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Participation Lethargy in Disaster Preparedness Organizations within

the Framework of a Turkish CBO

by Kivanc Inelmen, Department of Tourism Administration and Center for

Disaster Management (CENDIM), Bogazici University; Arzu Iseri Say, De-

partment of Management and CENDIM, Bogazici University; and Hayat

Kabasakal, Department of Management and CENDIM, Bogazici Univer-

sity, Istanbul, Turkey�

Abstract

The objective of the present study is to examine the history, activities, and

relationships of a neighbourhood service cooperative, which evolved into a

neighbourhood disaster management project that has been adopted by more

than 100 neighbourhoods in the north western part of Turkey. In order to un-

derstand the core reasons for participation lethargy of the public in commu-

nity based organizations (CBOs) for disaster preparedness, both qualitative

and quantitative data collection methods were employed. An active CBO, at

the local level, is shown to have a positive influence on the trustworthiness

and perception of responsibility of such organizations by the public. The re-

spondents in this study seem to prefer autonomous and expert actors that

formally belong to the centralized state system, such as universities, search

and rescue teams, and the military, although they also attribute responsibil-

ity to CBOs for disaster related activities and expect some level of leader-

ship from these organizations. The findings point to the direction of a

cultural phenomenon, which results in high power distance and low future

orientation, coupled with low levels of trust towards institutions and lack of

public legitimacy of such organizations. This results in the public avoiding

active engagement in preparedness initiatives and suggests the need for an

initial leading group to mobilize the community in this area. A set of policy

recommendations are provided that will contribute to increasing the effec-

tiveness of CBOs and will allow them become stronger actors in the net-

work of interactions regarding disaster related activities, especially in

centralized state systems.

Keywords: Turkey, earthquakes, disaster preparedness, CBOs, community

participation

International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 130

Introduction

The August 17, 1999 Marmara Earthquake in Turkey, with a magnitude of

7.4 on the Richter Scale and with the epicentre located at Golcuk, struck an

area of more than 41,000 square kilometres between Istanbul and Bolu. The

earthquake struck the Turkish people, government, and institutions in a

quite unprepared state. There were massive losses in human lives, physical

injuries, psychological disorders, as well as material and economic losses as

a result of this disaster. According to official statistics, more than 17,000

people lost their lives and approximately 44,000 were hospitalised. The

State Planning Organization estimated the monetary losses to be in the range

of US$9 to US$13 billion. Although Istanbul was influenced by the Mar-

mara Earthquake to a moderate extent, the city is under the risk of a major

future earthquake since it is situated in the western part of the North Anato-

lian fault line. This region experienced high magnitude earthquakes in 1509,

1706, and 1894, yet little public and institutional knowledge remains from

those disasters.

Turkey is a high earthquake-prone country and has experienced many

high magnitude earthquakes in different parts of the country. However, the

Marmara Earthquake had the strongest impact in recent years, mainly due to

the fact that this is the most densely populated and industrialized region with

large industrial plants. Surprised with the huge impact of the Marmara

Earthquake, many researchers visited the site and analysed the problems

that were experienced. Among the long list of problems reported, the inade-

quacy of the centralized government structure in emergency response was

noted as the most significant issue (Ozerdem and Barakat, 2000). In contrast

to the state institutions’ poor response to the Earthquake, the involvement of

civil society organizations in delivery of emergency services was quite im-

pressive.

This paper addresses the issue of community involvement in disaster

mitigation, preparedness, and emergency response in Turkey, specifically in

the Istanbul area. Particularly, we aim to study the history, activities, and re-

lationships of a neighbourhood service cooperative, the Gayrettepe Culture,

Environment, and Administrative Cooperative (GC), which focuses its ef-

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 131

forts on community preparedness and mitigation. This paper aims to assess

the attitudes of the community towards actively participating in disaster

management and the issues that are related to the activation and functioning

of community-based organizations (CBOs) and NGOs in disaster manage-

ment. The ability to organize and form voluntary participations in commu-

nity activities are closely associated with dominant values and norms in

societies (Fukuyama, 1995) and thus this paper will address the shared val-

ues, norms, and practices in Turkish society in an attempt to analyse partici-

pation of community members in disaster preparedness, mitigation, and

response activities.

Conceptual Framework

Over the last decade, the disaster management community has come to rec-

ognize the limitations of only relief-based disaster management. There has

been a greater emphasis on a more developmental and participatory ap-

proach to disaster management (Twigg, 2000). Many disaster-prone nations

and international organizations, such as the United Nations in the Yokohama

Message, have emphasized the importance of mitigation relative to response

and recovery (Iwan et al., 1999). Disaster prevention, mitigation, and pre-

paredness activities can play a significant role in reducing the physical and

human consequences of disasters via a wide range of structural and non-

structural measures. Research has shown (e.g., Benson, Twigg and Myers,

2001) that the community-based programs have many advantages including

the use of local knowledge, capabilities, flexibility, and sensitivity to local

conditions as compared with standard centralized plans. Bolin and Stanford

(1998) indicate that several CBOs and NGOs were involved in the recovery

process of the 1994 Northridge California Earthquake and attempted to as-

sist vulnerable groups with special needs, such as low level income groups,

ethnic groups, minorities, and the disabled. The Northridge experience

showed that the disaster bureaucracy should provide timely resources to

NGOs and CBOs for the implementation of local programmes.

