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Post-Communist Cross-Border Migrationin South-Eastern Albania: Who Leaves?Who Stays Behind?Lisa Arrehag , Örjan Sjöberg & Mirja SjöblomPublished online: 23 Oct 2009.

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Post-Communist Cross-BorderMigration in South-Eastern Albania:Who Leaves? Who Stays Behind?Lisa Arrehag, Orjan Sjoberg and Mirja Sjoblom

The opening-up of Albania to the outside world in the early 1990s brought about changes

that have had a dramatic effect on society. Emigration has been a major consequence of

the fall of communism. An estimated 600,000 or so Albanians are believed to have left

the country, many of them permanently. Useful as such a piece of information is, it falls

short of the data required to understand the motivations and micro-level consequences of

cross-border migration, whether temporary or of a more permanent nature. Why do

Albanians leave? Who leaves*/and who stays behind? Are there any identifiable trends

in the propensity to move, type of movement or the reason why people leave? Several

studies have addressed issues such as these, but few (if any) have had the privilege of

using survey data that are based on a statistically sound sampling frame. This paper,

which is based on a survey conducted in the Korce district in south-eastern Albania in

late 2002 with regional planning ends in mind, adopts the perspective of the sending

country and sets out to profile the emigrant from this particular part of the country.

Covering 1,315 urban and rural households, a major feature of this survey is that it

covers both migrant and non-migrant households. The data are analysed with a view to

identifying the correlates of migration. As such, it also serves as a starting point for

further work on other aspects of emigration.

Keywords: Albania; Emigration; Migrant Characteristics; Non-Migrant Households;

Coping Strategy

Introduction

‘For most people’, Beryl Nicholson (2001: 39) recently noted, ‘emigration is a solution

to a problem that exists now’. Specifically referring to Albania, her remark comes

Orjan Sjoberg is Professor of Economic Geography and Lisa Arrehag and Mirja Sjoblom are MSc students at the

Stockholm School of Economics. Correspondence to Prof. O. Sjoberg, Dept. of Economics, Stockholm School of

Economics, P.O. Box 6501, SE-113 83 Stockholm, Sweden. E-mail: orjan.sjoberg@hhs.se

ISSN 1369-183X print/ISSN 1469-9451 online/06/030377-26 # 2006 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/13691830600554817

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

Vol. 32, No. 3, April 2006, pp. 377�/402

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across as highly relevant. The hardships experienced by large segments of the

population over the past decade and a half have created a considerable demand for

solutions to the problem of making a living beyond mere survival. As a result, or so

the census taken in 2001 suggests, in excess of 600,000 Albanians have availed

themselves of the option of temporarily or permanently moving across the border

(INSTAT 2002: 19; INSTAT 2004: 35�/6), the true number possibly being considerably

higher still (King 2005: 138�/40). In a country of little more than 3 million

inhabitants, this is a substantial number and it comes as no surprise that the exodus

has received considerable attention both in policy circles and in research.

Yet systematic information on those who move, and those who do not exercise this

option, is hard to find. This is a reason for concern, as without basic information

pressing issues cannot possibly be accurately and adequately addressed. Does the flow

of emigration represent a brain drain? Will it negatively affect the potential for future

population growth, perhaps speeding up the process of ageing? Does it create job

openings for those who stay behind or is the impact rather one of diminished local

demand, thereby further reducing the prospects for local entrepreneurs deprived of

custom? What are the social consequences for households when members are absent

for prolonged periods of time? Indeed, does emigration solve the problems of making

a living beyond the mere subsistence level that Nicholson alludes to? Migration, after

all, implies both costs and benefits for the source country and it has the potential of

raising household income through remittances. Another potentially positive side-

effect of migration is the increased exposure to foreign ideas, valuable knowledge

thereby being brought back to the migrant’s home country.

Questions such as these, and many others, would no doubt be easier to answer if

only we knew more about the migration streams that the country has witnessed, and

continues to witness, and about the individuals who make up these cross-border

flows of people setting out to find better opportunities than those available at home.

The research reported in this paper is but a small step in this direction. Making use of

a pre-existing data set collected in the closing months of 2002 for regional planning

purposes, it sets itself the task of identifying the migrants, their backgrounds and

their motivations for moving. Focusing on the Korce administrative district in south-

eastern Albania, it discusses some basic aspects of present-day international

migration in this border region long familiar with both seasonal and permanent

migration. In the past such migration was known as kurbet , a word that has regained

some currency as a means of describing current reality rather than a historical

experience only.

Previous Research

Compared to the attention given to Albanian emigration at destination, research on

the area of origin and the sub-population that has chosen to leave Albania is rather

less well advanced. This is not to suggest that it is missing, only that it has taken

second place to a host-country perspective (Mai and Schwandner-Sievers 2003).

378 L. Arrehag, O. Sjoberg & M. Sjoblom

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Under the circumstances, host countries*/above all Greece and Italy*/offered the

best environment in which to access migrants. In Albania, case studies of a qualitative

nature (e.g. De Soto et al. 2002; Pichler 2002a, 2002b), small area surveys (Gedeshi

et al. 2003; Zefi 2001) and those targeting well-defined sub-populations (e.g. Gedeshi

2002; Manoku et al. 2001) tend to predominate. The results are often of considerable

interest and well situated in the specific context investigated. In particular, the

attempts by Barjaba (2000, 2003; Barjaba et al. 1996) to establish the defining

characteristics of the Albanian system of migration should be acknowledged.

The extent to which these studies give an accurate picture on a more aggregate level

is, however, difficult to establish. Also in those instances where more sizeable surveys,

including some that were national in scope, were carried out (e.g. de Coulon and

Piracha 2003; Kule et al. 2002), prior to the census in April 2001 no reliable sampling

frames existed. Although Albania operates a fine-grained system of population

registration, following the reforms of local government in 1992 and again in 2001

local authorities have had incentives to exaggerate the population within their area of

jurisdiction. As a result, their use for sampling purposes is in most cases questionable.

Only a census, and the one in 2001 was the first one since 1989, could rectify this

problem and then only for a limited period of time. Therefore, although area-based,

including geographically stratified, samples have been collected, such studies suffer

from the lack of clarity over whether they are statistically representative or not.

However, irrespective of whether the techniques used to assess the situation imply a

measure of exaggeration or understatement, no-one would deny the significance of

the impact migration has had on Albanian society.

Despite these problems of reliability and comparability, results point in the

direction of some common conclusions that may accurately reflect general patterns.

These include the finding that emigrants are typically young, married males aged

20�/30 years (De Soto et al. 2002: 42; INSTAT 2000: 22; IOM 2002: 9), or at least tend

to fall within the wider age bracket of 15 to 39 (Bonifazi and Sabatino 2003: 992;

Gjonca 2002: 30; IOM 2002: 9; Piperno 2003: 19). However, these sources also suggest

that, as well as family reunification, the emigration of young educated women has

recently contributed to the number of female migrants increasing. If so, this is

consonant with the data drawn upon by King (2003) and with reports on Albanian

migrants in destination countries such as Greece (e.g. Cavounidis 2004). What is

more, despite the occasional remark to the contrary (Pichler 2002b: 137), it is also

commonly held that those leaving the country are well educated. Thus, one study

found that 56.1 per cent of the migrants polled had completed secondary school and

12.1 per cent held university diplomas, while a further 20.4 per cent had eight years of

education (Gedeshi et al . 2003: 28).

