RELIGION, IDEOLOGY& VIOLENCE

DR. MICHAEL JERRYSON KEYNOTE SPEAKER:

JANUARY 19, 20178:30 AM - 7:00 PM

WWW.AGIC-CONCORDIA.CA

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CALL FOR PAPERSSubmission Deadline: October 14th, 2016

The Department of Religion at Concordia University announces the 22th Annu-al Graduate Interdisciplinary Conference. Inaugurated in 1995, the conference seeks to encourage dynamic interdisciplinary discussion in relation to this year’s central theme: “Religion, Ideology & Violence.” Last year, 35 students and ear-ly career scholars representing over 15 graduate programs gathered to present their research. Following the success of previous conferences, we invite graduate students and scholars to consider how religion and/or ideology have been man-ifested and deployed, either through violence, or non-violence. We ask partici-pants to question, explore, critique, and challenge previous and ongoing mod-els, as well as assumptions made regarding violence and the role that religion and/or ideology have played in it.

Throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, humanity has witnessed the decay of empires, a multitude of wars, coup d’états, new global economic frameworks, all while also transitioning through a vast array of ideologies. These conceptual models and ideas influenced not only the political spectrum but also shaped philosophy, historiography, economics, global politics, sciences, theories in re-ligion, etc. Furthermore, they questioned our construct of history and our sub-sequent interpretation of the past, probing not only our endeavor to narrate the pas but also our positionality, our descriptive lens, as well as our implication with the “other.” While many have blamed religion or politics for the decadent amount of violence deployed, others have interrogated our modern discourse regarding identity, nationalism and/or understanding of the “other.” Continu-ing with this academic movement, we hope to stimulate interest in the area of religion and/or ideology, and how they have been exerted through the use of violence and/or non-violence. We welcome papers that explore the following topics, contributions on related issues, or topics outside of this list:

The official languages for this conference are French and English. Your abstract of 300 words, along with five keywords must be submitted by October 14th, 2016 to the following e-mail address: agic.concordia@gmail.com. Please include your name, e-mail address, university affiliation, degree, as well as any special needs required to participate in the conference. All submissions received will be ac-knowledged. A notification of decision will be sent by early November 2016. The 2017 Annual Interdisciplinary Graduate Conference is hosted by the Depart-ment of Religion at Concordia University and will be held on January 19th, 2017.

All accepted presenters will have the opportunity to enter an essay contest, with a first place prize of $100, and a second place prize of $50. In order to be considered for the essay contest, please send your complete paper (no longer than 2,500 words) by December 15th, 2016. Note that the best papers will be published in the “Proceedings of the Annual Graduate Interdisciplinary Confer-ence,” in collaboration with the Journal of Religion and Culture ( JRC). For more information, please visit our website: agic-concordia.ca.

- History, historiography, hermeneutics - Philosophy, methods, theories - Political science, nationalism, - Morals, ethics, non-violent resistance

- Arts (Films, visual arts, music) - Sports, athletic discourse - Law, social justice, global politics - Global economy

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SCHEDULE8:15 – 9:00

Registration & Coffee H-765

9:00 – 10:15

Studies on the Holocaust H-760• F r a m i n g A b s e n t B o d i e s b y M y r i a m G e r b e r• R e l i g i o u s E l e m e n t s i n N a z i s m b y N e i l

M a t t h e w s

Philosophy of Religion H-762• C h r i s t i a n H u m a n R i g h t s b y T s o n c h o

T s o n c h e v• T h o m a s H o b b e s a n d t h e S p e c t e r o f V i o l e n t

D e a t h b y I n a K r i s t e n S i m o n

Christianity in Text and Philosophy H-763• R e l i r e l ’ i n f a n t i c i d e d e B e t h l é e m ( M t 2 , 1 6 -

1 8 ) à l a l u m i è r e d u g é n o c i d e c u l t u r e l d e sA u t o c h t o n e s b y S e b a s t i e n D o a n e

• J é s u s c h a s s a n t l e s v e n d e u r s a v e c u n f o u e t b yS o n n y P e r r o n - N a u l t

• T h e o l o g y o f L i b e r a t i o n o r t h e L i b e r a t i o n o fT h e o l o g y ? b y C h r i s t i a n S t a c k a r u k

Violence during the Roman Empire H-767• C o n s e c r a t e d B o d i e s a n d t h e A e s t h e t i c o f

M i t h r a i c V i o l e n c e b y N i n a M a z h j o o• N a k e d a n d U n a f r a i d b y A l i s o n C l e v e r l e y• J u p i t e r D o l i c h e n u s , t h e ‘ M i l i t a r y G o d ’ ?

A x i o m o r E n i g m a ? b y C a t h e r i n e L e i s e r

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10:30 – 12:15

Religion and Nonorthodox Practices H-760• V i o l e n c e S p i r i t u a l i z e d b y J a m e s Q u i n n• “ W h a t ’ s D i s g u s t G o t T o D o W i t h I t ? ” b y S i d

S u d i a c a l• T h e C a s e o f Wa c o b y K e v i n S i n g e r

Media, Literature and Entertainment H-762• V i r t u a l C o n f l i c t s , R e a l M i n d s b y J o c e l y n

B e a u d e t• M i x e d M e s s a g e s b y E t i e n n e D o m i n g u e• P i c t u r i n g B i b l i c a l V i o l e n c e b y L u c a s C o b e r

Special Panel: Women, Gender and Securitization H-763• P o s t - M o d e r n C o n v e r s i o n b y K e e g a n L a t h e -

L e b l a n c• T h e “ P r o m i s e K e e p e r s ” a n d N o n d e n o m i n a t i o n a l

C h r i s t i a n M o v e m e n t s b y L a u r e l A n d r e w • T h e E t h i c s o f t h e S e c u l a r a n d M o d e r n i t y ’ s

S l a u g h t e r h o u s e b y M a r i o n A c h o u l i a s• P o l i t i c s o f P i e t y ? D e b a t i n g t h e F u n c t i o n a n d

M e a n i n g o f R e l i g i o u s S y m b o l s i n Q u e b e c b yJ e n n i f e r G u y v e r

Christianity in History and Society H-767• I r o q u o i a n D e m o n s a n d E u r o p e a n W i t c h e s b y

T i a w e n t i : n o n C a n a d i a n• M o d é l i s a t i o n o p é r a t o i r e d u p h é n o m è n e d e l a

v i o l e n c e r e l i g i e u s e a m é r i c a i n e b y D a n i e l C h e v a l i e r

• R e n o u n c i n g V i o l e n c e a f t e r 9 / 1 1 a n d t h e Wa r o nT e r r o r b y M i c h a e l G i l l i n g h a m

12:15 – 1:30Lunch FA-202

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1:30 – 2:45Apocryphal Literature H-760

• C r i m e a n d B a n i s h m e n t b y E l l i o t M a s o n• T h e S t a t e ’ s U s e o f A b s t r a c t R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f

V i o l e n c e i n A n c i e n t I s r a e l a n d t h e M o d e r n D a yb y R o b e r t K a s h o w

• B r o t h e r - H u s b a n d s a n d M o r o n i c T z a d d i k s b yJ e s s e T o u f e x i s

Sociology and ideologies H-762• L e C a n d o m b l é : u n e é m a n c i p a t i o n p o l i t i q u e d e s

f e m m e s ? b y F a r a h C a d e r• R e l i g i o u s F r e e d o m b y I d e o l o g y a n d V i o l e n c e

A g a i n s t L G B T Q P e r s o n s b y R o b e r t S m i t h• U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e 1 9 9 4 G e n o c i d e i n R w a n d a

f r o m t h e P e r s p e c t i v e o f R e l i g i o u s S t u d i e s b yS p y r i d o n L o u m a k i s

Identity & Otherness H-763• P e a c e b u i l d i n g T h r o u g h I n c l u s i v e I d e n t i t y a n d B o u n d a r y F o r m a t i o n b y H y u n g J i n K i m S u n• P r i v i l e g i n g t h e L e n s : F r a m i n g I s l a m i c

V i o l e n c e a n d t h e C r e a t i o n o f A u t h o r i t a t i v eD i s c o u r s e s b y J e r e m y C o h e n

• R e m o v i n g S i t e f r o m S i g h t b y S t é p h a n i e

M a c h a b é e

Special Panel: Islam and Otherness H-767• A N o n v i o l e n t I s l a m b y A f r a J a l a b i• J a w d a t S a i d b y Wo r k s N a s e r D u m a i r i e h

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3:00 – 4:15

Violence throughout History H-760• R e l i g i o n , ( N o n - ) V i o l e n c e , a n d t h e A m e r i c a n

C i v i l R i g h t s M o v e m e n t b y S a r a h D a i g e n• S i r G e o r g e M a c k e n z i e a n d R e l i g i o - P o l i t i c s

o f V i o l e n c e i n R e s t o r a t i o n S c o t l a n d b y A l p R o d o p l u

• M é m o i r e , r e l i g i o n e t i d é o l o g i e b y M a r c -A n t o i n e V i g n e a u & D a v i d B r o d e u r

New Questions, New Approaches H-762• R é f l e x i o n s u r l a g u e r r e b y L o u i s C h a r l e s

F a u t e u x• A p p r e h e n d i n g H a n d G u n s b y E m i l i e S t -

H i l a i r e • N e w S o c i a l M o v e m e n t s a n d t h e F u t u r e o f

I n t e r f a i t h A c t i v i s m b y A s h e l y C r o u c h

Nationalism and Ideologies H-763• M a l e k i a n ’ s “ Wa y t o F r e e d o m ” a s a n A l t e r n a t i v e

t o t h e V i o l e n c e o f R e l i g i o u s A u t h o r i t a r i a n i s mi n I r a n b y D o r o t a D e j n e k a

• C a n a d i a n B e a s t s a n d W h e r e t o F i n d T h e m b yE l i j a h S m i t h

• M o r a l A u t h o r i t y b y K y l e M c L o u g h l i n

Islam and Apocalypticism H-767• L e M o n d e m u s u l m a n e t l a l u t t e c o n t r e l a

r a d i c a l i s a t i o n i s l a m i q u b y M o u l a y H i c h a m M o u a t a d i d

• L ’ é p i s t é m o l o g i e d e l a v i o l e n c e e t l a c o n c e p t i o nd e l ’ a l t é r i t é b y A m a n y F o u a d S a l i b

• I n v o k i n g t h e A p o c a l y p s e b y J a c o b M c L a i n

4:30 – 6:00

Closing and Keynote Address H-763• H u m a n i t y ’ s P e n c h a n t f o r V i o l e n c e b y D r . M i c h a e l J e r r y s o n

6:00 – 9:00

Wine & Cheese

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ABSTRACTS9:00 – 10:15

Studies on the Holocaust H-760

F r a m i n g A b s e n t B o d i e s : T h e C h a n g i n g R o l e a n dP e r c e p t i o n o f T h e H o l o c a u s t V i c t i m s ’ A s h e sb y M y r i a m G e r b e r ( P h . D . i n H i s t o r y a t C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )This paper analyzes the perception and role of the ashes of victims of the Third Reich during and after the Second World War (WWII) with a focus on rituals of commemoration and as tools of political legitimization. Beginning in the sum-mer of 1942, the Germans began to implement Operation 1005 – the code name for the clearance of all mass graves, erasing evidence of genocidal crimes. The method of disposing of bodies involved creating funeral pyres in large pits made of railway tracks. In order to deal with the enormous task special units – Sonder-kommandos – were created, who were forced to crush remaining bone; finally, the ashes were poured into rivers, blended with local soils and scattered across fields, buried in pits under thick layers of sand, used as grit on roads or as filling material in construction. The enormous amounts of ashes of Nazi victims have left traces and shaped the European landscape, as they have merged with local soils and continue to impact vegetation. While ashes cannot be defined as a spe-cific object or item, they are something. They cannot represent what was – yet, at the same time, they remain from what was. Over the course of the decades following WWII the ashes have assumed the status of sacred relics, and the ashes play a vital role in rituals and places for Holocaust commemoration around the world. In this paper I explore the symbolic processes and socio-cultural ideol-ogies which frame and surround these most fragile remainders of the victims with a specific focus on the materiality of the ashes. Furthermore, I expand on the enormous challenges of commemoration in the face of genocide and ab-sence of bodies in present-day Europe.