Community work has been conceptualised as a practice continuum of

governmental, state-led community development and non-governmental or-

ganizations (Korazim-Körösy, 2000) and they can be differentiated along


the dimensions of locus of initiation, funding sources, main goals, level of

complexity, and the mode of intervention. The GC and its development can

be categorized as a “mixed economy” model between the two ends of this

continuum where the grassroots activity was partially funded by both na-

tional and international sources and delivered through more formalized

structures. The GC can also be categorized as similar to the “macro-

practice” models in the US and Israel reported by Korazim-Körösy (2000)

in terms of community advocacy and development scope, although initially

the GC did not have a matching amount of directedness in terms of bringing

about social change.

The emergence of community groups, following disasters, for aiding

and recovery can be analysed by Haas and Drabek’s (1973) typology of in-

teraction systems. Several types of interaction systems are differentiated in

this model, with regard to complexity and permanence. Some interaction

systems are transitory and short-lived, whereas others can be categorized as

relatively permanent. The groups that are formed on an ad hoc basis can be

labelled as “emergent organizations,” which Haas and Drabek categorized

as relatively transitory. With regard to the internal structure of these types of

organizations, Wilson and Oyola-Yemaiel (2000) stated that women may be

key participants or leaders in emergent communities, particularly when the

existing organizations are not able to meet the basic needs of the disaster af-

fected community. This paper aims to study an emergent group, which

evolved into a disaster relief group after the 1999 Marmara Earthquake. The

study focuses on the dynamics of GC as it evolved into the emergent group

and finally into GMAY (Gayrettepe Neighbourhood Disaster Management),

which is a more permanent organization dealing with neighbourhood disas-

ter preparedness.

A community is generally characterized by shifting structures of in-

terest and a less stable and legitimised power structure (Hatch, 1997). The

GC, having originated from the community development needs, is thus not a

rigid and formalized organization, especially in the stages that are described

in this study. The organization chosen for this study is analysed within a

broader view of organizations as social structures operating as open sys-

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 133

tems. Concepts are borrowed from institutional theory (legitimacy), and

structuration theory (autonomy-dependence, and power as transformative

capacity) to identify and analyse the organizational issues in the evolving

history of the GC. In the institutional perspective, legal and political as well

as cultural and social influences shape the environment in which organiza-

tions evolve (Powell and DiMaggio, 1991). These influences will vary in

terms of their strength and presence in different environments. Organiza-

tions operate and adapt in these contexts in order to gain social legitimacy,

which is accepted as one of the inputs in the open systems view of organiza-

tions. Thus, organizations will give importance to legitimacy as much as

they value their survival.

Structuration theory is involved with the actions that are repeated over

time, which form social structures (Giddens, 1984). These social structures

enable interaction and constrain action simultaneously, which delivers sta-

bility and balance in change processes. This produces the power relations

that deal with autonomy and dependence. Power in these social structures

can be experienced as transformative capacity, that is, as a result of one’s

own will and authority, as well as domination. Organizations and individu-

als can use power as transformative capacity to define their degree of auton-

omy or dependence.

The framework of the present research also includes the necessity of a

broader understanding of the socio-cultural context and the perceptions of

the society that are shaped by it. Previous research has reported low levels of

public trust toward the state and most institutions in Turkey (e.g., Adaman,

Carkoglu and Senatalar, 2001; Inelmen, 2003). Loss of faith in state institu-

tions is also a phenomenon that can be found in other countries, such as the

United Kingdom (Fenton, Passey and Hems, 1999).

High levels of importance attributed to kinship and friendship ties

(i.e., in-group collectivism) (Kabasakal and Bodur, 2002) coupled with in-

ternal migration are among the antecedents that hinder the development of

process-based trust (Zucker, 1986). Moreover, the Turkish culture can also

be characterized by high acceptance of and obedience for authority (i.e.,

power distance) and its low emphasis on planning for future events as


shown by low scores on “future orientation” (Kabasakal and Bodur, 2002).

Accentuating high power distance within Turkish society, political pro-

cesses witnessed recurring interruptions in the form of coups, which jeop-

ardized the formation and flourishing of volunteer organizations (Sunar and

Sayari, 1987). Furthermore, both lack of interpersonal trust and associabil-

ity in the Turkish culture leads to the prevalence of primordial affiliations in

society. It was observed that, in urban Turkey (White, 1996), voluntary as-

sociations as well as other forms of civic activities are often organized on

the basis of shared experiences, trust, and bonds of reciprocity, rather than

on an individual, contractual membership basis. In the formation and opera-

tion of political, economic, and social organizations, primordial affiliations

including familial and kinship ties, and other informal acquaintances be-

come influential factors (Esmer, 1999). For example, in most business con-

texts, informal dispute settlement through family elders and oral contract

use on the basis of social exchange relationships are preferred to more for-

mal methods (Inelmen, 2003).

