plaque master booklet with map -...
TRANSCRIPT
The Stories behind
Harlington’s Blue Plaques
Visit Harlington
“Visit Harlington” - Introduction
On Tuesday 3rd
July 2012 the inaugural meeting of “Visit Harlington”, a committee formed
by Harlington Heritage Trust, Harlington Parish Councillors and other interested individuals
from within the community, took place at “The Carpenters Arms” Public House. The remit
for the committee was to attract visitors to the village with an initial project proposed of
erecting six historic blue plaques within Harlington. Four of these would be mounted on
buildings relating to the event or person described while two would be mounted on
signposts pointing to the site described.
Following a number of meetings a shortlist of six signs were decided upon. Details are given
below of the event or person commemorated and the site location of each plaque:
Plaque 1 ; The 1st English Grand National Steeplechase. Front Wall of “The Carpenters
Arms” in Sundon Road.
Plaque 2 ; The 1st English Grand National Steeplechase. South side of St.Mary’s Church
Tower, facing Bury Orchard.
Plaque 3 ; John Bunyan Arrest. Harlington House, Station Road wall.
Plaque 4 ; Bunyan’s Oak ; Footpath sign at the top of Barton Road (Abbots Hill)
Plaque 5 ; John Benet ; The “Old Schoolhouse”, Front wall in Church Road
Plaque 6 ; Sir Ralph Pirot ; Footpath sign by Harlington Upper School in Goswell End Road
Funding was then sought and received from the Chiltern Conservation Board and
Harlington Parish Council, while further donations have been received from Harlington
Heritage Trust and from individuals whose buildings the plaques would be erected upon.
Permission was received from the Conservation Department of Central Bedfordshire
Council for the work to go ahead and the plaques ordered from a local village signmaker,
Drake's Labels and Nameplates.
The first plaque, relating to the 1st English National Steeplechase, was erected by Terry
Payne in March 2013 outside “The Carpenters Arms”.
The remaining five plaques were erected in May and June 2013.
The stories behind these plaques can be found in this booklet which is also available online
at http://sites.google.com/site/harlingtonheritagetrust
Editor : John Thurston
The 1st
English Grand National Steeplechase, Monday 8th
March 1830
In the early 19th
century horse racing,
and in particular steeplechasing,
began in earnest in England. As early
as 1576 a four mile race had been
staged in Crosby in Lincolnshire to
celebrate Ascension Day. This,
however, had been just a local event.
The first National Steeplechase took
place in Cork, Ireland in 1752 as the
result of a wager between Mr Cornelius O’Callaghan and Mr Edmund Blake. The race was 4
miles cross country between St.John’s Church and St.Mary’s, “steeple to steeple” chosen
because these were the highest discernible points on the landscape. Sadly both churches
have since been demolished and all that remains to record this event is a small discoloured
plaque in the church grounds of St.Mary’s. In England at the time, horse racing was also
becoming extremely popular. In 1776 the first British Thoroughbred Flat Race was staged at
Doncaster, namely the St.Leger Stakes while in 1792 the first recorded amateur
steeplechase, over an 8 mile course, was run in Leicestershire. Nearer home, in 1810,
another amateur steeplechase for certified hunters took place in Bedford over a 3 mile
course with 8 fences.
During the 1820’s and 30’s sports of many types were being taken up
by rich young men, many with military backgrounds. (One example
was the Oxford/Cambridge boat race which took place for the first
time on 10th
June 1829 at Henley with Oxford winning). George IV
(1762-1830) was especially keen on horse riding and horse breeding
and this encouraged the development of the sport still further
amongst the landed classes and aristocracy.
And so how did a small village like Harlington get involved with the 1st
National Steeplechase ?
At the end of February 1830 a party of Life Guards met at the “Turf
Hotel” in St.Albans, owned by Thomas Coleman. Coleman was a much
respected man, in favour with the King who had allowed his horse,
Hindostan, to race at St.Albans. Coleman had worked in a stables as a
boy and his hotel was a magnet for all types of sportsmen. Apart from
horse racing, Billiards and sponsored Boxing matches were also
staged there.
Many young soldiers, especially lifeguards, who had possibly trained
or fought at the Battle of Waterloo came to the “Turf” and were, of
course, superb horsemen. Quite naturally they wanted to pit their
skills against each other with large wagers being made. The
discussions at the end of February by just such a group revolved
Silsoe’s former
obelisk now erected
at Trent Park,
Enfield
around arranging a race to be staged over good hunting country not further than 40 miles
from London. The race was to be run over not less than 4 miles, with all gates and obstacles
to be jumped. Sixteen entrants put in a £25 entrance fee (equivalent to approximately
£250,000 today.) The race was to be organised by Thomas Coleman, with the route to be
kept secret until the last minute so that no rider would have an advantage.
The “Sporting Magazine” of May 1830 shows that the riders were supposed to meet at
Streatley on Monday 8th
March. There appears to have been a lot of confusion concerning
the meeting place with both riders and spectators appearing as far afield as Toddington,
Streatley and Pulloxhill. The starting point was then changed at the last moment to
Harlington, and as the race had to be 4 miles the suggested course was Harlington to Silsoe.
