1

Right

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Know

Participatory External

Evaluation Report for the period 31 August 2010 to 31 August 2015.

April 2016

Facilitated by Alvin R. Anthony – tonymflk@gmail.com

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acronyms

Executive Summary

1. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND .................................................................................... 8

1.1 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 8

1.2 The Intended Objectives, Scope, Principles and methodology of the evaluation. ............................ 9

1.2.1 Objectives .................................................................................................................................... 9

1.2.2 Scope of the Evaluation…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..9

1.2.3 Principles to be honoured by the evaluation facilitator ............................................................ 10

1.2.4 Methodology .............................................................................................................................. 10

1.3 Assessment of Methodology ..................................................................................................... 11

2. CONTEXT

ANALYSIS…………………………………………………………………………………………………………14

2.1 Securitisation and the deline in Freedom of Expression .............................................................. 14

2.2 South Africa's retrogressive march towards the violation of the right to know……………………………15

2.3 The relevance of R2K ............................................................................................................... 19

2.4 Contending with the complex conditions in which R2K supports and is in solidarity with struggles20

3. AN ANALYSIS OF THE GAINS AND CHALLENGES OF THE WORK OF R2K……………………..25

3.1 Achievements, strengths, advances, gains, results and impact.................................................... 25

3.2 Weaknesses, challenges and concerns ...................................................................................... 30

3.3 Key analysis and findings on achievements, strengths, advances, gains, results and impact, and

weaknesses, challenges and concerns……………………………………………………………………………………35

3.3.1 General Finding – the significance of R2K .................................................................................. 35

3.3.2 Defensive strategy ..................................................................................................................... 36

3.3.3 R2K is a high output organisation with strong leadership at staff, NWG and PWG levels. ....... 37

3.3.4 Experienced leadership fostering a progressive organisational culture .................................... 39

3.3.5 Where does power rest?............................................................................................................ 39

3.3.6 Communication ......................................................................................................................... 41

3.3.7 Addressing Patriarchy ................................................................................................................ 42

3.3.7 Emancipatory Praxis - work in the selected sites of struggle and capacitation processes. ....... 43

3.3.8 Relationship with Funding Partners – (NPA and BFW still to be interviewed) .......................... 45

4. CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………………………………….45

5. Appendices …………………………………………………………………………………………………..47

Appendix 1 – Desktop Analysis

Appendix 2 – Instruments

Appendix 3 – List of Informants

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Acronyms

CNN Cable News Network

CSO Civil Society Organisation

DOC Department of Communications

ESKOM Electricity Supply Commission

FXN Freedom of Expression Network

GEAR Growth, Employment, and Redistribution

ICASA Independent Communications Authority of South Africa ... IMF International Monetary Fund

KZN Kwa Zulu Natal

MTR Mid-Term Review

NEPAD The New Partnership for Africa’s Development

NPA Norwegian Peoples Aid

NWG National Working Group

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

PAIA Promotion of Access to Information Act,

PWG Provincial Working Group

R2K Right to Know

SADC Southern African Development Community

WTO World Trade Organisation

https://www.icasa.org.za/

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The R2k is a high profile growing national democratic activist driven campaign on freedom of expression

and access to information. It is a relatively new campaign launched in August 2010. In this short period

R2K has emerged as the foremost national movement on information rights. R2K emerged out of the

opposition to the Protection of Information Bill. The fact that it is not yet been signed by the President

for over two years is a significant gain and development for the R2K campaign.

South Africa is part of a global a retrogressive march towards the violation of the right to know. There is

a decisive shift to securitisation with the criminalisation of revealing information in the public interest (eg.

Secrecy Bill, Cyber Security Bill, National Key Points Act, etc) and curtailing not just the right to protest

but also the right to organise. This downward slide towards the closure of space with increased

ideological and repressive control by the state serves and defends the interests of the dominant class.

The Marikana massacre and ongoing repression are cases in point.

Concurrently there is increased pressure from below, spurred on by growing poverty, inequality and

social degradation with the state being predominantly a servant of capital featuring high levels of

cronyism and corruption. This is a complex and increasingly dangerous environment for organising and

mobilising of the working class for social justice. People’s resistance and campaigns for social justice are

in increasingly navigating in rough waters in South Africa.

This report contends that securitisation, the denial of the right to access information, the right to freedom

of expression, the right to communicate, is both at the core and symptomatic of the system of neo-liberal

capitalism and the intensity with regard to these rights being violated is connected to the growing

challenge and pressure from below. The emancipation of the working class is not going to come from

the dominant class but predominantly through struggle from below and the building of allied power at

various levels.

With regard to this contention, the evaluation has:

Found that the current legs of: Securitisation and Secrecy; Information Access; and

Communication Rights, remain highly relevant and will continue to grow in relevance as the

current government continues to display draconian traits.

Found that one of the strengths of R2K is its ability to forge unity in struggle and work with a

broad range of organisations. It is very clear conceptually how it gets into alliances and

networks. This is key to its praxis and needs to be strengthened.

Calls for a further deepening of non-sectarian ideological refinement which includes more

strongly the structural and systemic dimensions to its three legs that informs a trajectory where

human rights are an essential dimension that should lead to societal transformation. It affirms

capacitation processes and the leadership school which includes a political economy and gender

components.

Calls for an integration of the right to organise which goes beyond the right to protest. This is in

line with its shift to working more closely with struggles.

Calls for a refined defensive strategy to counter increased securitisation, in particular, repression.

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Affirms the shift to working more closely with community formations, noting that R2K is

operating in a complex context of social movements being generally weak and fragile. In

addition, affirms the importance of the three legs of the campaign being rooted more in

provincial priorities and Beyond the Urban Notes Initiative, thus broadening the campaign to

reflect more rural struggles and hopefully will address the concern of the predominant urban

node focus. The evaluation calls for a review of R2K’s praxis with regard to how it works with

communities so as to build a consistent emancipatory approach that does not build dependency.

A comprehensive analysis is presented in section 3. An Analysis of the gains and challenges of the work

of R2K.

R2K has halted and positively impacted on many pieces of legislation, thus checking the policy slide into

securitisation. This becomes more significant in that this slide has not been checked through adequate

resistance in neighbouring SADC countries that fought for political liberation, thus closing space with

regard to, in particular, freedom of expression and access to information. Other victories include DoC

announcement of 5 million 100% subsidised Set Top Boxes, winning the National Key Points court case

and ensuring that court records remain in the public domain. Access to information has played a role in

arming communities with information for their struggles. R2K has become the reference point and “go

to” movement for whistle blowers.

It has simplified complex issues around access to information and freedom of expression including the

right to protest and it has been integrated into community struggles. This has been aided by the

production of quality research and a range of publications and activist guides and handbooks.

R2K through sound strategy, sound and experienced leadership has demonstrated its ability to manage a

multi-faceted campaign. Its integrated strategy combines practical action and mobilisation with targeted

research, advocacy, and intellectual production including popular materials and education.

R2K has contributed to the debate around the cost of telephony/data and asserted the right to

communicate as an essential service that should not commodified. However, this leg of the campaign

has not gained the traction needed to make a significant impact. R2K needs to restrategise and find

creative ways, resources and time to reinvigorate this campaign.

R2K displays strong woman leadership and together with activists, led by a national feminist team are

combatting patriarchy, including addressing the power imbalances within the campaign through

integrating a feminist perspective into all work. This needs to be matched by objectives and concrete

steps that can measure change and create conditions more conducive for increased women’s

participation and leadership.