Moreover, research shows that, concerning disasters, some level of fa-

talism is prevalent in Turkish society (Fisek, Muderrisoglu, Yeniceri and

Ozkarar, 2001; Ozerdem and Barakat 2000). In fatalistic societies, as all

deeds are believed to be pre-ordained and arranged by God, the individual

can do little to change the course of action. When taken in the context of dis-

aster management, individuals in fatalistic societies would perceive that

there is no or little use in taking preventive measures, such as preparedness

and mitigation. It also reflects a relief strategy that focuses on what to do af-

ter the disaster rather than focusing on what can be done before the disaster.

Background of GC

After the 1950s, with migratory waves from small towns to Istanbul and

with the opening of the Bosphorus Bridge in 1973, and being situated on this

transportation hub between the Asian and European sides, Gayrettepe en-

joyed rapid development. In addition to the residential buildings, hotels, and

private businesses, the area also hosts directorate headquarters of important

public organizations, such as the Post Office. Thus, the main earthquake risk

characteristics of the region are high population density and high-rise build-

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 135

ings concentrated in a relatively small area. However, the three women who

established the GC in 1991 did not initially intend to trigger the develop-

ment of a neighbourhood disaster management project. At the beginning,

the aim of the founding mothers of this service cooperative was to develop

solutions to several neighbourhood problems, including traffic regulations

and improvement of parks and the surrounding environment in an area

which includes both high and low income groups as well as a high percent-

age of business establishments.

One of the founding members, who also headed the GC, was a phar-

macist in the neighbourhood, which facilitated her contact with the residents

and also established her as a credible person. She was one of the driving

forces behind this organization, which later assumed a disaster preparedness

function. Aiming to become a strong interest and pressure group to realize

the wishes and needs of the neighbourhood population, GC mediated sev-

eral issues with the central and local administrative bodies. Positioning itself

as a civil initiative, among other activities, the GC also participated in the

meetings of Habitat II, which was held in Istanbul in 1996. This event was

instrumental in increasing both the belief in the effectiveness of CBOs and,

in particular, in the GC’s capacity in being influential in issues relating com-

munity development. The head of the cooperative was elected as the muhtar

(neighbourhood administrator) of Gayrettepe in the April 1999 local elec-

tions. Being a locally designated public servant responsible to the central

government, muhtar operates at the local level and has a uniquely Turkish,

administrative status. Having been elected to the position of muhtar gave

the then chair of the GC the necessary formal power, which increased the ca-

pability of the cooperative in achieving better results for the neighbourhood

in combination with the efforts of the volunteers.

After the 1999 Marmara Earthquake, GC mobilized its resources for a

transitory period of time on humanitarian aid to the disaster victims and re-

lief activities. Later, this emergent group evolved into a more permanent or-

ganization called GMAY, which focuses on earthquake preparedness in its

neighbourhood. The project that GC evolved into has been a prototype for

similar neighbourhood projects that have been widely adopted in the Mar-


mara region. The choice of GMAY for this study is based on the fact that by

2003, a total of 116 neighbourhoods in the Marmara region had adopted this

project, which has been claimed to reach about one million people in these

districts. A more recent interview with one of the consultants for the Istanbul

Metropolitan Municipality indicated that this project was being closely

watched by the Municipality for possible adoption throughout the city�. The

wide acceptance of this project shows its success and merits our attention.

Methods

Qualitative Study

In order to gain detailed information about the neighbourhood and the con-

text in which GMAY operates, a focus group with 10 members of the

GMAY board of directors followed by in-depth interviews with two key in-

formants were conducted. The GMAY Board of Directors constituted a

group of people with various technical capabilities (such as, journalist, civil

engineer, economist, and manager) with connections to other civil society

organizations (three of the members having multiple memberships in

NGOs) as well as a strong neighbourhood network. The average age of the

members of the GMAY Board of Directors was 53.6 years and the level of

education was relatively high, including seven university graduates. The

gender distribution of the group was equally balanced. Also, six of the par-

ticipants were not employed.

Survey

The reasons for low levels of participation in CBOs and NGOs, regarding

earthquake preparedness and mitigation, are examined in the district of Gay-

rettepe, which is located in the central part of the city of Istanbul. The data

for this study was collected by a questionnaire that was completed during an

interview process that was conducted by trained field workers in May 2002.

