parent–child relationships, parental psychological control, and aggression: maternal and paternal...
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EMPIRICAL RESEARCH
Parent–Child Relationships, Parental Psychological Control,and Aggression: Maternal and Paternal Relationships
Kantahyanee W. Murray • Kathleen M. Dwyer •
Kenneth H. Rubin • Sarah Knighton-Wisor •
Cathryn Booth-LaForce
Received: 5 June 2013 / Accepted: 13 September 2013
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract Few studies have examined both maternal and
paternal parenting practices in the prediction of child out-
comes despite evidence that underscores the salience of
fathers throughout their children’s development. This study
examined the role of the quality of mother–child and father–
child relationships in buffering the influence of ineffective
parenting practices on subsequent adolescent aggression.
Measures of parental psychological control, the quality of
the parent–child relationship, and youth aggressive behav-
ior were completed by 163 (49 % female) mostly White and
Asian adolescents and their parents during the eighth and
ninth grades. Paternal psychological control predicted
aggression when adolescents perceived low-quality rela-
tionships with their mothers. Similarly, maternal psycho-
logical control predicted aggression when adolescents
perceived low-quality relationships with their fathers.
Maternal psychological control was also associated with
lower levels of aggression among adolescent males who
reported a high-quality relationship with their father. These
findings indicate that, when one parent exerts psychological
control, the low-quality relationship the adolescent shares
with the opposite gender parent increases risk for adolescent
aggression. The findings also suggest that, as mothers exert
psychological control, the high-quality parent–child rela-
tionship a son shares with his father decreases risk for
adolescent aggression.
Keywords Adolescent aggression � Parent–child
relationships � Psychological control � Parenting
behaviors
Introduction
Despite the increasing influence of peers in adolescence,
parents play an important role in determining adolescent
aggression outcomes. Indeed, a number of studies reveal
that such parenting behaviors as parental support, moni-
toring knowledge, and psychological control are correlated
with adolescent aggression and similar problem behaviors
such as delinquency (e.g., Hoeve et al. 2009; Kinkaid et al.
2011; Simons-Morton et al. 2004). Parenting behaviors that
influence adolescent autonomy, namely monitoring
knowledge and psychological control, have been found to
have the largest effect on youth engagement in problem
behaviors (Galambos et al. 2003; Hoeve et al. 2009).
Because parenting occurs in the context of the parent–child
relationship, the quality of the relationship between a
parent and child plays an additional role in influencing
adolescent problem behavior outcomes (Laursen and Col-
lins 2009). Some youth are characterized by aggressiveness
as early as childhood that persists into adolescence, while
other youth initiate aggressive behaviors in adolescence
(Moffitt and Caspi 2001; Patterson and Yoerger 2002).
K. W. Murray (&)
School of Social Work, Ruth H. Young Center for Families and
Children, University of Maryland Baltimore, 525 West Redwood
Street, Baltimore, MD 21201, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
K. M. Dwyer
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 370 L’Enfant
Promenade, SW, Washington, DC 20447, USA
K. H. Rubin � S. Knighton-Wisor
Department of Human Development, University of Maryland
College Park, 3304 Benjamin Building, College Park, MD
20742, USA
C. Booth-LaForce
University of Washington, Seattle, CHDD, 106 South Building,
Box 357920, Seattle, WA 98195-7920, USA
123
J Youth Adolescence
DOI 10.1007/s10964-013-0019-1
Regardless of when aggression develops, parenting and the
parent–child relationship are relevant to the prevention and
development of aggression as well as its progression to
delinquency (e.g., Patterson and Yoerger 2002). Few
studies, however, have examined the predictive relation-
ships between the quality of both maternal and paternal
parent–child relationships, parenting behaviors, and ado-
lescent aggression.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate the moderat-
ing role of the parent–child relationship in the predictive
relationship between parental psychological control and
adolescent aggression. These relationships were studied
longitudinally in a sample of 13–14-year-old young ado-
lescents. Because less is known about father–child rela-
tionship quality and fathers’ parenting behaviors, we also
sought to disaggregate the notion of ‘‘parenting’’ by
investigating the unique contributions of both mothers and
fathers. The joint contribution of mothers and fathers and
whether these contributions varied by the children’s gender
were also examined, thereby facilitating a more complete
picture of the relationships between maternal and paternal
parenting behavior, the quality of the parent–child rela-
tionship, and subsequent adolescent aggressive behavior.
