes Using GIS as a base framework the model can identify the best location for siting shelters. For example, the model allows the simulation of different inundation depths based on flooding that might occur from a tsunami or due to heavy rainfall. Using an x and y coordinate system, the locations of shelters and residences can be identified and therefore not only can the shortest evacuation route be found but multiple routes to each shelter can be identified in the event that the shortest route becomes impassable. The same principle discussed above can be used to determine the level of vulnerability of resident’s homes, existing shelters and evacuation routes and to decide if they should continue to be used. 6.3.1.3. Setting of Loudspeakers and Patrol Car Routes Through the use of the model disaster managers will be able to decide where to strategically position each loudspeaker so that maximum use can be made of the audible range of the speakers. The model allows one to select the best routes for dispatching patrol cars to disseminate disaster information to the public based on parameters such as areas that fall outside the audible range of the fixed loudspeakers. The maximum distance and the speed that each patrol car will be required to travel can be determined in advance by using the tsunami scenario simulator and as such disaster managers will be able to calculate information receive time for each area (Figure 10 Supra 46). 6.3.1.4. Ascertaining Evacuation Time Using the model disaster managers would also be able to calculate how much time residents would require if they are to safely evacuate to the nearest shelter from their home on foot (Figure 12 Supra 48). In other words, Figure 12 is a calculation of or determination of the distance from residences to shelters by foot at a constant speed. For instance, if someone is located in the red coloured region on


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the map, according to the simulation they would require over 20 minutes at a speed of 80 meters per minute in order to safely complete evacuation. It therefore means that for each minute that evacuation is delayed, either because of an impediment in the relay of warning information from the officials or because of the timeframe required by household decision making, that particular household will have less time to safely complete evacuation, and therefore faces a greater chance of being caught in the tsunami than someone who lives 5 minutes from a shelter or someone who undertook evacuation immediately following the earthquake occurrence or receipt of the warning information. This type of information is relevant to both disaster decision makers and heads of households in terms of assessing the relationship between evacuation time and the number of casualties. 6.3.1.5. Assisting in the Evacuation Process Having identified the possible extent of damage due from a hazard, disaster managers can begin to plan to ensure that sufficient shelters have been located, emergency supplies have been identified and stored, and evacuation vehicles are available etc. The model is also able to take individual characteristics such as disability, age, sex etc and simulate different scenarios, thus providing disaster managers with insight on the needs of the residents that will be required to evacuate, thus ensuring effective planning. 6.3.1.6. Identifying Key Stakeholders for Disaster Management Efficient disaster management usually requires coordinated efforts with several agencies/organizations. As such, disaster managers need to identify all appropriate disaster-response and recovery services. These can range from police, fire, and ambulance services to maintenance workers. Liaisons should be maintained with local emergency services so that they can respond appropriately in the event of a disaster. Obtaining multiple modes of contact from stakeholders in advance of a disaster and inputting these into the model database will allow for the easy retrieval and updating of the information, in an attempt to avoid communication obstacles during a disaster. 6.3.1.7. Simulation Exercise Lastly, having decided which mediums will be used to disseminate disaster information, the language order in which disaster information will be disseminated in, depending on the area, and having put measures in place to mitigate against disasters the next step is for disaster managers to test these plans. The only way to ensure that these plans can be effectively implemented is to test them in regular exercises on bases such as the reliability of their warning systems; emergency communications systems; evacuations plans and providing training to emergency personnel. Exercises provide the only comprehensive way of realistically evaluating contingency plans and are therefore an important management tool for informing and motivating personnel and giving confidence to those who may be required to respond in a crisis while allowing scrutiny of their responses under controlled conditions. They should therefore reflect reality as far as is practicable. Additionally, they coordinate the activities of those who may be involved in responding to an incident allowing for teamwork and the achievement of disaster management goals. 6.3.2. Communication Communication is critical during an emergency and needs to be addressed thoroughly within the disaster-response plan. During the onset of a disaster, from a hazard loss-reduction view point, transmission of disaster information in a prompt and efficient manner to residents is very important. The key to a successful communication strategy is the ability to send and receive messages over a variety of devices. The model employs a wide range of communication mediums/devices for dissemination of disaster information. These include loudspeakers, patrol car speakers, cell phones, the media, and an oral communication network. This wide range of communication mediums helps to ensure that disaster managers are mindful of the cultural context of their landscape and that the language of information disseminated is reflective of the cultural networks that are present in the society. More importantly the model anticipates communication challenges such as power outages and therefore uses mediums such as loudspeakers and patrol cars to overcome these potential obstacles. 6.3.2.1. Use of Loudspeakers Loudspeakers can be used to transmit a unique sound (such as the sound from the blowing of a conch shell) for communicating disaster information. For example, three pitches can be composed and


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each pitch can be used to communicate 3 main phases of disaster information: Pitch 1: A large earthquake has just occurred at X location. Pitch 2: There is a possibility that the country might be affected by a tsunami, prepare to evacuate. Pitch 3: Evacuate immediately. The use of sound instead of language via the loudspeakers will ensure that there is no ambiguity or incorrect translation of the risk information being communicated to mixed-cultural groups. The audible range of each speaker can be decided from the design stage in order to ensure that the maximum numbers of residents are covered and that the information being transmitted is clear. The model also recognizes that if loudspeakers are to be efficiently located without transmission overlap, some areas will be peripheral to the transmission range and will therefore not be covered. Therefore, patrol cars could be used to provide information to these areas. 6.3.2.2. Use of Patrol Cars As in the case of the fixed loudspeakers, the audible range of the patrol-car speakers can be determined allowing disaster managers to decide what percentage of the population falls within the audible range of either a fixed loudspeaker or the speakers of the patrol cars thus having access to disaster information. The use of patrol cars with fixed loudspeakers for the dissemination of risk information is an effective way of reaching peripheral areas outside the urban area. Additionally, it is a low-cost method which means that developing countries, such as the TCI that face budget constraints, can utilize this strategy in the dissemination of risk information to vulnerable groups. 6.3.2.3. Use of Cellular Phones Cellular broadcast technologies may eventually provide the best solution for large-scale emergency notification (Brian Daley, AT&T) to residents around the world. 6.3.2.3.1. Text Messages (SMS) Use of text messages to transmit warning information to the public is an effective medium but one that is greatly underutilized during emergencies. Due to the growing use of cell phones world-wide, it is believed that use of this medium to communicate will enable disaster managers to quickly transmit information in multiple languages. While it takes a longer time to type a message than to speak it, SMS can prove to be a reliable method of communication, even in more-severe incidents because SMS requires less bandwidth, and the ability to send SMS messages is often available when a voice call is not. 6.3.2.3.2. Ring Tone An emergency ring tone with different pitches, similar to the one designed for use in the loudspeakers, can be used to alert residents of the imminent threat of a hazard. During an emergency situation cooperation between the government and cell phone operators in the country will allow the government to transmit that sound to all cell phone holders. This sound would be heard even if the person’s cell phone were turned off or was on silent mode. This self-activated warning from your cell phone increases the receipt of warning information. It is important that the government and disaster management officials closely monitor who will have access to this warning sound that will be used to inform the public of an impending threat. This ensures that inclandestine persons will not use the sound to play a hoax on residents, the consequence of which can result in the ‘cry -wolf syndrome’ effect which could negate future responses to actual warning information. 6.3.2.4. Use of Mass Media The mass media can be used at all phases of the disaster management cycle as long as communication facilities have not been destroyed. Before the onset of the hazard the mass media can be used to prepare residents for the impact of the hazard. During the occurrence of the hazard the mass media can be used to keep residents abreast of the situation that exists outside their homes and when the threat has passed. The disaster information that is to be relayed to the residents will be issued directly from relevant government officials in the respective languages. This is will help to ensure uniformity in the information that is released to the public irrespective of the language it is being disseminated in. If individuals are located outside the audible range of both the loudspeakers and the patrol car speaker’s routes, then the media can be relied upon for transmission of risk information to those residents. 6.3.2.5. Use of Oral Communication


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A key feature of the information simulation model is its integration of oral communication among residents. This parameter was incorporated in the model because in many societies and especially those that contain large mixed-culture groups there is a tendency for mistrust of government officials and therefore residents are less likely to accept a warning message as credible without first confirming it with other sources, such as family and social networks, which often delays reaction (Fothergill et al. 1999; Lindell & Perry, 2004). This view is supported by Katada et al., (2006), who stated that, “there is an increase in oral communication taking place between residents during a disaster than during normal days and that communication parameters, such as distance of each contact, number of contacts (receivers) and timing of each contact, which usually exist during normal days tend to decrease.” In the Caribbean, communication between neighbours, family and friends to verify an official warning message, but more frequently for deciding what action to undertake, is commonplace and has been found to hinge evacuation responses greatly (Spence et al., 2004). In addition, during a disaster there is an increased demand by residents for updated information, from the officials, on the status of the hazard (Katada et al., 1996). However, there is the possibility that communication systems could be damaged during a disaster and as such oral communication networks will prove to be an effective medium. The wide range of mediums used to communicate disaster information, both written and sound, is very important in ensuring that all social classes in society are targeted and reached in the event of a disaster. Effective communication with people of different cultures is especially challenging, and as such more innovative ways of reaching residents must be sought. In the future, television sets, pagers, receivers, cellular phones, radio, and regular telephone will tell people exactly how far away a hazard is and how soon a disaster will strike. The idea behind this is that not only will people get warnings from multiple sources that are quicker and more accurate, but they will know more about disasters. 6.3.2.6. Dissemination of Information in Multiple Languages Trends in disaster impact have shown that disasters, however ‘natural’, are profoundly discriminatory. Wherever they hit, pre-existing structures and social conditions determine that some members of the community will be more affected than others. Among the differences that determine how people are affected by such disasters is that of language. The inclusion of the language parameter in the model was intended to inform disaster managers of the gap of designing warning relay framework for dissemination in a mono-language environment while operating in a multicultural and multilanguage environment. For this paper several scenarios were simulated using the communication mediums utilised in the model. The results for one of the scenarios using fixed loudspeakers indicated (Table 6) that when warning information is relayed, for example, in English once following an earthquake occurrence that of the English speaking population 10.25 percent would receive the information. Of the population that speaks both English & French that 8.35% would receive the warning. It is then assumed that this group (English/French) would then contact their friends or family who do not speak English and relay the warning to them in French, thus resulting in 0.37% of the French population being informed. Of the population that speaks English and ‘Other’ language 10.74% of the population would have received the information and would later relay the warning to the population segment that speaks ‘Other’ language thus resulting in an additional 0.81% of the population being informed. Since no segment of the population spoke English and Spanish or French and Spanish, that group did not receive the information. Table 6 illustrates clearly the dangers of transmitting warning information in one language in a multilanguage society. For example, when the language of dissemination is Spanish, only Spanish-speakers received the warning information. While the data depicted in Table 6 is based on just one of the many possible scenarios that can occur, though not necessarily in the language order utilized, it nonetheless builds a strong case for the need to disseminate warning information in multiple languages when operating in a multicultural and multilanguage society. Table 6: Information receive rate by language and time for loudspeakers only


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Spread Time (mins)

Language* of Dissemination

Information Receiver Total (%)

English French-Creole

English & French-Creole

Spanish Other Other & English

1 English 22.2 10.25 0.37 8.35 0 0.81 10.74 1 French 13.61 0.93 12.08 5.54 0 0.05 1.73 1 Spanish 1.55 0 0 0 5.38 0 0 1 Other 8.53 3.64 0.09 3.07 0 2.81 7.06 1 All 35.01 10.65 11.69 8.76 4.69 3 11.34 5 English 29.77 14.13 0.19 10.96 0 0.93 14.54 5 French 19.87 1.69 16.35 8.8 0 0.43 3.05 5 Spanish 3.11 0 0 0 10.21 0 0 5 Other 14.01 5.59 0.08 5.38 0 5.92 11.75 5 All 48.91 14.1 16.58 11.33 10.26 6.09 14.58 10 English 30.71 14.58 0.48 11.35 0 0.59 14.72 10 French 20.42 1.6 16.92 9.2 0 0.13 2.43 10 Spanish 3.52 0 0 0 11.62 0 0 10 Other 15.4 6.1 0.32 5.77 0 6.48 12.81 10 All 50.36 14.51 17.25 11.19 11.43 6.65 14.94