Unfortunately as Silsoe’s Church had collapsed the previous year, there could be no
“steeple to steeple” and instead an 86 feet *obelisk in Wrest Park was chosen as the
finishing point.
Because of the confusion it took several hours to gather all the riders and horses, who
assembled in a farmyard in Harlington, probably at Manor Farm. They then made their way
to Bury Orchard for the start of the race by the church steeple. The steeplechase eventually
got under way at 3.15 p.m., three and a quarter hours late. The signal for the start of the
race was Tommy Coleman lowering a red flag. Then, positioned at intervals along the
course, (which was unknown to the riders) were pairs of marshalls who would (literally)
jump out with red flags which the riders and horses then had to pass between. Today the
actual route taken is unknown but would not have been in a straight line, so possibly the
riders either headed north-east or south-east after leaving Bury Orchard.
While we know the winner of the race, unfortunately we do not have a complete list of
riders, horses or owners. The “Sporting Magazine” gives some details in its May 1830
edition**, while a number of corrections and amendments are made in the July 1830
edition. However, neither edition can be considered completely accurate, with various
correspondents disputing the facts between them. What we do know for certain is that
Captain Macdowall on “The Wonder”, owned by Lord Ranelagh, won the race in 16 mins 25
seconds narrowly beating Lord Clanricarde’s mount (owner and horse unknown). The
Honourable A. Berkeley on “Rockingham”, owner Captain Wombwell came in 3rd
in under
17 minutes narrowly beating Mr Haines horse
(name unknown) owned by Lord Belfast. The
winner won 300 sovereigns. One horse, “Teddy
the Tiler”, fell badly injuring its rider, 22 year
old Mr Stretfield. Despite convalescing at
Torquay, Mr Stretfield eventually died on 11th
January 1833. Another rider, Captain Martin
William Beecher (who rode a mount called
“Tatler” owned by a Mr Angerstein) was later
persuaded to help in organising the course for
the National at Aintree which started in 1836.
Beechers Brook is, of course, named after him. Start of the 1832 St. Albans Steeplechase,
outside the “Turf” Hotel
Thus the first properly organised National Steeplechase had taken place, with spectators
coming from all over England (some from 100 miles away). Due to its success, Coleman
immediately organised the next one. As he had probably seen how much takings John
Stanbridge at the “Carpenters Arms” had made on the day, not surprisingly Coleman
decided to organise a circular race beginning and ending at his own “Turf Hotel”, with the
event becoming known as the St.Albans Steeplechase. Harlington’s moment of fame had
therefore passed.
Footnotes :
* The Obelisk can be seen in a picture of Wrest Park in 1906/7 but was then later bought by
Sir Philip Sassoon in 1934. It was installed in Trent Park, Enfield, to impress the Duke and
Duchess of Kent who were honeymooning there.
** The “Sporting Magazine” of May 1830 carries a picture by J.A. Mitchel(l), shown below,
which purports to show the riders “from a sketch taken on the spot”. However, it is clearly
not the steeple of St. Mary’s in the background, so whether this was artistic licence or just
an inaccurate depiction is not known.
“STEEPLE CHASE IN BEDS.” - J.A.Mitchel, 1830
Acknowledgements :
Reverend Stephen Williams; “Chasing Steeples”, Talk to the Harlington Heritage Trust,
Sunday 25th
January, 2009.
George Robinson; “A Harlington Link with an English Sporting First” , Article in the
Harlington Heritage Trust Newsletter No. 13, May 1984.
“The Sporting Magazine”, Volumes No.1, May 1830 & No. 3, July 1830, Article and Letters.
John Bunyan (1628 – 1688)
John Bunyan, was born at Harrowden, near Elstow,
in 1628.
The son of a tinker, he followed his father’s trade
before joining the Parliamentarian Army at Newport
Pagnell in October 1644. He served at the garrison
there until 1647.
After the war he returned to Elstow and in 1650 he
married a local girl (name unknown). They had four
children, one of whom, Mary, was born blind. It was
probably this that caused John to change his life and
in 1653 he joined a christian fellowship led by Pastor
John Gifford and a close friendship ensued. In 1655
Bunyan moved to St.Cuthbert’s Street in Bedford and while there he discovered he had a
talent as a preacher.
He was also an outspoken critic of George Fox and the Quaker movement which led him to
publish his first two books; “Some Gospel Truths Opened” (1656) and “A Vindication Of
Gospel Truths Opened” (1657).
After the monarchy was restored in 1660,
England returned to Anglicanism and it
became punishable by law to "conduct
divine service except in accordance with
the ritual of the church, or for one not in
Episcopal orders to address a
congregation." Thus Bunyan no longer
had the freedom to preach that he had
enjoyed under the Puritan
Commonwealth.
Despite this, Bunyan continued with his preaching and on 12th
November 1660 he was
invited to address a congregation in a farmhouse at
Lower Samsell, near Harlington.
When his purpose became known, the magistrate at
Harlington House, Francis Wingate, issued a warrant for
his arrest under the Act of Elizabeth, which forbade
Conventicles (Religious Meetings).