Parent–Child Relationships and Aggression
The quality of the parent–child relationship represents the
extent of the emotional connection between parent and
child (Furman and Buhrmester 1985). The parent–child
relationship helps shape how children examine the world
around them and provides children with affection, reliable
alliance, enhancement of worth, and instrumental aid
(Furman and Buhrmester 1985; O’Brien and Mosco 2012).
Because of the numerous emotional and instrumental ele-
ments these relationships provide, the quality of the parent–
child relationship has been posited to play a significant role
in psychological adjustment and maladjustment during the
adolescent period (Laursen and Collins 2009).
Researchers have found negative associations between
adolescent aggression and indicators of the quality of the
parent–child relationship such as parental responsiveness
(Jackson and Foshee 1998), positive quality of the parent–
child relationship (Orpinas et al. 1999), effective parent–
child communication (Lambert and Cashwell 2004), and
frequency of parent–child communication (Wright and
Fitzpatrick 2006). Measures of negative parent–child con-
flict have also been examined in the adolescent aggression
literature. For example, Simons-Morton et al. (2004) and
Georgiou and Fanti (2010) found that parent–youth conflict
was positively related to adolescent aggression involve-
ment. In contrast, Schiff and McKernan McKay (2003)
reported that mother-youth conflict failed to predict
aggressive behavior. Research has revealed similar patterns
of association between indicators of the quality of the
parent–child relationship, including measures of negative
parent–child interactions, and problem behavior (e.g.,
Pokhrel et al. 2008; Shelton et al. 2008).
Although researchers examine paternal measures of the
quality of parent–child relationship infrequently in research
on adolescence, mounting evidence suggests that the
quality of the father–child relationship relates to problem
behaviors (Bronte-Tinkew et al. 2006; Shek 2007; Wil-
liams and Kelly 2005). For example, Fosco et al. (2012)
reported that a measure of father–child relationship quality
was associated with reductions in early adolescent antiso-
cial behaviors over time, whereas mother–child relation-
ship quality was unrelated to antisocial behavior. In light of
the wide recognition of the importance of fathers in their
children’s development (Cabrera et al. 2000), the study of
how, and whether, adolescent aggression is predicted by
both maternal and paternal measures of the quality of the
parent–child relationship is warranted.
Psychological Control and Aggression
A growing body of research indicates that parental psy-
chological control is positively associated with adolescent
aggression (Kuppens et al. 2009; Soenens et al. 2008) and
related behaviors (Hoeve et al. 2009; Kinkaid et al. 2011).
Psychological control represents parenting that hinders the
healthy development of a child’s autonomy through the use
of tactics such as guilt induction, harsh criticism, love
withdrawal, and restriction of children’s independent
expression (Barber 1997). Because the expansion of
autonomy is a key developmental task in adolescence,
parenting behaviors that influence adolescent autonomy are
particularly germane to understanding adolescent outcomes
(Collins and Steinberg 2008). Although autonomy limiting
behaviors related to parental monitoring (often measured as
parental knowledge of adolescent whereabouts and activi-
ties) have been widely examined in adolescent aggression
and problem behavior studies, less attention has been
devoted to understanding the role of parental psychological
control in adolescence. The overwhelming majority of
studies of parental psychological control and adolescent
problem behavior only focus on maternal psychological
control findings (e.g., Murray et al. 2010; Mandara and
Pikes 2008). Although some studies included data on both
maternal and paternal psychological control, generally
these are youth-report data (Bean et al. 2006) and/or
maternal and paternal data are combined (Galambos et al.
2003) resulting in limited findings on the influence of
parent-reported maternal and paternal psychological con-
trol on problem behaviors (Kuppens et al. 2009; Soenens
et al. 2008). There is some evidence that maternal and
paternal psychological control may be equally salient in the
J Youth Adolescence
123
prediction of adolescent aggression (Kuppens et al. 2009;
Rodgers et al. 2003; Soenens et al. 2008). The influence of
parental psychological control would be better understood
with the inclusion of both maternal and paternal reports of
psychological control.