Some of the challenges include the unevenness and inequality within its structures. This is not unique to

R2K. Its participatory democratic activist driven orientation needs to be deepened, supported by its

various capacitation programmes and its shift to work more intensively with communities, in a context a

generally fragile community formations. This will hopefully bring more activists into the campaign and

broaden the base of more capacitated, consistent activist participation and involvement in the range of

issues that R2K takes up. This is not devoid of the risk of pulling activists away from their own struggles.

It is this context that the proposed ”audit” of the various structures and partners is important. This will

be a good assessment and planning for more effective and consistent participation at all levels from the

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base through all the structures of R2K. It should lead to a deeper integration of partners and formations

backed up by more effective communication and closer working with community formations. This

process will also provide information and analysis on the current state of formations.

Many of the weaknesses raised in this report have been identified by the campaign. Additional capacity

is being planned/has/being put in place, in particular, provincial administrators, the BUN organiser and

campaigns co-ordinator, however this comes with increased pressure on maintaining growing levels of

funding that is required. R2K has a sound relationship and at times a critical relationship with funding

partners who value and are in solidarity with campaign. It has done well to attract funding. R2K is a

different activist driven campaign and this new form of organising was affirmed by the funding partners

who participated in this evaluation.

It’s open democratic culture with sound and experienced leadership is perhaps its strongest feature which

should be defended and advanced. It reflects a culture that was lacking in some of the movements of

the recent past that imploded.

Strategy is key and the evaluation has found that R2K displays sound strategic competence to operate in

a turbulent environment. A reflective component is therefore present, the open broad nature of the focus

groups discussions was found to be a useful by participants, just to step back and reflect on the context,

the work and participation of partners. More of this type of reflection is necessary.

This participatory evaluation raises a number of issues that are currently/need to be addressed in a

context of the pressure of the range of issues that R2K takes up. It is thus a reflective contribution to an

ongoing process of action/reflection and learning that can contribute to a more effective campaign.

R2K is a critical campaign in the context of what is happening in South Africa and the world today. It is

hoped that it will continue to build unity in struggle with a growing alliances and national presence.

It is the opinion of the evaluation that the analysis findings and recommendations in this report form in

part, an analysis to contribute to strengthening the R2K campaign in an increasingly complex and

turbulent environment, in particular for the struggles of the working class for social justice.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendation 1

1.1 In the light of the more intensive shift to a more community based approach by R2K; the complex

and dangerous conditions that formations are confronted with in struggle and the systemic/structural

dimensions to securitisation, freedom of expression, communication and access to information; that

R2K includes the right to organise more intensively as a cross-cutting dimension to the work of all

legs. This is in part, being covered by the call for work to be more rooted in struggles of

communities and for the legs to be increasingly intersect with struggles, provincial strategy and

plans.

1.2 That R2K deepens its ideological and strategy coherence and congruence both as a collective

orientation of all campaign focus areas/legs and as stand-alone focus areas/campaign legs.

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1.3 That there is increasing and deepening ideological refinement that includes more strongly the

structural and systemic dimensions of securitisation, access to information and freedom of

expression with a strong feminist and gender perspective, both at a collective focus thrust of R2K

and as individual campaign legs. This should be done in a non-sectarian manner in the spirit of

questioning, unity in action and guided and be in sync with the principles and constitution of R2K.

1.4 That it continues its proven multi-pronged strategy with a deepening of focus areas programmes

being linked and informed by struggles of communities.

1.5 That in the light of more intensive work in the designated community sites, R2K defines and refines

is its emancipatory praxis with a strong feminist and gender component. To assist this it needs to

have sound documentation of work in the designated community sites, and space to reflect and

refine its praxis and methodologies.

Recommendation 2:

That R2K’s newest leg the Right to Protest, refines its strategy to address growing and ongoing

repression more comprehensively. An essential element of this is to further develop its defensive

strategy.

Recommendation 3

In the light of the growth of R2K, increasing demands, the shift to more intensive work and the

importance of consolidating and advancing current work that R2K puts in place the appropriate additional

staff capacity for National Co-ordination.

Recommendation 4

4.1 As stated R2K defines and refines is emancipatory praxis with a strong feminist and gender

component. To assist this it needs to have sound documentation of work in the proposed designated

community sites, and space to reflect and refine its praxis and methodologies.

4.2 It refines its capacitation concept and deepens its participatory methodologies in action/learning

mode.

4.3 It explores and deepens “peer learning” as a methodology

4.4 It develops sound documentation for in particular its work with the designated communities/sites of

struggle. This documentation will enable struggles and Organisers to elicit the strategic issues that need

to be addressed to consolidate and advance struggles. It will also form a useful resource for organising

under increased securitisation.

4.5 It continues to create spaces for struggles to link, share learn from each other, strengthen struggles

and solidarity.

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1. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

1.1 Introduction

The Right2Know Campaign was launched in August 2010 and is fast growing into South Africa’s first post-

apartheid freedom of expression and access to information movement.

R2K emerged out of the opposition to the Protection of Information Bill (POSIB) referred to as the

Secrecy Bill. This Bill has similarities to the apartheid Protection of Information Act. This Bill extends the

powers of government to keep information out of the public domain and impose harsh penalties on

whistle-blowers, activists and journalists who disclose information in the public interest. The mobilisation,

collective opposition, a broad outcry and culminating in the launch of R2K in August 2010 were factors

that led to the postponement of voting in this Bill. Various pressures resulted in changes to the Bill, a

partial victory for R2k. A number of clauses remain unconstitutional and R2K has prepared itself for a

legal challenge to be backed by protest, mass weight and mobilization. The Bill was eventually passed in

April 2013 and remains on the desk of President who has not yet signed it into law. The ebbs and flows

of this contestation continue. The fact that it has not yet been signed by the President for over two years

is a significant development and gain for the R2K campaign.

R2K is a democratic activist driven campaign that strengthens and unites citizens to undertake, research,

public awareness raising, mobilisation and targeted advocacy that contributes to ensuring the free flow

of information necessary to meet peoples social, economic, political and ecological needs and live free

from want, in equality and in dignity. This is central component in enabling the right to organize.

“R2K seeks a country and a world where we all have the right to know – that is to be free to access and

to share information. This right is fundamental to any democracy that is open, accountable, participatory

and responsive; able to deliver the social, economic and environmental justice we need. On this

foundation a society and an international community can be built in which we all live free from want, in

equality and in dignity.”

The R2K campaign seeks to;

Co-ordinate, unify, organise and activate those who share our principles to defend and advance

the right to know.

Struggle both for the widest possible recognition in law and policy of the right to know and for its

implementation and practice in daily life.

Root the struggle for the right to know in the struggles of communities demanding political,

social, economic and environmental justice.

Propagate our vision throughout society.

Engage those with political and economic power where necessary.

Act in concert and solidarity with like-minded people and organisations locally and internationally.

In keeping with this commitment, the Right2Know Campaign now mobilises on the following

focuses:

1. SECURITISATION AND SECRECY: It aims to ensure secrecy legislation and the conduct of

security agencies – in particular the policing of gatherings – is aligned to the South African

Constitution and underlying values.

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2. INFORMATION ACCESS: Aims to ensure that public and private sector information is easily

accessible to citizens and that people with information of wrongdoing and/or of the suppression

of information in the public interest are free, protected and encouraged to share information with

the public.

3. COMMUNICATION RIGHTS: Aims to ensure that South Africa enjoys a free and diverse range

of public, private and non-profit media and affordable access to the open and secure internet and

telecommunications.

There is strong internal democracy with annual elections of leadership for the National Working Group

and Provincial Working Groups. During the annual summit past work is reviewed and guidance provided

in the form of resolutions. These resolutions guide the campaign programme and are reviewed during a

MTR.