The meeting had in fact been represented to Wingate as
one of seditious persons bringing arms, with a view to
the disturbance of the public peace. He had therefore
ordered that a watch should be kept about the house,
“as if,” Bunyan says, “we did intend to do some fearful
business to the destruction of the country.”
John Bunyan’s birthplace
at Harrowden, near Elstow, Bedfordshire
The intention to arrest him became known, and on Bunyan’s arrival his friends warned him
of the danger. He could easily have escaped, and he was in fact advised to do so by the
brother at whose house the meeting was to take place. Bunyan, however, was made of
sterner stuff. He had come to hold the meeting, and hold the meeting he would. He calmly
waited for the time fixed for the brethren to assemble, and then, without hurrying, he
opened the meeting in the usual manner, with a prayer for God’s blessing. He had given
out his text, the brethren had just opened their Bibles and Bunyan was beginning to preach,
when the arrival of the constable with the warrant put an end to the meeting. Bunyan
requested to be allowed to say a few parting words of encouragement to the, by now,
terrified flock. This was granted, but after listening to Bunyan’s exhortations for a while,
the constable and the justice’s servant grew weary of listening to him and “would not be
quiet till they had him away”.
As Wingate was not available that day, a friend of Bunyan offered to house him for the
night, undertaking that he would appear the next day. The following morning the friend
took him to the constable’s house, and they then proceeded to Harlington House. Bunyan
was brought before Francis Wingate, who soon realised that he had been entirely mistaken
on the character of the Samsell meeting and its object. Instead of being a gathering of
“Fifth Monarchy men,” or other such fanatics disturbing the public peace as had been
supposed, he learnt from the constable that there had been just a few peaceable, harmless
people, met together for preaching without any political motive.
Wingate, essentially to save face,
then asked Bunyan what business he
had in the area and why he was not
following his own calling instead of
breaking the law by preaching.
Bunyan replied that he had come to
exhort his hearers for their souls’
sake and he could do this as well as
following his calling. At this stage
Wingate lost his temper and
declared angrily that he would
“break the neck of these unlawful
meetings,” and that Bunyan must
find securities for his good
behaviour or go to gaol. While bail
and securities could easily be found, the real problem was that Bunyan stated that even if
these were given, their bonds would be forfeited, for he “would not leave speaking the
word of God.” Wingate then told him that this being so he must be sent to gaol to be tried
at the next Quarter Sessions at Bedford. Wingate then left the room to make out his
mittimus (a court order directing a sheriff or other officer to escort a convict to a prison).
While Wingate was away, Dr. Lindall, Vicar of Barton and subsequently of Harlington and
Wingate’s father-in-law, came into the room. Described by Bunyan as “an old enemy to the
Harlington House in the 17th
Century
truth,” he states that Lindall began “taunting at him with many reviling terms,” demanding
what right he had to preach and meddle with that for which he had no warrant, charging
him with making long prayers to devour widows houses, and likening him to “one
Alexander the Coppersmith he had read of,” “aiming, ’tis like,” says Bunyan, “at me because
I was a tinker.” The warrant was then made out and Bunyan, in the constable’s charge,
began his journey to Bedford. However, on the way he was met by two of his friends, who
begged the constable to wait a while so they could use their influence with Wingate to try
and get Bunyan released.
After a protracted conversation with Wingate, they returned with the message that if
Bunyan would wait on the magistrate and “say certain words” to him, he might go free.
Bunyan, to satisfy his friends, returned stating that “If the words were such as he could say
with a good conscience he would say them, or else he would not.”
By the time Bunyan arrived back at Harlington House it was night time. As he entered the
hall he recognised William Foster, a lawyer and Wingate’s brother-in-law, coming from an
inner room with a lighted candle in his hand. Foster was known to be fiercely opposed to
Nonconformists. Despite this, Bunyan states that Foster simulated affection, “as if he would
have leapt on my neck and kissed me,” which immediately put Bunyan on his guard, as he
had ever known him for “a close opposer of the ways of God”. Foster, he said, adopted the
tone of one who had Bunyan’s interest at heart, and begged him as a friend to yield a little
from his stubbornness. His brother-in-law, he said, was very loath to send him to gaol. All
he had to do was only to promise that he would not call people together, and he should be
set at liberty and might go back to his home. Bunyan was unimpressed and refused to give
such assurances.
Both Foster and Wingate were in fact both trying to get the case against Bunyan dismissed.
They hoped that a little firmness with a well-meaning but misguided man would restrain
Independents and save trouble later – for already Independents were sometimes spoken of
as “Bunyan his society”. They therefore intentionally used the wording “that he would not
call the people together” to provide a loophole for Bunyan’s release. Bunyan stubbornly
refused to give any such assurances and once they saw he was “at a point, and would not
be moved or persuaded,” the warrant was again placed in the constable’s hands.
By now it was dark and Bedford being 13 miles away the
constable would probably have waited until the morning
to set out for the prison. It is therefore quite possible
that Bunyan spent the night under house arrest at
Harlington House prior to his journey.