R e l i g i o u s E l e m e n t s i n N a z i s mb y N e i l M a t t h e w s ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )If twentieth-century Nazism may be understood as grounded in a fantastic but ultimately religious ideology, then the Nazi experiment was a religious phenom-enon that unleashed unique and unprecedented human violence. I will identify and explore religious aspects of Nazism shared with other political movements and/or religions. I will also identify and explore characteristics of Nazism that qualify its genocide as unique and unprecedented. Religious characteristics of the Nazi movement include: (1) A narrative framework in which the existence of the German nation, racially and genetically superior to all non-Aryan human-kind, is perceived as threatened by the non-Aryan world generally and most spe-cifically and dangerously by the Jews. This fantastic narrative, not unlike other religious narratives of origin and destiny, served to galvanize personal, cultural and national identities in the Nazified German world. (2) The Nazi call to all ethnic Germans to embrace the higher purpose of an ultimate world-historical struggle, first against the Jews and then non-Aryan civilization generally, as nec-essary for German life and culture to survive. (3) Purity laws defining civil status and governing the institution of marriage. Purity laws warrant mention because they are an element in common with other religions. These aspects of Nazism are elements that Nazism shares with other political and/or religious move-ments. In contrast, what distinguishes Nazism; what constitutes the uniqueness of the Nazi spirit? In the concluding segment, I will consider Emil Fackenheim’s understanding that the uniqueness of Nazism consists in that Nazism was, at its very core, a “celebration of death.”

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Philosophy of Religion H-762

C h r i s t i a n H u m a n R i g h t sb y T s o n c h o T s o n c h e v ( P h . D . , M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y ) In a series of books and articles, published in the recent years, the American historian Samuel Moyn argued that the human rights idea is a new “invention.” Human rights concept, he contended, was born “yesterday,” and he called it “the last utopia.” (Moyn, 2010) Moyn began his research with the claim that the ideal of human rights was a result of humanity’s failed attempts to achieve just polit-ical and social order. “Our idealism,” he wrote, “is one born of disappointment, not of fear or hope.” (Moyn, 2011) Moyn’s analysis evolved and deepened over the time and in his latest book, he “stirred the spirits” with the argument that the twentieth century human rights idea has probably a Christian origin. (Moyn, 2015) This claim evoked the attention and criticism of philosophers, historians, and political thinkers. The debate on the origins of human rights idea has just begun, (Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, 2011) and the question about the role of reli-gion and faith in human rights philosophy and politics does not yet have a clear answer. What is the place of Christian faith in the development of human rights in the twentieth century? Is Moyn right arguing that Christianity played a sig-nificant role in the inception of human rights ideology and politics? Or, maybe he is wrong and we should accept the purely secular historical, political, and philosophical interpretations? These are some of the questions I wish to answer with my research. I am convinced that a balanced and penetrating look at the origins of human rights concept would give us an unbiased and penetrating un-derstanding of the contemporary and future problems of rights and freedoms.

T h o m a s H o b b e s a n d t h e S p e c t e r o f V i o l e n t D e a t h :A n A n a l y s i s o f T h e U s e o f F e a r i n T h o m a s H o b b e s ’L e v i a t h a nb y I n a K r i s t e n S i m o n ( M . A . i n T h e o l o g y , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y ) While some argue that Hobbes uses the rhetoric of universal fear of violent, un-timely death as the basis of his authoritarian political theory, recent scholarship challenges this view; some downplay both the extent to which Hobbes relies on fear to prop up his political theory as well as the understanding of a Hobbes-ian system as necessarily authoritarian. I propose to start my paper with a brief overview of the main ideas in recent Hobbes scholarship on these problems. Then, I propose a political-theological analysis of the way in which Hobbes uses the language of fear of death and violence, and how this politicization might, somewhat paradoxically, promote peace. First, I will consider appeals to fear as an instrumental rhetorical device, especially in respect to Machiavellian thought and the political sublime; it is possible that Hobbes understands fear as a com-promise between love and hate, faith and disbelief. Then, I will consider par-allels with the idea of fearing God, especially as it is understood in the Hebrew Bible. I would argue that Hobbes transfers this understanding of fear (as a proper and healthy thing) from God proper to the artificial god, Leviathan. Finally, I will consider the relationship between fear and freedom in the sense of “fear of what” and “freedom to do what.” Here, I will consider the paternalism of the Leviathan in relationship to cognitive biases that lead to individuals’ overestima-tion of their own abilities. I hypothesize that Leviathan’s paternalism might be more enabling that restricting.

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Christianity in Text and Philosophy H-763

R e l i r e l ’ i n f a n t i c i d e d e B e t h l é e m ( M t 2 , 1 6 - 1 8 ) à l al u m i è r e d u g é n o c i d e c u l t u r e l d e s A u t o c h t o n e sb y S e b a s t i e n D o a n e ( P h . D . T h e o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t é d e L a v a l )Le massacre des enfants de Bethléem par Hérode au sein du récit des origines de Jésus (Mt 2,16- 18) suscite de vives réactions. À cause de la violence injuste subie par des enfants, cette péricope peut être qualifiée de « texte de terreur ». Les commentaires exégétiques ne s’intéressent que trop peu à la portée de la vi-olence de cet épisode et aux enjeux éthiques et politiques qu’il soulève. Pourtant cet infanticide narratif soulève de nombreuses questions troublantes au sujet des liens entre l’Évangile de Matthieu, la violence et les interprétations qu’en font les lecteurs. Notre objectif est de tenir compte de la réalité de la violence et de la mort de vrais enfants par une lecture intertextuelle. Lire ce passage est une expérience particulière lorsqu’on se place au sein d’une culture qui a connu et qui connaît encore une violence infantile élevée. La Commission vérité et réconciliation a entendu les témoignages de 7000 victimes et responsables de pensionnats autochtones. Son rapport final indique qu’il y a eu un « génocide culturel » commis au nom d’une idéologie coloniale. Ainsi, je m’appuie sur le concept d’intertextualité tel que conçu par Julia Kristeva. Le résultat permettra une critique des idéologies similaires aux approches post-coloniales. Lire Mt 2,16-18 à partir du contexte autochtone canadien permet une réécriture de ce texte. Cette stratégie interprétative déstabilise les lecteurs et les appelle à se dé-placer auprès de ceux qui souffrent, une position herméneutique difficile, mais nécessaire. Ainsi la lecture d’un récit mène à voir, à entendre et à agir dans le monde qui nous entoure. La réalité horrible des pensionnats autochtones cana-diens nous empêche de séparer la narration des origines de Jésus de la réalité de la violence envers des enfants.

J é s u s c h a s s a n t l e s v e n d e u r s a v e c u n f o u e t: H i s t o i r e d e s i n t e r p r é t a t i o n s e t l e c t u r ec o n t e x t u e l l e n o n - v i o l e n t eb y S o n n y P e r r o n - N a u l t ( M . A . i n T h e o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t é d e M o n t r é a l )Tout au long de l’histoire de l’Église, plusieurs passages bibliques ont été em-ployés pour justifier le recours à la violence. Un de ces textes est l’épisode jo-hannique où Jésus chassa les vendeurs du temple au moyen d’un fouet. Cette présentation a comme objectif de démontrer qu’une telle utilisation du texte est illégitime. D’un côté, Jésus n’a pas employé le fouet pour frapper les vendeurs, mais pour faire sortir les animaux. De l’autre côté, le but de la péricope n’est pas de justifier l’usage de la violence contre les hérétiques, mais de révéler l’identité de Jésus par un signe messianique. Par le rétablissement d’une adoration pure caractérisée par la justice, l’évangéliste présente Jésus comme le Messie agissant de façon prophétique dans la lignée de Malachie 3:1-3. La démonstration de cette thèse procèdera en deux temps. Premièrement, un survol des interprétations de ce passage biblique dans l’histoire de l’Église démontrera que les interpréta-tions pacifiques de ce texte précèdent les interprétations violentes. Origène, Jean de Chrysostome, Théodore de Mopsueste ainsi que Petilian se sont position-nés pour une lecture non violente du passage alors que Saint Augustin, le Pape Grégoire VII, Bernard de Clairevaux et Calvin ont fait l’inverse. Ce n’est qu’après la conversion de Constantin et après le rapprochement entre le christianisme et le politique que les interprétations violentes apparaîtront. Deuxièmement, une exégèse du passage sera réalisée pour démontrer les raisons appuyant une lecture non violente et nous terminerons avec une interprétation contextuelle pour les chrétiens du 21e siècle.

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T h e o l o g y o f L i b e r a t i o n o r t h e L i b e r a t i o n o fT h e o l o g y ? : I n t e r r e l i g i o u s L e a r n i n g a s a Wa yF o r w a r d I n P r e v e n t i n g R e l i g i o n R e l a t e d V i o l e n c eb y C h r i s t i a n S t a c k a r u k ( P h . D . i n T h e o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o )Not long after the Peruvian theologian Gustavo Gutierrez released his Theol-ogy of Liberation (1971), his work was soon praised as The Liberation of The-ology (1976). Gutierrez’s adaptation of the Bible for the poor had not only lib-erated millions from the ideological oppression of a Euro-American God, but also “freed God” from Euro-American power. While increasing security con-cerns over religion related violence (RRV) are prompting scholars to wish for the liberation of many from violent Gods, too few are asking how to “free God” from the politics of violent men. In this paper I will outline a proposal for how the anthropological study of theological innovation may provide a way forward for effectively catalyzing theologies of peace resilient against RRV. Theological innovation describes the strategic adaptation of religious belief to new circum-stances, challenges, and opportunities. Sociologists of religion have detailed how perceived changes in a religious community’s environment can catalyze drastic theological shifts. Religions with systematic intellectual traditions can shift in surprising ways due to one small change, such as with the perceived goodness of humanity. Emily Dickenson once wrote about how if the truth is to take you must tell it slant. Stirring resilient theologies of peace should be no different. I will specifically examine the potential of one case study of theological inno-vation: the unprecedented emergence of theologies of multi-faith cooperation from some Protestant Evangelical/Fundamentalist Christians in the United States. Understanding how environmental and theological forces contribute to de-fundamentalism—from xenophobia to social inclusivity—in one tradition may hold untold promise for taming the violent Gods in others as well.