When more than one medium was used to relay warning information (Table 7) (patrol car speakers and fixed loudspeakers) once following the occurrence of an earthquake there was an increase of 17.6% in the total number of persons who would receive the warning. Additionally, both tables revealed that the more the information is relayed the greater the percentage of the population that would receive the information. This therefore indicates that the more mediums utilized and an increase in frequency in information dissemination, the greater the chance of reaching a larger audience. The same argument can be made for using multiple languages to disseminate warning information. The more languages used to disseminate warning information the wider the cross-section of society that the information will reach. For example, using both Table 6 and 7, if the warning information was disseminated in English and Spanish simultaneously, it means that persons who are bilingual and can speak English/French would be able to relay the warning to persons who speak French only. Assuming that the information was also communicated in Spanish, it therefore means that the Spanish population would have also been warned and would not be dependent on someone being bilingual that is, speaking either English/Spanish or French/Spanish to relay the information to them. While it is true that often in societies there are persons that are bilingual and in some case multilingual, one cannot depend solely on this technique for dissemination of risk information. Instead measures must be put in place to ensure that there is no discrimination in the dissemination of relevant information to populations at risk. Additionally, the presence of bilingual and multilingual persons in a society should be seen as a means of reinforcing or complementing existing multilingual communication frameworks in reaching persons that the main stream communication medium might have failed to reach. Therefore, disaster managers cannot continue to ignore the multicultural aspect of disaster management and persist on the use of a ‘one size fits all’ policy approach in dealing with disasters in multilanguage communities. Table 7: Information receive rate by every language & spread times (%) by loudspeaker and patrol car

* 1-All-Everyone can understand the warning, they do not depend on language


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(without mass media, phone)

Spread Time (mins)

Language* of Dissemination

Information Receiver Total (%)

English French-Creole

English & French-Creole

Spanish Other Other & English

1 English 39.8 18.05 1.08 18.02 0 0.97 20.42 1 French 24.59 2.35 19.95 13.2 0 0.56 3.25 1 Spanish 3.77 0 0 0 11.99 0 0 1 Other 17.08 6.46 0.34 8.13 0 9.94 15.09 1 All 60.93 17.8 19.72 17.05 12 10.51 20.38 5 English 44.19 20.25 1.19 19.47 0 0.8 22.23 5 French 28.12 2.69 22.07 15.38 0 0.85 4.61 5 Spanish 4.88 0 0 0 15.73 0 0 5 Other 21.42 8.36 0.41 9.51 0 11.84 19.02 5 All 69.46 20.13 22.09 19.44 16.09 12.28 22.11 10 English 44.84 20.52 1.15 19.81 0 1.25 22.71 10 French 28.66 2.74 22.88 16.23 0 0.54 4.63 10 Spanish 5.25 0 0 0 17.44 0 0 10 Other 21.48 8.09 0.56 9.08 0 13.06 18.94 10 All 70.8 20.58 22.78 19.57 17.14 12.54 22.52

6.3.3. Response People at risk from disasters, whether natural or human induced, can take actions that save lives, reduce losses and speed-up response, and reduce human suffering when they receive accurate warnings in a timely manner. Effective warnings should, in a timely fashion reach every person at risk who needs and wants to be warned, regardless of current location or activity being undertaken because effective disaster preparedness and response is important for sustainable development. However, in order to achieve this broad distribution of information a partnership for utilizing both government and private owned systems will be necessary (Natural Disaster Information System Committee, 2000). 6.3.3.1. Timing of Information Dissemination and Residents Behavioural Response After the occurrence of for example a large earthquake and the imminent threat of a tsunami, the prompt and efficient communication of disaster information to residents is very important to saving lives. The model allows the simulation of different scenarios based on the parameter of timing of information dissemination by the authorities and the time it takes residents to complete evacuation. The model can use the shortest evacuation route and calculate the duration of evacuation based on evacuation on foot at a speed of 80 meters per minute. Therefore, the model is able to simulate the significance of a delay in information transmission and the likely impact on loss of life. This information can be used to educate disaster managers on the importance of prompt information dissemination. From the resident’s perspective, in order to minimize casualties, effective disaster response planning must begin with an understanding of human behaviour. Rapid reporting of what is happening during a disaster can be very effective in helping people reduce damage and improve response. However, an appropriate response to a warning is most likely to occur when people have been educated about the hazard and have developed a plan of action well before the warning (Liu et al., 1996). It has been argued that the key to disaster loss-reduction is the timely dissemination of warning information to those at risk. However, there are numerous instances where information was relayed in a timely manner but for various reasons residents did not undertake evacuation. This situation was exemplified during hurricane Katrina in the USA, 2004, Ivan in Jamaica, 2004, Hurricane Floyd in South Carolina, 1999 and the Sanriku-Earthquake, Miyagi, Japan, May 2003. Miyagi is an area known for having large earthquakes and

* 1-All-Everyone can understand the warning, they do not depend on language


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possible tsunami threats, yet only 1.7 percent of residents evacuated from the possibility of a tsunami occurrence. Based on this fact, if a tsunami had occurred a high number of casualties would have been inevitable (Katada et al., 2006). There are many reasons why residents choose not to undertake or to delay evacuation as was illustrated during Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, 2005 (see Elder Keith, et. al 2007). As part of a larger study of community evacuation warnings, Perry et al. (1981a) reported that, when warned to evacuate in the face of rising flood waters, substantially more Mexican-Americans than whites choose not to comply. In attempting to understand this response, the investigators found that, even after statistically controlling for the effects of non-English speakers and message content, Mexican-Americans tended to have less confidence in the accuracy of warning messages and believed themselves to be at less personal risk than whites (Perry & Green 1982). Understanding who evacuates and who does not has been one of the cornerstones of research on the pre-impact phase of both natural and technological hazards. The factors that often impede appropriate response to evacuation are but not limited to ‘cry-wolf’ syndrome (an evacuation order for a storm that misses), low risk perception, religious faith, past experience, and financial constraints. It is not the aim of this model to illustrate or model the evacuation decision-making process of residents, but rather how to motivate evacuation for those that need to flee to safety, while at the same time constraining those that should stay in place. The underlying issue is that evacuation decision making and perhaps hazard decisions in general, are complex processes that are not easy to categorize. However, the model acknowledges the resident’s decision making-process by simulating multiple scenarios i.e. undertaking early evacuation immediately following an earthquake, delaying evacuation by 5, 10, or 15 minutes etc. to confirm information or simply not undertaking evacuation at all. These different scenarios were used to illustrate to residents the relationship between early evacuation and the resulting number of casualties. Additionally, scenarios were simulated to show the relationship between a delay in official warning transmission and resident’s evacuation behaviour in terms of the resulting number of casualties. Based on these scenarios it was revealed that a correlation exists between information receive time and number of casualties and evacuation (early or delayed) and non-evacuation and number of casualties. 6.3.3.2. Encouraging Positive Mitigation Behaviour Having used the model to inform disaster managers of the most effective way of communicating warning information in a diverse society such as the TCI, to inform the location of shelters, positioning of fixed loudspeakers and routes for dispatching patrol car speakers, the next component of the model from the residents perspective is to use the model as an educational tool for encouraging positive behavioural response to warning or other hazard related information. A key strength of the information simulation model is its ability to generate 2 dimensional scenario outputs of various resident behavioural responses. It is true that various social, psychological and cultural factors etc often influence a household’s decision to undertake evacuation or not. The model recognizing these barriers to effective disaster mitigation is able to educate residents through the simulation of ‘life-like’ scenarios of the importance of undertaking early evacuation. The realistic nature of the model’s output will allow the concept of the need to heed to emergency warnings to be clearly understood. In that regard, the model would be a good tool for educating residents regardless of cultural background about the importance of responding to evacuation warnings promptly and when appropriate, undertaking evacuation based on their own cognition of the threat, since communications from government officials can be delayed due to damages. Studies show (Ketterer & Spada, 1993) that only if the same warning is repeated through different information channels by credible authorities, are people likely to heed it. The more detailed and specific the warning, the more credible it is and the more accepted it will be. In that regard, the model recognizes that different groups in society will find different sources credible and as such made provision for the use of multiple mediums in the dissemination of warning information. Additionally, it has been argued that risk perception tends to increase with frequency in warning information and also when that information originated from what is deemed a credible source. Therefore, the use of multiple mediums increases the reiteration of warnings and the information being relayed by what might be considered a reliable source by different groups, thus the likelihood of increasing resident’s risk perception of the need to evacuate quickly. Moreover, the inclusion of the parameter of oral communication between residents addresses the issue of some cultural groups finding social networks to be more reliable and trustworthy than mainstream media, which can have an advantage in not only encouraging residents to evacuate but can also provide a safety net during and after a hazard occurrence. A barrier can also be an opportunity depending on the lens through which it is being examined. For example, it is widely stated that gender issues can present a formidable barrier to risk mitigation. But


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it may also be argued that gender may positively influence warning response. Since women by nature, or through their socialization process, are considered to be caretakers the model can be used to educate females or female-headed households of the need to evacuate early to reduce casualties in their family, since a 10 minute delay in evacuation can cause serious injury and even death. As such, women represent a potential key target for public outreach and education. Conversely, if men tend toward riskier behaviours, the model can simulate various scenarios to depict what is likely to occur if evacuation is taken late, especially when elderly and young children are involved in evacuating on foot, when roads are inundated, some impassable and attempting to evacuate late at night. As such the model can be targeted at men who generally see themselves as the protectors of the family. The model addresses the complexities that often result due to language differences or incorrect translation of warning information from one language to another by the use of a siren type pitch to issue warnings. The use of this method means that regardless of primary language persons would still be able to understand the warning. Secondly, the model does not rely on the media to translate the warning into the various languages; instead the model makes recommendations for the warning information to be directly issued in the 3 official languages spoken in the country by the disaster office. 6.4. Summary The issue of multiculturalism within the context of risk information/ communication has become an important focus in disaster management planning, because an understanding of the issues facing a mixed-cultural society is critical in ensuring its effectiveness. Irrespective of the length or status of abode in the migrant destination, international standards require timely and effective communication of emergency disaster information to all. Therefore, if disaster managers are to effectively meet this challenge there is an urgent need for the development of models/tools that can ensure efficient and equitable dissemination of information to all residents, at all phases of the disaster management cycle. It is in that regard, that the Information Simulator Model was developed as a tool to be used for ensuring effective dissemination of disaster information in a mixed-cultural society in order to ensure effective disaster management. It is anticipated that the model will be an effective tool for: communicating disaster risk and evacuation information in a mixed-cultural landscape, planning disaster risk and evacuation response and educating decision-makers on the relationship between disaster risk, information timing and response time. The continuous advancement in science and technology will allow early detection of potential hazards and the quick and effective dissemination of warning to all residents. Tomorrows technology will allow disaster managers to effectively reach all vulnerable groups in the society to inform them of an impending disaster. Some systems will turn themselves on to warn people and to be certain they receive it; they will probably receive the message from several different places. They might get a self-activated warning from their cell phone; TV, car radio or even a ‘call warning’ call on their regular telephone. They will know about hazards whether they are home, in the office, in the car, at school, in a hospital, at a shopping mall, on the beach or even in their place of worship. For those who are hearing impaired a vibrator could go off under their pillow when they are asleep. The proper utilization of advances in Science and Technology will allow disaster managers to warn all who are vulnerable and who want to be warned.

Chapter 7.0

The Promotion of Disaster Information and Knowledge to Children using Game Technique: The Disaster Awareness Game

(DAG)

This chapter highlights the Disaster Awareness Game, a technique developed in this research for the promotion of disaster awareness in schools. The specific vulnerability of children to the impacts of multiple hazards is discussed below. This vulnerability has been the underpinning stimulus for recent increases in initiatives for the promotion of disaster awareness in schools. Central to these initiatives is the development of techniques for enhancing the disaster knowledge-base of young children. The main challenge to the success of these initiatives is in ensuring that the methodological approach and tools employed in the disaster education of children are not only relevant to their educational capacity but also, interesting enough to sustain their attention. It is in this context that the Disaster Awareness Game was designed to evaluate and promote disaster awareness in children. The chapter begins with an overview of critical considerations in the provision of disaster information and knowledge to children as a prelude to discussion of the development of the Disaster Awareness Game and its effectiveness as a tool for the effective education of children. 7.1. Information and Knowledge Gaps in Disaster Management Systems: The Case of Children The role of disaster awareness through education and knowledge transfer in building more resilient societies and communities has been repeatedly highlighted. This is particularly true as it relates to the preparedness, mitigation, emergency response and recovery stages of the disaster management cycle (Nielsen & Lidstone, 1998). It is in that regard that the Hyogo Framework identifies knowledge of and education on disaster risk reduction as ONE of the FIVE priorities for action in order to achieve disaster-resilient communities and nations. In similar vein, UNISDR has consistently campaigned to make disaster awareness and risk reduction integral to school curricula whether in formal, informal, or non-formal education. The objective here is to promote disaster risk education in national school curricula in countries which are vulnerable to natural hazards. It is believed that knowledge management and education can help hazard-prone communities to gain a better understanding of ways to cope with risks and therefore to become more resilient. As such, disaster education is recognized as an essential element in sustainable development since it accelerates the progress of societies toward disaster resilience (UNESCO, 2004). This view is reiterated in the Kobe Report 2005, where it is stated that “education for creating a culture of disaster resilience is an interactive process of mutual learning among people and institutions. It encompasses far more than formal education at schools and universities, and affects all aspects of life through the concerted effort to overcome universal barriers of ignorance, apathy, disciplinary boundaries and lack of political will present in communities. Education also involves the enhancement and use of indigenous knowledge for protecting people, habitat, livelihoods, and cultural heritage from natural hazards.” The report further postulates that history teaches that inadequate disaster reduction awareness and preparation repeatedly lead to preventable loss of life and damage in all major natural disasters and that preparation through education is less costly than learning through tragedy. According to the ISDR (2006-2007) Report, schools are the best venues for inculcating collective values. Recently, there has been a renewal of focus, at both the national and global levels, of the importance of using public education as a key to disaster mitigation. The 1990’s Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction emphasised the importance of governments ‘educating and training their citizens to increase awareness (Press, 1989). Likewise, it is widely recognized that an educated public is better able to prepare for, and adapt and respond to hazards, and that education for disaster reduction is complex yet essential to any properly implemented, centrally managed hazard strategy. The implementation of disaster