Joint Contributions of Parenting and Parent–Child
Relationships in Adolescence
Although a large body of research has demonstrated that
adolescents are influenced by both the quality of the par-
ent–child relationships and parenting behaviors like psy-
chological control, few researchers have examined the joint
contributions of parent–child relationships and parenting
behaviors in adolescence. Laird et al. (2003) examined the
role of the quality of the parent–child relationship as a
mediator between youth antisocial behavior and monitor-
ing knowledge. The findings suggest that a high-quality
parent–child relationship creates an environment of posi-
tive communication practices and child trust that enhances
the effect of positive parenting practices on adolescent
outcomes. In a Dutch adolescent sample, Bosmans et al.
(2006) found that secure child–parent attachment rela-
tionships, a representation of a high-quality parent–child
relationship, mediated the relationship between maternal
negative control (e.g., harsh parenting) and adolescent
externalizing behaviors such that poor parent–child rela-
tionships amplified the negative effect of harsh parenting
on adolescent problem behavior.
Other researchers have examined associations between
the quality of the parent–child relationship and parenting
behavior by exploring moderation effects. Bronte-Tinkew
et al. (2006) found that fathers’ authoritarian parenting
altered the strength of the link between father–child rela-
tionship quality and risky behaviors. That is, in the context
of fathers’ authoritarian parenting, positive father–child
relationships diminished adolescents’ engagement in
delinquency and substance use to a greater extent than when
a father’s parenting was authoritative. In a sample of young
adults and their parents, researchers found that maternal
knowledge of adolescents’ whereabouts was protective
against drug and alcohol use in the context of high mother-
reported mother–child relationship (Padilla-Walker et al.
2008). One major contribution of these moderation studies
is the use of child, father, and mother measures of parenting
and the presentation of separate mother and father parenting
and/or parent–child relationship findings. Taken together,
these moderation studies suggest that the emotional context
of the parent–child relationship influences other aspects of
parenting and parent–child interactions. These studies also
suggest that maternal and paternal parenting and the quality
of the parent–child relationship have differential effects on
youth outcomes and moreover, demonstrate that these
differential effects are elucidated further when pathways of
moderation are examined (Bronte-Tinkew et al. 2006; Pa-
dilla-Walker et al. 2008).
Influence of Parent and Children’s Gender
The association between maternal and paternal parenting,
parent–child relationships, and adolescent problem behav-
iors (e.g., aggression, delinquency) may also vary by the
child’s gender. Although this line of inquiry has not been
widely explored in the adolescent literature, divergent
findings have emerged. Some studies revealed that partic-
ular maternal and paternal parenting behaviors are the
strongest predictors of adolescent problem behaviors for
the same-sex child (see review in Hoeve et al. 2009;
Mandara and Pikes 2008) and, similarly, the relationships
that mothers and fathers share with their same-gender
children are the strongest predictors of problem behaviors
(Bronte-Tinkew et al. 2006).
There is also evidence that parenting behaviors have
greater influence on fathers’ and mothers’ opposite-gender
child (Gaylord-Harden et al. 2010), but contradictory evi-
dence of similar influence on the same- and opposite-
gender children (Gryczkowski et al. 2010; Rodgers et al.
2003). A handful of studies have found no child gender
differences in models examining the influence of maternal
and paternal parenting and the quality of their relationships
with daughters and sons (Fanti et al. 2008; Fosco et al.
2012). The mixed findings represented in this meager
volume of research underscore the need to examine the
prediction of problem behavior by father- and mother–
child relationships and paternal and maternal parenting
behaviors and whether these relationships vary by the
gender of adolescents.
The Present Study
The purpose of this study was to explore the potential
moderating role of the quality of the parent–child rela-
tionship in the relationship between parental psychological
control and subsequent adolescent aggression approxi-
mately 1 year later. Data were obtained from surveys
administered to adolescents and their parents during the
transition from middle school (eighth grade) to high school
(ninth grade) when the adolescents were 13 and 14 years of
age, respectively. Although the study follow-up period was
only 1 year, the study is poised to provide key insights into
the role of parenting during this important transition from
middle school to high school when adolescents experience
new stresses including an intensified need for peer accep-
tance and a desire for increased autonomy (Hill et al. 2007).