1.2 The Intended Objectives, Scope, Principles and methodology of the evaluation.

1.2.1 Objectives

The evaluation will analyse, make findings and propose recommendations with regard to the Campaign’s

relevance, effectiveness, efficiency and resilience since the founding of the Campaign on 31 August 2010

until its 5th anniversary on 31 August 2015.

1.2.2 Scope of the Evaluation

The evaluation will assess the R2K work across the various focus areas and provinces since the

founding of the Campaign on 31 August 2010 until our 5th anniversary on 31 August 2015.

Specific questions/issues to be addressed include:

What is the external contextual analysis and external condition that informs the relevance of R2K

and elicits the strategic issues that form the basis of its campaigns?

Linked to the question above, what are the key factors enabling and limiting the right to know in

South Africa today and are the priorities identified by the Campaign relevant to these?

What progress has the Campaign made towards the achievement of it’s’ resolutions adopted at

Annual National Summits?

To what extent do these results contribute effectively to the realisation of the Campaign’s overall

Mission and Vision and R2K’s strategic line of march?

To what extent has the Campaign succeeded in enabling the participation of supporters,

democratic decision-making and responsiveness to developments in the environment?

What, if any, contribution has the Campaign made to strengthen supporting organisations, other

civil society networks, and broader civil society?

To what extent is the Campaign rooted in local struggles and communities?

To what extent does the Campaign take the gender dimension into account and to what extent

has the Campaign enabled the participation and leadership of women?

What is the reasonability of the relationship between the Campaign’s costs and results?

What are the recommendations for building on successful approaches and the other lessons

learned as well as suggest ways to overcome any shortcomings in current and future work

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(consolidation and advancing current work)?

1.2.3 Principles to be honoured by the evaluation facilitator

The intended participatory methodology and approach that underpinned this evaluation

The evaluation will be facilitated in a participative, constructive, respectful and empowering manner

with target groups, activists, allies R2K staff and structures. It should contribute, strengthen and

deepen R2K’s overall reflective processes. It should not be extractive but fit into the empowering

process of R2K with a strong forward looking dimension.

Subject to review, the process will build on existing and previous processes and information

Desktop documentation will inform the process, in particular the design of instruments and focus

workshops. A Desk-top list will be submitted in writing to the National Co-ordinator for transmission

to the facilitator.

Respect for the values, approaches and principles of R2K and its partners

The evaluation should in an objective and unbiased manner consider the strategic thrusts and

approach of R2K and make strategic recommendations that critically engages and strengthens its

praxis and programmes. It should be honest, objective and transparent.

Power and gender analysis

To analyse issues of power and gender at all levels throughout the course of the process

1.2.4 Methodology

The wealth of an evaluation is in the design of its methodology and the participatory evolutionary

manner/process in which the evaluation in its analysis, findings and recommendations are to the

maximum owned by those being “evaluated”, thus setting the basis for strategy refinement, strategic

planning, and change for more relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, resilience and sustainability.

Organisations in the South are subjected to all sorts of evaluations and “inspections” largely in the name

of “donor efficiency” and as part of donor contracts.

They take time and resources and if there are a number of funding partners the amount of time spent in

managing donor requirements, including evaluations can be daunting.

This process was more of a participatory, deep and critical reflection. It was was used as a participatory

space to critically reflect on the R2K.

The evaluation was open to developing and refining the methodology with R2K. Some methodological

features of this evaluation other than individual discussions were:

Desk-Top Analysis

A comprehensive desktop analysis provided the background information, getting to know R2K, its work,

the complex contextual operational environment and appropriate theoretical study. The key points drawn

from this analysis, within the frame, objectives and scope of the evaluation informed the design of

instruments and guides. A written request for documents was sent to R2K from the evaluation facilitator.

Questionnaire and analytical guides

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A good evaluation gets to the key and underlying issues including an analysis of the variables that impact

on the relevance, effectiveness, efficiency and resilience and sustainability of a

project/programme/organization.

A questionnaire and analytical guides covering selected categories of the evaluation questions enabled

staff/core in R2K to start thinking and analysing prior to the individual staff/focus discussions so that the

conversation moves more from the what (descriptive – what was done) to the how (process, strategy and

method ) to why (analysis) and projections. A significant section of the “what and how” was also be

drawn from the desk-top analysis.

Focus Groups discussions at times in workshop model

The intended focus group discussions intended to take place at staff/core level on the first day of the

field work in Cape Town/Durban/Johannesburg was not feasible with time limitations and the busy

schedules of staff. The intention was to discuss the program, objectives, hopes, expectations, fears,

concerns and logistics. This session was also intended for collective contextual discussion.

Towards the end of the field trip (Gauteng, KZN, and Western Cape) it was intended to have a focus-

group/skype discussion with the staff/selected core who would discuss the initial main findings and

trends of the evaluation informed by the substantive field trip and staff discussions. This would also have

been a point of verification. In addition, findings and pointers towards recommendations emerging from

the evaluation do not come as a surprise. There is also a forward looking dimension.

At community level/sector/partner level, half-day focus group discussions/workshops were convened with

selected communities/sectors (key campaign leaders, supporters, activists, people’s formations that R2K

works with.) in Durban, Johannesburg and Cape Town. These focus discussions started with people’s

issues, their vision, their struggles challenges etc. and moved to key evaluation questions which relate to

their reality, their role and involvement in R2K and the R2K’s relationship with/to them. The principle

was not to be extractive but also to add value to the work of the structures/formations that constitute

R2K and partners it works with.

Evaluation Report

Due to the limitations and incomplete nature of the process, an initial report was submitted. Substantial

feedback was received from the leadership of R2K. A discussion was held with the National Co-ordinator

based on feedback. A final draft was presented and the report finalised.

1.3 Assessment of Methodology

General Assessment

R2K approached this evaluation in a very open and constructively critical manner. This approach was a

significant factor in substantially identifying and analysing some of the key gains and challenges

confronting R2K.

The national co-ordinator in particular was very supportive, put energy into organising and co-ordinating

the process and attended two of the focus group discussions. Provincial staff put significant effort into

convening the well-attended PWG focus discussions. This evaluation was referred to throughout the

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process as a space for deep reflection. It took place during the most hectic period of the year. The initial

scheduling was changed a few times and there was general pressure with regard to time, end of year

tasks, programme work and end of the year exhaustion. This created significant delays and impacted on

the congested schedule of the facilitator.

It is not easy, nor possible to step into the life of a vibrant activist campaign for a very short period and

get to grips with all the issues it is dealing with. The detailed summit resolutions outline the broadness of

work. All focus areas and sub-focus areas that constitute this broadness reflect intensive work.

An individual cannot “evaluate” such an organisation. Its vibrant leadership, are experienced, schooled in

struggle with substantial strategy and tactical acumen. This is one of the reasons as to why in five years

this campaign has grown from stop the Secrecy Bill to a more comprehensive freedom of expression and

information rights campaign that is increasingly being rooted in the struggles of the working class.

So, what place does a formal evaluation, as part of a donor contract, have in an activist driven

organisation that has a strong social justice thrust, in particular, a programme increasingly rooted in the

struggles of the working class? In addition, it is led by an experienced core of leaders and gets a

consistent broad mandate and expresses accountability from/to its Annual National Summit. The PWG’s,

focus groups and a MTR also reflect, analyse, strategise, plan and activate. There are also various

internal democratic processes that provide space for review and strategy refinement in the context of a

rapidly changing repressive state. Although there has been a strong call for more critical reflection within

R2K, the work and growth and results do reflect significant critical thought.