At the trial at Bedford, Bunyan was found guilty and was
subsequently imprisoned in Bedford County Gaol for 12
years.
During this time he wrote a number of works including
“Profitable Meditations” (1661), “I Will Pray With The
Spirit” (1663), “Christian Behaviour” (1663), “The Holy City” (1665), “The Resurrection Of
The Dead” (1665) and “Grace Abounding” (1666).
He was released in 1672, but was then further imprisoned for a further six months in 1676
for refusing to take communion. Following this, Bunyan wrote his most famous work, “The
Pilgrims Progress”, Part 1 being published in 1678, Part 2 in 1685 (In between “The Life And
Death Of Mr Badman” (1680) was also published).
Within Bunyan's own life-time “The Pilgrims Progress” sold 100,000 copies. Since then it has
been translated into over 200 languages and is said to be the second biggest selling book in
world history after the bible, having sold a further 250 million copies.
John Bunyan’s eventful life ended in 1688 when he died after contracting a chill whilst
riding through the rain from Reading to London.
Bunyan’s Oak
This large oak tree is said by tradition to be the
place where John Bunyan gave his open air
sermons in the area prior to being arrested in
1660.
The tree, of very large girth, is hollow thus
providing a natural pulpit. With the ground sloping
upwards from the tree it made it extremely easy
for Bunyan to be seen and heard by the assembled
congregation.
Although the oak tree died sometime
in the 1950s, its gnarled trunk and
many branches remain. After a
particularly large branch fell in 1987,
an oak altar table and tall feature
table were crafted by Tim Jarvis to a
basic design by the Reverend Stephen
Williams for St.Mary’s Church. These
were a gift to the church from James
Smith, the farmer on whose land the
oak tree stands, and his wife, Mrs
Betty Smith, fittingly perhaps, a local
magistrate.
In July 1988, on the tercentenary of Bunyan’s death, a service was held at the oak and
television naturalist David Bellamy planted a new oak tree to grow alongside the original.
David Bellamy at Bunyan’s Oak in 1988,
the Tercentenary of Bunyan’s death
John Benet (? – circa 1474) ;
Vicar and Renowned Author
John Benet was the Vicar of Harlington from March
1442/3, the year Edward IV was born. While we
know little about Benet’s early life or schooling, we
do know he was a well-educated man who became
Vicar of St.Mary’s, Harlington, under the patronage
of the prior and convent of Dunstable. Although we
cannot be certain, Benet probably spent the next
29 years living in Harlington and was known to
have been resident in 1461 and 1468.
Benet’s fame derives from chronicles he compiled
between 1462 – 1471 in Harlington (“Apud Herlingdone”). Containing material from a host
of different sources, these combined chronicles can best be described as a “commonplace”
book, a type of scrapbook developed in the 15th
century which contained items of
knowledge such as poems, prophecies, quotes, tables, proverbs, prayers, current news,
histories and chronological notes on both secular and ecclesiastical matters and a whole
host of miscellaneous articles that the particular author was interested in. Benet’s
chronicles, written in both Latin and English, contain in particular important political events
which occurred between 1448-69, mainly concerning London.
Some of the typical and varied items
contained within Benet’s writings include
a ballad entitled “ The Five Dogs of
London”(1456), Lydgate’s verses on “The
Kings of England”(1458), a poem entitled
“Stere welle the good shype”(1458), a
descriptive list of “The Wonders of
England”(1459), lists of collective nouns, a
mythical ordinance of God for keeping the
Sabbath and other prophecies (1460/1)
and notes on the Battle of Northampton
and the rebellion of Robin of Redesdale
(1469).
Most of the information contained within
the chronicles appears to have been
written before the end of 1462, with later
additions in 1468/9 and concluding entries
written towards the latter part of 1471
(e.g. one of the final entries, a list of the
casualties at the Battle of Tewkesbury,
given by Benet has his added signature
together with a date of 13th
November
1471.)
“Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of
Trinity College”, Pages 78 & 79
The book was then probably bound late in 1471, just before Benet left Harlington to take up
the post of Rector of Broughton, near Newport Pagnell. He died sometime before
November 1474 when Dom.John Stanway took over the post vacated by Benet’s death.
During May 2007 I made a brief visit to Dublin and was extremely fortunate in being able to
visit Trinity College and examine these chronicles in the Manuscripts Department Reading
Room. The individual 223 pages (folios) are contained in single brown leather volume
inscribed “Prophetiae Poemata & c. E.5.10” which was foliated in July 1958. The pages are
a mixture of both paper and vellum, with the latter in various shapes and sizes. The writing,
as previously mentioned, is a mix of both English and Latin and is written both horizontally
(portrait) and vertically (landscape) on different pages. The (discoloured) brown ink script is
occasionally offset by some illuminated red ink characters at the beginning of a sentence on
several of the pages.
While I was not permitted to photograph pages of the book, I was allowed to photocopy
the description of the chronicles contained in the “Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the
Library of Trinity College” (Compiled by T.K.Abbott in 1900) which is reproduced here.