Parenting behavior and the quality of the parent–child
J Youth Adolescence
123
relationship may play protective or exacerbating roles in
the social development of adolescents transitioning to high
school (Eccles et al. 1993).
Given that some researchers suggest that parent–child
relationships may be difficult to alter during the period of
adolescence (Laursen and Collins 2009), our hypothesis
was that the effect of parental psychological control on
adolescent aggression would vary by the quality of the
parent–child relationship such that high quality of the par-
ent–child relationship would negate the effects of psycho-
logical control on aggression and low quality of the parent–
child relationship would augment the relationship between
aggression and psychological control. This hypothesis is
consistent with Darling and Steinberg’s (1993) proposal
that aspects of the parent–child relationship influence the
effectiveness of parenting practices on child outcomes.
Although we expected maternal and paternal measures of
psychological control and the quality of the parent–child
relationship would interact in the prediction of aggression,
no specific hypotheses were proposed, given the paucity of
research on cross-parent effects. We also expected that
findings for male and female adolescents might vary;
however, no specific hypotheses were proposed in light of
the mixed findings of previous studies.
Method
Participants
Participants were drawn from an ongoing study of youth
attending four public middle schools (containing Grades
6–8) in a large metropolitan area in the Northeast United
States. A total of 1,081 eighth-grade students attending the
public middle schools and their parents were invited to
participate in a peer nomination study. Of these 1,081
students, 23 % (N = 258) of families consented to partic-
ipate in a longitudinal study, which included the parent
report measures in the current study. This participation rate
is on the low end of rates reported in similar longitudinal
studies (e.g., Hafen and Laursen 2009; Silk et al. 2003),
partly due to the unavailability of school time for students
to complete the measures. In the ninth grade, 224 of these
students and their parents (86.8 % of the eighth grade
sample) separately returned another set of questionnaires.
There were no differences on any variables between those
who participated in the eighth grade but not the ninth
grade. A final set of contrasts failed to reveal any cohort or
school differences on any variable. Given the low consent
rate, selection bias is plausible. Data on students who
refused to participate in the larger peer nomination study
are unavailable.
The current study sample (N = 163) is comprised of
students (M age in eighth grade = 13.5, SD = .52) and
their mothers and fathers for which both youth and parent
data were available for the study variables at eighth grade
(Time 1) and ninth grade (Time 2). Forty-nine percent of
the adolescents were female and 51 % were male. The
ethnic breakdown of the sample was White (58 %), Asian
(23 %), Latino (6 %), Black (6 %), and other (7 %).
Ninety-two percent of the parents were married, 6 % were
divorced or separated, and 2 % were single or living with a
partner. Seventy-two percent of mothers and 77 % of
fathers had a college degree, some graduate school, or a
graduate degree. Also, available demographic information
classified the majority of the sample as middle- to upper-
middle class.
Procedures
The University of Maryland College Park Institutional
Review Board approved the research protocol for the
broader study of interpersonal relationships. Across the
eighth and ninth grades, data were collected during the
spring (April–June) of the school year. Participants were
first contacted by telephone; if both the parents and their
adolescents expressed interest, an informational letter,
parental consent form, and adolescent assent form were
mailed to the home. Depending on participant preference,
packets of questionnaires were mailed home (87 % of the
sample) or a link to a secure website was sent via e-mail
(13 % of the sample).
Measures
The Quality of the Parent–Child Relationship
in Adolescence
The Network of Relationships Inventory (NRI; Furman and
Buhrmester 1985) was completed by youth in the eighth
grade. The NRI examines adolescent perceptions of
maternal and paternal relationship support and provisions.
The 24-item positive relationship composite, comprising
the Social Support and Satisfaction subscales, was used to
assess the adolescents’ perceived relationship quality with
their mothers and fathers. Youth rated each item on a
5-point scale; response options varied depending on the
item. One example question is ‘‘How good is your rela-
tionship with this person?’’ Scale scores were created by
taking the mean of the 24 items for both mother and father
positive relationship. Cronbach’s alpha reliability coeffi-
cients were .92 for maternal positive relationship and .92
for paternal positive relationship.