There is also wide agreement that Albanian emigrants for the most part leave for

economic reasons. Unemployment, poverty, lack of opportunity and insufficient

income are the most commonly stated reasons (Barjaba 2003: 132�/7; De Soto et al.

2002: 45; Gedeshi et al. 2003: 43; INSTAT 2003: 23; IOM 2002: 8; King et al. 2003: 39;

Nicholson 2003); work abroad ‘for most households . . . remains an opportunity of

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 379

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last resort’, one report on household livelihood strategies concludes (Lawson et al.

2000: 1508). Fundamental factors such as the difference in income level and lifestyles

between Albania and its Western European neighbours, and the previous regime’s

isolation and denial of the possibility to leave the country, are other explanations for

the country’s high rate of migration (King et al. 2003: 18; Mai 2001: 97). The

majority of the female migrants move to follow their husband, but those with higher

education or those who are coming from less patriarchal environments are found to

leave partly or entirely to pursue a more independent life (King et al. 2003: 40).

Another study, conducted in the Korce region, points out that many young people

also leave to study abroad (UNICEF 2002: 18).

As far as destinations are concerned, or so previous research suggests, most

emigrants are destined for Greece (about three-fifths) and Italy (one-fifth), with

another one-fifth or so moving to the UK, France, Macedonia, Canada and the US

(De Soto et al. 2002: 41�/2; Gjonca 2002: 33�/4; INSTAT 2000: 22). As well as some

variation over time (Barjaba 2003: 81), there are reasons to believe that the national

pattern conceals marked regional variation. Gedeshi and associates (2003: 19), in a

study of Korce, found that the destination countries were given as Greece, Italy and

the US, with about nine in ten setting out for Greece. In other parts of Albania, the

relative weight of the main destination countries looks quite different (King and

Vullnetari 2003: 44�/7). With respect to the favoured destination, there are also

differences across seasonal, temporary or permanent flows. In the Korce district, for

instance, seasonal and other forms of temporary migration are mainly directed to

Greece and Macedonia. International long-term migration is in general legal, whereas

short-term migration tends to be illegal to a higher extent (De Soto et al. 2002: 45;

Gedeshi et al. 2003: 42). Similarly, minority groups may display a pattern at variance

with overall trends. Thus, in the Korce area it transpires that the Vlachs are inclined

to go to Greece for long periods of time; it appears that they have better access to the

requisite documents than do Albanians in general. The Macedonian minority, for its

part, often sets out for Macedonia while the Roma tend to go illegally for short

periods of time to Greece (Gedeshi 2002: 67�/8).1

In addition to the impression that Albania by and large seems to conform to

universal patterns as regards the age and sex composition of migrants*/save perhaps

from the heavy predominance of male over female migrants (King and Vullnetari

2003: 27, 31)*/several other observations emerge from the above survey of previous

research. One is that regional differences in the propensity to move exist and might

be considerable (e.g. Carletto et al. 2004; King et al. 2003; Zezza et al . 2005). This is

primarily illustrated by the experiences of the south-east and the north-east. The

general thrust of this comparison is that it is likely to reflect both intra-Albanian

differences in incomes and earning opportunities and also geographical and cultural

proximity to potential destination areas of varying degrees of attraction. Historical

patterns of migration may also contribute (King and Vullnetari 2003: 20). Likewise,

pre-existing but post-1990 experiences and the cumulative effect of networks built

over at least a decade and a half are likely to influence the patterns observed. Ethnicity

380 L. Arrehag, O. Sjoberg & M. Sjoblom

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is also a matter of some consequence; as is the case with geographical proximity, the

cultural equivalent appears to influence not only destination but also the propensity

or possibility of leaving. A third observation relates to the timing of emigration, with

major crises triggering waves of people leaving, or trying to leave, the country. The

characteristic that makes Albania stand out the most, however, is the intensity with

which migration has taken, and possibly is still taking, place (Barjaba 2000, 2003:

165�/6; Carletto et al. 2004; King and Vullnetari 2003: 29).

All of these observations are worthy of attention and will be addressed or

commented upon as we go along. For the purposes of this paper, however, another

observation is more important: presumably for reasons of lack of data, the above-

cited literature is not entirely successful in linking the resources that Albanian

households command (or lack) to the willingness and ability to migrate and the

form that migration takes. For, although those that move ‘range from very poor

to very wealthy individuals, and they represent a diversity of skills and educational

backgrounds including professionals, students, the unemployed and destitute,

families and trafficked people’ (King et al. 2003: 6), there are reasons to believe

that the resources necessary to emigrate may prove more of an obstacle to some

potential migrants than others. Similarly, the gain from leaving the country in search

for a job may also differ across the population, not only between Albania’s diverse

regions but also within each one of them. Previous research has had difficulties

providing more systematic detail on such processes of differentiation across the

Albanian population. As a result, inclusiveness as indicated by the above quote is

paralleled by statements to the effect that migration is regionally differentiated

and that larger households and/or families are more likely to migrate than others

(e.g. King et al. 2003: 32).

This, then, provides the primary research question to which the present paper is

addressed. We aim to shed light not only on the characteristics of migrants and non-

migrants, but also on the motives for the decision to leave or not to leave. Specifically,

we address emigration of a non-seasonal nature, irrespective of whether it is

embarked upon with a view of permanently settling outside Albania or not. This is

not to deny the importance of seasonal or domestic moves. As for the latter, the post-

1990 pattern of internal migration is suggestive of a regional re-allocation of

population (Berxholi et al. 2003: 24�/8; INSTAT 2004: 12�/14). On the surface, this

pattern is reminiscent not least of the experience of the 1950s (e.g. Borchert 1975;

Geco 1970; Sjoberg 1989; Tirta 1983, 1987). As convincingly argued by King and

Vullnetari (2003: 43�/7) and Carletto et al. (2004; also Zezza et al . 2005: 184),

however, post-socialist internal migration is likely to be influenced by external

movements, and in turn exerts an influence on patterns of emigration, which of

course was not the case prior to the collapse of the totalitarian regime. This is

certainly true of the area in focus here, the district of Korce, which since 1990 has lost

population to the western lowlands of Albania while at the same time serving as a

migration gateway to Greece (Carletto et al. 2004; see also Berxholi et al. 2003: 70

and, on the prefecture of Korce, INSTAT 2004: 14, 26�/9).

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 381

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It should be noted that, irrespective of the results with respect to Korce district, we

will still not be in a position to conclusively establish whether regional differences are

significant; this is because we cannot rely in full on the statistical soundness of

the samples which previous studies have drawn upon. Any similarity or difference

between our results and those of prior research is therefore subject to speculation.

