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In occasione del XXVIII Congresso dell’INU tenutosi a Salerno dal 24 al 26 ottobre 2013, al fine di arricchire la discussione nella costruzione delle tesi congressuali, l’INU ha inteso favorire la più ampia partecipazione al dibattito non soltanto di tutti i soci dell’Istituto, ma anche di professionisti, funzionari pubblici e studiosi impegnati nel cam-po del governo del territorio. Grazie al successo dell’iniziativa, sono pervenuti più di 150 contributi, il dibattito ha avuto modo di arricchirsi capaci di confrontarsi con il documento congressuale da parte di una vasta platea, anche esterna al mondo INU.I testi sono stati soggetti a valutazione anonima da parte di un Comitato scientifico nomi-nato dal direttivo dell’INU. Il comitato, composto da Francesco Rossi, Francesco Sbetti, Michele Talia e Claudia Trillo ha valutato la congruenza di massima del contributo con i temi congressuali. segnalando ai coordinatori delle Commissioni, I Sessione “La rigenera-zione urbana come resilienza”Coordinata da Patrizia Gabellini con 79 paper , II Ses-sione “Quale forma di piano e i nuovi compiti della pianificazione coordinata da Carlo Alberto Barbieri con 52 paper, III Sessione, Le risorse per il governo del territorio, la città pubblica e il welfare urbano coordinata da Stefano Stanghellini con 21 paper, l’ammis-sibilità del contributo alla discussione congressuale e la sua conseguente pubblicazione. Con grande interesse si è rispettato l’impegno della pubblicazione. Un fattore comune appare caratterizzare i contributi pervenuti: il riconoscimento del continuo mutamento della disciplina urbanistica e delle sue norme al fine di offrire strumenti capaci di interpre-tare la realtà e programmarne in tempo reale le trasformazioni. Molte le analisi, le pro-poste, le questioni sviluppate dagli autori. Approcci diversi, ma tutti finalizzati a declina-re in modo approfondito le tesi congressuali.

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public spaces as positive externalities in urban regeneration initiatives

Carmelina bevilaCQua, jusY Calabrò, Carla maione, pasQuale pizzimenTi

Abstract

Starting from the rationale of urban regenera-tion initiatives based on the mixed-use approach (Calthorpe, 1993; Cervero, 2003; Katz, 1994, Brueckner, 2000) applied in urban transformation processes, this paper aims at investigate the role played by public spaces in these processes, parti-cularly with respect to the different kind of urban regeneration tools implemented. The paper aims to stress the meaning that public space assumes as positive externality of urban regeneration initiati-ves, also with respect to the development policies driven by local economic strategies laid down from the involvement of the community. According to a given spatial configuration indeed, public spaces «represent sites of diversity and difference» (Raco, 2003:1871) and consequently they are strongly linked to a proper sense of place of local commu-nities (Lynch, 1981). The case studies analyzed, based on some insights of the CLUDs project under 7FP Marie Curie Irses 2010, points out how urban regeneration tools based on Public Private Part-nerships leverage, are able to provide to different public spaces the local sense of place as quasi-iconographic symbol of the community.

Introduction

Over the last decades, since 1990s, Urban Rege-neration is come to fore as a possible solution to deal with old and new challenges that are affecting cities. Urban systems under the pressure of external and internal factors are facing several challenges, pushing toward a new vision of urban planning and management tools. Since urban areas may be considered as «complex and dynamic system, [...] they reflect the many processes that drive physical, social, environmental and economic transition and

they themselves are prime generators of many such change. No town or city is immune from either the external forces driving the need to adapt, or the internal pressures that are present within urban areas and which can precipitate growth or decli-ne» (Roberts, 2000:9). Thus, urban regeneration initiatives are not only focused around property-led and retail-led revitalization, but especially they aim to transform the city as a form of «urban recrea-tion» influencing lifestyles (Evans, 2001). Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) and Transit Oriented Development (TODs) as integrated urban regenera-tion tools might be considered driver to reach local economic development opportunities, since they act as business aggregators and enhancers of the built environment liveability. The case studies analyzed in San Diego (CA), experienced BIDs and TODs, in which the public space assumes a new conceptua-lization becoming quality indicator for sustainable regeneration initiatives. Urban transformations indeed, through business localization and a strong connection among urban activities, change the way of considering public space turning it into a work/live flexible meaning. We argue that public spaces could be considered as measure to control the qua-lity of life in urban regeneration initiatives, thereby as means to investigate «the urban dimension of public-making» (Iveson, 2011:2).