(N.B. I subsequently received an e-mail from Trinity indicating that if the Harlington
Heritage Trust would like to order photographs of individual folio pages these are available
at a cost of £12 for a 10” x 8” black and white copy or £15 for a colour version. While we
would certainly like to obtain a few sample folio pages from this important work for our
archive collection, unfortunately at this point in time our funds do not stretch to this)
So how did a Vicar from a small country
village manage to source material
needed to write about such varied
events occurring around the country ?
Several possibilities exist. He could have
travelled to London and Oxford to
obtain both first hand accounts and to
purchase books and material. A stand-in
Curate would have been employed in
Benet’s absence at Harlington to carry
out Ecclesiastical duties. An alternative,
and more likely explanation, was that
Benet had access to literary works, news
and other material at both Dunstable
Priory and Toddington. The Priory was
situated at an important crossroads for
travellers journeying north from London and Oxford, thus current news and information
would have been readily available while it would also have been possible to exchange, buy
or barter works of literature. In Toddington, John Broughton had founded the Toddington
Dunstable Priory, pictured in an 1818 print.
Perhaps John Benet obtained the latest national
news while visiting this church, which was
conveniently situated next to important north-
south, east-west crossroads.
Hospital in 1433. Broughton was a noted book collector who purchased in London, and the
college at Toddington was possibly the repository of some of these acquisitions.
After completion, the early history of what
happened to the bound volume of “John
Benet’s Chronicles” (as it is has now been
subsequently named) is unknown. More
than a century later, however, it had
become the property of James Ussher
(1581-1656), the Anglican Archbishop of
Armagh and eventual Primate of All Ireland.
It was later bequeathed to Trinity College,
Dublin and forms an important part of the
Ussher Collection of Books and documents.
The book remained a fairly obscure work
until quite recently when its historic
importance was noted by Dr. A.I.Doyle in the
“Bulletin of the Institute of Historical
Research” in November 1965. Subsequently
a more comprehensive study was written by
G.L. and M.A. Harriss in 1972 which
appeared in “Camdens Miscellany Volume
24, Fourth Series Volume 9” published by the
Royal Historical Society. Today the chronicles
are seen as important archive material when
researching events of the period.
For a country Vicar in a small Bedfordshire village to write such a remarkable work in the
middle of the 15th
century is truly amazing and we are most fortunate that the work has
survived and has become such an important part of this island’s history.
Acknowledgements :
Dr Bernard Meehan and the Manuscripts team at Trinity College, Dublin, who
provided excellent service and help during my 2007 visit.
James Ussher (January 4, 1581- March 21,
1656), Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of
Ireland, was highly regarded in his day as a
theologian and as a scholar. A tireless collector,
he eventually donated the collection to Trinity
College, Dublin, which his uncle Henry Ussher
(c.1550-1631) helped found.
SIR RALPH PIROT AND THE HARLINGTON MOATED SITE
Sir Ralph Pirot (Pyrot/Perot) ;
Knight, Rebel and
Professional Soldier
By the beginning of the 14th
century, the Pirot family had
established themselves as Lords
of the Manor of Harlington for
over 120 years. Ralph Pirot (1226
– 1305) was the fifth “Ralph” to
become Lord succeeding his
father, also Ralph, who had died
in 1252. The family were almost certainly living in
or near the Moated Site, next to the Upper School, described later in this article.
Ralph was a knight who had quite an extraordinary career under two different monarchs.
He first served under Henry III during the king’s abortive campaign against the Welsh, led by
Llewelyn, in Anglesey in 1257. Ralph probably received his arms at the time which were
subsequently borne by all the Pirots namely “Quarterly indented per fesse or and azure”
shown on the right. He attended the King in France in 1259 and was also summoned for
service, again in Wales, in 1263.
However, events at home were proving more pressing than abroad as England was soon to
become embroiled in Civil War. The English barons, led by Simon de Montfort, demanded
more say in the running of the kingdom. A feud between the King and French-born de
Montfort had originated after Henry, in an outburst of anger over de Montfort's behaviour
in a financial matter, accused de Montfort of seducing his sister and forcing him to give her
to de Montfort to avoid a scandal. Confronted by the Barons about the secret marriage that
Henry had allowed to happen, the situation soon reached a crisis. In the 1250s de Montfort
was brought up on spurious charges for actions he had taken as lieutenant of Gascony, the
last remaining Plantagenet land across the English Channel. He was acquitted by the Peers
of the realm, much to the King's displeasure.
De Montfort became leader of those who wanted to reassert Magna Carta and force the
king to surrender more power to the baronial council. Ralph Pirot threw his lot in with De
Montfort and was at Northampton in 1264 when the King's army captured the town in April
1264. Among the King’s prisoners were de Montfort’s younger son Simon and Sir Ralph
Pirot. However, the tables were turned with Henry’s defeat and capture at Lewes on 13th
May the same year, de Montforts’s virtual dictatorship ensuring that the Northampton
prisoners were released.