Violence during the Roman Empire H-767

C o n s e c r a t e d B o d i e s a n d t h e A e s t h e t i c o f M i t h r a i cV i o l e n c eb y N i n a M a z h j o o ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )Initiation rituals played a focal role in the Roman mystery cult of Mithras, as initiates created a special relationship with the god through performing such rit-uals. In other words, these rituals were mediator for purifying initiations’ souls, putting them in touch with the god Mithras and improving initiations’ situation in after death. In fact, the idea of relationship between soul and body in classical antiquity was rooted in the Greek philosophy and the Hellenistic Schools in par-ticular, which suggested spiritual exercise for achieving the eternal virtue. Ac-cordingly, avoidance of pleasure, endurance of suffering and violence were the methods of bodily trainings that prepared the soul for virtue and self-control. This idea, then, spread to the Roman mystery cults; the cults which promised the final salvation through purifying the soul and body, through performing initiation rituals, and through establishing a specific relationship with the god. Considering this, the primary sources of the mystery cult of Mithra depict some ascetic acts and cultic persecution as a part of mithraic rituals of initiation. The rituals that identified the new initiates as mithraist and trained them for entering to the mithraic society. The main aim of this paper is to decode the graffiti of the mithraeum Maria Capua Vetere as well as the cultic vessel of Mainz in order to explore the patterns of mithraic violence, and to analyze this concept in relation to mithraic doctrine. Here, my main effort is to conceptualize mithraic violence as aestheticized violence that consecrated the initiates’ bodies, distinguished them from others, and prepared their souls for entering to the mithraic society; a process which lead them to the eternal virtue and final salvation.

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N a k e d a n d U n a f r a i d : N a r r a t i n g P o w e r i n t h eM a r t y r d o m o f P e r p e t u a a n d F e l i c i t yb y A l i s o n C l e v e r l e y ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o )Extant literary sources on the crowds that bore witness to the violence in the Roman arena take the crowd as a merged mass of voyeurs who look upon those placed in the centre of the arena. Yet, how does the spectacle of punishment and the gaze it produces act as a rich site to explore how ‘othered’ subjects of the gaze resist asymmetric power relations in the making of empire? Christian martyr-doms are infamous among the forms of entertainment mounted in the Roman arena. In order to explore the politics of spectacle in this arena, I herein glimpse and explicate the societal context of the punishment of criminals. This paper takes a post-colonial method, both examining how otherness was produced in the arena, yet also assessing how subaltern subjects appropriated and resisted the hegemonic gaze of the crowd. Using Carlin Barton’s theory on ‘the gaze’ as a technology of power, I employ a close examination of the third century text The Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicity to consider the double nature of the gaze to advance two interrelated arguments. Firstly, I argue that it is evidence of her intentional embodiment of her imposed identity as persecuted for Perpetua to return the traditionally unidirectional gaze of the crowd. By willingly donning this identity, she attempts to use the current system of domination to challenge the way that others view her criminality. Secondly, I assert that the unexpected-ness of her stance is an attempt to refuse to be a nameless, stereotyped source of entertainment. I aim to contribute to broader reflections on the confluence of violence, entertainment, ceremony, and agency in the making of spectacle in antiquity. Moreover, I expound the difficulty of reading back into a past that has been shaped by this and other such martyrdom narratives.J u p i t e r D o l i c h e n u s , t h e ‘ M i l i t a r y G o d ’ ? A x i o mo r E n i g m a ?b y C a t h e r i n e L e i s e r ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )Jupiter Dolichenus is most commonly identified as a Roman military god, yet many civilians, including women, also dedicated altars to him. His followers are often thought to be predominantly Syrian, yet others worshipped him too. His cult is often identified as a mystery cult, yet no literary or epigraphic evidence indicates this, as seen with other mystery cults. Perhaps it was the most mysteri-ous of cults because so little is known about its rituals and processes. An increase in datable inscriptions indicates a rapid gain in popularity during the second century CE; many of his temples, however, were no longer functioning by the end of the third century CE. Jupiter Dolichenus was venerated as the undefeat-ed god of the sky/universe, rain and thunder, and bore many likenesses to the ultimate Roman deity, the Capitoline Jupiter Optimus Maximus because of this similarity. The Dolichenian Jupiter was honoured as the protector of soldiers and the grantor of victory, yet the civilian connection persists. Much of cult’s evidence has been found in the northwestern provinces of the Roman Empire. This study examines five Dolichenian temples in five of these provinces. The in-tent was to examine possible regional differences in temples and artefacts from one province to the other and to determine whether differences existed between temples serving predominantly military or civilian populations. The result was a combination of the anticipated and the unexpected.

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10:30 – 12:15

Religion and Nonorthodox Practices H-760

V i o l e n c e S p i r i t u a l i z e d : T h e F u n c t i o n o f V i o l e n tT r o p e s i n M i p h a m ’ s R e d a c t i o n o f t h e G e s a r E p i cb y J a m e s Q u i n n ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )What are the effects when religious traditions transform violence into spiritual metaphor? Does the spiritualization of violence legitimize and increase violent behaviour or does it subdue it? In nineteenth and twentieth century Eastern Ti-bet, proponents of the Rimed or Eclectic school took up the pan-Asian epic of King Gesar in a variety of texts and liturgies. The Rimed arose in response to sectarian tensions in Eastern Tibet. They sought to collect and synthesize teach-ings from every major sect in an effort to quell these tensions (Hartley 1997). Their polyvalent exploration of the Gesar epic deliberately works with multiple viewpoints, some of them spiritual. In this sense, their treatment of the Gesar epic is not unlike that of the Mahabharata. Just as that epic frames its depic-tions of violence with discussions of dharma inspired by the Upanishads, the Rimed texts draw the Gesar cycle within the moral-ethical orbit of Tibetan Sha-manism, Chinese alchemy, and Buddhist ati-yoga. This is most evident in Mip-ham Rinpoche’s popular redaction of the Gesar epic. Gesar’s gradual conquest of demon kings who encircle his kingdom comes to represent, on its deepest level, the conquest of negativities on the spiritual path to awakening. Thus, Ge-sar is portrayed both as warrior and the penultimate spiritual hero (Kornman 2010). This presentation explores the impact of Mipham’s spiritualization of vi-olence in his redaction of the Gesar epic and poses the following questions. How does Mipham combine tropes of warriorship, conquest, kingship, and spiritual awakening? In what ways are these blends of varying viewpoints consistent and dissonant with traditional Tantric Buddhist teachings? In what ways were they responding to the pressing sociopolitical needs of Eastern Tibet? And how suc-cessful was this strategy?

“ W h a t ’ s D i s g u s t G o t T o D o W i t h I t ? ” : E x a m i n i n gt h e R o l e o f D i s g u s t i n R e l i g i o u s V i o l e n c eb y S i d S u d i a c a l ( P h . D . i n T h e o l o g y , M c M a s t e r D i v i n i t y C o l l e g e )It does not take much to convince anyone these days that religious violence is real. In fact, its ubiquitous nature makes it difficult to say otherwise. One has only to turn on the TV, listen to the radio, and scroll through various social me-dia platforms, to see how rampant and how pervasive religious violence has commanded our attention and imagination. The ongoing violence perpetrat-ed by Daesh (aka IS, ISIS, ISIL) against Christians, Yazidis, and Muslims are a brutal reminder of this very truth. My paper seeks to examine the role that disgust plays in religious violence. To do this, I will apply Disgust Psychology as the primary lens to look at the violence committed against each other by the Roman Catholics and the Donatists during the Donatist Controversy. Disgust is a universal human feature that has been found to play a role in socio-moral attitudes and actions. William Ian Miller, in his book Anatomy of Disgust, argues that disgust is important “in structuring our world and our stance toward that world.” Gordon Hodson and Kimberly Costello’s studies show how disgust can serve as an ethnic or out-group marker in intergroup settings. Disgust Psychol-ogy provides a way to interpret the motivation and rationalization behind the physical and verbal violence that both parties engaged in. It also addresses the issue of how Disgust Psychology can affect the thoughts and actions of Christian groups and individuals.

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T h e C a s e o f Wa c ob y K e v i n S i n g e r ( P h . D . i n H i g h e r E d u c a t i o n , B a y l o r U n i v e r s i t y )On April 19 1993, American federal and Texas state law enforcement entered into a fierce battle with the Branch Davidians of Waco, Texas, a radical sect of the Seventh-day Adventist church led by their charismatic leader David Koresh. It was the final stand-off in a storied two month conflict that would come to be known as the Waco siege. Law enforcement officials initiated an investigation of the sect for possible weapons violations in addition to suspicions that the sexual abuse of children might be occurring inside the compound. Tragically, the in-tense shoot-out ended with the Dravidian’s main compound facility, the Mount Carmel Center, going up in flames and killing everyone inside including Koresh, his wives, and a number of children. Four law enforcement officers were also killed in the affair. In this paper, I will investigate the impact that these violent and tragic events had on Baylor University, a large private Baptist university located in Waco. My sources will primarily be acquired from the archives at Bay-lor’s renowned Texas Collection, where a myriad of files related to the event are stored including news articles, letters, interviews and more. My primary research question will be how Baylor’s Baptist identity and theology informed their impressions and their responses to the siege, including its violent elements. Voices from a variety of constituencies within the university community at that time will be represented, including that of students, staff, faculty and admin-istrators. In addition to capturing where these various constituencies put their sympathies and their rationale for these sympathies, this study will also contrib-ute valuable insight to how faith-based universities navigate violent and tragic events involving the religious other.

Media, Literature and Entertainment H-762

V i r t u a l C o n f l i c t s , R e a l M i n d s : T h e C o s m i c B a t t l eB e t w e e n g o o d a n d E v i l i n t h e Wo r l d o f Wa r c r a f tb y J o c e l y n B e a u d e t ( U n d e r g r a d u a t e i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )In the world, religion and conflict are often portrayed hand in hand; from the prayers of loved ones to soldiers or warriors on their way to war, to full-blown crusades that mobilized thousands for reasons that were purportedly religious. These conflicts represent complex systems of socio-political, ethical and reli-gious ideals that are often misunderstood or looked over. Movies, television and video games provide such a platform for creators and consumers to be subjected to this topic. Often, these narratives are created with the traditional dichoto-my of “light” versus “dark”, where the boundaries are simple to understand. The Warcraft universe by Blizzard entertainment is the host of one of the most fasci-nating aspects of religious conflicts. This universe has built an ongoing narrative that has been worked on for almost two decades, with an audience reaching up to ten million concurrent users. As passive consumers, people of all ages are subjected to a cosmic conflict between their characters, who represent heroes of “the light”, fighting the evil hordes of the burning legion. Players interact with this world facing a narrative that draws clear and relatable inspiration from the real world. One may question, thus, how does this affect these players’ view of re-ligion, its ideologies, and the conflicts surrounding it? In this presentation, I will be diving deep into the mythos surrounding one of the most successful games of the past decade, and illustrate various degrees in which the players’ connections and interactions with this virtual world changes their perception of topics all-too similar in the real world. By addressing this, we can better understand the role that media has in affecting human agency in the face of conflicts that are other-wise much more complex than their virtual counterparts.