Quite possibly it is only with the returns to the Albanian Living Standards

Measurement Survey that we may find ourselves on firmer ground (early assessments

of which include Carletto et al. 2004; Castaldo et al. 2005). On the other hand, if

related to other demographic and social facts that have been established (such as the

regional variation in the age structure), we can find ourselves on safer ground.

The Survey

The study is based on survey data collected in late 2002.2 There are data from 1,315

households, together comprising 5,301 individuals, from 12 communes and two

municipalities in the Korce district.3 According to national statistics experts, the data

collected are considered representative and reliable for the Korce district.4 In addition

to the household survey, aggregated data at the commune/municipality level were

collected from the head of each commune. While considered of high quality, the fact

that this database was not primarily meant to be used for the objectives of this study

should be recognised.

The sample was initially randomly selected to ensure that every sample unit had

equal probability of being included in the sample. The outcome of such a procedure

turned out to exclude the four communes from the western part of the Korce

district*/Gore, Lekas, Moglice and Vithkuq. These communes are known to have

experienced a high rate of emigration and depopulation and were therefore of

particular interest.5 In order to capture their special characteristics and to obtain a

balanced geographical coverage, additional sampling units from the above four

communes were later included in the sample. Given the few sample units found (due

to the intense depopulation), the four communes were merged into one group called

Western Korce. Such a procedure might cause problems in estimating the reliability of

the data at the commune level in this particular area. The database also contains

substantially more respondents from rural as compared to urban areas*/but only

slightly more than the population distribution alone would warrant*/whereas the

number of female and male respondents is quite equal.

The questionnaires had four different focus areas: household characteristics,

migrant characteristics, remittances and potential migration. The respondent targeted

was the household head, typically the father, who responded on behalf of the other

family members (including migrants if they were absent). In case the household head

was not present, another member of the family responded to the questions. An

unavoidable issue in researching migration from a source-country perspective is that

the persons in focus, the migrants, may not be at hand. It is important to bear in

mind that letting another person respond on behalf of the migrant is a potential

382 L. Arrehag, O. Sjoberg & M. Sjoblom

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source of error. For instance, because of divides along the dimensions of gender and

generation, the household head might not be equally familiar with all the aspects

related to migration. Similarly, because of the partly retrospective nature of the

survey, instances of imperfect recall will have to be reckoned with. No attempt was

made to record full migration histories, however.

A noteworthy characteristic of the sample is that it contains both migrant and non-

migrant households. The definition of a migrant used in the database is a person who

was abroad at the time of the household survey and had been living and working

abroad for more than six months. At first glance, a limit of six months seems

reasonable if strictly seasonal migration is to be screened out. However, it is not at all

certain that migrants who stay longer than six months are not seasonal migrants. For

instance the season for Albanian workers in the tourist industry in Greece may be

longer than half a year. Yet, although arbitrary, at least at a conceptual level there is a

need to distinguish the strictly seasonal from other forms of temporary but more

long-term migration. This may have consequences for our ability to understand the

opportunities, constraints and incentives at the place of origin, not to speak of the

availability of work at the destination. Not least, the implications of illegal

immigration become more pronounced. Furthermore, as several observers have

noted, Albanian migration is very much characterised by a to-and-fro pattern of

movement (Barjaba 2000; Nicholson 2003: 440�/1). Unless specifically noted,

therefore, the results extracted from the database relate to migration that is

considered non-seasonal in character. Even so, it should be recognised that, in an

area close to the border, and traditionally outward looking,6 this will leave beyond

purview important flows of people, resources and information that presumably will

lower barriers to long-term migration.

A further problem arises from the manner in which the questionnaire was

constructed. The enumerators conducted structured interviews containing both

open-ended and close-ended questions. The open-ended character of many questions

and the fact that many categories used in both types of question, where not explicitly

(pre-)defined, sometimes created difficulties in interpreting the results. For this and

other reasons, a follow-up was made in Korce in November and December 2003; the

authors of the present paper conducted interviews with local officials and inhabitants

of some of the communities originally surveyed with a view to putting our

interpretations on firmer ground. Similarly, the designers of the questionnaire and

the resulting database were approached to clarify intentions and the assumptions

made.

Migration and Migrant Characteristics

Out of the total of 1,315 households, 495 (37.6 per cent) have at least one migrant.

Proportionally, households with migrants are more common in rural (383 or 41.7 per

cent of the rural sample) than in urban areas (112 households or 28.2 per cent of the

urban sample). The years when the migrants first left Albania according to area are

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 383

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illustrated in Figure 1. There are two main peaks of migration seen in the rural areas.

One is 1991�/92, the breakdown of the communist regime, which is followed by a

period of low migration, 1993�/96. The second major period of migration begins in

the year 1997 and continues until it peaks in 1998; this was the period during which

Albania experienced a severe economic crisis as a consequence of the collapse of a

series of pyramid savings schemes.

In urban areas, by contrast, the survey suggests that there are four years that rise

above the rest*/1992, 1997�/98 and 2001. The first two of these peaks correspond to

the historical events mentioned above. The only one that was confusing at first,

especially since similar research has not reached the same result (Gedeshi et al. 2003:

31; for Albania as a whole see, for example, Pastore 1998: 2�/5; King 2005: 136�/8),

was the one found in 2001 for urban areas. However, the Greek regularisation of

immigrants’ status through the introduction of the Immigration Law in that year is

likely to have contributed (Baldwin-Edwards 2004: 57), while a further partial

explanation for this high point can be found in the statistics on the issuing of Green

Cards to the US.7 Meanwhile, local observers suggest that it can be related to the

political turbulence in Korce connected to the local elections that were held at that

time.8

Along with the urban�/rural dimension, gender differences are also an important

aspect of migratory behaviour, not least in view of the widely reported result of male

migrants predominating. Figure 2, where female migration is charted, reveals that

there is one substantial peak for female migration from urban areas between 1997 and

1999. For rural areas, migration is particularly pronounced in 1997. The explanation

for these peaks is probably the breakdown of the pyramid schemes. This was an event

that led to such violent outbursts that many families decided to send their children

and in particular their daughters to relatives living abroad or in rural areas, where

they were considered to be safe.

However, one note of caution applies to all the results in this section*/

respondents’ ability to remember when certain decisions were actually taken. The

survey was carried out in 2002 and therefore it is possible that respondents were less

year

20

15

10

5

019

90

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

urban

rural

per

cent

Figure 1. Year of first migration according to area and year.

Source: Survey database.

384 L. Arrehag, O. Sjoberg & M. Sjoblom

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likely to remember the exact time for their first migration, since in many cases it

happened quite a few years earlier. Another possible bias is related to the different

kinds of turmoil that Albania has witnessed over the years. For instance, as 1997 often

tends to serve as a point of reference, respondents are likely to some degree to

rationalise and relate important choices such as migration to the traumatic events of

that year*/even if those events originally had little or no impact on the actual

decision to move. On the other hand, the patterns displayed are consonant with the

suggestions of previous research (e.g. King et al. 2003: 18�/20) and therefore seem

plausible. The only exception is the urban peak of 2001, as noted above.