The evaluation viewed this process as a participatory space for deep reflection and learning. R2K is a

learning organisation which displays considerable strategy and tactical acumen in a volatile operational

context. The context is volatile, unpredictable, oppressive, and increasingly repressive as the working

class express their voice in a quest for their rights. It is painful and hopeful struggle as the various

organised formations that R2K works with assert their right to be people treated with dignity, respect and

care, to access basic human rights, including, their right to information, their right to know and their right

to organise and to fight for dignity and conditions conducive to a better life.

The intention of this evaluation was to fit into the R2K cultural stream and praxis reflecting a deep,

participative, reflective component. A significant part of this process was to listen and engage. If this

intention was not met this would have not been a useful exercise. Therefore some of the conventional

approaches to evaluations in particular of an “independent” outsider coming into the life of an

organisation for a short time, makes independent findings, analysis and recommendations, is severely

tested and will not work adequately.

The evaluation was participatory which is in line with the R2K methodology. The evaluation and the

facilitator tried to fit into the life, rhythm and stream of the organization. This was difficult in that some

of the opportunities to observe workshops and focus group meetings clashed with a very tight end of the

year schedule. Covering the work in the three provinces was time consuming given the resource

limitations for this process and limited resources available for this process.

R2K drew up the TOR, was presented with the instruments and workshop guides, provided useful

feedback and was involved in contributing towards the effective use of space, energy, resources and time

that staff and targets groups set aside for this process.

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This report does not get into the detail of the work of each of its three legs. These are well detailed in

the annual reports/financial audits which are attached to the annual summit reports. R2K has a very

comprehensive web-site and in addition to providing information about the work of R2K, it is a substantial

resource on freedom of expression and information rights.

This report does not get into the detail of what each leg of the campaign does. This is a high

activity/output campaign and thus will be covering details of work that are already available in reports.

Neither can this process reflect all the challenges and gains.

Some of the detail of work emerges in the main table in the context of analysing the results, gains,

impact, weaknesses and challenges. This is more useful as it provides a sound basis for drawing out

analysis and findings, which in turn inform the recommendations.

The main table in the body of the report attempts to synthesise the information that emerged from the

questionnaires, individual discussions and focus group meetings. Substantial analysis emerged from this

process and therefore reflects the analysis coming from the participants.

It is on this basis and informed by the desktop that analysis, findings and recommendations are drawn.

These need to be interrogated by R2K, adapted and developed if appropriate.

The evaluation had a broader resonance than the report. The PWG’s generally found the workshops a

useful space to deeply reflect on the context and programme of R2K. Some said that such spaces for

deeper reflection, of stepping back looking at the bigger picture and analysing work in the context of the

external and internal context is necessary and needed.

The questionnaire

A short questionnaire was circulated. It is attached in Appendix 2 - Instruments.

The emphasis and energy was concentrated on organising a response to the questionnaire and due to

the broad base of staff and volunteers, a compressed list was compiled by the National Co-ordinator in

consultation with the facilitator.

Due to various pressures associated with the last two months of the year, the response of the

questionnaire was not as planned. Of the 7 staff members selected there were 6 returns. From the 12

past and present activists identified, 6 returns were received. None were received from the 4 partner

organisations that were identified.

Of the 18 staff/activists identified for interviews, 15 were either interviewed or participated in the focus

group discussions. This was useful as they could express their views in a collective space.

A focus group discussion was held with three of the Cape Town staff, other staff and activists could not

make it as due to their schedules.

As stated earlier, it was a hectic period and the process struggled to get the responses in time for

preparation of the focus groups discussions. The quality of the returns was generally good with

substantial analysis making a significant contribution to the process and setting the basis for more

analytical interviews and PWG focus group discussions.

Focus Groups discussions/workshops

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The three provincial focus groups discussions were well organised by R2K provincial leadership. They

were well attended with a good combination of activists, partners and peoples formations. There were

good levels of participation, openness and honesty. The analysis from this part of the process

substantially informed the analysis, findings and recommendations of this report.

The general feedback from the focus group discussions was that it was a good valued space for reflection

and that this type of more open space is necessary and useful to enable more effective consolidation and

advancing of R2K’s work. This is an important methodological point in that an evaluation should not be

extractive but add value to the work of an organisation.

2. CONTEXT ANALYSIS

2.1 Securitisation and the general decline in freedom of expression is a global phenomenon

to defend and advance neo- liberal capitalism’s predatory economic paradigm

1“Since Barack Obama entered the White House in 2009, his government has waged a war against

whistleblowers and official leakers. On his watch, there have been eight prosecutions under the 1917

Espionage Act – more than double those under all previous presidents combined.”

According to 2Freedom House’s 2014 press freedom survey, global press freedom has fallen to its lowest

level in over a decade. Obama is also viewed by the 3 majority of Washington correspondents as more

hostile towards the press than any US president in history, 78 percent of White House reporters said the

“President Obama dislikes the press”.

On a global scale whistle-blowing, the increased securitization and the extent of information withheld

from public interest was significantly highlighted through the revelations of Edward Snowden and Julian

Assange.

Growing Inequality brings with it increased pressure from below

In spite of the global financial and economic crisis of 2008, global wealth grew to US$120 trillion in 2010

– an increase of 20 percent since 20074. Inequality is a worldwide phenomenon. Global economic

corruption mutated in relations between corporations and countries sharpens the concentration of wealth

for a few. Investors from the North, China, South Africa and other BRICS countries are all in collusion

with the EU or the US taking advantage of poorer nations by making unfair deals that benefit mainly the

investors and the local dominant class.

1 http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/mar/16/whistleblowers-double-standard-obama-david-petraeus-chelsea-manning 2 Karin Deutsch karlekar and Jennifer Durham, Media Freedom Hits Decade Low, Freedom of the Press 2014, Freedom house. 3 http://dailycaller.com/2015/04/24/7-sad-facts-from-politicos-poll-of-white-house-reporters/ Blake Nef, article, The Daily caller News Foundation, 7 Sad Facts From Politico’s Poll of White House Reporters, also see for more details of pollhttp://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/04/whca-survey-the-white-house-beat-uncovered-106071 4 Rogate R. Mshana “From Sustainable Development Goals to Economy of Life Goals for Africa”, 2015 www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/94823

http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/barack-obamahttp://dailycaller.com/2015/04/24/7-sad-facts-from-politicos-poll-of-white-house-reporters/

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With growing poverty and inequality there is also increased pressure from below. 5Major protests are

occurring around the world with increasing frequency since the second half of the 2000’s in every region

of the world in a variety of political contexts. It appears a new era of political flux is emerging as citizens

mobilize in pursuit of their demands and are prepared to confront the harsh treatment by security forces

and sometimes brutal repression.

In responses to the evaluation questionnaire many of the respondents raised that securitization and the

curtailment of freedom of expression, decline in press freedom and access to information is a global

phenomenon. It is a response to defend and advance and the neo-liberal economic paradigm that serves

the interests of the dominant class.

The violation of freedom of expression, media freedom, access to information and the right to

communicate in the public interest serves the interests of neo-liberal capitalism. Exposing information,

the right to know in order for transparency and accountability by states and corporations in the interests

of citizens, in particular the issues that impact on the lives of the working class will reveals deep social

injustice; it will uncover corruption and cronyism, the brutality of neo-liberal capitalism, the extent to

which in wreaks havoc on the poor and working class and on the environment. It will provide and arm

citizens with vital information to hold governments and corporations to be transparent and accountable

and will significantly contribute to and advance the challenge from the working class for a new just order.

It is therefore in the interests of the dominant class in defending their massive wealth and its further

accumulation to curtail the right to know.