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M i x e d M e s s a g e s : M y t h a s B o t h S o u r c e a n dC r i t i q u e o f V i o l e n c e i n S u p e r h e r o N a r r a t i v e sb y E t i e n n e D o m i n g u e ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t é d e S h e r b r o o k e )Contrasting Lawrence and Jewett’s American monomyth with Geoff Klock’s Bloomian analysis of the contemporary superhero, this essay offers a non-re-ductive interpretation of myth and violence in the superhero genre. In super-hero narratives, myths are causes—or excuses for—violence. Supernatural el-ements borrowed from myth frequently upset the balance of the multiverse, leaving the superhero no recourse other than the righteous use of force. Nu-minal overseers are frequently indifferent or ill-disposed toward humankind, or else incapable of preventing cosmic mayhem when the meeting of sacred and profane results in chaos. The mythical pattern from which the superhero is derived can also be read as a justification for the suspension of due process by benevolent hegemons. It is a kind of foundational violence: the orderly func-tioning of the normative universe is not guaranteed by compromise, but by the repeated extranormative intervention of superheroes. Myth is also a basis for a critique of violence and for an ethic of restraint. Mythical motifs are introduced as countermodels to the iniquitous status quo: characters and settings derived from myth often convey a utopian vision of a more life-affirming civilizational order resulting from their dedication to spiritual principles. How these politi-cally-reductive, ahistorical idylls can meet the challenges of complex, pluralis-tic societies remains unclear. Moreover, superheroes can be read as a departure from myth—or as myth’s rehabilitation—in that their use of justifiable violence does not typically extend to the termination of sentient life.

P i c t u r i n g B i b l i c a l V i o l e n c e : C o n t e m p o r a r yA d a p t a t i o n s o f V i o l e n t B i b l i c a l T e x t sb y L u c a s C o b e r ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )The Bible is full of violent stories. Murder, warfare, rape and divine punishment abound across the biblical corpus, and discussing these violent stories has always been a difficult topic for religious people and for other interpreters of the Bible. The Bible and its stories are also frequently adapted into new and diverse me-dia, such as film or comic books. In these adaptations, certain elements of the story are often lost (or added) in translation. Consider, for example, the inserted environmentalist message in the recent film Noah. This paper is an examina-tion of the cultural attitudes towards violence that are evident in modern visual adaptations of the Bible, with a specific focus on comic book and other graphic art Bibles. These are typically stories meant for younger readers, and therefore one might expect to see a more “PG” version of certain biblical stories. However, it is often the case that the violence in these texts is sensationalized rather than turned away from as has been the case in much traditional biblical interpreta-tion, which I will argue is part and parcel with the commercialization of the Bi-ble. This is not a recent phenomenon, and in this paper I will further argue that adaptations of Biblical texts that alter or add to the “original” story are in fact well in keeping with the larger tradition of biblical interpretation, and should be taken as seriously as legitimate biblical interpretations.

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Special Panel: Women, Gender and Securitization H-763

P o s t - M o d e r n C o n v e r s i o n : A S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s o ft h e D i s c o u r s e a n d N a r r a t i v i z a t i o n o f T r a n s s e x u a lT r a n s i t i o n a n d C h r i s t i a n C o n v e r s i o nb y K e e g a n L a t h e - L e b l a n c ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )Transsexuals have experienced a history fraught with great difficulty and vio-lence regarding the way in which larger society has told stories about them and how they themselves narrate their own lives and transitions. In recent years, there has been another monumental increase in the quantity of transsexu-al narratives and auto-biographical narratives. Substantial academic work has been done surveying how transsexuals create their own autobiographies and how others create stories about them, in works by Meyerowitz, Prosser, Valen-tine and others. However, there remain important gaps in understanding how transsexual narrativization has been influenced by and reiterates aspects of dominant, violent, normalizing Christian scripts. Addressing this current issue by analyzing the structural similarities between Christian conversion narratives and transsexual transitioning narratives, this paper examines these similarities through a contrapuntal analysis of two case studies that reveal larger trends. To demonstrate the narration of transsexual transitioning, this paper relies on Vanity Fair’s 2015 coverage of Caitlyn Jenner’s transition. To demonstrate the structural properties of Christian conversion narrativization this paper draws on Paul’s autobiographical retelling of his conversion to Christianity in Acts 26:4-19. I demonstrate through these case studies that transsexual narrativization has strong structural similarities to that of Christian conversion narratives. My analysis reveals strong structural similarities including: (1) a pre-conversion self who is divided, unhappy or suffering and is ultimately made happy and whole, (2) a ‘turning point’ to which one’s narrative is directed which ultimately brings about a change; and (3) an understanding that the old self was ‘wrong’ and the new self is ‘right’. This project’s undertaking is crucial in that it sheds new light on the authoritative Christian structures and cultural processes that are active in the construction of master narratives of transsexuality that ultimately shape the possibilities of transsexual identity constitution.

T h e “ P r o m i s e K e e p e r s ” a n d N o n d e n o m i n a t i o n a lC h r i s t i a n M o v e m e n t sb y L a u r e l A n d r e w ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )The Promise Keepers (PK) are a nondenominational Christian men’s organi-zation that support fellow Christian men in leading biblically virtuous lives. Founded in 1990 in the United States, this group endures today, also maintain-ing a presence in Canada. Members of the PK communicate primarily through online mailing lists, website publications, and internet forums. They congregate intermittently at large male-only stadium events, and smaller local conferences. This organization represents the creation of a new Christian identity, that not only excludes women and transgender individuals from participation, but also propagates a worldview that is in direct contradiction to feminist principles regarding gender identity, and equality. This paper will examine the Promise Keepers’ interpretation and representation of maleness and masculinity as a Christian identity, and also their understanding of femaleness and feminini-ty in Christianity. I analyze press releases, website publications, public letters, interviews, and media responses to feminist criticisms, to determine how this all-male community defines itself and demarcates its borders within a Chris-tian framework, and polices its community formation in the public sphere as a religious organization. This paper investigates the rhetorical and ideological implications of the Promise Keepers’ claim to religiosity in their exclusivistic and discriminatory communal identity, which sacralizes their position and es-tablishes their arguments as morally superior in the face of the non-religious opposition (most prominently from feminist organizations, such as the National Organization of Women). Such an invidious equation of the PK’s representation

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of masculinity with Christianity can have real repercussions socially, politically and economically, especially in predominantly Christian societies such as the United States and Canada.

T h e E t h i c s o f t h e S e c u l a r a n d M o d e r n i t y ’ sS l a u g h t e r h o u s e : R e l i g i o u s M i n o r i t i e s a n d Ve g a nA n i m a l R i g h t s A d v o c a t e s a s U n d e s i r a b l e S u b j e c t si n t h e I m p e r i a l i s t P r o j e c t o f “ H u m a n i z i n g t h eWo r l d ”b y M a r i o n A c h o u l i a s ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y ) The instrumentalization of animal welfare concerns as pretext to launch cultural attacks on vulnerable minorities is well documented. Less attention has been given to the ways in which discursive tactics used to target religious minorities intersect with the disavowal of anti-speciesism advocates due to their shared refusal to allow the modern meat packing plant to mediate their relationship to nonhuman animals. In keeping with Talal Asad’s concept of Ethics of the Secu-lar and Manesha Deckha’s postcolonial feminist approach to animal ethics, this paper examines the ways secularist discourse frames the Santeria practice of an-imal sacrifice in Florida as the quintessential binary opposition to industrial and humane animal processing in the context of global capital. The analysis of the discursive formation of the modern slaughterhouse reveals its function as icon of the biopolitical dream of the total regulation of human and animal bodies. At the nexus of imperial discourse and material and affective realities, the status of the automated kill line seems politically untouchable and beyond critique. Thus, industrialized mass animal slaughter conveys obedience to the necessity of bureaucratized violence to stave off animal(ized) barbarism, i.e. any cultural, affective or activist noncompliance with the project of globalized rationality and efficiency. My thesis is that the ideologically laden opposition between “neces-sary” and “gratuitous” suffering in the imperial project of humanizing the world as conceptualized by Asad functions to exclude both the minority religious prac-titioner and the anti-speciesist from the category of rational (modern) citizen. Both subjects refuse to “privatize” their minority approach to human relation-ships to other animals. In consequence, the same secularist discursive logic em-ployed to decry religious ritualists as irrational, foreign and barbaric operates to dismiss animal advocates as emotional, fanatic and un-patriotic.

P o l i t i c s o f P i e t y ? D e b a t i n g t h e F u n c t i o n a n dM e a n i n g o f R e l i g i o u s S y m b o l s i n Q u e b e cb y J e n n i f e r G u y v e r ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y )In the struggle to establish an operative model of secularism in Quebec, the meaning and purpose of religious symbols has become a subject of an intense and divisive debate; a debate which frequently overlooks the relationship be-tween religious symbols and personal piety, or devotion. While the public per-ception of religious symbols in secular contexts, scholarship on Quebec secu-larism is not as extensive. Few studies have been published examining how the perception of religious symbols was shaped by political discourse during the most recent public debate on secularism in 2013-2014. This paper examines the discourse on religious symbols that emerged during the General Consultation and Public Hearings on Bill 60 in 2014. Moreover, I explore the role of politi-cians in framing the conversation on religious symbols such that their relation-ship to personal piety and devotion is obscured and their ambivalent, diverse meanings are concretized into dogmatic messages. Quebec’s uneasy relation-ship with its Catholic heritage, coupled with increasing concerns over religious extremism and transnational terrorism have contributed to widespread mistrust of overt religious symbols and religious minorities. This project will shed light on how political discourse in Quebec is further exacerbating this mistrust by privileging certain interpretations of religious symbols that deny their impor-tance as expressions of personal piety or devotion. I argue that the relationship between religious symbols and devotion is eclipsed in the political discourse on the Charter in two ways; 1) how the functionality of religious symbols is framed, and 2) how the substantive meaning of religious symbols is explained - i.e. the

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significance they have for believers, communities, and society at large. This pre-sentation will focus on how the substantive meaning of religious symbols was shaped by political actors during the hearings.