Public Spaces as quality indicator

Urban transformations in urban regeneration initia-tive are usually supposed to push local economic development (Mitchell, 2001; Porter,1998; Mo-lotch, 1996) through business concentration, job creation, equity in distributing the regeneration effects. Nevertheless, we argue that public spaces could make urban regeneration initiatives measura-ble also with respect the quality of physical tran-sformations. As argued by Crankshaw (2008), the design and use of public space have much to do with the quality of life and traditionally modelled commercial district good design will facilitate mo-vement and with multiple modes, create dynamic social spaces and contribute to the sense of center: a place where social, commercial and institutional interaction is more dense and more vibrant than in surrounding districts. Given that «the character and form of public spaces have been critical to the effectiveness of programmes» (Raco, 2003: 1871), the role of connection that they play in mix-used patterns could characterize different performance on physical transformations (Amin, 2008). The paper intends to point out how the public space can acquire different peculiarities by the particular instrument of urban regeneration implemented. Urban regeneration indeed is able to define and shape different levels of susceptibility of public space to be part of the liveable community (Lynch, 1984, 1995). We may consider in addition

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that the main role played by public space depends on the particular urban regeneration tool used: it could be «product of privatization, commercializa-tion, historic preservation, and specific strategies of design and planning» (Low, Taplin, Scheld, 2005:1). Usually, more business driven instruments consider public space as a place to attract people, beside instruments more community-led consider public space as empowerment of connections to attract people. Under the broad concept of sustai-nability, Smart Growth and New Urbanism theories (Freilich, Popowitz, 2010) have been considered to show how urban regeneration processes strengthen quality of life, in realizing a strong urban images and safe urban environment as prerequisites and catalysts for the economic and social development of cities. According to the Commission's European Sustainable Cities Report (EC 1996a) it is neces-sary to identify indicators to measure sustainable performances. The public space is recognized as one of these indicators to measure quality because promoting public health, social life and cultural identity of urban transformations (Mega, Pedersen, 1998). Public spaces assume different connotations within the urban context with the aim to create iconic symbols for city, providing community sense of belonging, and have been proved to be effective in urban regeneration tools by many countries in USA and in Europe (Mimi Li, 2003). Thus public space plays a strong role in the urban system, even it has been changing through ages, assuming different importance: it could be considered as «the material location where social interactions and public activities of all members of the public occur» (Mitchell, 2003a, p. 131); as «space of attention orientation, a space that shapes citizens sense of what people, perspectives, and problems are present in the democratic public» (Bickford, 2000:356). Nowadays, the term ‘publicly accessi-ble space’ refers to any variety of physical settings, from sidewalks to outdoor cafés to urban plazas» (Nemeth, 2009: 2464). People give them renova-ted meaning according to behaviours or lifestyles, changing the interpretation of time and space dimensions as well, considered into a broader contest of virtual sphere, often blurred, a sort of «Time-space compression» that «refers to movement and communication across space, to the geogra-phical stretching-out of social relations» (Massey, 1994:24). Then, the urban space meaning is diver-se not only in time, but also in space: for instance, European and American cities have historically differing concepts about public spaces. Indeed, the «country’s planning history and traditions, may be a key element of open space provision and usage» (Thompson, 2002: 60). Although there’s a «wide-spread recognition that attachment to place, locally based resident interaction, and sense of community is generally positive social goals, whether or not they can be linked to specific design proposal» (Ta-len, 2002) we might argue that «there is a strong