J Youth Adolescence
123
Parental Psychological Control
Maternal and paternal psychological control was measured
using the 18-item restrictiveness subscale of the Child-
Rearing Practices Report Questionnaire (CRPR; Rickel and
Biasatti 1982). Restrictiveness has been viewed as concep-
tually similar to the construct of psychological control and
was used to assess parental psychological control in a pre-
vious study (Mason et al. 1996). The CRPR measures both
maternal and paternal childrearing values and attitudes. Four
items from the original 22-item subscale were not used (i.e.,
items about parents’ attitudes about toilet training and sexual
health). Parents completed the CRPR when their child was in
the eighth grade. Both parents rated each item on a 6-point
scale (1 = strongly disagree, to 6 = strongly agree). The
items in this subscale include the following examples: ‘‘I do
not allow my child to question my decisions,’’ ‘‘I do not allow
my child to get angry with me,’’ ‘‘I believe that scolding and
criticism makes my child improve,’’ ‘‘I control my child by
warning him about the bad things that can happen to him,’’ ‘‘I
let my child know how ashamed and disappointed I am when
he misbehaves.’’ Scale scores were created by taking the
mean of the 18 items for both maternal and paternal psy-
chological control. Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients
were .84 for maternal psychological control and .82 for
paternal psychological control.
Aggressive Behavior
A parent report of aggressive behavior was obtained using
the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach 1991;
Achenbach and Rescorla 2001). Mothers completed the
CBCL when their child was in both the eighth and ninth
grades. The CBCL is a 109-item measure composed of
several subscales including withdrawal, somatic com-
plaints, anxiety/depression, social problems, thought
problems, attention problems, delinquent behavior,
aggressive behavior, internalizing, externalizing, and other
problems. The aggression subscale was used herein. Both
the eighth and ninth grade aggression subscales were
formed using the 2001 CBCL manual. Mothers rated each
item on a 3-point scale (0 = not true, 1 = somewhat true
or sometimes true, 2 = very true or often true). Item values
were summed to create an overall aggression score. In
Grade 8, Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient was .85
for maternal report of aggression and in Grade 9, the
Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient was .86.
The adolescent report of aggressive behavior was
obtained using the Youth Self-Report (YSR) Form
(Achenbach and Rescorla 2001); scores from the YSR
aggression subscale were used. Youth completed the YSR
in the eighth and ninth grades and rated items on a 3-point
scale (0 = not true, 1 = somewhat true, 2 = very true).
Item values were summed to create an overall aggression
score. In Grade 8, Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient
was .82 for child report of aggression, and in Grade 9 the
Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient was .77.
A multi-informant index of aggression was formed by
standardizing and then summing the scores of the mother
report (CBCL) and youth report (YSR) of aggression. This
approach has been used in prior aggression and problem
behavior research (e.g., Laird et al. 2003; Shelton et al.
2008). The correlations between the CBCL and YSR
aggression scores were r (163) = .30, p \ .01 in Grade 8
and r (163) = .40, p \ .01 in Grade 9.
Results
Analytic Strategy
Analyses were conducted using SPSS version 17 (SPSS
2008). First, correlation analyses were used to examine
bivariate associations among the quality of the parent–child
relationship and parenting predictor variables. Second,
multiple linear regression analyses were used to test the
study hypothesis that the effect of parental psychological
control on adolescent aggression would vary by the quality
of the parent–child relationship such that high quality of
the parent–child relationship would diminish the effects of
psychological control on aggression and low quality of the
parent–child relationship would augment the relationship
between aggression and psychological control. If the cor-
relations between Grade 9 aggression and a psychological
control variable were not significant, then multivariate
models including psychological control were still tested
given that the focus of this study was the investigation of
the potential moderating effects of the quality of the par-
ent–child relationship.