Christianity in History and Society H-767

I r o q u o i a n D e m o n s a n d E u r o p e a n W i t c h e s :C u l t u r a l C o n f l i c t i n 1 7 t h C e n t u r y N e w F r a n c eb y T i a w e n t i : n o n C a n a d i a n ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )This paper explores the tension between 17th century Jesuit missionaries and the Indigenous peoples whom they encountered in the North Eastern Woodland area known as New France. An examination of the conflicting masculinities at play in this era reveals how both sides of the conflict dehumanized the other in order to properly perform highly structuralized rituals related to the death of the other. The Jesuit missionaries’ clerical masculinity was defined by celibacy, piety, and passivity (marked by a refusal to take up arms in battle or during a hunt and a desire for martyrdom). In the eyes of their Kanien’kehá:ka (Mohawk) captors, these qualities de-humanized the Jesuit captives and, in light of failed harvests and outbreaks of smallpox, which devastated the Kanien’kehá:ka com-munities, led them to believe that the missionaries were malevolent witches. These accusations of bad magic fueled the fire that lead to the respective rit-ualized torture and eventual death of the Jesuit Martyrs, Isaac Jogues, Jean De Brebeuf, and Gabriel Lalement. A critical and post-colonial reading of the Jesuit relations is necessary to uncover an approximation of 17th century Kanien’ke-há:ka masculinity, characterized by a desire for harmony, deference to women, and militancy. This exploration will bring to light and problematize the unjust legacy of the cross-cultural encounter between the Jesuit missionaries and the Kanien’kehá:ka. While the Jesuits live on in the hearts and imaginations of Cath-olics throughout the world, eventually now venerated as Saints and as heroes of the New World, the Kanien’kehá:ka, as with all Indigenous nations on Tur-tle Island (North America) continue to deal with generations of colonial abuse, cultural genocide, and internalized trauma. This presentation will contribute to the growing interest in Indigenous masculinities, while calling attention to the importance of a decolonized reading of history.

M o d é l i s a t i o n o p é r a t o i r e d u p h é n o m è n e d e l av i o l e n c e r e l i g i e u s e a m é r i c a i n e : C a s d ’ é t u d e l ef o n d a m e n t a l i s m e a c t u e l a u s e i n d u p r o t e s t a n t i s m ea m é r i c a i nb y D a n i e l C h e v a l i e r ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t é d e S h e r b r o o k e )Encore aujourd’hui, aux États-Unis, la religion garde encore un rôle primordial autant sur le plan social, politique, et institutionnel. La communauté chrétienne protestante a été et est encore aujourd’hui un vecteur saillant d’identité dans la culture populaire et élitiste aux États-Unis. De ce protestantisme américain une franche plus à droite qui se dit plus conservatrice dans ses revendications, a une place importante dans la société américaine. De ces groupes fondamentalistes protestants issus de la région Bible belt, est instrumentalisée la religion dans des discours ou dans leurs actions. Depuis le 11 septembre 2001, un tournant dans la montée du radicalisme religieux, et, il est donc possible d’observer l’émergence des actes de violence religieuse aux États-Unis qui puise ses argumentaires de la matrice du conservatisme moral. Car c’est ce conservatisme moral activiste qui reprend à son compte la vision traditionaliste certains enseignements de la religion chrétienne, et qui l’instrumentalise à ses fins politiques ou autres. No-tre contribution au colloque fait partie d’un projet doctoral articulé autour de la conception de la violence religieuse, en tant que source de légitimité et de domination dans l’espace publique. Cette conférence se divisera en trois mo-ments thématiques. Tout d’abord, l’étudiant propose de faire une brève synthèse

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analytique du concept de violence religieuse et sectaire à travers les différents champs disciplinaires des Sciences humaines. Dans cette même thématique, l’étudiant focalise son analyse sur la théorie de la violence politique par justi-fication religieuse chez Max Weber. Ensuite, nous définirons le conservatisme moral américain. Enfin, nous développerons deux conceptions de la violence religieuse aux États-Unis grâce aux deux thèmes ci-dessus. La première se nom-me violence politico-religieuse, et la deuxième violence ethno-religieuse com-munautaire.

R e n o u n c i n g V i o l e n c e A f t e r 9 / 1 1 a n d T h e Wa r o nT e r r o rb y M i c h a e l G i l l i n g h a m ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f A l b e r t a ) Questions about religion, religious violence, and victims of violence took on a new urgency after the events of September 11, 2001. Irish poet Seamus He-aney and French literary theorist and scholar of religion René Girard, like many others, struggled to comprehend and respond to the events. Shortly after 9/11, American leaders initiated what would come be called the War on Terror. The countries of Afghanistan and Iraq were invaded by Western forces pursuing sup-posed terrorist targets. As events unfolded, the sympathy extended to the United States of America as a result of 9/11 shifted to concern and criticism of its mili-tary misadventures in the War on Terror. Terrorist attacks in Europe, including attacks in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, further threatened the sense of personal security for many in the West. Heaney’s poetry and his translation of the Greek play The Burial at Thebes during this period reflect Heaney’s respons-es to this new reality. Girard’s book Battling to the End also serves as a response to this new reality. Girard invokes the term “apocalypse” in his text, seeking to rescuethe term from popular distortions of its origins and purpose. For the pur-poses of this paper, I will briefly review the events of September 11, 2001 and the ensuing War on Terror. I will refer to Heaney’s poem “Anything Can Happen” and Girard’s early responses to 9/11. I will examine Heaney’s translation of the play The Burial at Thebes. I will review the terms “apocalypse” and “apocalyptic” followed by a brief analysis of Girard’s book Battling to the End. For Heaney and for Girard, the only viable option for the future is the complete and total renun-ciation of violence. The potential and public role of religion in this renunciation is an important difference depicted in each writer’s work.

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1:30 – 2:45

Apocryphal Literature H-760

C r i m e a n d B a n i s h m e n t : T h e P u n i s h m e n t s o f t h eWa t c h e r A n g e l s i n 1 E n o c hb y E l l i o t M a s o n ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )The pseudepigraphical apocalyptic text, 1 Enoch, begins with the Book of the Watchers, recounting a version of the angelic fall, and the subsequent punish-ment of the angels and humans involved. Over the course of the narrative, vio-lence, crime, and punishment play significant thematic roles. Descriptions of the monstrous offspring of the fallen angels with human women are used to justify the punishments inflicted upon the rebels, but though violence on the part of the monstrous offspring is cited as the reason for divine intervention against the Watcher angels, the majority of the violent acts and language that appear throughout the texts are used against the rebelling angels. Two facets of the por-trayal of violence, crime, and punishment in the Watcher narrative are of imme-diate interest to me: 1) The Watchers and their so-called “monstrous” offspring with human women appear to stand in for mixed-race families, suggesting that the text may have originated as a reaction to racial or ethnic intermarriage in contemporary Jewish communities. 2) Despite the ultimate message of the text that the children are monstrous, the Watchers and their plight are portrayed with great sympathy. Even Enoch, the central religious figure of the entire work, demonstrates pity for the Watchers, even going so far as to intervene on their be-half. It is my contention that the text of 1 Enoch reveals a complex interweaving of moral perspectives, presenting the leaders of the rebel angels as both heroic and dangerous. The text draws on and contains Promethean themes that com-plicate a narrative that is by no means uniform in its own morality. My research seeks to explore these themes with the goal of addressing issues of race, hero-icism, and just punishment within the context of the text, as well as the legacy of the Watcher myth.

T h e S t a t e ’ s U s e o f A b s t r a c t R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o fV i o l e n c e i n A n c i e n t I s r a e l a n d t h e M o d e r n D a yb y R o b e r t K a s h o w ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , B r o w n U n i v e r s i t y )This paper explores the purpose(s) of the State’s use of abstract representations of violence in forms of media. My particular field of study is ancient Israel, but I have found the closest analogue for the theorization of this topic to be found in Photography Criticism and Media Studies of the modern day. But even there, the discussion surrounding the use of violent images in media has been mostly concerned with ethical questions (in the case of Photography Criticism) and how the images impact people (in the case of Media Studies), not how and why the State uses them. I will argue that the State often uses abstract images of violence (as opposed to, for instance, those images that are closer to the “real” or even actual physical violence) in an effort to make the image more palatable so to avoid a backlash, revolt, or any kind of escalation from among the general pop-ulace. I show that this is the case both in the modern day and in ancient Israel, and then turn briefly to the question of the origin of visions and apocalypses in ancient Israel (which are not images per se, but nonetheless graphic vivid descriptions, which one might deem visual). Here I suggest that although visions and apocalypses are indeed to be considered resistance literature (as many have argued), the essence of the genres are first and foremost politically tactical, used for its ability to communicate a strong message while eschewing escalation. As such, visions and apocalypses are tools that could be used by both the State and its subjects. This paper is part of a larger project that explores various forms of violence within the Hebrew Bible and ancient Israel.

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B r o t h e r - H u s b a n d s a n d M o r o n i c T z a d d i k s : L i m i n a lF i g u r e s a n d S p a c e s i n J e w i s h L i t e r a t u r eb y J e s s e T o u f e x i s ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )The Jewish literary dreamscape is inhabited by characters and places that ex-ist on the margins of both society and physical reality; that occupy multiple, opposing spaces; that transcend traditional categories and are rarely stationary. This paper questions why Jewish writers over time have featured characters who are most comfortable living on the margins, in transit, or in seclusion, and what these themes might tell us about the nature of the Jewish experience. Through a survey of stories that span several millennia–Abraham’s cycle in Genesis, the tales of the Baal Shem Tov, and Singer’s “The Lecture”–I seek to uncover some of the reasons that the Hebrew-Jewish literary imagination has so prominently featured characters and places that could only be described as both liminal and bizarre, with a perpetual emphasis on incessant movement. The atmosphere described by authors that lived hundreds and thousands of years apart is strik-ingly similar, as themes and descriptors of darkness, night, dread, wonder, and wandering come together to create uniquely dreary settings. This paper argues that the nature of both the Mosaic Covenant and God himself as depicted in the Hebrew Bible are key to understanding why these themes are so frequently highlighted in the Jewish literary imagination.

Sociology and ideologies H-762L e C a n d o m b l é : u n e é m a n c i p a t i o n p o l i t i q u e d e sf e m m e s ?b y F a r a h C a d e r ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t é d e S h e r b r o o k e )Les problématiques de discriminations et de disparités sociales sont notoires au Brésil. En effet, le racisme et le sexisme sont, notamment, des problèmes relevés par de nombreux chercheurs. Au cours de l’histoire récente du pays, les Brésil-iens ont décrié les inégalités sociales maintenues par le régime dictatorial. Leur principale arme contre la dictature de Castelo Branco était l’action manifestante religieuse. La plupart des Brésiliens se révoltant contre le régime militaire, qui cessa en 1985, s’étaient tournés vers des organisations catholiques. Le cas des luttes féministes n’en fait pas exception. Symboles de violences multiples, les Bahianaises noires sont souvent déçues des groupes féministes traditionnels où leurs spécificités ne sont pas reconnues. Elles se recentrent donc vers des croy-ances jugées plus compréhensives et adaptées à leur situation, c’est-à-dire vers le Candomblé, religion à bases africaines et chrétiennes. Les féministes noires de Bahia trouvent que cette religion célèbre leurs véritables origines et leur es-sence. Un regain de popularité s’en est donc suivi, signe précurseur du déclin de popularité du catholicisme à la grandeur du pays. Plusieurs féministes noires décrivent le Candomblé comme étant un moyen d’émancipation, d’existence de la différence noire et de plus grande égalité entre les genres. Cette religion est d’ailleurs pratiquée en plus grand nombre par les femmes que par les hommes, donnée qui n’est pas anodine comme elle dénote un fort sentiment d’attache-ment identitaire. Cet attachement est certainement lié à la perception d’éman-cipation que ressentent ces femmes, ce qui parait créer une forme complexe de féminisme religieux. Comme la religion semble par ses principes ramener les femmes à des valeurs procréatives traditionnelles, il sera intéressant de ques-tionner l’étendue de la réussite du Candomblé comme agent politique éman-cipateur.