Henry was reduced to becoming a figurehead king while de Montfort broadened
representation to include each county of England and many important towns—that is, to
Pyrot
Quarterly
fessewise
indented or
and azure
groups beyond the nobility. Henry and his son, Prince Edward, were to remain under house
arrest for the next 15 months. Edward then escaped, being freed by his cousin Roger
Mortimer, and he then led the royalists into battle, turning the tables on de Montfort who
was killed at the Battle of Evesham on 4th
August 1265. Three days earlier, on the night of
1st
August, De Montfort’s son Simon and Sir Ralph Pirot were at Kenilworth when the town
was taken by surprise. Their lucky escape, together with a few other survivors, saved them
from the slaughter at Evesham.
While Simon the younger escaped to France, Ralph became a captain in a rebel faction
known as the “dispossessed”, or disinherited, in the Isle of Ely. They harried the nearby
countryside, while Pirot seems to have made contact with the monks at Dunstable,
borrowing money and horses from them. The Earl of Gloucester eventually obtained more
favourable terms for the Ely “dispossessed” and after their honourable surrender to Prince
Edward in July 1267, Ralph Pirot returned to Bedfordshire. His relationship with the
Dunstable monks (who secretly agreed with the reforms proposed by Ralph Pirot and
Simon De Montfort) continued and after he got into debt with some merchants of Cahors
(France) the monks stood surety for 120 marks (approximately £80) for which they pledged
their wool from the Peak District against Pirot’s rents of Harlington. The Dunstable Annals
recorded the transaction in 1272 :
“On the feast of All Saints, for Ralph Pirot we bound ourselves to the merchants of Cahors
for 120 marks. They took our wool from the Peak at eight marks a sack until they paid the
120 marks”.
In 1273, Pirot’s behaviour finally caught up with him and he was imprisoned in the Tower of
London upon charges of breaches of the King’s Peace until 1276.
In 1272 Edward I had succeeded his father Henry III and despite Ralph Pirot’s former
allegiances and history, he once again would find favour as a professional soldier after his
release. Over the next few years he served in Wales (1277, 1282 and 1283), Gascony (1294)
and in Scotland (1296 - 1298 and 1303).
A writ of 26 January 1296/7, addressed 'Radulfo Perot', shows he was also summoned to an
assembly of Earls, Barons, and military tenants at Salisbury; and 'cum equis et armis' (with
horses and arms)to a military council at Rochester on 20 Aug 1297. He was never, however,
a peer to a properly constituted Parliament.
By his marriage to Cassandra de Argentein, Ralph Pirot had 6 children :
1. Ralph (6), of Radwell b: ABT 1257 in Radwell, Hitchin, Hertfordshire.(Died young in battle)
2. Simon, of Lindsell & Sawston b: ABT 1259 in Lindsell, Dunmow, Essex.
3. Thomas, of Knowlton b: ABT 1261 in Wyboston, St. Neots, Bedfordshire.
4. Joan, Heir of Windridge & Ashingdon b: ABT 1263 in Windridge, St. Albans, Hertfordshire,
5. Reginald, of Harlington b: ABT 1265 in Carlton, Bedford, Bedfordshire.
6. Alan , of Ringleton b: ABT 1267 in Radwell, Hitchin, Hertfordshire.
Ralph Pirot died sometime before 26th
April 1305 in Lindsell, Dunmow, Essex. As his eldest
son, Ralph (6), had predeceased him, he left his Harlington Estate to another son Reginald.
Disputes then arose between Reginald and his grandson, Ralph (7) culminating eventually
with the Pirot’s Lordship of the village ending in 1336.
Acknowledgement :
F.W.Kuhlicke, F.S.A. “The Bedfordshire Magazine”, No 24. Spring 1953, P316 -381
“A Bedfordshire Armorial – Pirot”
The Moated Site ; Two accounts of the Excavations in 1958
Account 1 ; Report by the Excavator, P.J.Savage (Ministry of Works)
Archaeological excavations on the site of a medieval moated manor near Harlington,
Bedfordshire, have been carried out during February and March by the Ministry of Works,
in view of the impending destruction of the remains for farming purposes. The work was
directed on behalf of the Inspectorate of Ancient Monuments by Mr. Paul Savage.
Three moated and embanked enclosures were visible on the surface. Two were of large size
and lay side by side, east and west respectively. The third, to the north, was smaller.
It was within the western large enclosure that the most important discoveries were made.
There were found the chalk and stone foundations of a substantial medieval building, its
main axis aligned north and south; flanked by lesser buildings of the same period, of which
one lay to the west and two to the east.
The main building was a hall sixty-four feet long and twenty-two feet wide, with a partition
or screen twelve feet from each end. Its chalk foundations were dwarf walls which
originally carried horizontal beams on which the sturdy timber framework of the building
was based. Blocks of sandstone were set at regular intervals along these low walls to
receive the main vertical members. The framework of the walls was filled in and encased
with cob (a plaster-like mixture of sand and clay, like that used in the construction of
surviving cottages in the south-west of England). The floor, which had been kept reasonably
clean during the life of the building, was of puddled chalk six inches thick. In the centre of
the hall was a hearth made of tiles set on edge.