As far as destinations are concerned, first migrations from urban areas were to

Greece 83.9 per cent, the US 5.4 per cent, Italy 4.8 per cent and Germany 3.2 per cent.

In rural areas the most common destinations were Greece 85.1 per cent, Macedonia

7.5 per cent, the US 2.7 per cent and Italy 1.8 per cent. That Macedonia is found in

second place in the rural areas is due to the impact of the migration from Liqenas,

where there is a substantial Macedonian community. As regards the duration of the

first migratory spell, it turns out that most stay away for less than two years, and

more typically half a year to a year. However, a result of special interest is that the

rural migration contained much more frequent and shorter stays away from home.

This can be inferred from an analysis of the number of international trips made by

the migrants: rural areas had seen on average 7.9 trips per migrant since the fall of

communism, while in the urban areas the average number was 3.6. As noted in

previous research, rural migration tends to a greater extent to be characterised by

seasonality than the urban equivalent. Even though the questionnaire design was

intended to screen out seasonal migration, it is quite obvious that such migratory

flows account for a large part of the difference between rural and urban areas.

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

urban

rural

per

cent

year

Figure 2. Female migrants according to area and year.

Source: Survey database.

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In order to find out whether the migrants stay in their first country of destination,

the above results can be compared to where the migrants lived at the time of the

survey. Although the sub-sample becomes rather thin, in the urban areas a correlation

is seen between long-distance migration and the tendency to get citizenship and

permmission to stay. This is especially true for the US. In this case all the respondents

(ten persons) who had a chance to go to the US stayed there, at least until they got

their citizenship. The same is true in the case of Russia, the Netherlands, Canada and

Bulgaria, to each one of which only one person migrated. In these instances it is

probably the case that the migrants have close relations to people already in these

countries who helped them, for instance, to obtain legal documents. Of the migrants

in urban areas, 4.8 per cent (13) went to Italy on their first extended stay abroad and

3.8 per cent (10) currently live there. In rural areas the same trend is seen, although

there are slightly fewer migrants who are not permitted to stay in the country they

migrated to the first time. For example, 2.7 per cent (15) went to the US on their first

trip, and 2.5 per cent (10) currently live there.

Also the legal status of emigrants at the time of their first and their most recent

trips, respectively, is of interest. According to the survey, in urban areas most

migrants (68.8 per cent) carried legal papers during their first trip, while a majority of

those originating in rural areas did not (54.4 per cent). Comparing males and

females, a slight majority of the men left without proper documents (52.9 per cent).

For females, with 72.6 per cent being in possession of the requisite documents, the

picture is the reverse. On the migrants’ most recent trip abroad the number of

migrants crossing the border legally had increased substantially. Moreover, at 88.6 per

cent for rural dwellers and 86.2 per cent for their urban counterparts, there was no

longer the substantial difference between the two areas as was the case at the outset.

The sharp contrast between then and now, which is likely to reflect changes in Greek

policy with respect to Albanian in-migrants,9 is in keeping with Barjaba’s (2003: 166)

observation that the Albanian system of migration increasingly depends on emigrants

obtaining legal documents.

The main reason for leaving was lack of work and other reasons closely connected

to unemployment and economic distress. At 84.7 and 68.8 per cent respectively, this

is true of emigrants leaving both rural and urban areas. By gender, the difference is

somewhat more pronounced*/87.7 per cent of the men and 55.6 per cent of the

women*/but for both sexes economic rationales weigh heavily. As such, the pattern

found by the survey is much in line with previous research carried out in Albania.

High levels of unemployment in urban areas combined with few prospects in rural

pursuits provide few options locally, thereby increasing the attraction of work

abroad.10 This is possibly more pronounced today than was the case during the early

stages of the post-socialist period, when the desire to improve one’s material

standard, to acquire goods previously not available or to experience a different

lifestyle, emerged as important reasons for leaving Albania (Mai 2001: 99). Yet also

today there are some noticeable differences between emigrants from different parts of

Korcarean society. Korcare in the strict sense of the word, that is, people from Korce

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town, tend to quote educational reasons more frequently (8.1 per cent) than those

from rural areas (3.6 per cent), turning this particular rationale for leaving into the

second most mentioned.11

Finally, before turning to the background characteristics of migrants themselves,

we may note that the average number of migrants per household, as given by the

survey, is 1.5 persons, with urban households having a slightly higher number (1.66)

than rural households (1.47), and with male migrants contributing the greater share

of these figures. This could be set against the average number of people per household

which, according to the census in 2001, is 4.0 in Korce district (as compared to the

national average of 4.3, see INSTAT 2002: 85). As the average household size in the

surveyed sample is 4.1 for households with migrants against 4.0 in those without,

household size does not seem to be a strong factor in deciding on whether to leave

Albania or not. Instead, as argued by Germenji and Swinnen (2003), referring to rural

Albania, it is likely that the composition of the household is more important in

determining whether a family member is able to migrate. For instance, since it is

customary in Albania that the youngest son and his wife take care of his parents in

their old age (King et al . 2003: 97), it might be difficult for an only son to leave. Yet,

awaiting further evidence or a more analytic approach to the data available, no

conclusion can safely be inferred. One pattern that can be traced with a measure of

confidence in the survey returns, however, is that migrant families often have more

than one migrant. This in turn is likely to reflect the fact that it is easier to migrate

when a family member has already established a presence in the country of

destination. There are also a few examples of five or six migrants per family in the

sample, indicating instances where most members have left.

Turning to the characteristics of migrants, age is a natural starting point.

Organising the returns to the survey by five-year age groups, it was revealed that,

for men, the 20�/44 years bracket predominates with relatively small differences

between the five five-year age groups that make up this rather long interval. Female

migrants tend to be slightly younger; again, the distribution of migrants across the

age range (15�/44) is quite even. These results are by and large consonant with

patterns seen at the national level, where the census highlights a very substantial

reduction of persons in the relevant age groups. The only difference worthy of note

relates to the observation that migrants from the Korce district are slightly older than

has been suggested in previous research and by national-level census data (INSTAT

2002: 28). However, since this refers to stocks at the time of the survey rather than

flows, such an upward bias may simply reflect that migration in Korce took off earlier

than in many other parts of the country.

Figure 3 shows the distribution of the migrants according to their sex and age and

gives an indication of both the magnitude and the impact that migration has on the

remaining population as well as on the economic development of society in Korce.

Since migrants tend to leave during their most productive age, the people left behind

are either very young or old. It is not hard to imagine the great dent that will be

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created in the age pyramid if the migrant group is absent, which is also exactly what

has been observed on the national level (e.g. King and Vullnetari 2003: 27).