link between urban form and sustainable develop-ment, but it is not simple and straightforward». It has been suggested that a sustainable city «must be of a form and scale appropriate to walking, cycling and efficient public transport, and with a compactness that encourages social interaction» (Elkin, McLaren, Hillman, 1991:12). That is to say: «publicly accessible spaces are important features of any vibrant and sustainable urban environment» (Nemeth, 2009: 2464), and a liveable urban environment has acquired importance, as far as li-festyle and sustainable development. Nevertheless, quality is a very difficult issue to be measured, it should be strongly considered within the context ta-ken into account. Even the public space in US cities has been becoming a topic principle in implemen-ting the Smart Growth theory within local regenera-tion initiative, in Europe the public space acquires an important role in the definition of intervention area in which the new approach of cohesion policy (Smart Growth and Smart Cities) is supposed to be implemented. According to the Smart cities Adviso-ry report (2011) “[...] The CSTB (Centre Scientifi-que et Technique du Bâtiment) representative from France proposed the definitions they are using as a working model: Neighbourhood to be a group of buildings, District to be neighbourhoods plus public spaces, roads, etc.), and City to be a network of districts (Advisory Group Report, 2011). The logic of district is strongly used in US in organizing urban regeneration initiative based on PPP led and Community led approach. The Smart and sustai-nable cities approach in Europe, according to the open days workshop EU (2010) entails: «There is a real European added value»; European institutions should set up clear goals for Member States and cities, and provide support in building consensus, in disseminating best practices. Finally, according to the Cities of Tomorrow -European Commision Report (2011) «A sustainable city must have attrac-tive open public spaces and promote sustainable, inclusive and healthy mobility. Non-car mobility has to become more attractive and multimodal public transport systems favoured [...] public spaces should be multi-functional and multi-generational, be elderly-friendly and accommodate children, and be meeting places as well as serve specific fun-ctions, like libraries, playgrounds, education, etc. A mixture of functions within buildings or public spaces may also facilitate communication, business opportunities and innovation».

Integrated Tools: TODs and BIDs

In many US cities we can see a strong attitude toward sprawled development and «many critics have condemned the suburbs for their sterility and uniformity, for their isolating and segregating effects on social life, and for the way they drain resources from the city» (Bickford, 2000:358).

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In some cities «there has been a remaking of the character of the place in which services and consumption differences have become primary», places reshaped to create new meaning in the urban landscape. According to Raco (2003) « public spaces are critical to establish the effective-ness of urban regeneration programs, representing sites of diversity and difference, «important means of framing a vision of social life in the city» (Zukin, 1995:229). We could say that, with respect to the strategic vision of a particular urban area, with respect to the urban regeneration tools used, public space assumes different connotations, sometimes business, touristic or connection oriented. Ac-cording to this, new flexibility comes to fore and public spaces, assuming often work/live flexible meanings, could be qualified as measure of good practices of urban regeneration initiatives, tangible indicators of successful mixed-use areas. The case studies analysis refers to San Diego area: the aim is to verify whether TODs, BIDs, PPPs led initiatives of mixed-use implementation, foster the role of public space as means of quality life improvement. General information about case studies, topics and strategic priorities are reported here.

Conclusions

From case studies analysis, public space as po-sitive externality of urban regeneration initiatives emerges: the TOD and BID are considered tools to implement local economic development strate-gies and provide new meanings of public space affecting positively the liveability of urban environ-ments. Indeed, we might argue there is a strong dependence between urban regeneration tools PPPs - led (BIDs, TODs) and economic development enhancement in empowering higher standard of quality of life (social benefits) thanks to the renova-ted attention to public spaces. Case studies stress the important role of public space as indicator of quality of sustainable communities: it is measure of sustainable regeneration initiatives, with respect to quality of life improvement (per capita income, instruction levels as quantitative indicators), urban form amelioration (spatial relations) and enhance-ment of services and business concentration under the district rational. Moreover, it might be stated that where public spaces become key of success, with «the important function of community gathe-ring spot, site for special events, and enhancement of the ‘sense of place’, or modern-day version of the Greek agora» (Bernick and Cervero 1997:5), they are positive externalities of the urban regene-ration process. From evidences, it could be argued the public space role as frame that enhances connection among complementary functions in the mixed-use areas increasing a kind of balance within the urban context. Particularly when TODs occur, public space plays a supportive role of con-

nection, empowering the network at regional level; as far as for BIDs, public space plays an attracti-ve role, enhancing people and business to stay, contributing to liveable urban environments and economic development. In all the mixed-use areas, it becomes also measure of the public action in enhancing public benefits, allowing higher quality standards of the urban environment and a good balance among different functions and activities. In both cases it fosters also land value recapture pos-sibilities, contributing to economic value and local economic development opportunities.

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Case Studies general description

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Case studies description

Case Studies Strategic Priorities

Case Studies Findings