Data on aggression were available in both Grades 8 and
9, and eighth grade aggression was controlled for in the
prediction of ninth grade aggression. The relationships
between aggression and various combinations of maternal
and paternal psychological control and the quality of the
parent–child relationship were explored in the interaction
analyses: maternal psychological control and mother–child
relationship quality; maternal psychological control and
father–child relationship quality; paternal psychological
control and father–child relationship quality; and paternal
and mother–child relationship quality. The relationships
between maternal and paternal measures of psychological
control, mother– and father–child relationship quality and
aggression were examined for the entire sample and by the
gender of adolescents. Post-hoc testing and interpretation
of significant interactions were performed using procedures
recommended by Cohen et al. (2003).
J Youth Adolescence
123
Intercorrelations Among Variables
As shown in Table 1, aggressive behavior was highly sta-
ble from the eighth to the ninth grade. Pearson correlations
revealed that eighth grade aggression was strongly asso-
ciated with ninth grade aggression for the sample as a
whole (r = .67 p \ .01) and for both adolescent males
(r = .65, p \ .01) and females (r = .71, p \ .01). On the
one hand, Pearson correlations also revealed that eighth
grade maternal and paternal psychological control and
eighth grade aggression were unrelated. On the other hand,
mother–child relationship quality was negatively associ-
ated with aggression at eighth grade for the group as a
whole (r = -.25, p \ .01) and for males (r = -.36,
p \ .01) but not for females (r = -.12, p [ .05). Father–
child relationship quality was negatively associated with
aggression at eighth grade for the group as a whole (r =
-.34, p \ .01) and for both males (r = -.45, p \ .01) and
females (r = -.22, p \ .01).
Pearson correlations also revealed that ninth grade
aggression was unrelated to eighth grade maternal psy-
chological control for the sample as a whole (r = .07,
p [ .05) and for males (r = .03, p [ .05) and females
(r = .13, p [ .05). Ninth-grade aggression was also unre-
lated to eighth grade paternal psychological control for the
sample and males; however, paternal psychological control
was positively associated with ninth grade female aggres-
sion (r = .22, p \ .05). Mother–child relationship quality
at eighth grade was negatively associated with ninth grade
aggression (r = -.30, p \ .01) for the group as a whole as
well as for males (r = -.33, p \ .01) and females (r =
-.29, p \ .01). Father–child relationship quality at eighth
grade was also negatively associated with ninth grade
aggression for the entire sample (r = -.29, p \ .01) and
for males (r = -.25, p \ .01) and females (r = -.40,
p \ .01).
Predicting Aggression
Multiple linear regression analysis models were tested to
evaluate the extent to which parental psychological control
and the quality of the parent–child relationship predicted
adolescent aggression. The first series of models predicted
ninth grade aggression for the entire sample and the second
series of models were stratified by the gender of adoles-
cents to predict ninth grade aggression separately for males
and females. Grade 8 aggression was controlled for in both
sets of models. Each model tested only one interaction
term. The interactions tested were paternal psychological
control and father–child relationship quality; paternal
Table 1 Correlations among eighth grade parental psychological control, eighth grade quality of the parent–child relationship, and ninth grade
aggression
Variables Mean SD 1 2 3 4 5 6
Entire sample (N = 163)
1. Maternal psychological control 3.38 .72 –
2. Paternal psychological control 3.50 .66 .62** –
3. Quality of the mother–child relationship 3.99 .55 -.17 -.11 –
4. Quality of the father–child relationship 3.81 .59 -.01 -.05 .61** –
5. Grade 8 aggression .01 6.52 .06 .12 -.25** -.34** –
6. Grade 9 aggression .01 6.38 .07 .14 -.30** -.29** .67** –
Adolescent males (n = 83)
1. Maternal psychological control 3.43 .68 –
2. Paternal psychological control 3.55 .68 .62** –
3. Quality of the mother–child relationship 3.95 .50 -.21 -.06 –
4. Quality of the father–child relationship 3.82 .58 -.04 -.07 .59** –
5. Grade 8 aggression .71 7.09 .01 .05 -.36** -.45** –
6. Grade 9 aggression .41 7.47 .03 .09 -.33** -.25* .65** –
Adolescent females (n = 80)
1. Maternal psychological control 3.33 .76 –
2. Paternal psychological control 3.45 .64 .62** –
3. Quality of the mother–child relationship 4.02 .60 -.13 -.14 –
4. Quality of the father–child relationship 3.78 .59 .01 -.03 .64** –
5. Grade 8 aggression -.71 5.84 .11 .19 -.12 -.22* –
6. Grade 9 aggression -.42 5.03 .13 .22* -.29** -.40** .71** –
* p \ .05; ** p \ .01
J Youth Adolescence
123
psychological control and mother–child relationship qual-
ity; maternal psychological control and mother–child
relationship quality; and maternal psychological control
and father–child relationship quality. To decrease multi-
collinearity of the interaction product terms, the centered
scores of the psychological control and relationship-quality
variables were used.