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R e l i g i o u s F r e e d o m , I d e o l o g y a n d V i o l e n c e A g a i n s tL G B T Q P e r s o n sb y R o b e r t S m i t h ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t é d e M o n t r é a l )This presentation discusses how religious freedom is abused to perpetuate vio-lence against LGBTQ persons, and what is being done to address this abuse on an international level. With the advancement of same-sex marriage and LGBTQ rights in many Western nations, it is easy to assume that levels of gender equality are improving around the world. However, in many countries, the progression of same-sex marriage and LGBTQ rights is seen as a harbinger of the “end of times,” and religious beliefs are often cited to justify the criminalization of same-sex relationships, and to punish anyone who engages in or supports LGBTQ “lifestyles.” Such laws have also perpetuated extreme violence against LGBTQ persons, often involving cruel and unusual torture, mutilation, and murder. Moreover, on the international stage, religious freedom is successfully asserted to exclude LGBTQ persons, same-sex couples and their families from human rights protections. Such conflict that pits religious freedom against LGBTQ rights is serving to undermine democracy, gender equality and human rights, and to reshape international alliances along religious ideological lines. In the past, LGBTQ rights activists have often appealed to science and democratic con-ceptions of equality. However, democratic and empirically oriented concerns have failed to sway a significant majority globally—particularly in the face of potential conflicts with religious freedom. This suggests that that such notions are still secondary to the moral and theological questions that are, for many people, fundamental to any discussion of sexual orientation. While continued engagement with scientific and democratic understandings are an important, it is argued that such engagements must be targeted at the use and abuse of religious freedom—in order to curtail and eventually eradicate violence against LGBTQ persons, and to reestablish confidence in the viability of democratic governance, gender equality and human rights—inclusive of all persons—as tru-ly international projects per se.

U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e 1 9 9 4 G e n o c i d e i n R w a n d a f r o mt h e P e r s p e c t i v e o f R e l i g i o u s S t u d i e sb y S p y r i d o n L o u m a k i s ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )From the 7th of April until mid-July 1994 a state-authorized, time-efficient and group-perpetrated genocide took place in Rwanda shocking mankind.This is not the first time that the Great Lakes region of Africa experiences genocide, nor the last one. This one, though, the greatest of all others in terms of magnitude and impact, happened amidst civil war (1990-1994), great fear and anger among the Hutu and Tutsi population, as well as under strong international pressure for power sharing between the Tutsi rebel (or liberating) army and the totalitarian (or national) regime at that specific time period in Rwanda. Surprisingly, this genocide was never studied in modern scholarship for its religious component, as it is in general rarely done in state-authorized acts of violence, despite the fact that Rwanda is the most heavily Christianized country of Sub-Saharan Africa. Having argued recently in a published article that religious violence in Rwan-da went beyond the Church or the Bible, I will try to problematize the various methodological issues that emerge in studying and understanding the complex nature of this event. It demands that we go beyond traditional history towards the so-called integrated history. Focusing on a single, albeit so far neglected, aspect of this multi-faced tragic story, - the religious aspect - , I will discuss the nature of the sources we possess in order to establish as fact the assumption that religion played a significant role in the minds of those committing genocidal atrocities or in the minds of those treated like animals that were brutally beat-en to death, slaughtered without discrimination of sex and age, and butchered with machetes and knives. A major question should be raised: How could these actions by Christians against Christians be justified under God’s assumed omni-presence and omniscience?

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Identity & Otherness H-763P e a c e b u i l d i n g t h r o u g h I n c l u s i v e I d e n t i t y a n dB o u n d a r y F o r m a t i o nb y H y u n g J i n K i m S u n ( P h . D . i n T h e o l o g y , E m m a n u e l C o l l e g e )From individuals to nations, people form their identities through meta-narra-tives. One major issue with this process of narrative-formation is that it often draws strong boundaries between “them” and “us”. However, through ever-in-creasing technological developments, communications, and globalization, more frequent encounters with different groups are a way of life. Consequently, the boundaries that we have traditionally made are being challenged. In this context, some advocate to erase every kind of boundary, whereas others argue for the strict protection of one’s own personal boundaries. Both positions are extreme and can lead to violence, however. In light of this problem, this proposal devel-ops a constructive way of relating with others while avoiding violence in a world in which traditional boundaries are constantly being challenged. This paper will be a literature-based inquiry that places the work of Charles Taylor, Kwame An-thony Appiah, and Miroslav Volf in dialogue. My thesis is that having an inclu-sive boundary is necessary. An inclusive boundary is a boundary that maintains identity while still being flexible enough to coexist and even engage actively with those who are different. In order to have this inclusive boundary, it is crucial to adopt a non-repressive meta-narrative, know how to differentiate with other groups through a balance of separation and binding, practice non- exclusionary judgments, and work toward the character formation of partial cosmopolitan. These insights have been derived from Taylor, Appiah, and Volf. This establish-ment of an inclusive boundary is happening in several religious communities, but especially in exemplary forms of Christianity. While maintaining their faith, such Christians respect different religious communities, embrace the basic hu-man rights of everyone, and engage actively locally and globally to fight against poverty and injustice. Following this example, other religious and non- religious communities can develop their own inclusive boundary.

P r i v i l e g i n g t h e L e n s : F r a m i n g I s l a m i c V i o l e n c ea n d t h e C r e a t i o n o f A u t h o r i t a t i v e D i s c o u r s e sb y J e r e m y C o h e n ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , M c M a s t e r U n i v e r s i t y )Photography is the process of actively evaluating the world. Not only are pho-tographs taken, witnessed and forgotten, they produce an affect that shapes the view of ourselves in relation to the other. What is retained by the witness is the photograph contextualized by particular historical and cultural narratives. The historical and cultural narratives that inform our perceptions of the Mid-dle East for example, are made up of moments of war, suffering, savagery and romanticization that provide us with static and isolated visual truths, what Su-san Sontag calls “a narrowly selective transparency.” Most Westerners learn of national and international conflicts through pictorial representations in news media. The photographic narratives produced can blur or transform racial, eth-nic and religious truths and have the power to mobilize against the other while propagating normative discourses. In the midst of increased tension between the West and Middle East, these pictorial representations continue to produce knowledge about the Oriental other. Photography is not a window to the world or the process of empirical witnessing; it is a mode of knowledge production. From capture to dissemination, photographs have made Islam and the Arabic world appear as monolithic and comprehensible totalities. This essay is about finding a theoretical framework to understand how particular forms of knowl-edge produce particular forms of power. The colonialist use of photography will serve as a foundation for two contemporary visual case studies. First, narratives that seek to highlight Muslim barbarism include domestic photojournalism in the wake of September 11th and international photojournalism during the War on Terror. Second, the dissemination to the West of the helpless other will come through an investigation of pictorial representation during the war in Kosovo. These two narratives produce forms of knowledge and degrade the other by propagating cultural-nationalistic myths through the dissemination of photo-graphic evidence.

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R e m o v i n g S i t e f r o m S i g h t : T h e S p e c t a c l e o fC u l t u r a l H e r i t a g e D e s t r u c t i o nb y S t é p h a n i e M a c h a b é e ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y )Broadly, this paper explores the spectacular nature of cultural heritage destruc-tion as it intersects with issues of memory, identity, and violence. Groups such as ISIS strategically film and broadcast specific instances of heritage destruction, such as the well-known example of Palmyra in 2015. This paper asks: why this focus on the visual aspect of destruction? Why draw on the sense of sight in the process of damage? What are the rhetorical aims of such destruction? Notably, filming this destruction in itself produces images of the destroyed site—does this fact advance or impede the goals of such groups? This paper will discuss what is meant by the term cultural heritage and then explore the motives and intentions of its destruction. Rather than thinking of these instances as exam-ples of religiously sanctioned iconoclasm, I will draw on recent literature in the fields of heritage studies and archaeology in order to provide multiple lenses for understanding the function of such destruction, such as the role it plays in undermining or destroying local memories and identities. I will then consider the ways in which the global (or ‘Western’) concern for heritage sites and objects may in itself encourage further instances of destruction, or at least the filming of such occurrences. Finally, I will explore why these spectacles of destruction, memorialised in film, are powerful tools for (a) recruiting new members to the group in question, by communicating particular ideologies to like-minded in-dividuals, and (b) communicating with ‘Western’ audiences, who privilege the sense of sight as a stand-in for truth.

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Special Panel: Islam and Otherness H-767

A N o n v i o l e n t I s l a m : a d i s c u s s i o n o n t h eu n d e r l y i n g t h e o r y a n d h e r m e n e u t i c s o f m o d e r nI s l a m i c n o n v i o l e n c e w i t h h i s t o r i c a l e x a m p l e so f n o n v i o l e n t a c t i o n o n t h e g r o u n d — a n d t h ei m p l i c a t i o n s f o r a n e w t h e o l o g y o f n o n v i o l e n c eb y A f r a J a l a b i ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )

J a w d a t S a i d : A Vo i c e C a l l i n g i n t h e W i l d e r n e s s .A n i n t r o d u c t i o n t o S a i d ’ s l i f eb y W o r k s , N a s e r D u m a i r i e h ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y )Religious traditions display a large array of behaviors and a wide range of cultur-al, social and political phenomenon—in matters that deal with both the sacred and profane. The spectrums of violence and nonviolence within religious tradi-tions reflect the potential of religious traditions to create movements motivat-ed and fueled by drastically different and divergent ethos. Almost all religious traditions throughout world cultures have lent themselves to both violent and nonviolent interpretations and practices. Therefore, one gains a fuller under-standing of the ways religious belief and practice manifest in various modalities when we examine both polarities—providing in the longer run new avenues and alternatives for community organizing and action that stem from local values and cultures and genuinely responsive to the local and contextual challenges. We would like to examine the other side of the spectrum in the Muslim tradi-tion by focusing on nonviolent alternatives. We want to introduce some Islamic theories & hermeneutics of nonviolence on this panel as well as some practical examples of nonviolent action on the ground. Theoretically we will examine some of the work of several modernist Muslim scholars, like AbdulRahman al Kawakibi, Malik Bennabi, Jawdat Said, who have written extensively on the challenges of tyranny, political domination, and social and nonviolent reform from an Islamic perspective; and practically by focusing on historical figures and movements such as Abdul Ghafar Khan, a close ally and friend of Gandhi, who was a leading figure among the Pashtun, and who created the first nonviolent army known in history in 1929, known as Khudai Khidmatgar (Servants of God). We will also take a look at some more recent applications in Thailand and Syria.