In addition to an extensive literature review, the questionnaire was devel-

oped after in-depth interviews with informants including a preparedness

program coordinator, a volunteer fire fighter group representative, an archi-

tect, a pharmacist, and two centrally appointed authorities. Given the fact

that the issue is context-sensitive, the constructs in the questionnaire were

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 137

developed by the researchers. However, since there was no reliable list of

residents to serve as a sampling frame, and a number of business establish-

ments were situated in the region, the use of a random sample design was

not possible. Therefore, a non-probability sampling design, namely judge-

mental sampling, was adopted. The muhtar was instrumental in locating the

buildings with residential areas, rather than business establishments. Within

the buildings, a systematic sampling method was employed where field

workers were instructed to start sampling in the second floor of the building

(this was predetermined judgementally) and start with the residence with the

lowest apartment number in which the resident agreed to participate. The

following residence to be selected for the sample was determined by adding

four (4) to the last residence number. This procedure was continued until the

whole building was covered. Visits to the individual flats and houses were

made at different hours of the day, both during the weekdays and weekends,

in order to get responses from both working and non-working individuals.

The final sample consisted of 105 respondents.

Sample Characteristics

The detailed breakdown of the sample is shown in Table I. The sample con-

sisted of approximately equal numbers of women and men. The majority of

this group was married and had at least one child. The mean age of the re-

spondents is 41.8 years (st. dev. = 14.72). More than half of the respondents

were employed and the majority were high school or university graduates. A

high percentage (74.5%) of the respondents indicated that their income

meets their basic needs, while the remaining respondents reported having

incomes that did not meet their basic needs.

Findings and Discussion

Interview and Focus Group Results

The GC, as a civil initiative, which was founded with the goal of enhancing

solidarity during the “good days,” assumed the role of an emergent

organization of disaster response, after the 1999 Marmara Earthquake.

Engaging in donation collection right after the Earthquake, the GC members

went to the Izmit region on August 20�� with a lorry full of supply material.


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Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 139

The GC members spent several days in the field, and their assistance efforts

continued until February 2001. On their return, GC members contacted an

architect, who had previously presented his ideas on a roundtable program

on a nationally broadcast television channel, to guide the GMAY initiative.

During the interview, the architect admitted that, without the pre-existing

civil initiative, the GMAY type of effort would have been futile, given that it

needs to be based on a network of volunteer organizations. Also, according

to the architect, the chair of the volunteer organization needs to run for the

office of the muhtar and an architect should be elected simultaneously as a

co-chair with the muhtar, pointing to the needed legitimacy for community

groups in a high power distance society, where the muhtar provides the

much needed formal authority. This collaboration resulted in redesigning

the Gayrettepe neighbourhood into 32 sub-districts, with the aim of forming

identifiable and interconnected units. These units were further divided on

the basis of the buildings; groups of five people were assigned the responsi-

bility for each sub-district.

In its most recent state, GMAY has weekly meetings, where strategies

and action plans are discussed. Although GMAY had support from several

agencies, the muhtar reported that it still has to overcome several difficulties

arising both from the bureaucracy and the public’s attitudes regarding disas-

ter preparedness. During the interview, the muhtar argued that achieving

public participation in GMAY’s activities was especially difficult, primarily

because, in this particular culture, people were not accustomed to teamwork.

Proving to be a “trustworthy” organization was suggested as a must to win

people over for such efforts. The muhtar claimed that most people prefer to

observe and even test the organization for a while before agreeing to con-

tribute any resources.

Given the aforementioned cultural characteristics, this “atypical”

group of people, such as those that work in GMAY, is needed to initiate an

organization and act as leaders. The GMAY Board of Directors’ demo-

graphic characteristics reveal this important aspect. The relatively high edu-

cational levels coupled with the occupational experiences that the group

bears, demonstrates the quality and power of the volunteer effort. Moreover,


having equal numbers of men and women in the group is not a typical organ-

isational feature in Turkey paralleled with the fact that the founding mem-

bers were also three women. However, although this atypical feature of the

group is considered to be a strength for initiating a community organization

and for leadership potential, it has proven to be insufficient to positively in-

fluence participation levels. It can be suggested that although such a group is

necessary at the initiation stage, in order to secure larger community partici-

pation at later stages, the composition of the small leading group should be

revised and enlarged to include people who are more representative of the

community.

During the focus group session, participants raised their concerns

about the relative lack of interest on the part of the neighbourhood popula-

tion in GMAY activities. Despite their intensive efforts to get people in-

volved in the preparedness activities, it was acknowledged that there were

high levels of fear resulting from previous earthquake related experiences,

which leads to the perception of lack of control, avoidance, and fatalism,

based on the Islamic religious influence. It was also stated that gaining the

support of the Directorate of Religious Affairs and of the appointed relig-

ious official (imam), was of critical importance to mobilise people in local

communities to participate in preparedness efforts. According to the partici-

pants, the rather recent migrants from rural regions could be won over in

that way. The helplessness experienced by the locals, partially caused by

“vicarious traumatization” (Fisek, et al., 2001) due to the excessive media

coverage immediately following the Marmara Earthquake, and people lack-

ing the necessary disaster preparedness awareness were the other factors

that contribute to participation lethargy, according to the focus group par-

ticipants.