Chapter 7: The Promotion of Disaster Information and Knowledge to Children using Game Technique: The Disaster Awareness Game (DAG)

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loss-reduction programmes in schools is increasingly being recognized as one of the key elements in long-term disaster risk-reduction strategies. The rationale is that school children can play an important role in real-life future catastrophic events if disaster risk reduction is integrated into school curricula. The importance of disaster awareness in reducing fatalities among children was demonstrated during the Indian Ocean Tsunami. Many lives were saved because a little child was able to recall the warning signs of a possible tsunami from her Geography lessons in school. It is in this context that the promotion of disaster education among school children and the subsequent transfer of the knowledge gain to the communities from which these children come can be an effective way of building more disaster-resilient societies. Wisner (2006) echoes this view in his statement that “at all levels, pupils and students from primary schools to post-graduate level can actively study the safety of their own schools and work with teachers and community members to find ways to protect themselves. They can also spread the methods of participatory vulnerability and capacity assessment and hazard mapping to the broader communities surrounding schools and other institutions of education and research of which they are a part”. Similar sentiments are expressed by the ISDR (2006) in the statement that ‘disaster loss-reduction education for children fosters awareness and better understanding about the immediate environment in which they and their families live and work.’ Since children are widely known to be influential and effective communicators, lessons learned at school will later be transmitted to the home (UNESCO, 2004). ‘The value added of current disaster education intervention in school’s curricula is that children who get disaster education will, once they become adults, have a greater understanding of disasters, of the effects of human actions and of the consequences of poor environmental management, as well as of the need to promote a new kind of development path that is in greater harmony with nature (ISDR, 2002). In other words, education for disaster reduction is an integral part of education for sustainable development as education, knowledge and awareness are critical to building the capacity for hazard loss reduction (Wisner, 2006). There is an emerging paradigm in which children are not regarded merely as potential victims of hazards and disasters but rather as catalysts for loss reduction. This is because children represent the gateway to creating a culture of prevention in society. They can be taught the value of prevention and encouraged to play proactive roles in disaster reduction (Anderson, 2000). It is in that regard that the Hyogo Framework calls for a bottom-up (students, teachers, and communities) and top-down (Government, UN, IOs, and NGOs) approach to disaster risk reduction. The new paradigm has many challenges, especially as these relate to the development of appropriate methodologies and techniques for providing children with information that will build their disaster awareness capacity. While the importance of tailoring disaster information and knowledge to the mental capacity of children as a strategy in risk reduction cannot be overstated, the design of children-specific disaster information is one of the greatest challenges to the process. Challenges include:

i) Determination of the existing levels of awareness prior to curriculum design as a means of establishing the level of intervention required;

ii) Design and development of appropriate tools for evaluating the existing level of awareness and also the knowledge gained from interventions; and

iii) Ensuring that the techniques employed for imparting disaster knowledge to children are sufficiently interesting and interactive to hold their attention.

The design of methodologies for educating children in disaster loss-reduction issues requires a number of critical considerations. These are highlighted in the following section. 7.2. Disaster Risk Information and Knowledge for Children: Critical Considerations There is general consensus that the tens of thousands of children who lost their lives in the Indian Ocean Tsunami of 26 December 2004 might have survived had they been equipped with the relevant information and skills that would have fostered appropriate responses that could reduce their risk. It is in support of this view that the Asian Disaster Reduction Centre (ADRC), argues that the integration of tsunami disaster education into school curricula is the most effective way preventing or at least mitigating a similar tragedy from recurring (Suzuki, 2006). This argument echoes views expressed by organizations such as the ISDR (2002) that school education is one of the key elements in long-term disaster risk-reduction strategies. Consensus is that the mainstreaming of disaster education in schools must take into account key considerations related to:

i) Curriculum development; ii) Pedagogy;


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iii) Tailoring of disaster information to the mental capacity of children; iv) Measurement of level of awareness; v) Children’s attention span; vi) Mode of communication; and vii) Inclusion of children in the decision-making process.

7.2.1. Curriculum development There is much interest in curriculum and teaching practice as vehicles for promoting disaster-related knowledge among children. However, the incorporation of disaster education into existing school curricula cannot be ad hoc but must be approached within the context of an overall educational system whose strength and functionality is reflected in each constituent curriculum. Interventions for the promotion of disaster education must therefore ensure effective interface with the existing components of the system if the initiatives for risk-reduction education are to be realistic and feasible (Wisner, 2006). 7.2.2. Pedagogy Pedagogy refers to the art of effectively imparting knowledge and, as such, the infusion of disaster education into school curricula requires appropriate pedagogic considerations. Traditional school curricula are largely academic in their orientation. However, disaster education is not merely an academic exercise but a knowledge transfer system that can make the difference between life and death, between economic progress and impoverishment and between sustainable development and environmental degradation. It is in this regard that those to be entrusted with imparting disaster information to children should themselves be adequately and appropriately trained, not only in relation to the content of such knowledge but also in relation to the methodologies of effective communication. If this can be achieved in relation to school curricula, the multiplier effect on the wider society in terms of increased levels of awareness will be astounding (Wisner, 2006). 7.2.3. Tailoring of Disaster Information The tailoring of information towards target groups is a critical component of pedagogic methodology. As such, disaster information for children must therefore take into consideration issues such as age, level of literacy, local language/dialects and cultural factors in order to maximize the detail and wealth of the collective information. 7.2.4. Measurement of Level of Awareness Rationalization is critical to the success of any intervention. In that regard, the promotion of disaster education in schools must be informed by the existing level of knowledge among children. This necessitates evaluation of targeted students to establish their existing knowledge in relation to hazards and disasters. Depending on the age group of targeted children, it is important that the evaluation technique is in sync with their level of literacy as well as mental capacity. It is widely recognized by educators that games are an effective mode of communicating information to children of all abilities, so game techniques can be utilized in measuring levels of disaster awareness among children. 7.2.5. Children’s Attention Span Attention span is an important consideration in the education of young children. The tendency is for a positive relationship between attention span and the level of interactiveness of the teaching technique. It is for this reason that games, simulations and skits are effective tools for the imparting of disaster knowledge to children. It is important, however, that detail and accuracy of information are not sacrificed for interactiveness. 7.2.6. Mode of Communication Children of the same age can respond differently to techniques employed for their education. Careful consideration must therefore be paid to the mode of communication used in the dissemination of disaster risk information to young children and must cover a range of interactive and visual techniques and, as far as possible, include hands-on and experiential learning methods (Wisner, 2006). Ideally therefore, a disaster-relevant curriculum would not only impart knowledge related to the relevant natural hazards themselves, but in addition, would ensure that various media are utilized in the dissemination


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process so as to allow for the production of understandable and accessible information (e.g. posters, murals, simple drawings for primary school children) for all levels of children’s mental abilities. 7.2.7. Inclusion of children in the decision‐making process The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) recognises that a child “is a subject of rights who is able to form and express opinions, to participate in decision-making processes and influence solutions, to intervene as a partner in the process of social change and in the building of democracy.” Most disaster risk-reduction measures have excluded the input of children although it is widely recognised that children are among the most vulnerable groups to the impact of disasters. In relation to disaster risk-reduction, children can play a critical role in informing the contents of risk-reduction measures as well as the techniques for imparting related knowledge. Consultation with children and those who teach and work with children must therefore be integral to the promotion of disaster awareness. The DAG takes into account the considerations aforementioned. 7.3. The Disaster Awareness Game: Technique for Information and Knowledge Promotion in Children The Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) is a process that combines a number of tools and techniques designed to:

i) Measure levels of hazard and disaster awareness; ii) Educate children as well as adults about hazards and disasters that are relevant to their

environment; iii) Encourage positive behaviour at all stages of the disaster management cycle; and iv) Dispel myths about hazards and disasters.

These tools include presentations on local hazards and the relevant disaster management context, a board game with related question cards and a score sheet that is used to evaluate levels of awareness prior to and after exposure to the game. The board game also helps to inform players of the consequences of poor environmental behaviour especially as these relate to hazards. 7.3.1. Objectives of the DAG Technique DAG is an educational disaster game technique that is designed to evaluate levels of hazard awareness in order to determine and prioritize interventions for disaster education. In addition, the DAG evaluation process is intended to encourage positive mitigation and response behaviours, as well as to dispel myths about disasters in a fun yet intellectual environment. An overarching theme of the DAG is the relationship between attitudes to disaster information and social vulnerability. Playing of the game is intended to assess the level of knowledge of players within the context of the disaster management cycle. In that regard, the game navigates its players through preparedness, prevention, mitigation, emergency response and recovery/rehabilitation stages. There is a strong emphasis on measures that can be employed to mitigate impact and by extension contribute to the sustainability of households, communities and nations. The weaknesses/gaps in the answers given by players are not interpreted negatively but are instead regarded as opportunities for the design of appropriate interventions for risk-reduction. 7.3.2. Critical Considerations in the Development of the DAG Key issues considered in developing the DAG for school children included design concept, reading and comprehension ability, age range, usability, attention span and learning considerations. 7.3.2.1. Design Considerations The DAG game consists of 3 levels, Basic, Intermediate and Advanced, and is adaptable to any echelon of educational attainment. The board game layout is identical for all levels: the level is determined by the degree of difficulty of the questions contained on the game cards. Currently, the DAG is in an electronic format which allows its users to adapt and format the game for different ability levels by adjusting the degree of challenge of the questions, the types of hazards and related questions in order to reflect local vernacular and hazard experience/exposure. The flexibility of the game allows users to format it to reflect specific areas of disaster management which decision makers might need to highlight.


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The adaptation discussed in this paper was targeted at Grade 5 primary school children and was tested in the Caribbean countries of St. Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG) and the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI). To date, the DAG is available in English, with translations into Japanese currently underway. 7.3.2.2. Reading and Comprehension Ability The board component of the DAG process was designed to ensure that players are evaluated on the hazards and related management issues that are relevant to their environment (Figure 16: DAG Board Game). For this reason the contents of the board component are adjustable and dependent on the environment of the players. Once the content of the DAG board was developed, the next step was to determine the degree of difficulty of related questions. Like the board component, the level of difficulty of the game cards can be easily and electronically adapted to suit the player’s environment. In the game design for children, reading and comprehension ability were key considerations.

Figure 16: DAG Board Game In that regard, consultation with educators of young children preceded the development of the question cards. The preliminary game was intended to be tested on Grade 5 (9-12 years old) primary-level children. The consultation process established the reading and comprehension ability of this age group and the question cards were designed accordingly. The questions on the game cards coincided with the hazard content of the board game, thus covering similar stages of the disaster management cycle. The construction of the questions using a multiple choice format was one of the outcomes of the consultation with educators. Likewise the limitation of response options to three (Figure 17) was also an outcome of this process. Further fine tuning of questions occurred in relation to simplicity and straightforwardness. Appropriateness of the questions for the targeted students was further assessed by circulating draft questions and response options among a panel consisting of child educators and disaster managers. 7.3.2.3. Age Range

The age range consideration for playing the game is informed by knowledge of the mental and comprehension ability of different age cohorts. Based on this knowledge, it was decided that a minimum age of 9 years was required if the game was to be effective in the promotion of disaster awareness among children.


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7.3.2.4. Usability

The primary attraction of the DAG as an education tool in the promotion of disaster awareness and risk-reduction is its low resource-demand, simple technology and cost effectiveness. The inputs are low cost and easily available so the DAG process can be easily implemented in poor societies where resource availability is a major constraint. Additionally, the digital format of the board game allows facilitators to adapt and modify the game in accordance with the requirements of the local environment in which it is being played. Similarly, the game can be easily modified to concentrate focus on single or multiple hazards as well as on specific components of the disaster management cycle. This level of flexibility can be effective in prioritizing the focus of the disaster management education in schools. In addition, the board game and question cards can be translated into multiple languages/dialects in order to ensure more universal relevance.