We live in a world where the rich are getting richer and the poor poorer. Despite in many instances,

constitutional provisions, governments continually seek to undermine media freedom, access to

information and the right of citizens to freedom of expression. This is often done in the name of

protecting citizens and wanting greater security with regard to “outside” threats.

The R2K is therefore a highly relevant campaign which and currently has linkages and resonance

internationally.

2.2 South Africa’s retrogressive march towards the violation of the right to know.

In South Africa there is a decisive shift to securitization with the criminalization of revealing information in

the public interest (eg. Secrecy Bill, Cyber Security Bill, National Key Points Act, etc) and curtailing the

right to organize. Pressure from below is being met with increased brutal repression. The death of

Andries Tatane and the visuals of him dying in a service delivery protest, in 13th April 2011 highlighted

once again police brutality. 6A total of 43 protesters were reportedly killed by police between 2004 and

2014. This does not include the 37 miners killed during the strike at Marikana.

The tension between government and the media is worse with government trying to engineer and

regulate journalism. This shift has reflections of the draconian apartheid state. The right to know, the

5 Thomas Carothers, Richard Youngs, The complexities of Global Protests, October 8, 2015, Carnegie Endowment for International

Peace. 6 Page 4, R2K Secret State of the Nation 2014 –trends, patterns and problems in secrecy, source UJ Social Change Research Unit database

16

right to freedom to access information in the public interest, to protest, the right to organise and the

right to freedom of expression has become a site of struggle.

The PWC Global Economic Crime Survey for South Africa (2013) identifies trends in the effectiveness of

whistleblowers in reporting crime. 7“Not surprisingly the trend is downwards – in 2007, 16% of crime was

detected through whistleblowing, and now that has dropped to 6% in 2013. The writers of the survey

seem a bit puzzled about why this is, given that so many companies do actually have whistleblowing

policies in place. We would suggest the answer lies in the legislative and other shortcomings in protecting

whistleblowers South Africa.” The work on whistle-blowers by R2K in collaboration with partners is an

important part of its overall campaign.

The unfolding historical context which gave rise to R2K

Activists during the evaluation raised the importance of deepening political economy analysis in the

campaign. In this regard R2K programmes include a broad based education programmes through its legs

of the campaign.

The global attack by capital on workers through ‘labour flexibility’ has guided state and employer reform

of labour markets for well over 30 years. The nature of work is changing with a growing number of

unemployed, precarious and vulnerable workers located in communities. These are the 8130 local

communities that R2K has reached. It is a common feature to see commercial farmers in South Africa

trucking in thousands of casual seasonal workers from the growing rural informal settlements that is

currently a feature of every farming rural town in South Africa.

Apartheid South Africa was on the threshold of change and high expectation existed that South Africa

would pursue an alternative to neo-liberal policy. Despite its ideology while in opposition, once in power

the African National Congress (ANC) government jettisoned the Reconstruction and Development

Programme (RDP) in favour of an orthodox macroeconomic policy the Growth, Employment, and

Redistribution programme, (GEAR).

The challenges confronting South Africa’s development stem from some of following interrelated sources

which with the exception of (a), can be applied to most countries on this continent, the South and even

some in the North, although there a similarities with colonialism:

(a) the structural and spatial legacy of apartheid

(b) constraints imposed by the hostile international economic and political order/dominant class (in

particular the trade regime and Military Industrial Complex) within which national economies operate and

the collusion of the local dominant class with this oppressive paradigm, driven by the interests of white

monopoly capital which includes the Mineral Energy Complex;

7 Alison Tilley, 20th February, posted in ODAC blogww.opendemocracy.org.za/index.php/blog/88-corruption-and-whistleblowing-in-south-africa-following-the-pwc-report 8 Norwegians Peoples Aid, 2014 R2K Baseline data

The resolution and activation of a more rural thrust by R2K outside its 3 key urban nodes is thus

significant and strongly affirmed by this evaluation.

17

(c) domestic weaknesses deriving from socio-economic and political structures and neo-liberal structural

adjustment policies which re-enforce structural imbalances including, unemployment, access to land and

assets, poverty and inequality, access to information.

(d) elite co-option and elite beneficiation

(e) defence of the dominant’s class’s accumulation by increasing control of the ideological machinery of

the state (eg. CNN, SABC, advertising), severe curtailment of freedom of expression and access to

information, in particular secrecy of state and corporate information.

(f) increased pressure from below as the “gatvol” factor comes into play.

The South Africa’s economic policy both at home and in its investments are in line with that of the IMF

and World Bank. It adopted its own home grown structural adjustment programme (GEAR) and then

promoted a home grown continental structural adjustment programme through NEPAD, providing the

gateway for South African and other capital into the rest of the continent. This was a clear shift towards

being a servant of capital. The fact that it was “home grown” both at a continental level was a shock

that the ruling and dominant class clearly are in service of the predatory nature of neo-liberal capital.

This is no different from the IMF which demands of governments to make their economies friendlier for

multi-national co-operations by suppressing wages, liberalising industries, and to ignore the rights and

popular will of workers, the poor and marginalised. It becomes easier when the local dominant class are

active participants and benefit substantially from this paradigm. They will and continue to defend the

interest of the rich. These policies have led to privatisation of essential services, featuring increased

corruption and with the enforcement of WTO rules, continuous trade liberalization of in particular

agriculture and neglected local food production. The manufacturing sectors in many countries have been

devastated, minerals extracted, dirty energy re-enforced and so have the public service, making essential

services a commodity.

9 A paper/report released by the IMF argues that many of the policies promoted by the IMF have actually

harmed nations by exacerbating widespread economic inequality. Commenting on this report, Nicolas

Mombrial, of Oxfam International said “This reinforces Oxfam’s call on how we need to reduce the

income gap between the haves and have-nots, and scrutinize why the richest 10% and top 1% have so

much wealth. By releasing this report, the IMF has shown that 'trickle-down' economics is dead; you

cannot rely on the spoils of the extremely wealthy to benefit the rest of us."

The answer, OXFAM, in South Africa, the state is firmly entrenched in neo-liberalism and is a servant of

capital.

The right to communicate in the context of commodification

The right to communicate needs to be viewed in the context of the commodification of services. Access

to communication, including the internet, is vital in any society, it gives everybody access to information,

education, public services, is essential in emergencies and a vital factor of production. Currently tele-

9 June 2015, IMF Staff Discussion Note, Causes and Consequences of Income Inequality: A Global Perspective Era Dabla-Norris,

Kalpana Kochhar, Nujin Suphaphiphat, Frantisek Ricka, Evridiki Tsoun

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communications is highly privatised, costly and more accessible for those who have resources. It is an

essential service that has been privatised.

Jane Duncan summarises well 10“Government policy is to reduce prices through regulated competition,

while intervening in the communications space through its own companies when there is marked failure.

But his approach is flawed. The communications regulator, ICASA, is weak and underfunded. The state

owned communications companies have been commercialised to create competitive neutrality with

private operators, leading them to be bad at doing business and bad at providing public service.”

It is in this context that the aim of the campaign leg, the Right to Communicate is relevant. This legs

aims to ensure that South Africa enjoys a free and diverse range of public, private and non-profit media

and affordable access to the open and secure internet and telecommunications.

However, this leg as raised later in this report, has not taken off to its full potential yet it affects a broad

base of people. Jane Duncan once again summarises. “There is enormous potential for a more

representative campaign on the right to communicate. But such a campaign will gain real traction only if

it moves beyond neo-liberal solutions to the problem. The focus should not just be on turning companies

into better capitalists and users into better consumers but changing how goods are produced in society.”