The need for partial share transfer from the municipal taxes in order to

provide financial support for local civil initiatives was among the most men-

tioned issue during the focus group discussion. The need for both vehicle

and technical personnel support from the district municipality was also

mentioned. Moreover, the interviewees contended that training of both the

GMAY volunteers and the local population was very important. For this par-

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 141

ticular purpose, volunteers participated in several training programs, pro-

vided by the Kandilli Observatory and Earthquake Research

Institute-KOERI� (community emergency response training); an NGO,

which specializes on search and rescue (search and rescue training); a highly

reputable civil engineering company (retrofitting course); and, a private

hospital (first-aid training). Finally, the interviewees also stated that, when

approached, the business owners and employees of business establishments,

who constitute a substantial portion of the day population of the neighbour-

hood, showed an even higher reluctance than the residents to participate in

activities coordinated by GMAY. The interviewees noted this reluctance as

an important obstacle since the capacities that these establishments have

could not be utilized for preparedness efforts.

Survey Results

Reasons for Refraining from Joining a Disaster-Related CBO or NGO

At the neighbourhood level, six respondents indicated that they were mem-

bers of a disaster-related CBO, 54 respondents (51.4%) mentioned that they

were aware of such organized activity, whereas the rest (42.9 %) reported

that they had no knowledge of such organizations. In order to understand

why individuals refrain from joining a disaster-related CBO or NGO, a list

of possible reasons was presented to the respondents, from which they could

select more than one item. The most cited reasons for refraining from join-

ing a disaster-related organization were “not being aware of such an organi-

zation,” “not being invited,” “having no time,” “not knowing how much

time the activities take,” “not knowing what is expected from members,”

“expecting an invitation to join,” and “not being aware of the CBOs/NGO’s

goals.”

A non-hierarchical cluster analysis was conducted and the items were

grouped to identify relatively homogeneous groups of cases based on the

reasons for not joining disaster-related organizations. This analysis revealed

three main clusters one of which consists of “not having relevant skills, not

believing that they will be appreciated, idea of joining is not appealing, not

wanting to think about it as it creates negative feelings, earthquakes are

God-made and we should not intervene, and expecting an invitation to join.”


This cluster can be labelled as not having capabilities and avoidance. This

cluster portrays the incompatibility of the respondents’ attitudes and beliefs

to join associations of disaster preparedness due to a lack of positive self-

evaluation and external confirmations. The second cluster, which consists

of “not being aware of such an organization and having children to take care

of” can be labelled as unfamiliarity and having other occupations. The third

cluster includes the reason of “having no time; not knowing what is ex-

pected of the members; not knowing how much time and energy it can take;

not knowing the aims of those organizations” this group can be labelled as

uncertainty and lack of time. Table II (overleaf) portrays the results of the

cluster analysis. Also, the focus group results pointed toward the same di-

rection, that the community prefers to observe and assess the organization

for credibility and reliability before considering participation. Moreover, the

lack of ease with teamwork practices and low levels of preparedness aware-

ness were mentioned to be the major hurdles in achieving the desired level

of participation. In the context of prior research, which suggests that trust

can be developed in part through citizens working together in voluntary or-

ganizations (Fenton, et al., 1999) and that it could lead to higher levels of

participation in preparedness efforts, lack of participation arises as a major

problem that needs to be addressed.

It is noteworthy that the idea of joining preparedness organizations is

not seen as appealing and people refrain from participating in them because

they do not have the relevant capabilities, avoidance due to lack of external

confirmation, uncertainty and unfamiliarity with such organizations, and

being busy in general. These findings could be taken as reflecting the gen-

eral tendency of the Turkish people to rely on close ties and acquaintances

for getting involved in organized activity (Esmer, 1999). Furthermore, the

role of low levels of trust towards these organizations is evident in the fact

that a significant proportion of respondents indicated that lack of informa-

tion was one of the main reasons for not joining them. Nevertheless, it seems

that “being invited” is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for joining

CBOs. These findings corroborate previous research results (Iseri, Inelmen,

Kabasakal and Akarun, 2002) indicating that in the Turkish context, com-

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 143

munity members are suspicious of out groups and, therefore, would be re-

luctant to associate with them.

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In the present study, the overarching theme in these clusters is the dis-

trust born by the unfamiliarity with the CBO itself and with its goals, finding

excuses that are legitimate enough to keep individuals away from devoting

time and effort to joining disaster-based organizations, and not perceiving

their skills as relevant. The focus group results confirmed this finding by

pointing to institutional factors such as restrictions born by the legal envi-

ronment leading to questions of legitimacy, culminating in low levels of in-

stitutional trust. In an earlier investigation by Schmid (1998), studying a

similar organization, familiarity of residents with community organization

programmes and participation in designing new programmes was found to


be quite low. Such results point to the lack of the organization’s public legiti-

macy, which is as important as political legitimacy. Both types of legitimacy

are important, when the level of environmental ambiguity creating pressures

on the institutional process (Powell and DiMaggio, 1991) is considered.