Figure 17: DAG score sheet 7.3.2.5. Attention Span and Learning Considerations The DAG is intended to promote disaster education in a relaxed and exciting environment of mental competitiveness and enjoyment. In order to prevent boredom, length of play, although flexible, was limited to one hour. Various means of stimulating interest among children were incorporated into both the board game and the game cards. Colourful pictures, clip arts, graphics and attractive text were extensively used. Since the game is not intended to be a formal examination of player’s knowledge, the design of the game cards (Figure 18: DAG flood and hurricane card sample) was intended to instil confidence in players by providing the correct response option as well as a brief explanation for the response. Positive disaster management behaviours are encouraged in the game by rewarding players with moving one place forward for a correct response and two places backward for an incorrect response.


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Players can also advance if their game pieces fall on a position that suggests positive disaster management behaviour. Likewise, backward movement (penalty) can occur if the game piece falls on a location that indicates detrimental disaster management behaviour. This system of reward and penalty helps to reinforce the learning of positive disaster management behaviour. The pedagogical effectiveness of the DAG can be influenced by prevailing dispositions of children especially as these relate to meta-cognitive skills, reading ability and general learning attitudes.

Figure 18: DAG flood and hurricane card sample 7.3.3. Rules and Rationale In order to achieve the objectives of the game, it was imperative that the rules of the game be clear, simple, complete and concise so that they could be easily grasped by players (Figure 19).


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Figure 19: DAG Instruction Sheet 7.4. Evaluation of Effectiveness of the DAG: Case Studies from the Caribbean Confirmation is a critical component in the development of any evaluation tool. With regard to the DAG the confirmation process was intended to identify and eliminate glitches in the process. A total of 42 students were evaluated in SVG while 33 students were evaluated in TCI. Two-day workshops were organized for testing of the DAG in each of the targeted countries. The goal of the workshops was not only to evaluate existing levels of disaster awareness within the context of the DAG but also to enhance awareness. Participating Grade 5 students in SVG varied in age from 9 to 12 years with the mean age being 10.9 years. In TCI, ages also varied from 9 to 12 years with the mean age being 10.2. The evaluation process in the workshop involved a pre-game survey of students, an initial game exposure, provision of disaster information using various modes and post-game assessment. The involvement of students, their teachers and parents as major actors in disaster prevention and emergency preparedness, and the fact that workshop activities received the support of both the Ministry of Education and National Disaster Management Organization in each country, as well as coverage and publicity provided by the media, contributed significantly to the smoothness of the evaluation exercise and the quality of data generated. The long-term relevance of the DAG is related to emerging efforts by Caribbean countries to bench-mark the comparative disaster management status among countries as a means of rationalizing and prioritizing disaster management interventions. In that context, the DAG can be utilized as a bench-marking tool that allows comparison of levels of disaster awareness among children of similar ages throughout the region and thereby inform the type and level of disaster intervention required. The communication of disaster information to children was done in stages. First, students level of hazard awareness was ascertained through a pre-game survey and initial exposure to the DAG, followed by the provision of disaster information to fill in the gaps in students knowledge of hazard awareness and management and then a post-game assessment was carried out to determine the effectiveness of the various strategies used in the communication of disaster information to children. 7.4.1. Evaluation Methodology The evaluation methodology was undertaken in four stages:

i) Pre-Game Survey - This stage is intended to evaluate the existing levels of disaster awareness among the target population using a questionnaire survey;


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ii) Initial Game Exposure- This represents the second stage of the pre-test through exposure of the target population to the DAG;

iii) Provisions of Disaster Information- In this stage participants are provided with disaster management information on hazards that are pertinent to their environment; and

iv) Post-Game Assessment- This stage was intended to evaluate the impact of the game and disaster information on the level of awareness among participants.

7.4.1.1. Pre‐Game Survey At the start of the workshop, a questionnaire was administered to participating students and their level of awareness was assessed, based on the correctness of their responses. The questionnaires were designed to assess not only the children’s level of awareness but also risk perceptions, factual knowledge and physical preparedness for hazards to which their communities are vulnerable. In that regard, the questions addressed to students in SVG were related to hurricane, volcano, landslide, mudslide and flooding (Appendix A-1 and Appendix B-1). The questions for TCI students were confined to hurricane and flooding (Appendix A-2 and Appendix B-2). The questionnaire also assessed the children’s prior exposure to specific hazards and to disaster education programmes designed to increase awareness, knowledge and preparedness which would have been provided by local disaster management officials, media or by school teachers. As discussed in Chapter 3 ethnicity, culture and language can be key determinants of variations in the disaster-related behaviour of a population. There was significant difference between the two samples with regard to ethnicity. The Grade 5 students evaluated in SVG were homogenous in their ethnicity with all of them originating from SVG. In the case of the TCI, ethnicity was varied (Table 1 Supra Pp. 11). The ethnicity of the target population is relevant to the evaluation process because ethnic background is a major consideration in assessing perceptions, attitudes and behaviour in relation to hazards/disasters. In spite of the ethnic homogeneity of the SVG sample the diversity of locations from which students originated resulted in a variety of hazard experiences, thus making the evaluation process as interesting as that of TCI where hazard experiences were largely related to countries of origin. 7.4.1.2. Initial Game Exposure At this stage of the evaluation exercise, students were coached on the rules of the game and were allowed to play the game (Plate 1 & 2) without any additional information provided to them. The idea behind this exercise was to complement the measurement exercise undertaken in the pre-game survey. In essence therefore, the initial game exposure provided a reliability check for the pre-game survey. A score card was kept to record the correctness of responses but more importantly, it could be used as a database for determining levels of awareness at this stage. At the end of this exercise, game scores of participating students were compared with the results of the pre-game survey in order to establish reliability.

7.4.1.3. Provision of Disaster Management Information The initial exposure to the DAG was followed by formal but interactive discussions related to the relevant hazards, their impact and management. These discussions were facilitated by simple power-point presentations, videos and other interactive learning strategies (Plate 3-6).

Plate 1: Playing the DAG in SVG Plate 2: Playing the DAG in TCI


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7.4.1.4. Post‐Game Assessment The post-test assessment consisted of a second exposure to the DAG and evaluation of the student’s performance in light of their previous exposure and the disaster management information provided. The results of the post-game assessment are discussed below and focus on the influence of the DAG exercise on awareness of local hazards, risk perception and preparedness and mitigation. 7.4.2. Pre‐Game Analysis The pre-game survey analysis is discussed in terms of children’s natural hazard awareness, their risk perceptions and their household level of preparedness. 7.4.2.1. Children’s Hazard Awareness Level of hazard awareness among children is influenced by the extent of their hazard and disaster education as well as their level of exposure especially within the context of their household. During the pre-test exercise the level of awareness among children was assessed by asking participants to identify hazards that have or are likely to impact their communities. Table 8 summarizes the results of this exercise. Table 8: Children’s perceptions of likely hazard impacts on their communities

Plate 4: Provision of disaster information to students in TCI using videos

Plate 5: Students in TCI enthusiastic to share their hazard experience with the class

Plate 6: A student in TCI sharing their hazard experience with her class

Plate 3: Provision of disaster information to students in SVG using PowerPoint


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Hazard TCI (% ) SVG (%) Hurricane 72.7 100 Flood 42.4 93.9 Tropical Storm 33.3 78.8 Windstorm 18.2 54.5 Earthquake 15.2 81.8 Drought 9.1 45.5 Wildfire 6.1 12.1 Tsunami 3.0 33.3 Landslide/Debris Flow 0 93.9 Volcanic Eruption 0 97.0

In all cases, children in SVG demonstrated a higher level of pre-test awareness of hazards that are likely to impact their communities than those in TCI for hazards that are common to both environments. The zero score for children in the TCI in relation to landslides/debris flows and volcanic eruption could be anticipated since these hazards are not a part of the hazard profile of the TCI. The generally higher level of awareness in SVG is likely related to the frequency of occurrence of these hazards when compared with the TCI. The exception is drought, because rainfall levels are extremely low in the TCI, yet children demonstrated a low level of awareness of the potential impacts of meteorological and physiological drought. The likely explanation is that in spite of low rainfall levels in the TCI domestic water supply is fairly reliable owing to extensive occurrence of rainwater harvesting as well as desalinization of sea water. Unlike SVG where drought is most noticeable in terms of its impact on agriculture which is the main livelihood activity, agriculture as a form of livelihood in the TCI is almost non- existent. The importance of hazard education in promoting levels of awareness and by extension risk reduction is underscored. The level of hazard education among sampled children was assessed in terms of exposure and access to disaster information related to two hazards (Floods and Hurricanes) that are common to the profile of both TCI and SVG. Table 9 summarizes the results of this pre-test exercise.

Table 9: Comparative sources of hazard/disaster information –TCI and SVG‡

FLOOD HURRICANE

Information Source Sample Source

Schools Parents or guardians

TV programmes

Schools Parents or guardians

TV programmes

TCI (%) 51.5 51.5 93.9

72.7 63.6 93.9

SVG (%)

78.8 66.7 100 54.5 81.8 100

For both groups of students, the pre-test survey revealed that TV programmes were their primary source of flood and hurricane hazard information. These programmes are for the most part seasonal and are broadcasted during the Atlantic Hurricane Season when impacts from hurricanes and related flooding are most likely. Schools also feature significantly in the disaster education of children. But it is interesting that with regard to hurricane in SVG schools are the least important source of hazard related information. This is probably related to the fact that the media and parents provide significant information to children, thus reducing emphasis of disaster information in schools. It is noteworthy that the programmes that provide hazard and disaster information to children are not always intentionally educational, but take the

‡ Note: Sources of information are not mutually exclusive


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form of popular Hollywood Productions such as, “The Day After Tomorrow”, “Volcano”, and “The Perfect Storm,” that have been formatted for television. Although the level of hazard education among sampled children might seem relatively high the extensiveness and comprehensiveness of this education needs to be the focus of further research. Indications are that misconceptions about hazards and disasters especially within the home environment are still rife. In that regard, the role of schools in providing appropriate and factual information for disaster loss reduction cannot be overstated. The pre-test exercise suggests that caution should be exercised in the interpretation of results from tools designed to evaluate levels of disaster awareness and education among children. For instance, results from the administration of the pre-test questionnaire survey suggest a high level of awareness among sampled children. However, the results of the DAG score sheet, which is a practical demonstration of levels of awareness, were contrary to those of the questionnaire survey. This discrepancy is likely the result of the tendency of children to perceive positive responses to questions as desirable. The practical nature of the DAG does not allow non-factual responses and as such the real level of awareness among children is better evaluated. Children’s exposure to and experiences with hazards are major influences on their disaster education and level of awareness. Given the age cohort of sampled children, exposure to hazards is a function of how recent these events have occurred in their environment. It is for this reason that Grade 5 students in the TCI had a higher (72.7%) level of exposure to hurricanes than those in SVG (57.6%). This level of exposure is a reflection of recent (since 2004) hurricane events such as Hurricanes Ivan, Francis and Charlie which have impacted the TCI. On the other hand, children in SVG had minimal exposure to hurricanes in recent times. Moreover, the recent hurricane experiences were mainly coastal and would not have significantly impacted the Marriaqua Valley where the school from which the children were sampled is located. With regard to flooding, the exposure of children in SVG was higher (57.6%) than those in TCI (39.4%) reflecting the greater frequency of flooding in SVG as well as the location of the Ona Glinton Primary School from which the sample was drawn. Had the sample been drawn from a primary school on the island of Providenciales in the TCI, the level of exposure would likely be higher owing to recent flood events on that island. This suggests that a more comprehensive comparison of levels of awareness, education and exposure among Caribbean countries would require more comprehensive and representative samplings. 7.4.2.2. Children’s Risk Perceptions People’s perception of risk is a major factor in the determination of vulnerability because this perception informs the decisions that will either mitigate or aggravate vulnerability. This is especially relevant for school children who might be away from adult supervision for extended periods of time en route to and from school. The risk perception of sampled children was assessed in terms of perceived vulnerability of their country, community and homes. It is recognised that this assessment of risk perception is somewhat simplistic but given the age and level of education of the sample a more complex approach to the assessment would be deemed inappropriate. The assessment is confined to hazards that are common to both TCI and SVG in order to allow comparison. Table 10 summarizes the risk perceptions of sampled children.