The slippery slide towards securitisation and violation of the right to know are essential

tools of the elite to defend and advance their wealth.

The neo-liberal economic paradigm adopted by the ANC led government has resulted in an elite transition

a deepening of poverty and inequality for the majority and the continued growth of white monopoly

capital. This economic trajectory is driven and defended by an elite group within the former liberation

movement, see paragraph below. 11The Zuma family money tree has grown phenomenally since 2009.

Ten family members are active in 80 companies with interests in transport, mining, technology,

resources, property, logistics, investment companies, broadcast, housing, infrastructure development

amongst others. A lot has been written recently about the Guptas and their relationship to Zuma and

other loyalists. 12The Guptas? They’re just the tip of the iceberg says independent political analysis

Aubrey Matshiqi. “In other words, it is still my contention that there is a confluence of pernicious political

and economic interests that are a threat to the state, our democratic experiment and the quality of our

democratic experience as citizens. These pernicious forces take the form and assume the content and

character of a confluence of political, economic, intelligence and criminal interests.”

The leadership of the elite collude with capital from the North and BRICS and benefit substantially from

this paradigm. As a result of this white monopoly capital and the Minerals Energy Complex continue to

thrive, expand and advance what some term, South Africa’s imperial role on the continent. The tragic

Marikana massacre is an indicator of the length to which the dominant class will go to defend their vested

interests. The repression during the farm worker strikes and the response of capital and the state in the

period following the strike has caused more suffering (evictions, increased mechanisation and

casualisation).

10 Jane Duncan, The Great South African Cell Phone Rip-off, The South African Civil Society Information Service, 10 December 2012. 11 http://www.news24.com/Archives/City-Press/Jacob-Zumas-family-empire-20150430 12 Aubrey Matshiqi, The Guptas? They’re just the tip of the iceberg, Rand Daily Mail, The National Conversation, 9th February 2016.

19

After the 1976 uprisings, white monopoly capital starting activating plans to create a black middle class.

Today the public face of BEE has the stamp of political authority over it. There are examples of extreme

wealth accumulated by a new elite, from the liberation movement. Of the fabulous four BEE moguls,

Tokyo Sexwale, Cyril Ramaphosa, Saki Macozoma and Patrice Motsephe, only Patrice Motsephe has not

held an ANC NEC position, although his one sister is married to Ramaphosa and another (Bridgette

Radebe worth $100m by Forbes 2013) to Jeff Radabe, an ANC and Zuma stalwart. Deputy President

Ramaphosa, according to 132013 Forbes list he is worth US$700 million and is 29th richest person in Africa

(he was 21st in the Forbes 2012 list). 14He declared his wealth in parliament as R76million rand. The

“fabulous four” all have vast interests in mining and therefore complicit in structurally embedding South

Africa in the dirty energy route and dependency on coal for decades to come. This extractive dirty energy

path has and continues to have catastrophic consequences on the working class, in particular those

affected by mining.

Extraction in dirty energy mode continues on this continent. In South Africa we have seen the rise of a

strong critique of extraction, dirty energy and nuclear power by organisations like the Benchmarks

Foundation and Earth Life Africa, Groundwork and the South Durban Environmental Alliance. These

organisations work with a number of communities struggling climate, energy and environmental justice.

This is an important frontier of struggle that R2K is involved in and is set to be increasingly in solidarity

with.

2.3 Relevance of R2K

There is a downward slide towards the closure of space with increased ideological and repressive control

by the state in order to serve and defend the interests of the dominant class. Concurrently there is

increased pressure from below, in a complex and increasingly dangerous environment for organising and

mobilising of the working class for social justice. It is this context that the Right to Know Campaign with

its current legs of:

SECURITISATION AND SECRECY;

INFORMATION ACCESS and;

COMMUNICATION RIGHTS remains highly relevant and will continue to grow in

relevance as the current government continues to display draconian traits.

13 www.forbes.com 14 Mail and Guardian, 18th September 2014, http://mg.co.za/article/2014-09-18-ramaphosa-declares-r76-million-rest-kept-confidential

R2K’s support for the struggle of Marikana, including pressuring for the release of the commission report

and the persecution of police officers, its support for extractive sector struggles, its plan to focus on

communities in the energy and extractives is thus highly relevant. So is it support for environmental and

climate justice struggles. These struggles are significant in that for transformative change the in South

Africa the Mineral Energy Complex needs to be strongly challenged.

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2.4 Contending with the complex conditions in which R2K supports and is in solidarity with

struggles.

The right to organise for dignity and a society and an international community in which we

all live free from want, in equality and in dignity.

“R2K seeks a country and a world where we all have the right to know – that is to be free to access and

to share information. This right is fundamental to any democracy that is open, accountable, participatory

and responsive; able to deliver the social, economic and environmental justice we need. On this

foundation a society and an international community can be built in which we all live free from want, in

equality and in dignity.”

“Nobody in the world, nobody in history, has ever gotten their freedom by appealing to the moral sense

of the people who were oppressing them” Assata Shakur

The emancipation of the working class is not going to come from the dominant class but through

struggle, pressure from below and the building of allied power at various levels.

The importance of building networks and alliances

The speed at which R2K “took off” with its initial focus on the “Secrecy Bill” and the results of this

campaign was described by more than one informant as “incredible”. Central to its strategy then and

currently is the mobilisation of a broad range of activists, organisations, skills and creativity to participate

and drive the campaign. This is an essential element and is central to a successful activist driven

campaign.

In a discussion paper, which is a useful method employed by R2K, demonstrates that R2K coalition

building and alliance building is rooted in a historical analysis, reflective of a collective knowledge of

recent past struggles, very conscious of the pitfalls and challenges and is guided by its founding

principles and constitution.

15“The transformation into a ‘Campaign’ did not mean however, that R2K completely abandoned its

founding ‘coalition’ character. Besides more formalised structures and membership and the expansion of

its administrative/staff component, R2K was able to retain its larger, macro-character as a collective of

autonomous organisations and individuals whose own (non-R2K) activism and work is embraced and

supported rather than subsumed by R2K itself. What is crucial to note about the genesis of R2K is that it

represents one of the few examples in post-1994 South Africa of a single-issue coalition transforming into

a formal, multi-issue organisation. What made this all the more impressive was the parallel ability to cut

across South Africa’s notoriously fractious civil society as well as historic class, racial and ideological

divisions to lay the foundations for a unified national movement centred on access to information and

freedom of expression. In other words, our own organisational history provides us with a good example

of a successful coalition and thus also provides us with clear pointers going forward, to understand,

orient towards, engage with and be practically involved in progressive coalitions and fronts. In this

regard, it is instructive to remind ourselves that R2K’s own Constitution and Principles give a foundational

15

Dale T. Mckinley, R2K Discussion document on Coalitions and Fronts, January 2016.

21

mandate when it comes to our macro approach to fronts and coalitions. They both instruct R2K, “to act in

concert and solidarity with like-minded people and organisations locally and internationally”.”

In this regard the work and relationships with a number of organisations, including FXN, Coalition Against

Nuclear Energy and in particular the United Front is important. Together with the United Front, 21

pickets where held on Human Rights Day. This shows the potential of linking struggles nationally. Linking

struggles nationally provides a broader base for solidarity and an expression that shows increasing

national social weight and presence. The MTR re-affirmed its commitment to engaging in the process of

forming the UF, on condition that political parties are not part of it, it does not contest elections and it

strengthens its internal democracy.

Human Rights is an essential dimension that should lead to societal transformation

The right to know, the right to access information, freedom of assembly, the right to organise and form

peaceful organisations that dissent with power, that critique power and espouses alternatives needs to be

defended and advanced. This needs to be done not just as a human rights challenge but as a systematic

challenge as securitisation, curtailment of freedom of expression is an essential element of the oppression

and repression.