From a sociological perspective, it could be suggested that the CBOs did not

fully utilize their power to act and to attract participation, thus their power

has not become a transformative capacity (Giddens, 1984).

Furthermore, low levels of trust towards these organizations may re-

sult from the fact that a significant proportion of respondents indicated that

lack of information was one of the main reasons for not joining them. Hyde,

Meyer and Cook (2002) point to the potential of community benefits dis-

tricts (CBD) in the development of social capital through increased net-

working and relationship building among an area’s residents. Volunteer

organizations could be regarded as modern sources of trust and loyalty,

which are the main building blocks of social capital (Coleman, 1988; Fenton

et al., 1999). In the case of the GMAY, this potential could be utilized to fur-

ther disaster preparedness activities. Moreover, the transfer of a share of the

district’s municipality taxes, that GMAY members’ desire, could also be re-

alized in the CBD model.

Another finding of this study was that 14 percent of respondents men-

tioned fatalistic concerns for not being involved in organized activities re-

garding disaster preparedness. As suggested by Ozerdem and Barakat

(2000), it can be argued that fatalism, which is reported to be dominant in

Turkish society, may influence individuals’ attitudes and orientation toward

disaster related activities by encouraging a passive stance in general. Thus,

it can be suggested that this kind of approach points toward a relief strategy

that deals with what to do after a disaster rather than focusing on what can be

done before the disaster. As mentioned earlier, the focus group participants

noted that, due to high levels of fear resulting from previous earthquake re-

lated experiences, lack of control, avoidance, and refuge in fatalism tend to

increase. Along the same line, the importance of the Islamic religious influ-

ence, especially among new immigrants, make the neighbourhood religious

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 145

official a potentially influential figure in increasing community awareness

by disseminating information and through persuasion.

Trust toward Actors as Information Sources

Respondents were provided a list, at the individual and institutional levels,

in order for them to assess the degree of trust towards different actors as

sources of information about earthquakes, using a 5-point Likert-scale (see

Table III). According to the respondents, the most trusted sources that pro-

vide information on earthquakes were scientists and engineers, followed by

KOERI and the military, CBOs, and the Istanbul Governorship. Respon-

dents’opinions about the trustworthiness of teachers and the neighbourhood

primary and secondary schools are neutral, but they perceive the Istanbul

Metropolitan Municipality, their relatives and friends, district municipali-

ties, and celebrities as less trustworthy sources of information regarding

earthquakes.

�� "5��# � �"�� "�� "& ��&"��"� ��

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�= 1�#'$�,��3 �= �� $�#'$�,��

As an institution, the Turkish military enjoys a high level of trust from

a large proportion of society, as shown by previous research (Adaman, et al.,

2001). This finding is supported by the present study in which respondents


rank the military as one of the most credible sources of information on earth-

quakes, which is not fully related to its primary activity domain. Neverthe-

less, the highest-ranking sources of trustworthy earthquake information are

scientists and KOERI, showing that technical expertise is highly valued in

this community. These findings suggest that, in contrast to the low levels of

trust towards centralized governmental institutions, universities, KOERI,

and the military are perceived as more trustworthy given their expertise, al-

though they are also part of the centralized state system. With regard to

CBOs, it can be proposed that being a tangible, active, and effective organi-

zation, that residents experience at the local level, increases its trustworthi-

ness as a source of information. Being a trustable local constituent enables

the organization to form networks and relationships within the neighbour-

hood and with its larger community (Hyde, Meyer and Cook, 2002) and to

use its power as transformative capacity (Giddens, 1984).

Perceptions of Responsibility

In order to investigate citizens’ perceptions regarding the responsibility of

different actors in pre- and post-disaster management, a list of specific

measures and activities that include search and rescue, safety and utilities

planning, first-aid, security, food and water storage, traffic control and ad-

ministration, shelter for the needy, psychological support, damage assess-

ment, and communication, was provided to them. The respondents were

also provided with a list of actors and were asked to choose three actors

whom they perceive as responsible for each measure and activity. Table IV

presents the findings regarding the respondents’ perceptions of responsibil-

ity in disaster management and provides a matrix where each disaster re-

lated activity and measure is matched with the actors perceived as

responsible for carrying them out.