Table 10: Pre-Test risk perception among sampled children

FLOOD HURRICANE Sample Source

Perceived vulnerability of country

Perceived vulnerability of community

Perceived vulnerability of home




TCI (% ) 75.8 56.3 43.8 87.9 81.8 63.6

SVG (% ) 90.9 81.3 68.8 87.9 93.9 78.6

The higher risk perception of children in SVG when compared to the TCI is consistent with higher exposure and real vulnerability. Not only is SVG vulnerable to a wider range of hazards but frequencies of occurrence are also higher than in the TCI. The lowest perceived vulnerability among children in the TCI is in relation to the effect of flooding on their homes. This perception is consistent


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with reality because the sandy soils and gently undulating topography of much of the TCI is not conducive except in areas adjacent to salt ponds as well as low lying areas from which drainage is impeded. Although a category 3 and above Hurricane has not directly impacted the TCI in the last 45 years, students identified hurricane as a greater source of threat than flooding although small scale flooding occurs annually throughout the TCI. The higher threat level for hurricanes reflects experiences with the outer bands of hurricanes that pass to the north and south of the TCI. Although these bands are far removed from the eye of the hurricane they have caused wind damage and localized flooding. A major natural hazard has not affected the TCI for more than half a century and although the TCI periodically experiences flooding due to heavy rainfall, or high tide, this flooding has not severely affected social or economic life, and is seen merely as an inconvenience or a reason for a holiday. Here again, caution must be exercised in the interpretation of questionnaire results for reasons indicated earlier. In that regard, more extensive use of reliability check questions can eliminate such short comings in the data. 7.4.2.3. Children’s Level of Preparedness Assessment of children’s level of disaster preparedness is in essence an evaluation of existing levels of preparedness in the household from which they originate. In that regard, the pre-test assessment of children’s preparedness focuses on their knowledge of the measures that are required to ensure their safety and minimize impact during an event. Table 11 summarises household preparedness among sampled children.

Table 11: Pre-Test summary of preparedness among sampled children

FLOOD HURRICANE Sample Source

Understand what to do to prepare

Understand what to do to evacuate safely

Understand what to do to recover from the damage

Understand what to do to prepare



TCI (% ) 87.9 69.7 66.7 81.8 87.9 66.7 SVG (% ) 93.9 75.8 69.7 93.9 75.8 69.7

The pre-test results indicate relatively high levels of preparedness among children in both TCI and SVG. If these results are reliable it would be extremely difficult to explain the continued high levels of impact from hurricanes and floods. In that regard, the assessment tools should have been more exploratory in identifying the specifics of their preparedness. For instance, when a child responded that they are aware of the measures required to reduce the impacts of floods and hurricanes on their household the specifics of this knowledge requires investigation. The challenge is in devising means of garnering such information without frustrating the responses of these young children. It is noteworthy that while most of the children stated that they know how to prepare for floods and hurricanes less than 75% of them have ever participated in emergency drills at home, at school or in their community. While most of the sampled children were aware of what the contents of an emergency bag should be none of the households from which they came had such a bag. When probed, the vast majority were unaware of simple preparedness measures such as cutting down overhanging limbs from trees, removing fruits such as coconuts that could become missiles during storms, or elevating furniture and unplugging electrical items before a flood. This fact points to the need for the formal introduction of disaster education into school curricula, as students disaster knowledge would be increased and would in turn have a trickle-down effect on the wider society. This points to the need for comprehensive assessment of preparedness measures to which children are exposed and which can be used to inform interventions for the promotion of disaster education in schools. 7.4.3. Post‐Test Analysis The post-test assessment of the DAG is intended to measure the effectiveness of this technique in enhancing the disaster awareness knowledge-base of targeted students. In that regard, the pre-test process was followed by a post-test exercise in which students were again subjected to an identical


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questionnaire survey, playing of the board-game and evaluation of score-sheets. Changes in levels of awareness were assessed using the same criteria as those of the pre-test and are discussed in the ensuing sections. 7.4.3.1. Awareness of Local Hazards Analysis of data generated in the DAG exercise suggests that levels of awareness about local hazards increased after exposure to the DAG. Although the results of the pre-game survey suggested high levels of hazard awareness especially with regard to students in SVG, the reliability check provided by the initial game exposure contradicted this. The conclusion here is that students either did not comprehend the questions on which the analysis is based or deliberately inflated their knowledge of hazards and disasters in the pre-game survey. The correctness of responses on the game score sheet was used as a comparative measure of the extent to which exposure to the game enhances disaster awareness (Table 12 & 13). In the case of the TCI, the level of awareness in relation to hurricanes and floods increased by an average of 20 percent following exposure to the DAG. For SVG, awareness increased by over 24 percent in relation to the 5 hazards to which that country is vulnerable. While it can be concluded that the DAG process contributed significantly to the enhancement of disaster awareness among the sampled children, caution must be exercised in relation to the reliability of these results. This is because there is a time-influence tendency of knowledge attrition in relation to an event. In that regard, the reliability of these results can be confirmed only through continuous evaluation of levels of awareness over an extended period of time. Therefore, these results are to be interpreted as preliminary and represent opportunities for further research beyond this thesis. Table 12: TCI: Comparative levels of disaster awareness before and after exposure to DAG

Hazard Before Workshop %

After workshop %

Flood 64.8 86.8 Hurricane 65.4 83.4

Table 13: SVG: Comparative levels of disaster awareness before and after exposure to DAG

Hazard Before Workshop %

After workshop %

Flood 69.2 74.6 Hurricane 75.0 83.0 Volcano 54.0 80.2

Landslide 51.0 92.0 Mudflow 43.0 83.0

7.4.3.2. Children’s Risk Perception Post DAG evaluation of children indicated a notable increase in risk perception for both TCI and SVG children in relation to floods (Table 14) and hurricanes (Table 15). In the case of flooding, the risk awareness of the TCI sample increased by an average of 20 percent, while that of SVG sample increased by approximately 10 percent. The smaller increase in risk awareness for the SVG sample is a reflection of higher levels of existing flood awareness in the pre-test evaluation. That level of awareness is a function of greater exposure to flood events when compared with the TCI sample. The analysis of post-test data for the TCI indicates that the most significant increase in flood risk awareness related to the vulnerability of communities reflecting lower levels of exposure to and experience with flooding in the communities from which the students originated. In the case of SVG, the most significant increase related to the perceived vulnerability of homes because, although students have a high level of exposure to flooding the site-specific locations of their homes makes direct impact from flooding unlikely except in extreme high magnitude events.


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Table 14: TCI & SVG flood hazard risk perception

TCI SVG Variables Pre-Test Post-Test % Increase Pre-Test Post-Test %

Increase Perceived vulnerability of country

75.8 84.8 9.0 90.9 100 9.1


56.3 90.9 34.6 81.3 90.8 9.5


43.8 60.6 16.8 68.8 80.5 11.7

Table 15: TCI & SVG hurricane hazard risk perception

TCI SVG Variables Pre-Test Post-Test % Increase Pre-Test Post-

Test %

Increase


87.9 93.9 6.0 87.9 95.9 6.0


81.8 90.9 9.1 93.9 98.5 4.6


63.9 72.7 8.8 78.6 90.9 12.3

In relation to hurricanes, the increase in risk perceptions following exposure to the DAG was generally lower than for flooding. In the case of TCI, hurricane risk perception increased by approximately 7.8 percent while for SVG the increase was 7.6 percent. The main explanation is that existing levels of hurricane awareness before exposure to the DAG was significantly high for both samples. The similarity of the increase for TCI and SVG reflects the universal character and dissemination process for hurricane information throughout the Caribbean, and especially within the context of the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Response Agency (CDERA)§ participating states to which TCI and SVG belong. Information on hurricanes is the most developed and most accessible of all the hazards that affect the Caribbean region. In that regard, students in both the TCI and SVG would be exposed to similar hurricane-related information. 7.4.3.3. Children’s Knowledge of Hazard Preparedness and Mitigation The role of preparedness and mitigation in disaster risk-reduction has emerged as a dominant paradigm in disaster management, particularly because of their relationship to the sustainability of development in both developed and developing countries. Increasingly, preparedness and mitigation are being promoted at the household and community levels and, to that end, children’s knowledge of preparedness and mitigation issues have become a critical component of this prevailing paradigm. As is the case of risk awareness there was a significant increase in children’s knowledge of preparedness and by extension, mitigation measures in relation to floods (Table 16) and hurricanes (Table 17) for both samples. In the case of flooding, knowledge of preparedness measures among students in the TCI increased by an

§ CDERA is the umbrella disaster management organization for the Caribbean Region


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average of approximately 22 percent while in SVG the increase was nearly 17 percent. In relation to hurricanes, preparedness knowledge increased by 16 and 15 percent for TCI and SVG, respectively.

Table 16: TCI & SVG flood hazard preparedness


Increase Understand what to do to prepare

87.9 100 12.1 81.8 95.2 13.7


69.7 97.0 27.3 87.9 95.5 7.6


66.7 93.9 27.2 66.7 95.2 28.5

Table 17: TCI & SVG hurricane hazard preparedness


Increase Understand what to do to prepare

93.9 100 6.1 93.9 97.6 3.7


75.8 96.9 21.1 75.8 93.9 18.1


69.7 90.9 21.2 69.7 92.9 23.2

Explanations for the differences in increase between the two locations are similar to those for risk awareness. The increase in preparedness knowledge was manifested in children’s ability to list items that should be included in an emergency evacuation kit as well as how these can be used during an emergency. In addition, children demonstrated a better understanding of hazards and their impacts and a more comprehensive knowledge of steps that can be taken to mitigate the effects of hazards, after exposure to the DAG. Exposure to the DAG also assisted students in identifying ways in which they can assist their parents with disaster preparedness activities. Most were able to compile check-lists to remind their parents of preparations required to mitigate the impact of specific emergencies. Evacuation knowledge also increased with exposure to the DAG, although more so for the TCI than SVG. This is primarily because of a higher incidence of pre-test evacuation knowledge among students in SVG. Most of the students in the Marriaqua Valley would have had repeated exposure to evacuation exercises during floods and hurricanes. The paucity of hurricane experience in the TCI would have hindered the development of this knowledge in children. It is for similar reasons that recovery knowledge was higher for students in TCI. 7.5. Summary


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The importance of hazard awareness promotion through the provision of and access to disaster information and knowledge is increasingly being recognised as a critical strategy for the mitigation of the social, economic and environmental impacts of disasters and by extension, the enhancement of the process of sustainable development. Interventions for promoting disaster awareness must take into consideration the complexities in the disaster profile of the environment in which the intervention is intended. One aspect of that complexity relates to the provision to children of appropriate and relevant information that can enhance their safety during emergency events. Given that the capacity of children to comprehend, assimilate and apply information is different from that of adults, special design considerations must be taken in the development of tools targeting disaster awareness promotion among children. The DAG was designed with due consideration to the specific needs of children in terms of the provision of disaster information and knowledge. The results from preliminary testing of the DAG indicate that these design considerations are for the most part effective in promoting awareness among children. Gaps in the design considerations have been addressed and the tool will undergo a second round of testing. The game can also be used as a tool for the identification and prioritization of interventions for promoting disaster awareness. This is especially relevant in the Caribbean region where scarcity of economic resources dictates the need for prioritization. In that regard, the DAG has the capacity to establish ranking among countries in terms of the level of awareness among children.

Chapter 8.0

Using Game Technique as a Strategy in Promoting Disaster Awareness in Caribbean Multicultural Societies: The Disaster

Awareness Game

In the previous chapter the application and effectiveness of the DAG as a tool for evaluating, promoting and comparing levels of disaster awareness among children was explored. This chapter explores the use of the DAG as a tool for promoting disaster awareness in the increasingly multicultural societies of the Caribbean. The challenges of ensuring equity of access to disaster risk information was previously discussed in Chapter 6. These challenges are relevant to and are part of the emerging multiculturalism of the region but is an area of disaster risk reduction which has been largely ignored in the absence of initiatives that are specific to this problem. The chapter begins with an overview of the role of game techniques in disaster education before discussing the applicability of the DAG to Caribbean multicultural societies. 8.1. Role of Games in Disaster Education Game theory and its relevance and effectiveness in the education of people and dissemination of information have long been promoted by scholars of a variety of disciplines from agricultural geography to psychology. However, its application to disaster management has lagged behind most disciplines and is only recently emerging as a well touted strategy for disaster education and overall risk reduction. 8.1.1. Games and Education Research into the use of mainstream games in education is relatively novel, but growing rapidly. Research is mainly concerned with the development of related competences and literacies during game play, or the role of games in the formation of learning communities either while gaming or related to game-play. Use of mainstream games in schools remains rare, and faces many challenges to its integration into school curricula. Challenges include:

i) Difficulty for teachers to identify how a particular game is relevant to some components of the statutory curriculum, as well as the accuracy and appropriateness of the content within the game;

ii) Difficulty in persuading school stakeholders and decision-makers of the potential/actual educational benefits of games;

iii) Lack of time available to teachers to familiarise themselves with games, and methods of producing the best results from its use; and

iv) Amount of irrelevant content or functionality in a game which could not be removed or ignored, thus wasting valuable lesson time.