During the focus group discussions a number of community formations participated. Activists value the

support, solidarity and accompaniment of their struggles. R2K has resolved to work closer with

community struggles and for its programmes to increasingly be shaped and linked to these struggles. In

this regard it plans to work intensively with community sites on service delivery and sites on energy and

extractives. This is a significant deepening of its community based shift. In addition to its “information

rights modules” like its leadership training on secrecy and securitisation, media freedom and diversity,

access to information strategies; induction to R2K, it has modules on political economy, combatting

patriarchy and protest. Activists in the focus group discussions affirmed these processes as important for

their organising and struggles.

16During visits to communities that R2K works with there was great value placed on access to information

that has provided vital information for some of the struggles.

There has been mutual gravitation towards community struggles. R2K is an activist based and driven

campaign, its legs are key areas that impact on struggles and are of relevance to struggles. Its

democratic orientation therefore draws communities to its programmes, a number of activists during the

evaluation referred to R2K as a “home”. R2K has also taken a decision for its campaign to be more

rooted in community struggles.

16 The evaluation facilitator visited two communities that R2K works closely with as part of an NPA baseline study for potential NPA regional partners.

One of the strengths and a significant result of R2K is its ability to forge unity in struggle and work

with a broad range of organisations. It is a reflection of its praxis and needs to be deepened.

22

R2K is operating in a context of social movements being generally weak and fragile

The APF was probably the biggest union of community struggles, post 1994, but eventually imploded.

The same can be said for some of its bigger affiliates that splintered into various formations. Significant

struggles were launched with many gains and substantial leadership that developed the APF into a

formidable forum that provided solidarity and deepening of political education and organising. Many of

the activists that these myriad of struggles threw up are currently involved in ongoing struggles and

campaigns, including R2K.

This recent past history also reflected some of the weaknesses of movements, including single issues

struggles, internal conflict, lack of organisational discipline and the in some cases organisational culture,

form and practice that reflected retrogressive dimensions.

However, forums like the APF and Jubilee provided a resource and home for struggles.

There are many so called “service delivery” protests but these have not generally translated into

sustained and growing struggles. Struggles may be there today but they may be gone tomorrow.

This is in the context where community struggles do not have adequate support and to enable them to

get practical support and solidarity. The reduction in support and solidarity from a number of left NGO’s

due to closure or in a reduction of programmes has resulted in a vacuum. It is also as one activist said

“messy on the ground”. Struggles need solidarity and R2K also connects struggles to each other. This

was apparent during the focus group discussions. R2K has drawn lessons from the struggles of the

recent past. R2K has thus drawn pressure from this vacuum. In one provincial focus group meeting it

was clarified that R2K intersects with struggles around its key focus areas. It cannot be “everything to

everybody”.

Community struggles, at times start with single issues and in many cases as gains or defeats are made,

the mass base of such struggles fetters out and at times, just individuals or small groupings exist. Or a

promising struggle can collapse due to a range of factors. This operating environment is challenging.

Where R2K intervenes and how it balances consistency with responsiveness to a range of struggles is a

challenge that R2K will need to manage. Central to this is a continuous and ongoing analysis of the state

of organising.

Building organisational discipline when most members of formations are unemployed is a challenge and

the resources of the organisation can be subject to contestations, with un-resourced organisations and

individuals trying to drive their own agenda, rather than R2k’s. R2K is well resourced with a range of

resources at its disposal as compared to many of the movements and formations it works with. This

gives it power which it needs to use effectively and in a manner that takes struggles forward.

Nevertheless, despite these weaknesses in struggle, there are a range of CSO initiatives from a broad

range of sectors in South Africa raising key issues around social justice. It is part of the vibrant

democratic culture in South Africa to challenge human rights abuse and social injustice.

In order for R2K is to achieve its mission, it is critical that struggles expand, are resilient and that political

consciousness and sound multi-sectoral organising broadens the expression of local struggles.

23

Of particular importance is the reflection of an organisational culture that fosters the right to know within

formations, that fosters accountability, transparency, the building of woman’s power, gender equality and

participatory leadership. These are the features/values of the internal culture that R2K is trying to put

into practice. Many of our movements have mimicked the structures of political parties, with the top-six

and in some cases Presidents, mainly male. This has contributed to centralisation of power and in some

cases an abuse of power and dominance of a few.

The activist driven R2K structures provide the space and organisational form for free expression and

ownership by all who participate. Significant effort and resources are being applied with regard to

building women’s power in R2K, important resolutions have been passed, there is strong women

leadership, participation and a programme of building women’s power is being rolled out.

In the context of the lack of support for community based struggles, and the importance of rooting R2Ks

work more intensively in peoples struggles, the shift to concentrate on selected communities and to forge

unity in action and a deeper solidarity by linking struggles with each other, are important to steps/factors

which are influencing/ going to influence the following:

The work of R2K is being increasingly rooted and informed by struggles. These struggles will

increase and more substantially shape the work of R2k through the R2K activist based

participatory and democratic structures. The various focus areas would need to intersect with this

in a cohesive manner. Therefore the issue of ideological and strategy congruence is critical.

This is not a sectarian ideological line that is imposed from the top but shaped by deeper analysis

of the context, debate and a systemic analysis that informs the identity, values, praxis and

programmes of R2K. Much of this happens at various structures in R2K. Currently the R2K does

not operate in the absence of ideology or strategy. How it views coalitions and alliances is a case

in point. This position paper reflects a deep historical analysis and outlines clearly the pitfalls. It

affirms and emphasises the imperative t that the nature of its relationships with alliances should

be guided by its history, principles, orientation and constitution. In addition, R2K addresses the

risk of sectarianism and Stalinist politics of “the line” policed from the top through its culture of

open activist driven analysis and discussions. R2K does highlight ideological dimensions and

raises critical questions and its emphasis is on unity in action.

Shift the debate by looking more closely at political economy and systemic issues (especially if

there are political education modules in the leadership training and the ongoing and successful

on-line political economy school) and that the denial of information rights and freedom of

expression includes the human rights dimension but needs to challenge the system of neo-liberal

capitalism. This analysis was emerging strongly in some of the provincial focus group discussions.

The stronger the politicised political presence of people formations in R2K, the political

orientation will shift to a more transformative analysis. The open culture that R2K espouses is

important to hold together an alliance with the human rights discourse and the transformative

discourse. It is generally accepted that the human rights approach is a means to and a key

feature towards fundamental transformation.

24

Could increase the pressure on R2K for ongoing support, however it also depends on the praxis

of R2K and how it uses the significant experience that it will accumulate from this process. Its

praxis should not create dependency but rather a critical mass that can support each other and

their struggles.

This approach strongly challenges the NGO approach, in particular of staff delivering workshops,

delivering political education. Often at the point of proposal writing, organisations are caught in

a trap of log-frame linear processes that lock them into a set of activities that deliver quantifiable

results eg. the delivery of workshops, whereas, for example, community visits of accompanying,

listening and interacting with struggles, and clarify unfolding mutual solidarity roles and action

may be a better option.

Therefore a refinement of the R2K praxis when working with communities will add momentum

away from the delivery of a service (very much an NGO mode) to accompanying and being in

deeper solidarity with the struggles of the working class with the organised formations having

more ownership of R2K. Praxis is refined through reflection and is very much part of building

what has been referred to as the ideological and strategy congruence. For example based on the

principles, values and approach that R2K espouses are all programmes provincial and national

refining praxis? Do staff have a common general approach that is guided by these principles

when working with communities? The planned appointment of Campaign Co-ordinator could have

an important role to play in refining praxis.