The shape of the graphs in Figure 3 offers the expected distribution, except for the

oddly small number of men and especially women around 50�/59 years of age.

Finding almost the same result on the national level, this does seem reasonable

(INSTAT 2002: 28). However, during the follow-up interviews it was made clear that

certain groups of people have not migrated for one reason or another; as has been

previously noted (e.g. De Soto et al. 2002: 46), this is likely to include the elderly and

those who have assumed responsibility for their grandchildren while their parents are

away.

In Figure 4 the urban and rural areas are contrasted. For both, most first-time

migrants fall in the 20�/44 age bracket, but the 45�/49 group is also visible in the

urban sub-sample. According to official statistics there are two main differences

between the population living in towns and in the countryside (INSTAT 2002: 30�/1).

20

15

10

5

0

urban

rural

per

cent

Age groups

0 –

4

10 –

14

20 –

24

30 –

34

40 –

44

50 –

54

60 –

64

70 –

74

Figure 3. Migrants by sex and age.

Source: Survey database.

20

15

10

5

0

urban

rural

per

cent

0 –

4

10 –

14

20 –

24

30 –

34

40 –

44

50 –

54

60 –

64

70 –

74

Age groups

Figure 4. Migrants by area and age.

Source: Survey database.

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First, national-level data suggest that the age structure of rural areas is younger. This

helps to explain the slightly older departures from urban areas. The second difference

is that the imbalance between men and women at adult ages is much more

pronounced in the urban than in the rural population. Around the age of 25 there are

only eight men per ten women in towns and cities, while there are equal numbers in

the countryside. This situation is probably more a consequence of out-migration than

a reason for it.

Other aspects of the sex composition of the emigrant population are also worth

considering. Only 21.4 per cent of the total male sample originates in town, the

reminder having a rural domicile. The majority of female migrants also hail from

rural areas, but urban women form a much higher proportion (39.4 per cent) of the

total stock of female migrants than do their male counterparts. The overall weight of

males in the migrant population, and in particular their domination amongst

migrants from rural areas, is not merely an issue of economic incentives, but should

also be seen against the background of traditional patterns of behaviour. It is

considered more appropriate if a male member of a household migrates first, later to

return for his wife and children; the dangers of migration are such that female

members of the household need protection, not least to prevent them from getting a

bad reputation. To the extent that this line of reasoning is honoured, female

emigration is primarily induced by the need and desire to follow their husbands

abroad. For instance, research in Greece based on applications for regularisation of

illegal immigrants under the 1998 law notes that, while Albanian in-migration is

predominantly male,12 both male and female migrants tend to be married. Indeed,

most of the applicants had their spouses and children with them (Cavounidis 2003).

A recent article focusing on Albanian migration to Italy found a similar pattern,

arguing that Albanian women maintain a more traditional migration model than the

one characterising Albanian immigration to Italy as a whole (Bonifazi and Sabatino

2003: 973). The prevalence of permits for family reasons seems to indicate a gender

structure of immigration in which women are called upon to play above all a

supporting role to their male breadwinners. However, as will be shown below, and as

is congruent with previous research (e.g. King et al . 2003: 11), other reasons for

female emigration exist, such as moving for educational purposes.

This leads us on to the educational status of emigrants. The returns to the survey

clearly indicate that more male than female migrants have completed eight years of

compulsory schooling. On the other hand, for the migrants who continued to study

at the higher secondary-school level in the Korce district, a slight edge was seen for

females, at least if considered in proportional terms rather than in the form of

absolute numbers. Moving on to still-higher levels of educational attainment, at the

tertiary level males out-number females. Comparing these results to the national

pattern as revealed by the census of 2001, the number of men who have completed

secondary school or university is higher than the number of women; the opposite is

seen with primary education (INSTAT 2002: 46).

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The results show that it is most frequent to find rural male migrants with eight

years of education, but more urban males have attained the high-school leaving

diploma (9�/12 years). In general, male emigrants from urban areas have gone

through more years of schooling than rural men. An education at post-secondary,

including university, level was attained by 3.4 per cent of the male migrants who live

in rural areas, while the corresponding percentage in the urban areas was 8.1. There is

almost twice as large a proportion of migrants in urban areas (7.5 per cent) compared

to rural areas, (3.9 per cent) who have not completed eight years of education. In

almost half, or 49.9 per cent, of the cases, respondents in rural areas have completed

eight years of schooling but no more, while this is true in only 21.5 per cent of the

cases in the urban areas. However, as the completed years of schooling increase, so

does the number of urban migrants. There are, for example, twice as many migrants

who have completed a university degree in the urban as compared to rural areas, a

pattern that is again consonant with that found on the national level (INSTAT 2002:

50).

For females, the survey returns show only a slight difference between urban and

rural areas as far as schooling up to eight years is concerned. At higher levels of

educational attainment, the difference between female emigrants from urban and

rural areas diverges substantially in favour of more educated urban women. These

results are also consonant with research suggesting that women growing up in urban

areas have a different and freer life compared to rural women (Gustafsson 2003: 12�/

14). Urban women more often finish higher secondary school and even university,

which can be contrasted to women in rural areas who are married at young ages,

often around the age of 16, having only finished the eight years of obligatory

schooling. Furthermore, it is often seen as impossible for these women to study after

marriage because their husbands usually do not accept that the women interact with

other boys in school.

This moves us on to the issue of marital status. In the majority of cases, first-time

migrants are married; this is true of both sexes. Yet amongst first-time male migrants,

singles were almost as common. Thus, the urban male sample contained 48.5 per cent

singles, with the corresponding figure for rural areas being a slightly lower 47.0 per

cent. Again, this is in line with what previous studies would lead us to expect. For

females, however, marriage is often a prerequisite for migration, particularly in rural

areas. Only a quarter (25.6 per cent) of all female migrants with a rural domicile were

found to be single, while the corresponding proportion for women from urban areas

was almost two-fifths (39.3 per cent).

Only on rare occasions are migrants widowed. This is not surprising as widow/

widowerhood is related to older ages. Generally speaking, the migration of elderly

people is rare, the demanding working environment that is often the reality for many

Albanians abroad being an effective deterrent (King et al . 1998: 169; Lazaridis and

Psimmenos 2000: 177). However, the reason why there still are some widowed and

elderly migrants found in the results is probably due to their joining relatives or

leaving Albania to seek medical care abroad.

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The level of educational attainment is also reflected in the structure of occupations

held by the migrants, yet this is of little consequence once across the border. While

the particulars need not detain us here, the overall result is that there is no clear

correlation between the educational level achieved and the job status of migrants in

the host country (Arrehag and Sjoblom 2004: 18�/21). Even though Albanian

migrants’ level of education is quite high, this does not prevent migrant jobs from

being characterised by a low level of qualification required and low status. This is fully

in line with the findings of previous research (e.g. Hatziprokopiou 2003: 1043). For

the same reason it is not possible to find any significant correlation between the

occupations that the migrants had before and during their first migration.