8.1.2. Advantages of Games Games generally build upon all five senses (except for smell) and this adds additional dimensions to the learning process. Games in any form can play a valuable part in learning but it is important to consider the pros and cons before implementing these games. One of the primary benefits of game as an educational tool lies in its capacity to support valuable skills development. As important is the ability to motivate by including the targets as active participants rather than passive spectators. Adults and children alike learn best when the mode of information conveyance is interactive, and retention is the strongest when interaction is involved. Games can also reduce the time required for the attainment of competency and can also increase the level of competency. When properly designed, a game will enable participants to experience virtual situations that can be effectively applied in real situations (Gartner Inc,

Chapter 8: Using Game Technique as a Strategy in Promoting Disaster Awareness in Caribbean Multicultural Societies: The Disaster Awareness Game

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2006). In that regard, the value added of employing game techniques to risk reduction strategies is underscored. 8.2. Principles of Well‐designed Games for Disaster Risk Reduction Education There are two key themes common to the development of games for education:

i) The desire to harness the motivational power of games in order to ‘making learning fun’; and

ii) A belief that ‘learning through doing’ in games, such as simulations, offers a powerful tool. The principles on which game design are based are foundational to the kind of learning that enables children and adults to become innovators and lifelong learners. Some of these key principles of game design are discussed below (Kelman & Kirriemuir, 2004; Wright, 2007). 8.2.1. Goal‐directed vs. Sandbox Model? There is a debate about what games are more effective educational tools, goal-oriented games or "Sand-box" games. A sandbox-style video game is a video game with an open-ended and non-linear style of game play. This free-form experimentation is either an end unto itself –in contrast to competing models of gaming - or is a variant modality that has no effect on more traditional or usual play of the same game, such as scores, game level advancement milestones, player rankings and so on. Just as a real-world sandbox can be smoothed out and re-sculpted again and again, so the sandbox game or game mode can be played and explored repeatedly without a linear "plot" or a particular set of expectations, nor any lasting game-play consequences. Some traditional goal-oriented games, sometimes offer a sandbox mode, usually an option that allows the player more freedom by lifting some of the normal rules of game play. The best selling PC game of all time, The Sims, is a sandbox-style creation. If the game is goal-directed, then some criteria to gauge its effectiveness may include:

i) Ability to concentrate on task; ii) Task provides immediate feedback; and iii) Failure-based or Evidence-based learning.

Will Wright, original designer of popular computer games, such as SimCity and The Sims, emphasizes a “failure-based” aspect to game learning as a method which allows the user to experiment with his/her failures, leading to the exploration and discovery of their own principles (Wright, 2007). This is particularly relevant in disaster education games, where a large amount of failure space, for example in failed mitigation methods, allows the user to develop insight into principles that might work better and thus seeing these principles from a personalized, evidence-based perspective rather than being overtly “taught” these principles by the game. For failure-based or evidence-based learning to be effective, the underlying structure of the game has to comply with scientific and real-world principles. For example, there should be limited use of random elements. In games such as UN-ISDR’s Stop Disasters! dice are used which gives the impression that disasters are random whereas a helpful message would be that disasters are seldom random, usually resulting from society’s choices. 8.2.2. Cooperation Disaster risk reduction games should promote cooperation with each other and with nature in order to achieve benefits for everyone. Cooperative games promote more helpful ethos. Accepting vulnerability as the root cause of disaster suggests that either everyone in a community wins or loses, that humanity (and not random events) has the choices for tackling vulnerability, and that one uncooperative individual can ruin the game for everyone. 8.3. Game as a Tool in Promoting Disaster Awareness in Multicultural Settings: The Disaster Awareness Game (DAG) The potential role of game techniques in the promotion of disaster awareness in a multicultural landscape was previously highlighted. This part of the chapter discusses the relevance of the DAG in this regard.


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8.3.1. Multicultural Considerations in the Goals and Design of the DAG Awareness is an essential component of the development of disaster resilience in any society. Multiculturalism provides an added dimension to the way in which awareness is promoted and the resultant nature of resilience. The DAG was developed as a strategy for enhancing resilience in multicultural societies of the Caribbean through the promotion of awareness in a manner that will allow equity in access to and understanding of disaster risk information by multicultural groups. The DAG represents an effective tool for engaging multicultural groups in learning activities and reinforcing their learning when used appropriately. The uniqueness of the DAG technique is sufficient to draw attention to course content and reinforce learning and can be adapted and used for instruction. Using the DAG as an educational instructional tool allows:

i) Players to feel rewarded to learn; ii) Real life situations to be imitated; and iii) Creativity to be promoted through challenge.

The procedures and tools of the DAG technique within a multicultural context are designed to: i) Assess levels of disaster awareness among children in multicultural environments as a

means of informing interventions for disaster education; ii) Utilize children from multicultural backgrounds as conduits for the education of adults

about disaster management issues that are relevant to their environment; iii) Encourage positive mitigation behaviour among vulnerable ethnic populations at all stages

of the disaster management cycle; and iv) Assist in dispelling myths about hazards, disasters and the management issues that pertain.

8.3.2. Goal of the DAG Technique The goal of the DAG technique is to engage multicultural groups in a fun and lively learning exercise about disaster management that permits the participant to confront fundamental values of his or her culture and critically assess how it encourages or impedes them from responding appropriately to hazard management. The DAG also aims to act as a measuring tape in ascertaining levels of hazard awareness among individuals and groups and to use this data to better plan disaster awareness campaigns targeting multicultural and multilingual groups. In addition, the DAG evaluation process aims to strengthen cultural consciousness of hazard mitigation strategies, strengthen intercultural competence and encourage constructive mitigation and response behaviours, while dispelling cultural folklores about disasters in a fun yet learning environment. The components and design considerations of the DAG were discussed in Chapter 7, so the remainder of this chapter is devoted to the application of the DAG in the multicultural landscape of the TCI. 8.4. Application of the DAG in a Multicultural Setting: Case of the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) The DAG was tested on a multicultural group of Grade 5 students in the Turks and Caicos Islands. Besides promoting awareness among these children the application of the DAG in this setting was also intended to evaluate whether or not non-English speakers would score differently on the game than Anglophone students. The rationale is that if there were no significant differences between the scores of the two groups this would be an indication that the DAG was effective in allowing equity of access to the information content of the game by both groups. Multiculturalism in the TCI was previously highlighted (Chapter 4, supra. Pp.33). 8.4.1. Approach to Application of the DAG to the TCI The school in which the DAG was tested is a microcosm of the multicultural landscape of the TCI. In that regard, students of non-Anglophone ethnicity accounted for just over 30 percent of the class that was sampled (Table 1, Chapter 1, Supra Pp 11). Special observations were made of non-Anglophone students during the DAG process so as to establish whether the design considerations were appropriate for a multicultural setting. In the TCI, the prevailing view is that non-Anglophone children tend to hold back the progress of syllabi owing to poor language acquisition skills. In other words, in traditional modes of learning non-Anglophone children are at a disadvantage in terms of their capacity to assimilate information. However, as a non-traditional teaching technique the DAG demonstrated that this issue could be resolved. The scores of the multicultural groups sampled showed that the performance of non-


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Anglophone students were on par with their Anglophone counterparts. The fact that no disparity in scores occurred is an indication that the DAG technique had effectively allowed equity in comprehension, assimilation and application of the information contained in the game, particularly in terms of children’s natural hazard awareness, their risk perceptions and their household level of preparedness. 8.4.1.1. Children’s Natural Hazard Awareness Level of hazard awareness among children is influenced by the extent of their hazard and disaster education as well as their level of exposure especially within the context of their household. During the DAG exercise the level of awareness among children was assessed by asking participants to identify hazards that have or are likely to impact their communities. In all cases, non-Anglophone children demonstrated a higher level of awareness of hazards that are likely to impact their communities than Anglophone children (Figure 20).

Childrens' Perceptions of likely Hazard Impacts on their Communities

020406080

100120

Hurrica

neFloo

d

Tropical

Storm

Windsto

rm

Earthq

uake

Drought

Wildfire

Tsuna

mi

Land

slide/D

ebris

Flow

Volcan

ic Erup

tion

Hazard

Perc

enta

ge

Anglophone Non-Anglophone

Figure 20: Children’s perception of likely hazard impact on their communities A number of explanations can be proffered for this tendency. First, the parents of non-Anglophone students were usually from larger islands such as Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Jamaica, which have been repeatedly ravaged by the impact of multiple hazards. The experiences of these events would have been passed on to their children in dramatic stories, thus allowing for higher levels of awareness among these non-Anglophone children. Secondly, in many non-Anglophone migrant communities parents consistently access the media of their countries of origin. Disaster events occurring in these countries, which are usually more vulnerable than the TCI, would have been conveyed to these children. While oral communication with parents played a significant role in terms of hazard education for non-Anglophone children, the media, especially television, featured more prominently in the hazard education of Anglophone children (Figure 21). A possible explanation for this trend is that Anglophone parents tend to rely more on the media to educate their children about hazards, perhaps because of the lack of personal experience of hazard impact and as such the absence of a disaster culture. On the other hand, parents of non-Anglophone children have had repeated exposure to natural hazard impacts and perhaps have suffered great loss and therefore take hazard impacts more seriously and try to prepare their children in the event of a hazard occurrence.


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Comparative Sources of Hazard/Disaster Information-TCI

020406080

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scho

ols

pare

nts

orgu

ardi

ans

TVpr

ogra

ms

Rad

iopr

ogra

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sch

ools

pare

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orgu

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TV

prog

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s

Rad

iopr

ogra

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FLOOD HURRICANE

Sources of Information/ Hazard

Perc

enta

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AnglophoneNon-Anglophone

Figure 21: Comparative sources of hazard/disaster information for Anglo and non-Anglophone children in the TCI Dissemination of disaster information can only be considered effective if the information that is designed for vulnerable population reaches and is understood by its target audience. It is noteworthy that the difference between Anglophone and non-Anglophone children who use television and radio as a source of information for flood and hurricane hazards vary by as much as 67% with the exception of hurricane where more non-Anglophone children actually reported a higher percentage of use of radio to obtain hurricane information (Figure 21). Further probing of non-Anglophone children students as to the origin of the source of their radio information revealed that a considerable percentage, (87%), of their parents access weather related information from their country of origin. Perhaps this is due to their perception that the information obtained from their country of origin is more reliable. A second possible reason why non-Anglophone parents tend to access weather related information from their country of origin can be due to the fact that bilingual information is not broadcasted on traditional news media on a regular basis but mainly just prior to an imminent hazard threat or following a flooding event. This practice has perhaps resulted in non-Anglophone parents becoming unaccustomed to accessing local media stations for weather related information. The application of the DAG in the TCI not only served to evaluate comparative levels of awareness among Anglophone and non-Anglophone students but in addition, identified an effective knowledge transfer technique for the communication of disaster information. 8.4.1.2. Children’s Risk Perceptions There is a view that a major factor impeding disaster management is the negative risk perception of migrants. This is particularly true where such perceptions are fatalistic or informed by myths. The risk perception of sampled children was assessed in terms of perceived vulnerability of their country, community and homes (Figure 22).


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TCI Anglophone & Non-Anglophone General Hazard Risk Perception

0 20 40 60 80 100

Pre-Test

Post-Test

% Increase

Pre-Test

Post-Test

% Increase

Ang

loph

one

Non

-Ang

loph

one

Varia

bles

Percentage


Perceived vulnerability ofcommunityPerceived vulnerability ofcountry

Figure 22: General hazard risk perception among Anglophone and non-Anglophone children in the TCI It is recognized that this assessment of risk perception is somewhat simplistic but given the age and level of education of the sample a more complex approach to the assessment would be deemed inappropriate. The DAG results showed similar scores for non-Anglophone and Anglophone students. Both groups of students underestimated the level of risk posed by hazards to the TCI. These results are in stark contrast to those related to levels of awareness. A possible explanation is that many of these children have either been born in or moved to the TCI from an early age with foreign parents and as such, their hazard risk perceptions would have been influenced by similar experiences and information as children who were born in the TCI by native parents. In this case the DAG not only served to evaluate the risk perceptions of a multicultural group of students but also educated them about the risk status of their environment. According to the pre-test, children’s risk perception of their country, community or home being affected was rated very low, generally less than 60%. However, after exposure to the DAG there was a notable increase in children’s perception of the likelihood of hazards affecting their country, community and home (Figure 22). This is an important factor since children will grow into adults and will one day be in charge of ensuring the safety of their home, assets and family, since having an unrealistic low risk perception can impede hazard mitigation activities. The DAG process was able to readdress the issue of low risk perception observed among participants. However in light of the low frequency or small volume of hazard impact in the TCI, it is believed that if disaster education is not continued but rather takes a haphazard approach that children’s current risk perception can easily be reversed to their risk perception before their introduction to the DAG. 8.4.1.3. Children’s Level of Preparedness Since children are not always directly responsible for preparing for the impact of hazards an evaluation of their level of preparedness is intended to reflect their existing household preparedness. The DAG results showed high levels of preparedness among Anglophone as well as non-Anglophone children. If these results are regarded as reliable then it would be difficult to explain the continued high levels of impact from prevailing hazards-hurricanes and floods. One possible explanation is that the respondents provided misinformation. In that regard, the DAG questionnaire survey as an evaluation tool requires improvements related to exploration of the specifics of children’s hazard preparedness. For instance, when a child responded that they are aware of the measures required to reduce the impacts of floods and hurricanes on their household the specifics of this knowledge requires investigation.