When citizens were asked about the responsibility of different actors

in pre- and post-disaster management activities, we found that the state, mu-

nicipalities, and CBOs were held responsible in this neighbourhood. In line

with the high power distance values of Turkish society (Kabasakal and Bo-

dur, 2002), citizens expect that most of the pre- and post-disaster measures

will be implemented by the state and formal authorities, both elected and ap-

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 147


��6

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��8

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hta

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pointed. This finding was also supported by the focus group’s perception on

the lack of community participation, suggesting high expectations from the

governing bodies in finding solutions, which can be interpreted as shifting

the burden away from individual awareness and responsibility to the “father

state.” Although the inclusion of CBOs in the responsibility ranking seems

contradictory to this assertion, the fact that this specific CBO is identified

with the muhtar of the neighbourhood fits in with the above-described pic-

ture. An active CBO, which is led by the muhtar, seems to have an influence

on the citizens’ perceptions about responsibilities for disaster related activi-

ties. Existence of an effective and trustworthy local organization in the re-

gion has a positive effect on responsibility allocation and participation in

such organizations.

Leadership in Disaster Preparedness and Mitigation

In order to investigate the opinions of citizens regarding whom they would

prefer as the leader of an organization focusing on disaster preparedness and

mitigation, a list of possible leadership sources was provided from which re-

spondents could choose more than one item (see Table V). The most pre-

ferred actors and institutions for leadership in earthquake preparedness and

mitigation were well-recognized scientists, search and rescue teams, univer-

sities, family members, military, NGOs/foundations, local civil defence, and

Muhtars.

The expected leadership role of well-recognized scientists, search and

rescue teams, universities, as well as the military could be based on their ex-

pertise and extensive exposure through the media after the 1999 Marmara

Earthquake. However, in identifying the leadership roles for disaster related

activities, family members were also included as a legitimate leadership

source that can be attributed to high levels of trust from in-group members

(Kabasakal and Bodur, 2002). Thus, the form of collectivism in the Turkish

society is more about interdependence among family members and other

close knit networks, rather than an involvement in associations related to

community welfare and other institutional teamwork, which are perceived

to be more distant to the individual. In this framework, collective prepara-

tion of the community for a major disaster may suffer unless community

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 149

members perceive that the parties involved in preparedness activities are

part of their in-group. Thus, leadership becomes more important to facilitate

community involvement. The acceptable leadership sources cited by the re-

spondents indicate that expertise is given extreme importance by the inclu-

sion of sources like search and rescue teams, universities, and the military.

Another dimension that can be emphasized here is trust, which is docu-

mented to be very high towards these organizations. It can be derived that

citizens prefer and react positively to the leadership of actors that are re-

garded to have some autonomy although they formally belong to the central-

ized state system.

�� 6� ��&��# � �"�� &"� 3��#�� " ("�� )�� %��# � ��/��

��

��

��"��8�� '"��$�'$' ��

!��" �� '"#� $��' ��

��-��'�$��' ��

�� ,��

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)%:'.+�#��$��' ��

@�"�� "�-�� +��"� �

)�� ,�#� �� '$��$��

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�� A��

%�-��' ��

Conclusions and Policy Recommendations

The present study was aimed at examining the participatory behaviour of

residents, in one of the central districts of Istanbul, in an active disaster pre-

paredness and response organization, which developed a model project of

community disaster management. It was confirmed that active participation

of neighbourhood residents in preparedness activities was extremely low.

Such level of participation is alarming given that the probability of another


major earthquake in this region is very high. A recent study reports the prob-

ability of strong shaking in Istanbul, an urban centre of 10.5 million people,

as 62±15% during the next 30 years and 32±12% during the next decade

(Parsons et al., 2000).

Traditionally, like in many other action areas, Turkish people expect

central authorities to have the primary responsibility for disaster prepared-

ness efforts at the local level. However, having witnessed the weakness of

the disaster response phase during the Marmara Earthquake, the axis of ex-

pectation for taking responsibility in terms of disasters has shifted towards

decentralized actors, such as CBOs, NGOs, and local municipalities. As

shown by the present research, the respondents also attribute a leadership

role to these actors in addition to expert groups, such as scientists and uni-

versities, in activating participation in disaster related activities. In contrast

to the reported expectations about leadership and responsibilities for disas-

ter related activities, there seems to be a lack of willingness to actively par-

ticipate in CBOs among those surveyed. The factors, which contribute to the

lack of involvement in disaster preparedness organizations, include the dis-

trust borne by the unfamiliarity with CBO or NGO members, finding ex-

cuses that are legitimate enough to keep individuals away from devoting

time and effort and joining disaster-based organizations, and not perceiving

their own skills as relevant.

When the public legitimacy of such organizations is lacking, citizen

participation in these organizations can suffer, as shown by the present case.

In light of the cultural characteristics of the Turkish society, lack of partici-

pation in community work coincides with the highly in-group collectivist

and high power-distance nature of Turkish culture. Given that a highly in-

group collectivist society would prefer to form associations only with close

networks, it would be difficult for the community to organize and form asso-

ciations with people who would not be considered as part of their in-group.