Paternal Psychological Control and Parent–Child
Relationships
The findings are presented in Table 2. Both father–child
(b = -.25, p \ .01) and mother–child (b = -.22,
p \ .05) relationship quality negatively predicted ninth
grade aggression for females. The interaction between
paternal psychological control and mother–child relation-
ship quality was found to predict aggression for the entire
sample (b = -.15, p \ .05) as well as for males (b =
-.26, p \ .01). The moderating role of mother–child
relationship quality on paternal psychological control was
explored for both models. Following the recommendations
of Cohen et al. (2003), aggression was expressed as a
function of paternal psychological control at three levels of
mother–child relationship quality. The values of mother–
child relationship quality correspond to the centered mean
(moderate), one standard deviation above the centered
mean (high), and one standard deviation below the centered
mean (low).
Simple slopes are plotted in Fig. 1 to illustrate the
interaction between paternal psychological control and
mother–child relationship quality for the entire sample.
The simple slope for the low mother–child relationship
quality group was significantly different from zero
(b = .25, p \ .01). Thus, for adolescents who perceived
low mother–child relationship quality in eighth grade, there
was a significant association between paternal psycholog-
ical control and ninth grade aggression. The simple slopes
for the high and moderate mother–child relationship qual-
ity groups were not significantly different from zero
(b = -.05, ns and b = .09, ns).
Simple slopes are plotted in Fig. 2 to illustrate the
interaction between paternal psychological control and
mother–child relationship quality for male adolescents. The
Table 2 Paternal psychological control, quality of the father–child relationship, and quality of the mother–child relationship (N = 163)
Models Grade 9 aggression Grade 9 aggression—
male
Grade 9 aggression—
female
B SE b B SE b B SE b
Model 1
T1 aggression .65 .07 .63*** .72 .11 .65*** .59 .07 .64***
Paternal psychological control .17 .15 .07 .19 .24 .07 .18 .16 .09
Quality of the father–child relationship -.15 .18 -.05 .41 .33 .12 -.55 .17 -.25**
Paternal psychological control 9 quality of the father–child
relationship
-.47 .29 -.10 -.93 .49 -.17� -.11 .29 -.03
R2 .47 .47 .58
Model 2
T1 aggression .65 .06 .63*** .62 .10 .56*** .61 .07 .67***
Paternal psychological control .11 .14 .04 -.01 .26 -.00 .11 .16 .06
Quality of the mother–child relationship -.28 .19 -.09 -.29 .34 -.07 -.48 .19 -.22*
Paternal psychological control 9 quality of the mother–child
relationship
-.61 .25 -.15* -1.28 .43 -.26** .13 .28 .04
R2 .50 .51 .55
� p \ .10; * p B .05; ** p B .01; *** p B .001
-3
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
4
86766.06400.084856.0-
Gra
de
9 A
gg
ress
ion
Paternal Pyschological Control (Centered)
High QMCR
Moderate QMCR
Low QMCR
Fig. 1 Paternal psychological control and quality of the mother–child
relationship
J Youth Adolescence
123
simple slopes for both the high and low mother–child
relationship quality groups were significantly different
from zero (b = -.36, p \ .05 and b = .34, p \ .01). The
simple slope for the moderate mother–child relationship
quality group was not significantly different from zero
(b = -.01, ns). Therefore, an association between paternal
psychological control in eighth grade and Grade 9
aggression was significant and positive for sons who per-
ceived low mother–child relationship quality in Grade 8.