Migrants and Non-Migrants

The above data on migrant characteristics cannot be directly compared to those of

non-migrants. For this, we would also need individual (as opposed to household)

data on the latter. As the survey does not supply such information, an alternative

route is taken. By distilling the most common combinations of migrant character-

istics, a number of types of migrant are identified. On this basis, some preliminary

conclusions can be drawn with respect to who the migrants and non-migrants are.

All in all, eleven groups, named A to K, were identified (Table 1). These are based

on a small number of critical variables, such as sex, age, urban or rural domicile, level

of formal educational attainment and civil status. These characteristics were grouped

together into different combinations in accordance with their percentage strength. Six

of these eleven groups contain male migrants (A�/F) and five female migrants (G�/K).

The analysis was done taking into account that the sample from the rural areas is

much larger than that from the urban areas; accordingly both percentages and

absolute numbers have been specified. However, these results should be interpreted

with caution since, for every subdivision made, the number of cases becomes

progressively smaller. Thus, the results may not be statistically significant.

Beginning with the male migrants, irrespective of age, education level and civil

status, they are predominantly of rural origin. Females, by contrast, are more evenly

divided between urban and rural areas, making the female sub-groups less easily

distinguishable. In categories G, H and J, rural women predominate, while in

category I (single, 9�/12 years of education) the reverse is true. The greater urban

share is also mirrored in female educational attainment, which in turn follows from

the observation that the level of education is higher in urban compared to rural areas.

In this regard single women stand out and this is probably due to women being

somewhat older than men when they first leave. In turn, this might suggest the

influence of traditional ways, the level of social control over women being higher.

Moreover, along with the purpose of joining one’s husband, leaving for educational

purposes is likely to be one of the few acceptable reasons for young women to move.

However, this conjecture cannot be statistically verified.

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In order to explore if the migrant and non-migrant households differ, household

characteristics were scrutinised. To begin with, the domicile was considered.

Proportionally speaking, more than three-quarters (77.4 per cent) of all migrants

originated in rural areas, which is higher than their overall numbers would warrant.

Table 1. Selected groups from the identified sub-populations of migrants

Male

A. Single, 1�/8 years of education15�/29 years Rural: 106 (91.4%) Urban: 10 (8.6%)(Total sample: 116)

B. Married, 1�/8 years of education25�/59 years Rural: 113 (91.1%) Urban: 11 (8.8%)(Total: 124)

C. Single, 9�/12 years of education20�/49 years Rural: 88 (73.3%) Urban: 32 (26.6%)(Total: 120)

D. Married, 9�/12 years of education25�/54 years Rural: 85 (66%) Urban: 44 (34%)(Total: 129)

E. Married, 13�/ years of education35�/39 years Rural: 5 (100%) (Urban: 0)(Total: 5)

F. Single, fewer than eight years of education10�/14 years Rural: 4 (67%) Urban: 2 (33%)(Total: 6)

Female

G. Single, 1�/8 years of education15�/29 years Rural: 12 (66.7%) Urban: 5 (33.3%)(Total: 17)

H. Married, 1�/8 years of education20�/39 years Rural: 23 (92%) Urban: 2 (8%)(Total: 25)

I. Single, 9�/12 years of education15�/29, 40�/44 years Rural: 2 (16.6%) Urban: 10 (83.3%)(Total: 12)

J. Married, 9�/12 years of education25�/49 years Rural: 26 (55.3%) Urban: 21 (44.7%)(Total: 47)

K. Female, married, 13�/ years of education30�/34 years Rural: 3 (100%) Urban: 0 (0%)(Total: 3)

Source : Survey database.

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The census indicates that 58.8 per cent of the population of the Korce district is rural

(INSTAT 2002: 81). This may not accurately reflect the number of households,

however, as we need to allow for rural families being slightly larger on average than

their urban counterparts. Thus, according to the survey, 65.2 per cent of the non-

migrant families live in rural areas, while 34.8 per cent live in town. As a result,

migrant and non-migrant households are roughly evenly divided between urban and

rural domiciles, with a small bias in favour of migrant households being rural in

origin.

Similarly, using housing conditions (number of rooms at the family’s disposal) as a

proxy for the standard of living and access to resources, the survey suggests that there

is only a marginal difference between households with migrants and those without.

A further foray into the realms of material well-being and migration would have

required access to income and expenditure data; the former were collected by the

survey while the latter were not. However, income data turned out to be of such a low

quality as to be virtually unusable for the present purposes (Arrehag et al . 2005: 18).

The self-evident fact that migrant households are more likely, at 66.9 per cent, to

receive remittances than non-migrant households does little to improve the analysis.

While it is a little surprising that as many as one-third of the migrants do not remit

money home, households that do receive such resources are likely to be better off as a

result (rather than being a precondition for migration).

Indeed, it does not take many visits to the households concerned to find out that

a nice house is a good predictor of the household receiving money from abroad.

Table 2 illustrates this observation. The above conclusion that rural households have a

slightly higher propensity to generate migration is probably reflected in the slightly

higher value of non-migrant households’ dwellings and a higher incidence of fixed-

line telephone and WC; in all three cases because the latter are more often found in

urban locations. As the difference between the two categories is less then 10 per cent

of the total estimated value, it would be wise not to make too much out of the

exercise of self-valuation of the dwelling.

In some cases the hypothesis that migrant households are better off than non-

migrant ones is borne out by the survey returns; in other instances this is not the case.

Clearly, more information, or a different approach to the information at hand, is

called for if a proper assessment of the relationship between material resources and

migration is to be carried out. A solution was found by cutting up the sample

population differently. In this strategy, households that have not contributed

individuals to the cross-border flow of migrants were classified into satisfied or

dissatisfied. If respondents claimed that they stayed as a result of enjoying a good

income in Albania, were in possession of a good job or a successful business, they

were assigned to the former category. Similarly, a general feeling of security, the

availability of a good house or a good social life or social network implied the same

classification. If not, the household was assigned to the group of dissatisfied. The two

groups*/the satisfied and the dissatisfied*/were then compared to the migrant

household (Table 3). Although it should be noted that 217 cases are missing from the

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Table 2. Material differences between migrant and non-migrant households (%)

Household characteristics Migranthousehold

Non-migranthousehold

Difference*

Roofing material (tile)** 80.0 72.3 7.7Floor material (cement/brick)** 28.5 22.3 6.2Toilet (flush inside) 54.9 60.2 �/5.3Iron 94.7 87.2 7.5Refrigerator 94.9 89.1 5.8Radio 94.1 88.4 5.7Telephone (landline) 17.0 24.6 �/7.6Cellular phone 45.5 35.0 10.5Receive remittances 66.9 4.8 62.1Receive income from pension 45.5 40.4 5.1Send money or goods abroad 5.9 0.6 5.3How much dwelling is worth (mean value in leke) 1,529,587 1,673,020 �/143,433

*This column shows the percentage-point difference between migrant and non-migrant households. A negative

sign signifies that non-migrant households have a higher percentage than migrant households.