If the contention is that:

securitisation, the denial of the right to access information, the right to communicate the right to

freedom of expression is both at the core and symptomatic of the system of neo-liberal

capitalism; and that these components are

key components to defend and advance this paradigm: and

the intensity with regard to these rights being violated is connected to a challenge and pressure

from below.

Then, the right to organise to change this system from below is critical. True freedom of expression can

only take place in a transformed society “where we all have the right to know – that is to be free to

access and to share information. This right is fundamental to any democracy that is open, accountable,

participatory and responsive; able to deliver the social, economic and environmental justice we need. On

this foundation a society and an international community can be built in which we all live free from want,

in equality and in dignity.” It is therefore a protracted struggle and goes beyond the right to protest,

which currently falls under one of four sub-focus areas of the securitization and secrecy.

In the light of the contextual analysis, the increased working with communities and the imperative of

building movement for transformative change from below this evaluation in its initial report

recommended that R2K incorporate in its programme the Right to Organise as a new leg. There was a

sense from the evaluation that this orientation and centrality of working with communities is currently

gravitating R2K in this direction.

25

On feedback and discussion after the initial report, it was agreed that this is an intersecting cross-cutting

under-pinning frame of the various legs of the campaign and if it was made more explicit it would have

implications for how the other legs are shaped and organised. As with cross-cutting themes, they can

cross cut to varying degrees. It is thus important to build on the more intensive shift to working more

directly and intensively with communities in struggle and for provinces and legs to reflect how they

support the right to organise and how it cross–cuts in their programme of action.

Recommendation 1

1.6 In the light of the more intensive shift to a more community based approach by R2K; the complex

and dangerous conditions that formations are confronted with in struggle and the systemic/structural

dimensions to securitisation, freedom of expression, communication and access to information; that

R2K includes the right to organise more intensively as a cross-cutting dimension to the work of all

legs. This is in part being covered by the call for work to be more rooted in struggles of communities

and for the legs to be increasingly intersect with struggles, provincial strategy and plans.

1.7 That R2K deepens its ideological and strategy coherence and congruence both as a collective

orientation of all campaign focus areas/legs and as stand-alone focus areas/campaign legs.

1.8 That there is increasing and deepening ideological refinement that includes more strongly the

structural and systemic dimensions of securitisation, access to information and freedom of

expression with a strong feminist and gender perspective, both at a collective focus thrust of R2K

and as individual campaign legs. This should be done in a non-sectarian manner in the spirit of

questioning, unity in action and guided and be in sync with the principles and constitution of R2K.

1.9 That it continues its proven multi-pronged strategy with a deepening of focus areas programmes

being linked and informed by struggles of communities.

1.10 That in the light of more intensive work in the designated community sites, R2K defines and

refines is its emancipatory praxis with a strong feminist and gender component. To assist this it

needs to have sound documentation of work in the designated community sites, and space to reflect

and refine its praxis and methodologies.

3. AN ANALYSIS OF THE GAINS AND CHALLENGES OF THE WORK OF R2K

This analysis is drawn from the responses of the questionnaire, the desk-top analysis, the PWG focus

group discussions and interviews/discussion with selected individuals

3.1 Achievements, strengths,

advances, gains, results and

impact

Why has it achieved this? What are some of the

processes and factors that assisted to achieve this?

1. R2K has transformed from a

small group of activists on a

single issue to a more mass-

Through democratic increased representation and

participation on decision-making structures, like the

PWG’s, focus areas and NWG;

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based campaign rooted in

the struggles of poor

communities taking up a

broader range of issues. It

has a sustained presence in

three provinces.

Through focusing more specifically on access to

information issues and struggles related to basic services

and rights in communities.

The multi-facet nature of its strategy.

2. R2K has become a

campaign that effectively

combines practical action

and mobilisation with

targeted research,

advocacy, and intellectual

production, including

popular materials and

education.

Through expansion of provincial working groups;

The hiring of additional organising and administrative

staff and offices in three provinces;

Focus groups bring in allied assistance and expertise and

allow for more targeted work on range of fronts/pillars of

the campaign.

A strong thrust towards deepening the political content of

struggles.

3. R2K has become the

foremost national voice for

information rights. It is

broadly recognised as a key

role player in the access to

information/securitisation

sector.

There are high levels of commitment, energy, and

confidence from NWG, PWG, and staff.

R2K has developed the ability to draw on and effectively

use multiple skills and allies at all levels – legal, social

mobilisation, design, media etc.

Sound strategy, tactics and linking the campaign to issues

of local struggles.

Key areas of research and knowledge competence on its

legs of work

Efficient use of limited communications resources and

taking the space and opportunities presented.

4. Recognition as a key role-

player in Access to

Information/Securitisation

Key research promoted through the network; engaging as

amicus curiae in key cases; policy interventions and mass

mobilisation; linking local socio-economic struggles to

policy changes.

Popular publications on a range of issues, including its

tabloid.

5. Asserting that activists have

the democratic right to

protest

By informing activists of their rights, activists and R2K

challenging the unfair denial to protest and the

requirement to pay fees for protest.

This is the newest leg. It is a critical development in

terms of the ongoing securitisation of the state and the

mood of the day. Solid foundation laid a good

understanding of the legal and other frameworks.

6. Building democratic non-

sectarian, open

organisation. There is a

sound organisational

culture.

Practicing transparency, inclusivity, democracy with

people’s formations and activists setting the agenda with

more ownership of the campaign.

R2K is built on principles of collective leadership in the

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Provincial and National Working groups. This requires

democratic decision - making.

It also relies on the work of a core group of committed

volunteers as well as paid staff committed to the

principles of R2K. It is a different type of democratic

activist driven campaign and has the features of a

campaign and coalition but largely expresses its activism

through a growing Right to Know movement.

7. Right to communicate. R2K

has contributed to the

debate around the cost of

telephony/data.

Putting access to

telecommunications critically

on the social justice agenda

and engaging mobile

operators.

Responding to activist priorities, research, information

sharing, active media engagement, including, op- eds,

popular education, mobilisation (including a day of action

in 2014 where for the first time simultaneous events held

in the different R2K centres)

Pressure on public institutions and private corporations.

8. Increased the willingness

and capacity of its key

activists to engage in a

wider range of advocacy

and mobilisation work and

in the process, strengthened

the core human resources

of the Campaign

Through the holding of leadership schools, ongoing

activism, media, campaigns and political education as well

as regular political discussions and decentralisation of

activist tasks and work.

9. Effectively halted or

positively impacted on many

pieces of legislation that

threaten the rights of access

to information and freedom

of expression and in the

process, extended its

influence and position in

broader society. Eg.

Stopped the secrecy bill

from becoming law.

Stop the Secrecy Bill has not

become law and this can be

attributed substantially to

the efforts of R2k which

A sustained campaign that occupied a range of spaces to

challenge the Secrecy Bill.

Very hard work and dedicated activism over a long period

of time (engagements, submissions, legal cases and

direct action) targeted at Parliament as well as various

government departments and politicians.

A popular campaign that saw communities link their

struggles and future struggles

Through developing a broad based collation with a

sustained campaign and the use of a wide range of tactics

and hard work for a long period.

These have catalyzed a much greater interest from the

broader public around the issues/struggles and have

provided R2K with a legitimacy and respect far beyond its

numbers and organisational reach.

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almost exclusively led a

consistent rolling campaign.

This campaign also gave

space to democrats inside

the governing alliance to

question the Bill

This is a significant schism and one that should be

worked on given the fractious nature of the ruling party.