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3:00 – 4:15

Violence throughout History H-760

R e l i g i o n , ( N o n - ) V i o l e n c e , a n d t h e A m e r i c a n C i v i lR i g h t s M o v e m e n tb y S a r a h D a i g e n ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y )This paper explores the role of religion in the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, both rhetorically, and in terms of forming the motiva-tions and strategies employed within the movement. In particular, it explores the religiously-grounded arguments in favour of both violent and non-violent strategies in the Civil Rights Movement. The African American community of the mid-twentieth century United States employed a variety of tactics in order to win key victories in the fight for integration and enfranchisement, and there was often disagreement within the community on which approach to take. J.H. Jackson, the head of the National Baptist Convention, wished to work within the system, organizing an “Urge Congress” letter-writing campaign and taking his case to enfranchised Black Americans rather than engaging in marches, ral-lies, or acts of civil disobedience. Martin Luther King, Jr., head of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, outlined an impassioned case for nonviolent civil disobedience in his 1963 Letter from Birmingham Jail. It is also well known that the Malcolm X and the Muslim Brotherhood did not shy away from violent means to achieve their ends, while also seeking recourse through legal action based on religious freedom as opposed to racial equality, as in their case, their vision was not one of integration but Black nationalism, and their primary mo-tivation was recognition of their religious rights as Muslims. My aim is to argue that the various tactics used by those seeking civil rights for Black Americans in the 1950s and 1960s were often selected and justified in religious terms; one of the many ways religious rhetoric and motivation was applied to what, on the surface, would seem to be a very political, contemporary, and secular issue in twentieth-century America.

S i r G e o r g e M a c k e n z i e a n d R e l i g i o - P o l i t i c s o fV i o l e n c e i n R e s t o r a t i o n S c o t l a n d b y A l p R o d o p l u( P h . D . i n H i s t o r y , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )Sir George Mackenzie’s (1636/38-1691) vigorous prosecution of prominent Cov-enanters after his appointment as Lord Advocate in 1677 won him the unenviable sobriquet of “Bloody Mackenzie”. But he was also a self-proclaimed neostoic, a prolific writer and a virtuoso. Not only was he Lord Advocate, Privy Councillor and an MP, but to many, also the “Noble wit of Scotland,” and “the brightest man in the nation”. Recent efforts to establish the origins of the Scottish Enlighten-ment in debates over seventeenth-century religious controversy revived interest in Mackenzie. Historians like David Allan and Clare Jackson argue that Macken-zie and a few like-minded contemporaries represent a Scottish counterpart to the seventeenth-century English latitudinarianism. This raises the question of what to do with Mackenzie’s conflicting legacies: a persecutor or a latitude-man? The analogy his only biographer made to Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde will effec-tively persist unless his public career and literary output are comprehensively scrutinized. More importantly, the controversy over Mackenzie proves unprec-edentedly instructive in revising Restoration Period Scottish religious, political and intellectual culture, and its prospect as the basis of a succeeding Enlighten-ment. My paper presents a critical historico-biographical sketch in this spirit. It discloses what is essentially an ideological battle fought between figures like Mackenzie and Covenanting ideologues. Politics and religion qualify the stakes of this struggle, and violence provides the colour palate that gives Restoration Scotland its complexion.

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M é m o i r e , r e l i g i o n e t i d é o l o g i e : j u s t i f i c a t i o n e td i p l o m a t i e d a n s l a g u e r r e g o t h i q u eb y M a r c - A n t o i n e V i g n e a u ( P h . D . i n H i s t o r y , U n i v e r s i t é d e M o n t r é a l ) , a n dD a v i d B r o d e u r ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , U Q A M )Dans la lettre 13 du livre 11 des Variae, Cassiodore (485-580) exhorte l’Empire Romain d’Orient de ne pas entreprendre sa compagne militaire contre l’Italie, alors sous le contrôle des Ostrogoths, après l’invasion du royaume vandale en Afrique du Nord qui menace les possessions de Théodoric le Grand (455-526). Pour ce faire, il fait usage de la mémoire commune entre Ostrogoth et Byz-antins, consacrant ainsi une idéologie du Romanitas qui servirait ici de pont entre deux nations afin d’en éviter la guerre. Pourtant, l’Empire Romain d’Ori-ent sous Justinien (483-565) entre en guerre et conquiert une vaste majorité de l’Italie; l’idéologie pour la paix a échoué. Pour ce faire, Constantinople se justi-fie par l’usage d’un vocable chrétien : les Ostrogoths sont ariens et ne soutien-nent pas adéquatement le vrai christianisme. Cette communication s’intéressera donc aux thèmes sous-jacents à ce conflit d’envergure entre 526 et 555 afin d’en retracer les structures qui touchent tantôt à l’idéologie politique et religieuse, tantôt à la question d’une mémoire commune aussi religieuse que politique avec Rome, la capitale impériale et ville de Saint Pierre et Saint Paul. Pour ce faire, nous identifierons les enjeux idéologiques et religieux sous-jacents à la guerre, puis nous verrons comment ils sont déclinés de part et d’autre du conflit. Les sources utilisées seront les lettres de Cassiodore, principalement la 2e, la 3e et la 13e du livre 11 des Variae, le Liber pontificalis, ainsi que les textes secondaires comme les rapports de Procope de Césarée (soldat sous Bélisaire, participant de la guerre d’Italie).

New Questions, new Approaches H-762

R é f l e x i o n s u r l a g u e r r eb y L o u i s C h a r l e s F a u t e u x ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t é d e M o n t r é a l )Héritiers que nous sommes des horreurs du vingtième siècle, bien souvent nous considérons la guerre comme une activité absurde et le champ de bataille com-me le lieu des pires avilissements. Le soldat a souvent aujourd’hui bien mauvaise presse. Et bien que cette perspective contemporaine soit en partie justifiée, il n’en a pas toujours été ainsi. La gloire a toujours été la récompense décernée à l’homme qui s’illustre au combat, quand bien même il y aurait fait couler le sang des innocents. Comment se l’expliquer? Mais surtout, comment se l’expliquer si nous jugeons d’emblée que cette gloire est illégitime et qu’il ne serait que le salaire impie de la seule force aveugle d’une brute tyrannique soutirée à une foule chétive et idolâtre? N’est-ce pas là justement une absurdité? Car finalement si cette gloire est illégitime, il faudrait quand même se demander pourquoi toute société a en tout lieu et de tout temps honoré ces malfaiteurs. Que la guerre ait été l’occasion des pires atrocités, c’est une évidence, mais, à dire vrai, quel mo-ment de l’existence humaine, du plus anodin au plus important, échappe à cette règle générale? Cette guerre qui est si honnie de nos jours, n’est-elle pas aussi civilisée et rationnelle qu’on la croit cruelle et barbare? N’y voit-on pas éclater au grand jour, en même temps que toute sa science et toute son ingéniosité, les plus nobles qualités de l’homme? C’est sur cette contradiction qui se trouve au cœur de la guerre, et de tout homme, que nous nous pencherons dans cette commu-nication. En nous appuyant sur des textes d’auteurs tels qu’Augustin, Bernard de Clairvaux et Joseph de Maistre, nous espérons aller au-delà des condamnations faciles et irréfléchies de la guerre et de la violence et offrir une piste de réflexion sur ce problème sempiternel.

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A p p r e h e n d i n g H a n d G u n sb y E m i l i e S t - H i l a i r e ( P h . D . i n H u m a n i t i e s , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )If you are able, bring one hand in front of you to view your open palm with four fingers and thumb extended. Leaving the index and thumb extended, curl the three lower fingers into the palm. A gesture has materialized. A few meanings can be associated with this gesture but if the hand is turned to point in the di-rection of another person, it will likely be understood to represent a gun. Per-sons brought near to this gesture may feel the need to retaliate — to draw a gun from their own hand, or perhaps throw their arms in the air. Should you instead decide to bring the gun to your temple and let your head snap away from the pointed finger, you might elicit a laugh from your friend. In this paper I explore gestures that compound violence and comedic intent in common expressions. Drawing from Sara Ahmed’s Queer Phenomenology I discuss how these ges-tures can orient us toward violence in such a way as to highlight occasions where the work of non-violence may otherwise be taken for granted or obscured. A hand does not cease to be a hand when it is a gun. Violence does not cease to exist when one is oriented away from it. This unique examination will frame instruments in relation to bodies and invite alternative thinking about violence and non-violence within sociocultural relations.

N e w S o c i a l M o v e m e n t s a n d t h e F u t u r e o fI n t e r f a i t h A c t i v i s mb y A s h e l y C r o u c h ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )This paper examines changes in the interfaith movement since the advent in the twenty-first century of social media and New Social Movements (NSMs). Global-ization, the Internet, and social media have led to vast changes in the develop-ment, structure and strategies of recent social movements. Many NSM scholars argue that these global shifts and innovations have led to a “horizontalization” of social movements, that is, a flattening of hierarchies in favour of more egalitar-ian leadership, action-based orientation, and diffuse organization. In the inter-faith dialogue movement, these characteristics are evident in the Chicago-based Interfaith Youth Core (IFYC), founded in 2004 by Interfaith scholar and activist Eboo Patel. This paper compares the model of the IFYC to historical dialogue movements to examine changes in the nature of the movement, its methods and practices. A case study of the IFYC serves as an indicator for the changing shape of new interfaith movements, following the common trends of NSMs. This paper closes by examining the potential for positive societal impact in light of these shifts, as well as the challenges faced by interfaith movements in grow-ing and achieving their goals.

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Nationalism and Ideologies H-763

M a l e k i a n ’ s “ Wa y t o F r e e d o m ” a s a n A l t e r n a t i v et o t h e V i o l e n c e o f R e l i g i o u s A u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m i nI r a nb y D o r o t a D e j n e k a ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )Mostafa Malekian represents a new wave of secular Iranian intellectualism striv-ing to redeem religion from the constraints of Islamic regime. Since the estab-lishment of Islamic Republic, Shiism has been the guiding principle of political and social realms of Iran. The ultimate power is concentrated in the hands of a religious jurist who not only oversees government affairs but also rules over citizens’ conscience demanding strict adherence to Islamic laws. Religious intel-lectuals in Iran have deplored exploitation of religion in the service of state ap-paratus. Postrevolutionary disillusionment resulted in proliferation of reformist theories offering alternative models of religious democracy adjusted to modern context and universal human values. Malekian’s philosophy of religion deserves a special attention as he steps out from the circle of politicising intellectuals and addresses his discourse to Iranians estranged from Islam by the experience of living under theocracy. In his view, the only “way to freedom” is to recast religion in a new form breaking away from traditional submissiveness and irrationality. This article presents Malekian’s theory of spirituality as a response and alterna-tive to the violence of religious authoritarianism. First, it will situate Malekian on the contemporary intellectual scene of Iran in order to determine in what respects he diverges from the mainstream reactions to Islamic ideology of the state. Basing on his major work “A Way to Freedom” where he expounds his project of reconciliation of spirituality and rationality, the article will proceed to analyse his views on political regime, Shiism, modernity and the role of religion in human life. Even though Malekian has not yet received much attention in Western scholarship, his universalist perspective on spirituality has won him a considerable following, especially among the Iranian youth. Analysis of his ap-proach will shed a light on the new direction of religious intellectualism in Iran.