While the smaller building to the west had similar foundations and floor, it was orientated
east-west. Extensive marks of burning and a thick midden deposit containing large
quantities of shells (including oysters, mussels and limpets) indicated that this was the
normal detached kitchen block of the period.
A greater width of foundation was the main characteristics of the other two domestic
buildings which also lay north to south.
In the north-west corner of the second large enclosure the chalk foundation of a building
thirty-two feet long and sixteen feet wide was revealed. This was probably a farm building,
perhaps a stable. In the centre of the same enclosure was the stone-rubble foundation of a
cattle or sheep pen, adjacent to a small pond.
The pottery fragments found during the excavations indicate that the site was in occupation
from late in the thirteenth century to the end of the fifteenth. Among the other medieval
objects found were fragments of bronze cauldrons, two iron arrowheads, a rowel-spur, a
number of knives, several ox-shoes, a flesh-hook and a silver penny of Edward I (reigned
1272 - 1307) or Edward II (reigned 1307 – 1327), minted in London.
Correlation of the new archaeological evidence with that from surviving documents
suggests that this was the site of the manor of Harlington. The manor is mentioned in
Domesday Book, but it would seem that the site of the original manorial buildings was
abandoned in favour of the one which has now been excavated, since no material earlier in
date than the thirteenth century has been found.
Editors Notes :
1) A revised version of this report appeared in the “Journal of the Society of Medieval
Archaeology”,
Volume 3, 1959.
2) Sadly, Mr Savage passed away in tragic circumstances a few years later and what
happened to the finds from the site are unknown. However, the report below by
local historian Ivan Odell, published in the Harlington Heritage Trust Newsletter 92
from March 2004 states :
“ It is hoped that the material found will be presented to the Luton Museum and to it
can be added five or six pottery fragments and a large fragment of a hard stone
mortar which I picked up on the site and took to the museum this a.m. (18/04/1958)”.
Perhaps a search of Luton Museum’s store rooms may yet reveal the elusive finds ?
3) As Mr Savage suggests, there was probably an earlier Manorial site in the village, but
again its whereabouts are unknown.
Mr P.Savage examining some surface finds Part of the Moated Site
Account 2 ; Report by Local Historian, Ivan O’Dell
“18.4.1958.
I visited the site a/m and
by good fortune chanced
to meet the owner of the
land – Mr. Davidson of
Home Farm, Tingrith - he
came up on to the
excavation as I stood
there looking at it. We
had nearly ½ hours
conversation on it.
Having given the Ministry
of Works the customary
three months notice he
will bulldoze away all the
footings at present
exposed, put back the top soil removed and fill all the moats - a very great pity; but having
lost ten acres to the new road he feels he must recoup his losses - and this ancient site is
the victim. It can never be completely obliterated – short of blasting it out of existence by
an atomic bomb. The line of the moat will be visible from the air. I told him, that being on
the side of all things threatened with extinction, I greatly regretted his decision. But the law
is his - the excavators have, apparently, got all they want to date and record it - so why
perpetuate a useless few acres of ground? Why indeed?
I asked how the excavation came to be undertaken in the first place and he told me that
having bought the land this site ‘stuck out like a sore thumb’ - hence his approach to the
Ministry of Works (but I recall distinctly that not so long ago this site was scheduled as a site
for preservation). As “manors” and moated granges go - it is of no great importance etc.
etc. The excavation began in February and has since been finished - though Mr. Davidson
told me that towards the end the excavators grew weary - thinking they had a site of a
more spectacular nature than it has since proved to be. As the Bedfordshire Times article -
which begins Medieval and ends Norman - says. Mr. P. Savage was in charge of the work. It
is hoped that the material found will be presented to the Luton Museum and to it can be
added five or six pottery fragments and a large fragment of a hard stone mortar which I
picked up on the site and took to the museum this a/m.
Locally, the site is known as “Hangings” - i.e. on a slope - as indeed it is and Mr.& Mrs.L.
Brinklow told me to-day that the story went that there was ‘a castle’ there at one time - a
very interesting example of ‘folk memory’ preserving a version in which something like a
grain of truth lay hidden. It is possible the spot was chosen because of the water springs
that rose at that point on the field slope. The moat, by whomever dug, served as merely
decorative rather than functional purpose and my guess is that it conformed for a well
established custom of having a moat for prestige reasons - around your residence - just as
battlements adorn churches derivatively and add something of a military character.
The site is roughly rectangular and the excavators have opened numerous trenches all
about the area. There must have been some sort of bridge(s) across the moat - the only
appropriate spot being on the east side and leading to the cobbled yard - for it is pretty
certain the house faced east. They should have dug out trenches in the moat - but the place
is so wet that it would have been well nigh hopeless. I approached from the SE and went
straight to the foundations as exposed.
Principally the house was a rectangle some 23 yards by 8 yards - though there are abundant
signs of ‘rooms’ added W. Foundations appear to have been of great ironstone blocks at
corners, a course of two of chalk (blocks) from the hills to the S (the excavators appear not
to have tried to find out how deep the chalk footings go - or went). Presumably the house
had a timber frame and wattle and daub walls - there is a complete absence of brick
anywhere - though smashed tiles lie about in abundance - unless upon the family leaving
and the house falling derelict, any timber and brick was carted off.