** Only the most expensive materials in the Albanian market were considered and selected with assistance from a

local expert.

Note : At the time of the survey, the exchange rate was approximately 140 leke to the US dollar and 135 leke to

the euro.

Source : Survey database.

Table 3. Household characteristics according to satisfied, dissatisfied and migrant

households

Household characteristic Dissatisfied Satisfied Migrant

No. % No. % No. %

Type of dwelling (appartment) 49 13.6 37 22.2 83 14.5Type of dwelling (single dwelling) 277 76.9 170 71.9 445 77.9Roofing material (tile) 267 74.2 118 70.7 452 79.2Floor material (cement, brick) 87 24.2 30 18.0 155 27.1Exterior walls (brick) 350 97.2 167 100.0 564 98.8Own the dwelling 351 97.5 160 95.8 562 98.4Separate kitchen 265 74.4 146 87.4 458 80.2Water (piped in-house) 242 67.2 133 79.6 380 66.5Toilet (flush inside) 196 54.4 126 75.4 319 55.9Electricity 351 97.5 165 98.8 560 98.1Receive pension 187 57.9 47 28.1 265 44.8Receive unemployment benefits 6 1.7 1 0.6 10 1.8Receive welfare benefits 30 8.3 1 0.6 24 4.2Send money/goods abroad 2 0.6 0 0.0 32 5.6

Note : Satisfied households are defined as non-migrant households that quote the following reasons for staying in

Albania: have family and relatives there; have a good house there; a general feeling of security and/or enjoying a

good social life/network there; have a successful business there and/or have a good job and income. Non-migrant

households that do not quote any of the above reasons for staying are classified as dissatisfied.

Source : Survey database.

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non-migrant families as regards the reasons for staying, the large size of the sample

should ensure a measure of confidence in it.13

As regards the location of these households, the largest single sub-group of the

satisfied live in Korce city, and this is also where we find the biggest group of the

dissatisfied. Concerning the exterior conditions of the dwelling, the results reveal that

migrant households in general are in a better shape than are the dwellings of both

categories of non-migrant (Table 4). As regards the material standard of living,

however, a different pattern is visible. The non-migrant households that belong to the

satisfied category show on average a higher incidence of ownership than both the

migrant and the dissatisfied household categories. Migrant households in turn are

better off in this respect than the dissatisfied. In all likelihood this reflects the level of

income of the household, a conjecture that is confirmed when households that

receive subsidies from the government are taken into account. In most cases the

dissatisfied group receives more support than does the migrant group, with the

satisfied group receiving the least. It can be added that the Albanian government is

known for being relatively successful at targeting deserving households when

distributing social assistance (Alderman 2002). Therefore, it is likely that the group

that receives social benefits from the government also contains the poorest people.

Overall, this analysis strongly suggests that the group of non-migrating households

is bifurcated and that the implied non-normal distribution across the income

spectrum explains why mere averages across the two sub-groups do not yield

significant results. Yet, unlike the results of previous research where ‘[t]here appears

to be little association between intention to leave and income’ (Papapanagos and

Sanfey 2001: 495), incomes, as captured by the proxies employed here, and standard

of living do turn out to be of some consequence in the decision to move, and in the

Table 4. Items owned by the households according to satisfied, dissatisfied and migrant

households

Items owned by the households Dissatisfied Satisfied Migrant

No. % No. % No. %

Iron 294 81.7 164 98.2 539 94.4Refrigerator 313 86.9 166 99.4 543 95.1Washing machine 169 46.9 125 74.9 295 51.7Stove (gas/electric) 191 53.1 133 79.6 330 57.8Computer 5 1.4 16 9.6 25 4.4Radio 296 82.2 162 97.0 541 94.7Clock 345 95.8 167 100.0 558 97.7Sewing machine 84 23.3 54 32.3 136 23.8Bicycle 85 23.6 63 37.7 168 29.4Car/jeep/truck 30 8.3 52 31.1 85 14.9Motorcycle 10 2.8 5 3.0 14 2.5Telephone (landline) 79 21.9 69 41.3 102 17.9Cellular phone 97 26.9 98 58.7 254 44.5

Source : Survey database.

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realisation of those intentions. Satisfied households do not need to migrate to an

equally high extent due to their higher standard of living. This is supported by

returns to the questions put to the respondents: whether they had in fact left the

country for at least half a year with a view to improving their lot. The results show

that 11 per cent of the satisfied group had carried out migration at least once*/much

lower than the average across the entire sample. This is indicative of a situation where

the relatively well-to-do have not gained their current status thanks to migration in

the past.

The corresponding figure for the dissatisfied group was a still lower 4.2 per cent. As

the latter do not lack incentives to access the source of income that migration is seen

to represent, this is suggestive of a situation where they cannot leave because of the

barriers they face, including perhaps obstacles as diverse as responsibilities to kin or a

lack of financial means to defray the cost of emigration. This finding is in line with

results obtained by some previous research on Albania in general (Papapanagos and

Sanfey 2001: 495), and also that focusing on specific sub-groups such as Roma

(Manoku et al . 2001) or farm households (Germenji and Swinnen 2003). Although

the finding may seem trivially true it goes against the grain of some of the most

influential models used in the social sciences, including those derived from the

classics of development economics (e.g. Fei and Ranis 1964; Jorgenson 1961; Lewis

1954) such as the Harris and Todaro model (Harris and Todaro 1970; Todaro 1969).

Notwithstanding the critique these models have been subject to (for a review, de

Haan 1999), the notion that the steeper the ‘economic and lifestyle gradient’ (King

and Mai 2004: 459), the more attractive the option to seek an income elsewhere is not

an uncommon one in the literature on post-communist migration (e.g. Kule et al .

2002).

Instead, the finding reported above is closer to the views espoused by the so-called

new economics of migration (Stark 1991; Stark and Bloom 1985) which sees

migration as a joint decision within a household and which holds that other

motivations than mere income generation (e.g. risk mitigation) may prove influential

in the decision to migrate. Here, the demographic structure of a household and the

assets that it commands are of some consequence, as is the notion of relative

deprivation, which is usefully conceived as a phenomenon that might change as a

result of previous migration. While suggestive, it still does not quite capture a pattern

where resources, unless reaching above a certain threshold, may effectively set a limit

to migration as a feasible strategy to improve one’s lot. As Carletto et al . (2004: 17)

note, basing themselves on an assessment of the Albanian Living Standards

Measurement Survey, ‘relative deprivation of a household relative to other house-

holds at the village level is positively associated with the decision to migrate’, adding

that this result is only statistically ‘significant for temporary migration to Italy’.

If so, although migration clearly emerges as a strategy for improving the standard

of living of the household (e.g. as a means of further expanding the multiple sources

of income many try to develop and draw upon), it is perhaps not entirely appropriate

to speak of this as a survival strategy. Such a wording easily projects the image of the

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household desperately clinging on to whatever means of existence are available.