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The challenge is in devising means of garnering such information without frustrating the responses of these young children. It is noteworthy that while most of the children stated that they know how to prepare for floods and hurricanes less than 75% of them have ever participated in emergency drills at home, at school or in their community. Most of the sampled children were able to list some of the items that should be placed in an emergency bag. The fact that the vast majority were unfamiliar with emergency preparedness measures such as cutting down overhanging trees, removing fruits that could become missiles during storms, or elevating furniture and unplugging electrical items before a flood is an indication of the possible misinformation related to their level or preparedness. Additionally, it is worth mentioning that approximately 53% of children from both groups indicated that they were unsure of what to do to recover from the damage caused by a hazard (Figure 23).

TCI Anglophone & Non-Anglophone Hazard Preparedness/Mitigation

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Pre-Test

Post-Test

% Increase

Pre-Test

Post-Test

% Increase

Ang

loph

one

Non

-Ang

loph

one

Varia

bles

Percentage

Understand what to do torecover from the damagecaused by a hazardUnderstand what to do toevacuate safely from a hazard

Understand what to do toprepare for a hazard

Figure 23: Preparedness/Mitigation among Anglophone & non-Anglophone children in the TCI If it is taken that the children’s responses are a reflection of their household level of preparedness, then it goes without saying that disaster education needs to address this gap in disaster information for risk-reduction. Also, educating students about the appropriate responses to undertake to ensure speedy recovery following a hazard is a plausible strategy as children can remind their parents of what actions are needed since parents are likely to forget since they are preparing under a stressful event. In that regard, the DAG was able to assist in educating children on appropriate measures that can be employed for specific hazards to ensure that following a hazard impact that families and communities can quickly return to their normal life. As such a remarkable increase was observed from pre and post-test analysis for both groups of children. A 37.2 percent and a 36.5 percent was observed for Anglophone and non-Anglophone children respectively. 8.5. Summary The promotion of disaster awareness as a risk reduction strategy in disaster management is widely acknowledged. Under normal circumstances effectively promoting hazard and disaster awareness in any society is a complicated and sometimes difficult process. This difficulty stems from internal social variations related to people’s socioeconomic status, level of education, capacity to comprehend and assimilate disaster information, age and a host of other factors. In such scenarios, disaster managers are challenged with the responsibility of providing relevant disaster information in a format that allows equity in access to and comprehension of such information. Multiculturalism adds a new dimension to this challenge as disaster managers in multicultural societies must tailor their information to the needs of all people irrespective of language, culture or ethnicity.


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The social landscape of the Caribbean region is becoming increasingly multicultural and this process is expected to gain momentum as the Caribbean Single Market and Economy becomes a reality. Caribbean disaster managers will need to design techniques for the transfer of disaster information to multicultural and multilingual groups while at the same time addressing the equity issue. Application of the DAG in the TCI demonstrates that the technique is effective in addressing the multicultural challenges that will be increasingly faced by Caribbean disaster managers. In addition, the technique is useful in identifying gaps in disaster education and by extension provides an informed basis for the prioritization of disaster education interventions.

Chapter 9

Conclusion and Recommendations

The contextual portion of this thesis explored the relevance of risk information and communication as an emergent paradigm in the disaster risk reduction landscape, especially within the text of a global disaster risk profile characterized by increasing levels of exposure and consequent social and economic costs from the impact of hazard. The consensus is that the effective communication of disaster risk to vulnerable peoples must be a critical component of an initiative designed to bring about sustainable loss reduction and, by extension, sustainable development. This consensus nevertheless recognizes that the generation of disaster risk information and its wholesale broadcast does not constitute effective risk communication, and must take into account the social and cultural context of risk communication. A central concern of this socio-cultural context is the increasingly important issue of multiculturalism which has become commensurate with globalism. The argument is that multiculturalism, characterized by the domicile of different lingual and cultural groups in foreign countries, adds a new dimension of challenge to an environment that already lacks the capacity for effective risk communication. The Caribbean region epitomizes the broader global environment of lagging initiatives for effective risk communication, coincidental with growing levels of multiculturalism. It is that context that this thesis explored, designed and tested techniques for the effective communication of risk information, not only in relation to the growing multiculturalism of the region, but also in relation to specific vulnerability of different social groups such as children. The Tsunami Scenario Simulator was developed as a technique that allows equity of access to tsunami risk information to all cultural and lingual groups in a multicultural environment, such as the Turks and Caicos Islands. While this technique has not been physically tested, the design criteria and computer-based simulation suggest effectiveness of this tool not only for the communication of tsunami risk but also for the prediction of tsunami impact in relation to time of receipt of warnings and related response. The Disaster Awareness Game was designed as a tool to address the specific vulnerability of children to hazard impacts by communicating risk information and promoting disaster awareness in a format that is not only consistent with their learning capacity, but also one that is sufficiently exciting and interactive as to command their attention. The results from testing this technique in two Caribbean countries showed convincingly that the Game is a reliable tool for evaluating, comparing and promoting disaster awareness among children and fulfilled the criteria of being exciting and interactive. In addition, the Game has the capacity for application to other vulnerable groups, including adults. Refinement of this Game and promotion of its attributes and potential for use in disaster education initiatives are currently en vogue. The paucity of initiatives for disaster risk education in general and specifically, the effective communication of disaster risk especially in the face of increasing multiculturalism and the growing need of vulnerability-specific groups in the Caribbean region has previously been highlighted. It is in that context that this thesis proffers specific recommendations that can be adopted by disaster risk reduction decision-makers for the reduction of disaster related impacts in the Caribbean:

i) Gap analysis of the risk information and risk communication needs in the Caribbean – Risk communication must of necessity be preceded by the generation of reliable data and information on the risk related to the various hazards that impact the Caribbean region. In that regard, hazard risk assessment must be an integral part of the disaster management strategy of the Caribbean. Traditionally, disaster information has been transmitted via the more common multimedia with very little consideration of specific vulnerabilities or capacity to assess the information being transmitted. The Tsunami Scenario Simulator and the Disaster Awareness Game are pertinent to the resolution of such issues.

ii) Assessment of multicultural issues in relation to disaster risk communication- The

multicultural issues that are pertinent to effective communication of disaster risk has been extensively discussed in this thesis and the case of the Turks and Caicos Island highlighted as an example of the relevance of these issues in an increasingly multicultural Caribbean

Chapter 9: Conclusions and Recommendations

88

environment. There is little consideration of these issues in Caribbean disaster management planning and in their absence, the quest for disaster risk reduction is likely to remain elusive. It is therefore recommended that the social context of disaster risk reduction be integrated into strategies for loss reduction in the region.

iii) Integration of disaster education into school curricula – The value added of promoting

disaster awareness among children has been highlighted in this thesis. Given the vulnerability of the Caribbean region to multiple hazards, the virtual absence of comprehensive disaster education from the curricula of schools is paradoxical. A likely explanation of this paradox is the challenges faced by disaster risk reduction planners in providing appropriate and effective tools for promoting awareness among children, in a format that is consistent with their learning abilities. The recommendation here is that the Caribbean disaster management community begin the necessary investment in the disaster education of children as significant future risk reduction benefits can be reaped. The use of game techniques such as the DAG has the capacity to evaluate and promote risk reduction knowledge in children and even adults.

Endnotes

Endnotes

i Generalized neotectonic features of the Caribbean region (after Mann and Burke, 1984). North-western, western, and eastern margins are comparatively simple; along the other margins, microplates form a buffer zone between the large plates. Convergent margins are characterized by normal faulting in the region near and seaward of the trench axis, thrust events in the zone of interplate contact. Strike-slip event and interspersed reverse and normal events are common along the NW portion of the plate margin. Motion between microplates, are identified in the NE region are complex but predominately extensional in nature. See text for details. Features identified by abbreviations on this map are: the Cayman islands (CI), Port-au-Prince (PAP), Santo Domingo (SD), Cibao valley (CV), Puerto Rico trench (PT), Main ridge (MR), Puerto Rico (PR), Muertos trough (MT), Beata ridge (BE), Anegada trough (AT), Lesser Antilles trench (LAT), Lesser Antilles (LA), Barracuda ridge (BR), Tiburon rise JR), Trinidad (TN), and the Cocos ridge (CR). The white arrows indicate convergence directions of plates relative to the Caribbean according to Jansma et al. (2000). ii Moderate and smaller events (4.5≥M>6.5) for the period 1964- 2004. Only events with depths of 50 or less are shown. Events were taken from the IPGH and MIDAS/NEIC catalogs. Spatial distribution of these and stronger/historic events, along with other tectonic considerations are used to estimate earthquake tsunami sources for the Caribbean Basin. iii Historic, large (M≥7.0), and strong (7.0≥M≥6.5) recent earthquakes of shallow focus in the Caribbean Basin for the period 1492 2004. Ruptures zones were estimated using region of Modified Mercalli Intensity of VIII and higher, or from 30 days aftershocks. Events along the Pacific margin of Central America and the interior of South America are not shown. Large earthquakes of the last few centuries cover much of the margin of the Caribbean Plate. Major exceptions are the southern Lesser Antilles and the region west of Jamaica. Historic reporting in the latter region is probably incomplete. Two distinct bands of earthquakes are found from Hispaniola through Cuba and Jamaica. Tsunamigenic events are red others are green.

89

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Appendix A-1

SVG Kids DAG Questionnaire Survey (Before Work Shop) Primary School Disaster Awareness & Preparedness Questionnaire

Children need to understand and be prepared for natural hazard events as much as adults. Children are vectors of hazard education, having the ability to educate those around them. This study investigates natural hazard risk perceptions, levels of preparedness and participation in education programmes of children in primary school. The integration of hazard education into the curriculum of schools not only increases understanding and awareness of the children involved, but also enhances the level of understanding and awareness of the total social space in which they operate, including their households and schools. We ask that you please take a few minutes to complete this questionnaire. Student name___________________________________________ Q1. Which disasters are likely to take place in SVG?

Tick [√] ALL the options below that apply. □Wildfire □Windstorm □Drought □Tsunami □Hurricane □Major Oil Spill □Earthquake □Tropical Storm □Flood □Volcanic eruption □Landslide / Debris Flow

Q2. FLOODING 2-1. Do you know what type of disaster FLOODING is?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Have you ever been taught about FLOODING from your school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-3. Have you ever discussed FLOODING with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-4. Have you ever experienced a FLOODING event?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, was your house damaged by the FLOODING?

□Yes □No 2-5. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about FLOODING?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-6. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about FLOODING?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-7. Do you know what you should do to prepare for a FLOODING event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-8. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from FLOODING?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-9. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by FLOODING?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-10. Do you think that FLOODING might occur in SVG?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (1) If yes, do you think that FLOODING might occur in your community/town?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by FLOODING?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all Q3. HURRICANE 3-1. Do you know what type of disaster a HURRICANE is?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all

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3-2. Have you ever been taught about HURRICANES from your school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 3-3. Have you ever discussed HURRICANES with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 3-4. Have you ever experienced a HURRICANE event?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, was your house damaged by the HURRICANE?

□Yes □No 3-5. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about HURRICANES?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 3-6. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about HURRICANES?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 3-7. Do you know what you should do to prepare for a HURRICANE event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-8. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-9. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-10. Do you think that a HURRICANE might occur in SVG?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (1) If yes, do you think that a HURRICANE might occur in your community/town?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by a HURRICANE?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all Q4. LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW 4-1. Do you know what type of disaster a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW is?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 4-2. Have you ever been taught about LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW from your school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 4-3. Have you ever discussed LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 4-4. Have you ever experienced a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW event?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, was your house damaged by the LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes □No 4-5. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 4-6. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 4-7. Do you know what you should do to prepare for a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 4-8. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 4-9. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 4-10. Do you think that a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW might occur in SVG?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (1) If yes, do you think that a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS FLOW might occur in your community/town?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by a LANDSLIDE/DEBRIS

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FLOW? □Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all

Q5. VOLCANIC ERUPTION 5-1. Do you know what type of disaster a VOLCANIC ERUPTION is?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 5-2. Have you ever been taught about a VOLCANIC ERUPTION from your school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 5-3. Have you ever discussed a VOLCANIC ERUPTION with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 5-4. Have you ever experienced a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, was your house damaged by the VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes □No 5-5. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 5-6. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 5-7. Do you know what you should do to prepare for a VOLCANIC ERUPTION event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 5-8. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 5-9. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 5-10. Do you think that a VOLCANIC ERUPTION might occur in SVG?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (1) If yes, do you think that a VOLCANIC ERUPTION might occur in your community/town?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all

106

Appendix A-2

TCI Kids DAG Questionnaire Survey (Before Work Shop) Primary School Disaster Awareness & Preparedness Questionnaire

Children need to understand and be prepared for natural hazard events as much as adults. Children are vectors of hazard education, having the ability to educate those around them. This study investigates natural hazard risk perceptions, levels of preparedness and participation in education programmes of children in primary school. The integration of hazard education into the curriculum of schools not only increases understanding and awareness of the children involved, but also enhances the level of understanding and awareness of the total social space in which they operate, including their households and schools. We ask that you please take a few minutes to complete this questionnaire. Student name___________________________________________ Q1. Which disasters are likely to take place in the TCI?