Thus, there is a need for the leadership and activation of a group of initial or-

ganizers with expert or authority potential, such as the GMAY group. On the

other hand, the group will still face the issue of ensuring participation of the

larger community. This participation can be achieved by enhancing public

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 151

legitimacy of the initial group, which can be obtained by establishing links

with formal authorities. While the presence of the muhtar contributed to the

survival of GMAY, there is a need for regulatory arrangements, formal ac-

knowledgements of CBOs as legitimate, and the participation of central and

local governments in disaster related activities. Also, participation of the

larger community can be gained by utilizing the in-group collectivistic at-

tribute of society. In particular, the group members can reach their in-group

links to further enlarge the initiating group. Through a snowballing effect,

networks of group members can be included in the association in an effort to

reach a rather permanent organization that encompasses the larger commu-

nity.

While the leading group that initiated the organization (Gayrettepe

Culture, Environment, and Administrative Cooperative - GC) can be con-

sidered an atypical group, the muhtar who was a pharmacist in the neigh-

bourhood for many years, is a person who is well known and respected in

the community. Therefore, the leading group is not totally foreign or an

out-group for the individuals of the community. There can be other cases

where the leader(s) who initiate the organization may have a different

power-base yet would not be strictly defined as an out-group member. Fur-

thermore, the initiating groups may invite and include other members of the

community as part of the smaller leading group, which may help them to be-

come more representative of the community they want to reach.

Given the cultural characteristics of the Turkish society and the

framework of Haas and Drabek’s (1973) model, in order for the community

to contribute more fully to disaster related activities, two things are needed.

First, the leadership of the atypical group, composed of experts and well-

regarded individuals, who are known by the community, is essential. Sec-

ond, in order for the initiating group to activate participation, this group it-

self needs to be linked with the formal authorities to gain legitimacy, which

will ensure acceptance in this high power distance society.

Furthermore, the unfamiliarity and distance of the CBOs and NGOs,

as reported by the respondents, indicate that these organizations have not

fully utilized their power as transformative capacity for introducing them-


selves and attracting participation. By becoming a trustworthy constituent

of a network, the CBO could gain legitimacy and activate its transformative

capacity. Taken together, the findings point to the direction of a cultural phe-

nomenon of high power distance and low future orientation. In societies,

where high power distance is prevalent, authority and resource allocation

are centralized and decisions are made in the structures dominated by upper

level authorities. In low future oriented societies, where fatalism is domi-

nant, major deeds are perceived to be pre-arranged and, therefore, individu-

als believe that they have little or no control in reducing risks. For example,

these characteristics are manifested by avoiding active engagement in disas-

ter preparedness thus leading to procrastination. At least the respondents

seem to think that, if they wait long enough, the most feared will not happen,

which could be attributed to the fatalistic orientation of the society.

While the importance of community-based programs is increasing in

both long-term preparedness and emergency response programmes, govern-

ments still remain as major actors. They bear the ultimate responsibility for

the safety of their citizens and communities (Christoplos, Mitchell and Lil-

jelund, 2001). In a culture that is characterized by low levels of trust towards

out-group members, low levels of future orientation, and high power dis-

tance, there seems to be a need for a structured approach that would com-

bine efforts of both local leaders and state authority to activate participation

of community members in disaster preparedness and management. In order

to legitimise CBOs and NGOs’ activities, representatives from the local and

central governments could initiate collaborative activities and form partner-

ships with these organizations. Indeed, the Istanbul Governorship rather re-

cently “initiated” an NGO, called the “Disaster Association.” Such linkages

can be formed and can be effective if the linkage clearly defines the roles

and expectations as mutually beneficial for the parties involved.

In order to make CBOs and NGOs more familiar to the public,

administrators and managers need to engage in generating invitations to

stimulate public participation and activities that would attract the attention

of the general public. The CBOs and NGOs need to actively pursue

disseminating information about their organizations to position themselves

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 153

in psychological proximity and in order to be accepted by the public.

Community members’ awareness about possible risk and damage to their

private sphere needs to be communicated realistically by trustworthy

sources. Institutional frameworks are required for disaster related measures

given the fact that citizens respond to legal and regulatory arrangements

more positively. Regulatory arrangements that will allow CBOs and NGOs

to generate and provide financial, physical, and human resources for

strengthening their activities and organizations need to be institutionalised.

Considering the sensitive nature of the country regarding disasters,

incorporating these and other measures into a social policy agenda should

not be considered as extravagance.


Endnotes

1. Kivanc Inelmen, PhD, is Assistant Professor, Arzu Iseri Say, PhD, is As-

sociate Professor, and Hayat Kabasakal is Professor at Bogazici University.

This study was funded by the Bogazici University Research Fund project

number 01R105. Please direct all inquiries to Kivanc Inelmen, Hisar Cam-

pus, Hisarustu, 34342, Istanbul, Turkey or [email protected]. The

authors would like to thank Dicle Kogacioglu and Havidán Rodríguez for

their comments on earlier versions of this paper and three anonymous re-

viewers for their suggestions.

2. Personal interview with Dr. Metin Ilkisik.

3. KOERI at Bogazici University is the leading institution on earthquake

research in Turkey.

Volume 24 Number 10/11 2004 155

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