Rather, following the suggestion by Redclift (1986), livelihood or coping strategies are

perhaps better ways of capturing the phenomena under scrutiny here. Indeed, this all

the more so since strategy implies both a long-term commitment and a measure of

freedom to choose (Redclift 1986: 219).

Conclusion

This paper has tried to establish some basic features of the cross-border migration

originating in the south-eastern part of Albania. Drawing on a pre-existing sample

survey of a large number of households, including both those that have seen

emigration (temporary and permanent) and those that have not, it has tried to

expand our knowledge about the process whereby an estimated 600,000 Albanians

have left their country. Although geographically confined, as far as the characteristics

of migrants are concerned it by and large tallies with the results of previous research.

The typical migrant is young, often male and originates in either urban or rural areas.

Women tend to be slightly older and are more likely than men to come from urban

areas. Both female and male emigrants are likely to be married, but in the case of the

latter the number of singles is almost as large. Age-wise the upper margin is

somewhat higher than is typically expected, with little difference in the incidence of

emigration well into the 35�/44 year bracket. As the survey picks up the stock rather

than flows of migrants, this is probably a consequence of migration having been a

common strategy to solve problems since the beginning of the post-communist

period, and not only recently. Other findings that are basically in line with previous

research include the observation that migration tends to run in the family. The

average number of migrants to a household is 1.5, but less than two-fifths of all

families have been affected by cross-border migration of any of its members. As such,

our results may confirm earlier work that has been denied the privilege of a sound

sampling frame. Whether this is purely accidental or is best interpreted as earlier

work being ‘on track’ is a matter of conjecture, especially in view of the fact that

previous researchers have also underlined the regional differences within Albania.

Yet in some respects, the current piece of research is both on firmer ground than

its predecessors and has arrived at results that add to or reverse earlier findings

rather than merely confirming them. Although we have not been able to establish

conclusively whether sending households are larger than non-migrant ones, the

evidence suggests that the composition of the household is more important in

determining whether a family member is able to migrate. More importantly, although

Albanians from all walks of life are to be found amongst those leaving the country, as

a coping strategy or an option to be exercised with a view to improving one’s

standard of living or professional aspirations, migration is not available in equal

measure to all potential migrants. Thus, it was found that non-migrants are

essentially composed of those who do not find a compelling reason to leave, plus

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those who may have a good reason for doing so but remain at home because

migration is somehow beyond their means.

Acknowledgements

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference ‘New Perspectives on

Albanian Migration and Development’, held in Korce, Albania, 16�/17 September

2004 under the aegis of the Sussex Centre for Migration Research. We gratefully

acknowledge financial support from Sida and the input by Per Ronnas and other Sida

staff in Stockholm, Tirana and Korce to our work. We were also generously assisted

by many of the individuals originally involved in implementation of the survey,

including Diana Hiscock and Alma Sulstarova. Thanks are also due to Ilir Gedeshi,

Flavia Piperno, Xhilda Preni, Entella Tepexhi, Fehmi Xhemo and Elfrida Zefi, while

participants in the above-mentioned conference provided most useful comments on

the paper itself. Any remaining error of omission or commission remains, of course,

the responsibility of the authors.

Notes

[1] The Roma do not appear to be particularly prone to leaving Albania, however, and a survey

conducted in Korce district notes that the number of Roma emigrants ‘is very small’, with a

mere 4.5 per cent of those of working age involved in cross-border migration (Manoku et al .

2001: 124).

[2] Financed by the Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency (Sida), the survey

was implemented by the Centre for Refugee and Migration Studies (CRMS) of the

International Catholic Migration Commission with a view to providing inputs to regional

planning. The intended recipient was thus the Regional Council of Korce, but for a variety of

reasons it was only to cover the former district of Korce, which is the largest amongst the

four former districts that make up the qarku i Korces , that is, the region of the same name.

Students from the local Fan Noli University of Korce served as enumerators, their work being

monitored by Prof. Elfrida Zefi of the Faculty of Economics. Prof. Brendan Mullan, Michigan

State University and the University of the Aegean, served as academic consultant to the

original survey.

[3] The two municipalities are Korce town and Maliq, while the communes of Drenove, Libonik,

Liqenas, Mollaj, Pirg, Pojan, Qender, Voskop, Voskopoje, Vreshtas, Gore, Lekas, Moglice and

Vithkuq are all considered rural.

[4] Interview, Dr Dimitri Tollia, 19 November 2003.

[5] Manoku (2000: 21�/2) suggests that, from more than 4,600 inhabitants in 1990, Lekas had

decreased to little more than 1,100 by 1999, while Moglice dropped from almost 6,300 to

fewer than 3,600 over the same period; a marked decline in population was also the fate of

neighbouring Gore. Indeed, the preliminary results of the census indicated that, by 2001,

Lekas and Moglice had no more than 872 and 2,212 inhabitants respectively (INSTAT 2001:

61). Other communes particularly exposed to population loss include Vithkuq and

Voskopoje (Sida/SNV 2001: 1, 12, 28).

[6] A local author recently noted that traders and craftsmen of the town ‘defined Korce as not

only a centre of development of Albania, but also for the region’ (Face 2003: 18�/19).

Repeatedly this author comments on the substantial contacts with, and influences imported

from, communities abroad, emigration from the town and its surrounding areas being an

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important vehicle in this regard (on which see also de Rapper 2002: 191�/3; Hatziprokopiou

2004: 333 or Tirta 1999: 146�/52, to name but a few recent examples).

[7] Every year the US Government authorises the allotment of over 50,000 diversity immigrant

visas in the Green Card lottery. The winners are chosen randomly and are given the

opportunity to apply for permanent residence. They are also able to bring their spouse and

any unmarried children under the age of 21. A substantial number of Albanians won on the

Green Card lottery during the three-year period from 2000 to 2003. This was especially true

during the years 2000 and 2001, when Albania accounted for 7 per cent of the total number

of winners in this lottery, more than any other single country in the world. Source: http://

www.immigration-bureau.org/faq.htm#q1 [26 March 2004].

[8] Interview, Fehmi Xhemo, 13 December 2003.

[9] Interview, Eleftherios Proios, 12 December 2003; see also Droukas (1998: 353�/5);

Hatziprokopiou (2003: 1036).

[10] Although land is almost universally available to rural dwellers in the district, agriculture is

often not seen as an occupation with a future (Hedlund and Sjoberg 2003).

[11] In urban areas, the remaining alternatives were in order of preference: Join friends/family

(3.2 per cent), Offered job (1.2 per cent), Marriage (0.9 per cent) and Other (2.0 per cent).

Rural areas: Join friends/family (5.9 per cent), Offered job there (1.6 per cent), Marriage (0.5

per cent) and Other (4.8 per cent).

[12] It should be noted, though, that the Greek census of 2001 projects a slightly different picture

in that the male bias is considerably less pronounced; on the other hand, the census confirms

that Albanians often bring their families with them (Kasimis 2004).

[13] If one were to assign all these cases to the dissatisfied category, household characteristics

would not be much affected.

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