C a n a d i a n B e a s t s a n d W h e r e t o F i n d T h e m :E x a m i n i n g t h e R o l e o f F o l k l o r e i n t h eC o n s t r u c t i o n o f N a t i o n a l I d e n t i t yb y E l i j a h S m i t h ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , W i l f r i e d L a u r i e r U n i v e r s i t y )On October 1, 1990, Canada Post released a set of four commemorative stamps. The series was called Canadian Folklore #1 and each stamp contained a painted illustration of one of four legendary creatures. The following study examines a variety of historical documents (particularly, the works of Edith Fowke and C. Marius Barbeau) to propose that these icons were chosen because they have analogues in the stories of both Europeans and First Nations prior to contact in the early 16th century, and reinforced points of similitude between the nar-rative traditions of both cultures in Canada. The significance of folklore to the cultivation of individual and ethnic identities will be elucidated using Robert Orsi’s definition of lived religion, arguing that the categories of both folklore and lived religion encompass “the work of social agents/actors themselves as narrators and interpreters (and reinterpreters) of their own experiences and his-tories.” In contrast to folklore as the product of ethnic identity, the production of stamps by a Crown corporation constitutes what Michael Billig refers to as “banal nationalism”: an implicitly ideological tool which functions to impose a shared national heritage. In the past, folklorists described the inherent value of folklore as being its ability to resist the influence of national identity; increas-ing regionalism and ethnic diversity in the early 20th century were often cited as two ways in which communities centred on objects of shared folklore could replace unnatural unity based on broadly determined national identities. Ulti-mately, the purpose of this study is to argue that the Canadian Folklore #1 series of stamps represented a deliberate appropriation of regional folklores as a fed-eral exercise in mandating national identity.

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M o r a l A u t h o r i t y : N a t i o n a l i s m a n d t h e P o l i c i n go f P r o t e s t i n C a n a d a a n d t h e U n i t e d S t a t e sb y K y l e M c L o u g h l i n ( M . A . i n S o c i o l o g y & A n t h r o p o l o g y C o n c o r d i a U n i v e r s i t y )Nationalism in North America, tacitly discussed in popular media under the euphemism of patriotism, orders the social and political realities of individu-als through moral facts. These facts include democratic notions such as public assembly and freedom of speech that underpin the moral fabric of the United States and Canada. However, as new social movements as varied as Black Lives Matter, the Alt-Right, and militia patriots emerge to contest hegemonic dis-course of inclusivity and democracy we find that discussion of freedom, nation, and identity is far more complicated than once conceptualized. Like any na-tionalist mythos there exist contradictions in American and Canadian social life that challenge the moral legitimacy of the economic and political system. These challenges materialize into a spectrum of political protest. Political protest, I argue, is fundamentally a moral contestation which comes into conflict with the defender of nationalist moral character: the police. This presentation will draw on case studies from the 2012 Quebec Student Strike, the 2010 Toronto G20, and the 2016 Republican National Convention to discuss how police agencies construct themselves and political protestors as moral agents, and how among police officers this moral tradition is deeply entwined with nationalism. I will argue that law enforcement’s occupational culture is constructed to perceive po-litical protests as an unknowable leviathan, a dragon to defeat so we can preserve the sanctity of the nation. That police are the “thin blue line” between order and chaos is not a controversial concept, but I will extend the logic of this think-ing to illustrate how it becomes the justification for police militarization and police brutality. By drawing on philosophy, anthropology, and political science this presentation will illustrate how contests of political power become moral conflicts and consider the implications of a supposed rational order based on morality and nationalism.

Islam and Apocalypticism H-767

L e M o n d e m u s u l m a n e t l a l u t t e c o n t r e l ar a d i c a l i s a t i o n i s l a m i q u e : L e M a r o c c o m m ee x e m p l eb y M o u l a y H i c h a m M o u a t a d i d ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , U n i v e r s i t é d e S h e r b r o o k e )‘’L’enjeu de la radicalisation islamique contemporaine ne constitue pas unique-ment un défi à combattre sur les territoires occidentaux, mais également réside une menace sérieuse sur la terre de l’islam. L’un des pays musulmans, symbole d’un islam modéré, et qui a développé une expérience plus au moins avancée à l’égard de cet olibrius socio-religieux, c’est le Maroc. Ce pays arabo-musulman, il oeuvre à ce niveau, sur quatre plans complémentaires, le premier niveau c’est celui de faire connaitre l’islam ouvert, original et modéré dans ses dimensions rituelles. Le deuxième niveau, c’est la déconstruction du discours intégriste et de proposer un discours alternatif. Ce dernier doit être encadré par les spécial-istes habilités en le domaine,et qui pourront corriger l’esprit extrémiste de ce discours. Le troisième niveau, c’est la veille stratégique constante concernant le champ religieux, sur le plan des institutions et sur le plan de son contenu et ce, pour ne pas permettre aux extrémistes d’infiltrer facilement cette machine religieuse très stratégique et vitale. Le quatrième et dernier niveau est celui de la dimension sécuritaire. Le Maroc adopte une approche proactive et multidimen-sionnelle, surtout en étroite collaboration avec ses voisins européens. Ce pays de l’Afrique du nord, ne cesse pas seulement de développer ses propres outils adaptés à sa particularité culturelle et sa spécificité géographique, mais égale-ment, il essaie d’instaurer un arsenal juridique préventif contre tous les risques liés à la radicalisation.’

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L ’ é p i s t é m o l o g i e d e l a v i o l e n c e e t l a c o n c e p t i o n d el ’ a l t é r i t é : l e c a s d e l ’ É t a t I s l a m i q u eb y A m a n y F o u a d S a l i b ( P h . D . i n R e l i g i o n , U Q A M )L’État islamique (ex-Da‘ish), en tant que groupe armé salafiste jihadiste, a passé en quelques mois au statut d’acteur majeur de la scène internationale. Les études portant sur cette mouvance ont eu tendance à interpréter ses enjeux en termes géostratégiques, reléguant au second plan ses dimensions dogmatiques (Burgat, Leroy). Or l’action de ce groupe armé trouve sa justification dans une interpréta-tion du dogme, élaborée par de nouveaux maîtres-à- penser et prédicateurs mar-quant leur empreinte en tant que modèle où religion, idéologie et violence s’en-chevêtrent. Leur idéologie se déploie à travers une véritable épistémologie de la violence. Ainsi, notre recherche vise à identifier les préceptes épistémologiques élaborés par trois architectes idéologiques de l’État islamique et ce, par le biais d’une analyse de contenu de leur production. Plus précisément, nous examin-erons le projet de la réédition d’un État islamique à l’image de celui des premiers temps de l’Islam ; en quoi les bases dogmatiques élaborées par ces « théoriciens » constituent une prolongation de l’islamisme et en quoi elles marquent une mu-tation.

I n v o k i n g t h e A p o c a l y p s e : V i o l e n c e a n d t h e I s l a m i cS t a t e ’ s D o o m s d a y M e s s a g eb y J a c o b M c L a i n ( M . A . i n R e l i g i o n , D u k e U n i v e r s i t y )Islamic eschatology may be one of the Islamic State’s most lethal weapons. In the radical group’s online magaz ine, Dabiq, the Islamic State uses apocalypticism to: recruit fighters, encourage attacks, promote obedience in the Caliphate, and justify its current practices, including slavery and brutal executions. Central to their doomsday message is a connection between the looming apocalypse, and the legitimacy of their Caliphate. Drawing of the Qur’an and ahadith, the Islamic State entices young jihadists to flee their homeland to take part in the organiza-tion’s bloodbath in Iraq, Syria, and beyond. Connecting the Caliphate and the apocalypse creates a monopoly on apocalyptic rhetoric, which gives the Islamic State a competitive advantage among the many jihadist groups today. In addi-tion, the organization uses its message to promote attacks in the West, as seen in Paris, San Bernardino, Brussels, and many other cities. While the organization presents a cohesive, Caliphate-based apocalypticism, important developments have occurred in their rhetorical strategy over the past two years. The organi-zation now draws heavily on Judgement Day, or virtue based apocalypticism. Better understanding the group’s use of the End Times may provide a stronger understanding of the seemingly unintelligible appeal of the Islamic State.

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4:30 – 6:00

Closure and Keynote Address H-763

H u m a n i t y ’ s P e n c h a n t f o r V i o l e n c e :R e l i g i o u s S t r u c t u r e s o f T h o u g h ta n d R e l i g i o u s E x p r e s s i o n sb y D r . M i c h a e l J e r r y s o n , Y o u n g s t o w n U n i v e r s i t y , O h i o

As long as there have been recorded histories, humanity has engaged in violence. In this macabre social mosaic that pits human against human, religion becomes a reoccurring subject. People often identify religion as the penultimate of human aspirations; religious adherents herald their beliefs as a remedy for social problems. While religion has been a force for generosity, empathy, and social justice, it has a darker side as well. In religious scriptures, the divine has mandated extreme lev-els of violence: in the book of Exodus, the Abrahamic God commands genocide; in the Bhagavad Gita, Krishna reveals himself as God and ad-vocates violence against family, friends, and teachers. Religious figures have invoked just war, such as Catholic popes and Zen Buddhist priests. ISIS has called for violence to defend and fulfill its religious mandate; millenarian religious communities such as the Russian Old Believers have committed mass suicide. Violence devices, such as the Roman tor-ture of crucifixion, have become religious symbols. Historically peace-ful religious symbols have become symbols for violence, such as Nazis’ use of the svastika – a sacred symbol for Jains, Hindus, and Buddhists. But are there unifying patterns beyond such atomistic particularities? There are particular structures of thought that excuse the act of killing. Though often invisible, these structures of thought dominate the ways in which we understand and ethicize situations. In this talk, Dr. Jerryson addresses the cognitive patterns that stretch across religious traditions and communities.

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE

E x e c u t i v e C o m m i t t e e

Joseph E. Brito,PresidentLindsey Jackson, CommunicationOfficerAmanda Mormina, CommunicationOfficerChloé Collier, AgendaCoordinatorCatherine Leisser, FoodCoordinatorTirza Harris, WorkflowAnalystandDevelopment,and FinanceOfficerPurna Roy,EventCoordinatorScarlet Jory, ReviewingCoordinatorNeil Matthews, Advertisement&MediaCoordinatorAshely Crouch, SocialMediaJosée Roy, VolunteerCoordinator

REVIEWING COMMITTEE

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A special thanks to Munit Merid and Tina Montandon for their assistance and incredible support throughout the year. We couldn’t have done it without you!

M a n y t h a n k s t o t h e c o n f e r e n c e ’ s s p o n s o r s f o r t h e i r o n g o i n g s u p p o r t :

The Department of ReligonSchool of Graduate StudiesConcordia University Alumni AssociationThe Journal of Religion & Culture

A special thank you to Catalina Hurtado Saldarriaga, Valerie Shoif and Jeremiah Shaw, the graphic designers who volunteer to help us with the advertisement concept, creation of logo, and the design for this year’s advertisement campaign.

Heartfelt thanks to the student volunteers, without whom the event would have been unable to run smoothly and professionally.

Finally, thanks to Dr. Lynda Clarke, Interim Chair of the Religion Department, and to the faculty and staff of the Department of Religion for their continuing support of this conference.

Keegan Lathe- LeblancNicola MorryJames QuinnRachel Wallace

Tiawenti:non CanadianLucas Cober Chloé CorriveauScarlet Jory

THIS EVENT HAS BEEN SPONSORED BY

D E P A R T M E N T O F R E L I G I O N