□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Have you ever been taught about FLOODING from your school teacher?









□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-10. Do you think that FLOODING might occur in the TCI?




□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all

107

3-2. Have you ever been taught about HURRICANES from your school teacher? □Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never

3-3. Have you ever discussed HURRICANES with your parents/guardians? □Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never

3-4. Have you ever experienced a HURRICANE? □Yes □No

(1) If yes, was your house damaged by the HURRICANE? □Yes □No

3-5. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about HURRICANES? □Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never

3-6. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about Hurricanes? □Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never

3-7. Do you know what you should do to prepare for a HURRICANE? □Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all

3-8. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from a HURRICANE? □Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all

3-9. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-10. Do you think that a HURRICANE might occur in the TCI?




108

Appendix B-1

SVG Kids DAG Questionnaire Survey (After Work Shop)

Primary School Disaster Awareness & Preparedness Questionnaire Student name___________________________________________

Q1. Did you find participating in this Workshop interesting?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, what area/s did you find interesting?

Tick [√] ALL the options in column below. □Lecture about Flood □Lecture about Hurricane □Lecture about Volcanic eruption □Lecture about Landslide / Debris Flow □Playing the DAG (Disaster Awareness Game)

Q2. FLOODING 2-1. Do you understand what you should do to prepare for a FLOODING event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Do you understand what you should do to evacuate safely during FLOODING?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-3. Do you understand what you should do to recover from the damage caused by FLOODING?



(1) If yes, do you think that FLOODING might occur in your community/town? □Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all

(2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by FLOODING? □Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all

2-5. Will you try to discuss the information you learnt about FLOODING with your family and neighbours? □Yes □No

Q3. HURRICANE 3-1. Do you understand what you should do to prepare for a HURRICANE event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-2. Do you understand what you should do to evacuate safely during a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-3. Do you understand what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a HURRICANE?




□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all 3-5. Will you try to discuss the information you learnt about HURRICANES with your family and

neighbours? □Yes □No

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Q4. LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW 4-1. Do you understand what you should do to prepare for a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 4-2. Do you understand what you should do to evacuate safely during a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 4-3. Do you understand what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 4-4. Do you think that a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW might occur in SVG?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (1) If yes, do you think that a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW might occur in your community/town?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all 4-5. Will you try to discuss the information you learnt about LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW with your

family and neighbours? □Yes □No

Q5. VOLCANIC ERUPTION 5-1. Do you understand what you should do to prepare for a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 5-2. Do you understand what you should do to evacuate safely during a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 5-3. Do you understand what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?




□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all 5-5. Will you try to discuss the information you learnt about VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS with your

family and neighbours? □Yes □No

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Appendix B-2

TCI Kids DAG Questionnaire Survey (After Work Shop) Primary School Disaster Awareness & Preparedness Questionnaire

Student name___________________________________________ Q1. Did you find participating in this Workshop interesting?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, what area/s did you find interesting?

Tick [√] ALL the options in column below. □Lecture about Flood □Lecture about Hurricane □Playing the DAG (Disaster Awareness Game)

Q2. FLOODING 2-1. Do you understand what you should do to prepare for a FLOODING event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Do you understand what you should do to evacuate safely during FLOODING?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-3. Do you understand what you should do to recover from the damage caused by FLOODING?




□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all 2-5. Will you try to discuss the information you learnt about FLOODING with your family and


Q3. HURRICANE 3-1. Do you understand what you should do to prepare for a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-2. Do you understand what you should do to evacuate safely during a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-3. Do you understand what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-4. Do you think that a HURRICANE might occur in the TCI?



□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all 3-5. Will you try to discuss the information you learnt about HURRICANES with your family and


111

Appendix C-1

SVG Parent/Guardian DAG Questionnaire Survey Primary School Disaster Awareness & Preparedness Questionnaire

Parent/Guardian name___________________________________________ Q1. Which disasters are likely to take place in SVG?



□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Have you ever been taught about FLOODING in school?


□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-4. Have you ever discussed FLOODING with your child/children?


□Yes □No (1) If yes, was your house damaged by the FLOODING event?










□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Have you ever been taught about HURRICANE from a school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-3. Have you ever discussed HURRICANE with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-4. Have you ever discussed HURRICANE with your child/children?


112


□Yes □No 2-6. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about HURRICANE?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-7. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about HURRICANES?


□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-9. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from a HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-10. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a HURRICANE?




□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all Q4. LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW 4-1. Do you know what type of disaster LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW is?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Have you ever been taught about LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW from a school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-3. Have you ever discussed LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-4. Have you ever discussed LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW with your child/children?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-5. Have you ever experienced a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW event?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, was your house damaged by the LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes □No 2-6. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-7. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-8. Do you know what you should do to prepare for a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW event?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-9. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-10. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-11. Do you think that a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW might occur in SVG?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (1) If yes, do you think that a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW might occur in your community/town?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by a LANDSLIDE / DEBRIS FLOW?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all Q5. VOLCANIC ERUPTION 5-1. Do you know what type of disaster a VOLCANIC ERUPTION is?

113

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Have you ever been taught about a VOLCANIC ERUPTION from a school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-3. Have you ever discussed VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-4. Have you ever discussed VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS with your child/children?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-5. Have you ever experienced a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes □No (1) If yes, was your house damaged by the VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes □No 2-6. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-7. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-8. Do you know what you should do to prepare for a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-9. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-10. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by a VOLCANIC ERUPTION?




□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all Q6. Household Activities against Disaster 6.1 What steps, if any, have you or someone in you household taken to prepare for a natural disaster?

(Check all that apply)

□Discussed disaster management with your family in order to decide what to do in case of a natural disaster or emergency.

□Practiced for an emergency at home with your family. □Developed a Family Emergency Plan in order to decide what everyone would do in the event of a

household emergency. □Developed a family plan in order to decide where to meet your family in an emergency. □Developed a family plan in order to decide where to leave a message in an emergency □Developed a plan for collecting children from school in an emergency □Developed a reconnection plan in order to decide where to go and who to call □Identified a safe place in your house against disasters □Identified weak points in your house against disasters □Made your house safe (strengthen, rebuild) □Removed failing structures in the yard □Prepared an “Emergency Pack” □Prepared a “First Aid Kit” (Medical Supplies) □Prepared a “Disaster Supply Kit” (Stored extra food, water, batteries, or other emergency

supplies) □Stored “Flashlight(s)” □Stored a “Battery-Powered Radio” □Have insurance coverage for flood events □Have insurance coverage for earthquake events □Received First Aid or Cardio-Pulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) training □Received information about natural disasters or emergency preparedness

114

□Listened to people who work or do activities for disaster management □Attended meetings about natural disasters or emergency preparedness □Participated in community activities for disaster management □Participated in training for disasters in your community □Know about vulnerable people (elderly people, children, babies, handicapped persons, and

pregnant women) in your community □Know about dangerous areas in your living area/community

6.2 To prepare for the possible occurrence of a volcanic eruption what nonstructural or structural

modifications have you made to your home? Nonstructural: □Anchored bookcases, cabinets to wall □Secured water heater to wall □Installed latches on drawers/cabinets □Fitted gas appliances with flexible connections

Structural: □Secured home to foundation □Braced inside of cripple wall with sheathing □Braced unreinforced masonry & concrete walls and foundations

Q7. SOCIO-ECONOMIC INFORMATION 7.1 Please indicate your age.

________________________ 7.2 Gender:

□Male □Female

7.3 Please indicate your level of education: □Primary Schooling □Some high school □High school graduate/CXC □Some college/Trade school □College degree □Graduate Degree □Postgraduate degree □Other □Under-Graduate Degree

7.4 Do you have access to the Internet or World Wide Web? □Yes □No

7.5 Do you own or rent your home? □Own □Rent

7.6 What type of home do you live in? □Single-family home □Duplex □Apartment (3-4 units in structure) □Apartment (5 or more units in structure) □Condominium/Town house □Manufactured home □Other

7.7 What is the name of the Community/City that you live in? ________________________

7.8 How long have you lived in this community or city? (year/s) □Less than one year □1-5 years □6-9 years □10-19 years □20 or more years

7.9 If you have lived in Marriaqua for less than 10 years, in what island/country did you live before you moved to Marriaqua? ________________________

7.10 If you were not born in SVG, in what country were you born? ________________________

7.11 What is your first language?

□English □Spanish □French □Creole □other ___________________

115

Appendix C-2

TCI Parents DAG Questionnaire Survey

Primary School Disaster Awareness & Preparedness Questionnaire Parent name___________________________________________ Q1. Which disasters are likely to take place in the TCI?



□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 2-2. Have you ever been taught about FLOODING from a school teacher?


□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-4. Have you ever discussed FLOODING with your child/children?











□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all Q3. About HURRICANE 3-1. Do you know what type of disaster a HURRICANE is?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-2. Have you ever been taught about HURRICANE from a school teacher?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 3-3. Have you ever discussed HURRICANE with your parents/guardians?

□Yes, a lot of times □Yes, a few times □No, never 2-4. Have you ever discussed HURRICANE with your child/children?


116


□Yes □No 3-6. Have you ever watched TV programs/news about HURRICANE?

□Yes, very often □Yes, sometimes □Yes, a few times □No, never 3-7. Have you ever read newspaper/other articles about HURRICANE?


□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-9. Do you know what you should do to evacuate safely from HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-10. Do you know what you should do to recover from the damage caused by HURRICANE?

□Yes, very well □Yes, a little □No, not at all 3-11. Do you think that HURRICANE might occur in the TCI?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (1) If yes, do you think that HURRICANE might occur in your community/town?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all (2) If yes, do you think your house might be damaged by HURRICANE?

□Yes, likely □Yes, a chance □No, unlikely □No, not at all Q6. Household Activities against Disaster 6.1 What steps, if any, have you or someone in you household taken to prepare for a natural disaster?

(Check all that apply)

□Discussed disaster management with your family in order to decide what to do in case of a natural disaster or emergency.

□Practiced for an emergency at home with your family. □Developed a Family Emergency Plan in order to decide what everyone would do in the event of a

household emergency. □Developed a family plan in order to decide where to meet your family in an emergency. □Developed a family plan in order to decide where to leave a message in an emergency □Developed a plan for collecting children from school in an emergency □Developed a reconnection plan in order to decide where to go and who to call □Identified a safe place in your house against disasters □Identified weak points in your house against disasters □Made your house safe (strengthen, rebuild) □Removed failing structures in the yard □Prepared an “Emergency Pack” □Prepared a “First Aid Kit” (Medical Supplies) □Prepared a “Disaster Supply Kit” (Stored extra food, water, batteries, or other emergency

supplies) □Stored “Flashlight(s)” □Stored a “Battery-Powered Radio” □Have insurance coverage for flood events □Have insurance coverage for earthquake events □Received First Aid or Cardio-Pulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) training □Received information about natural disasters or emergency preparedness □Listened to people who work or do activities for disaster management □Attended meetings about natural disasters or emergency preparedness □Participated in community activities for disaster management □Participated in training for disasters in your community □Know about vulnerable people (elderly people, children, babies, handicapped persons, and

pregnant women) in your community □Know about dangerous areas in your living area/community

117

6.2 For the possible occurrence of a volcanic eruption what nonstructural or structural modifications have you made to your home?

Nonstructural: □Anchored bookcases, cabinets to wall □Secured water heater to wall □Installed latches on drawers/cabinets □Fitted gas appliances with flexible connections

Structural: □Secured home to foundation □Braced inside of cripple wall with sheathing □Braced unreinforced masonry & concrete walls and foundations

Q7. SOCIO-ECONOMIC INFORMATION 7.1 Please indicate your age.

________________________

7.2 Gender: □Male □Female

7.3 Please indicate your level of education: □Primary Schooling □Some high school □High school graduate/CXC □Some college/Trade school □College degree □Graduate Degree □Postgraduate degree □Other

7.4 Do you have access to the Internet or World Wide Web? □Yes □No

7.5 Do you own or rent your home? □Own □Rent

7.6 What type of home do you live in? □Single-family home □Duplex □Apartment (3-4 units in structure) □Apartment (5 or more units in structure) □Condominium/Town house □Manufactured home □Other

7.7 What is the name of the Community/City that you live in? ________________________

7.8 How long have you lived in this community or city? (year/s) □Less than one year □1-5 years □6-9 years □10-19 years □20 or more years

7.9 If you have lived in Grand Turk less than 10 years, in what island/country did you live before you moved to Grand Turk?________________________

7.10 If you were not born in TCI, what country were you born in? ________________________

7.11 What is your first language?

□English □Spanish □French □Creole □other ___________________

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