This question - put by the owner - as to whether any other buildings stood on this site
previously - but again, the excavators have not gone any deeper than the presumed floor
levels. With what were these floors covered? Probably they were merely beaten earth. My
guess is that after the house was left by its last occupants it stood derelict - at some tine
there was either a great collapse of the roof which would explain the profusion of tiles lying
smashed across the middle room, or else, as I have said, the place was dismantled
thoroughly and all brick – even to the chimney stack - removed (unless the hearth was an
open one and the smoke escaped through the roof - but I do not think this likely). It is
significant that the ‘north’ room is almost free of tile fragments and that the S room has far
fewer littered about than the middle room. In this is the hearth - now discernible by an area
of tiles placed flat (thin) ways on actually this is upside down. It is definitely not of ‘cobbled
stones’ - as the Bedfordshire Times ‘report’ has it.
Of other features - doors, windows, an upper storey, stairs, it is not possible to do more
than surmise - yet there must have been an entrance on the E side. Breaks in the calk
‘walling’ are so definite indication of a door.
Clear indication of what the people ate is provided by a litter of oyster and mussel shells on
the W side near the S end as though having eaten the oysters, the folk threw the shells
outside and let them stay - I should have liked to count the shells - since the number would
have revealed (perhaps) that this delicacy was a matter of occasional indulgence. It might
have been possible to identify the species - and would be interesting to know where they
came from. I saw a few meat bones lying with this debris. If the excavation has been
thoroughly done (and I don’t think it has) every scrap of this sort of evidence should have
been considered. The oyster shells appeared to me to be smaller in size than the usual
specimens found in association with Roman sites. I did not pick any up and so did not see
any ‘nicks’. Mussel shells also abound.
To the immediate N of the site - one crosses the ditch and mounts the bank to get to it - is
another moat, rectangular in shape, enc1osing a low, long ‘mound’. The excavators opened
a trench along its length and another half way along at right angles on the S side without
discovering anything. I suggest that this was the site of a largish barn - about 25feet x 8feet
- and that it was of board and timber and thatched - has the excavators tried along the
SIDES and not the middle they might have come across remains of post holes. In my view
such a building was placed there away from the house to reduce risk of fire - though it is
difficult to see why it was moated also. In any case, the people living at this spot, would
have needed houses, presumably some vehicles and certainly storage space for grain and
hay.
To sum up - here is a medieval site, late rather than early, chosen because of the adequate
water supply - and of fair dimensions. There may have some kind of stockade - but no
excavation seems to have been done to reveal any. Approach is a problem - possibly a track
led across from the present road leading to GoswelI End. The site is, of course, overlooked
from the higher ground to W and E. The surplus water must have drained away N.W.
Pottery evidence points to the 1350’s - and will no doubt be studied in detail. Metal objects
were also found. One wonders where all the rubbish was thrown during the occupation
period - much went in the moat no doubt - and what sanitation there was and where.
These buildings had no ‘gardrobes’.
How long was the site occupied? By whom? Why abandoned? When? Such questions
cannot be answered in detail and it is extremely doubtful, in my view, whether there is
documentary evidence to provide any clues. No coins seem to have been found. Were the
elderbushes and elms cleared away - as they will all be when the site is “restored to
cultivation”(!) - and were the house entire, it would look quite imposing in its small way:
coming along the road from Westoning and taking the road leading past Adelaide Cottages,
the site has a certain distinction and clarity of out-line. The ditches surrounding it have
preserved their definition in a quite remarkable way and only at the eastern end and along
the upper slope where considerable filling from earth falling from the field has taken place,
have they lost some of their clarity of shape. In general the width was about 15 feet with a
depth of up to 10 feet.”
The 1st English Grand National Steeplechase.
Front Wall of “The Carpenters Arms” in Sundon Road.
The 1st English Grand National Steeplechase.
South side of St.Mary’s Church Tower, facing Bury Orchard.
John Bunyan Arrest. Harlington House, Station Road wall.
Bunyan’s Oak ; Footpath sign at the top of Barton Road (Abbots Hill).
John Benet ; The “Old Schoolhouse”, Front wall in Church Road.
Sir Ralph Pirot ; Footpath sign by Harlington Upper School in Goswell End Road.
Sir Ralph Pirot ; Footpath sign by Harlington Upper School in Goswell End Road.
(Map courtesy of Meryl Parker)
Produced by “Visit Harlington”
Chairman : John Thurston, Telephone : 01525 874683 ([email protected])
Secretary : Janice Tuckett, Telephone : 01525 877419 ([email protected])
Further copies of this booklet available from Harlington village outlets, names available on request from the
above.
Kind Acknowledgements to the following organisations and individuals for providing help and donations:
Central Bedfordshire Council
Chiltern Conservation Board
Drake’s Labels and Nameplates
Harlington Heritage Trust
Harlington Parish Council
St.Mary’s Church
David Blakeman
Meryl Parker
Terry Payne