The association between paternal psychological control in
eighth grade and Grade 9 aggression was significant and
negative for sons who perceived a high mother–child
relationship quality in Grade 8.
Maternal Psychological Control and the Quality
of the Parent–Child Relationship
The maternal psychological control and the quality of the
parent–child relationship findings are shown in Table 3.
Linear regression results revealed that father–child rela-
tionship quality was negatively associated with female
Grade 9 aggression (b = -.26, p \ .001). The maternal
psychological control and father–child relationship quality
interaction was negatively associated with ninth grade
aggression for the entire sample (b = -.12, p \ .01).
However, this interaction was not found in either the
female or male adolescent models.
The potential moderating role of father–child relation-
ship quality on maternal psychological control for the
entire sample was explored. Again, we followed the rec-
ommendations by Cohen et al. (2003) for probing inter-
actions. Aggression was expressed as a function of
maternal psychological control at three levels of father–
child relationship quality. The values of father–child rela-
tionship quality corresponded to the centered mean (mod-
erate), one standard deviation above the centered mean
(high), and one standard deviation below the centered mean
(low). These simple slopes are plotted in Fig. 3 to illustrate
this interaction predicting ninth grade aggression. The
simple slope for the low father–child relationship quality
group was statistically significant from zero (b = .27,
p \ .01). Thus, for adolescents who perceived low father–
child relationship quality at Grade 8, there was a significant
association between eighth grade maternal psychological
control and ninth grade aggression. The simple slopes for
the high and moderate father–child relationship quality
-6
-4
-2
0
2
4
6
0.739550.0549-0.62975
Gra
de
9 A
gg
ress
ion
Paternal Psychological Control (Centered)
High QMCR
Moderate QMCR
Low QMCR
Fig. 2 Paternal psychological control and quality of the mother–child
relationship for adolescent males
Table 3 Maternal psychological control, mother–child relationship quality, and father–child relationship quality (N = 163)
Models Grade 9 aggression Grade 9 aggression—
male
Grade 9 aggression—
female
B SE b B SE b B SE b
Model 3
T1 aggression .65 .06 .63*** .70 .11 .63*** .59 .07 .65***
Maternal psychological control .06 .13 .27 .03 .24 .01 .11 .13 .07
Father–child relationship quality -.22 .17 -.08 .18 .315 .05 -.56 .17 -.26***
Maternal psychological control 9 father–child relationship quality -.49 .23 -.12* -.99 .52 -.17� -.26 .19 -.10
R2 .48 .46 .58
Model 4
T1 aggression .66 .10 .63*** .65 .10 .58*** .63 .07 .69***
Maternal psychological control .01 .13 .01 -.09 .25 -.03 .07 .13 .04
Mother–child relationship quality -.30 .20 -.10 -.31 .37 -.08 -.33 .19 -.16�
Maternal psychological control 9 mother–child relationship quality -.48 .25 -.12� -.86 .53 -.15 -.28 .24 -.10
R2 .48 .46 .56
� p \ .10; * p B .05; ** p B .01; *** p B .001
J Youth Adolescence
123
groups were not significantly different from zero (b =
-.15, ns and b = .06, ns).
Discussion
Although previous research suggests that mothers and
fathers jointly influence child outcomes, only a relatively
small number of parenting studies have investigated both
maternal and paternal parenting practices and strategies. In
order to help address this gap in the parenting literature, we
examined the potential moderating role of mother–child
relationship quality in the relationship between a father’s
psychological control and adolescent aggression. We also
examined the potential moderating role of father–child
relationship quality in the relationship between a mother’s
psychological control and adolescent aggression. Finally,
we investigated whether any of these relationships might
vary by the gender of the child.
In support of previous research (e.g., Adams et al. 2005),
aggression was highly stable from eighth to ninth grade for
both males and females. In this case, aggression was stable
across the transition from middle to high school. Perhaps
more significant, the quality of the parent–child relation-
ship moderated the relationship between parental psycho-
logical control and adolescent aggression 1 year later.
More specifically, paternal psychological control was
associated with higher levels of aggression among youth
who reported a low-quality relationship with their mother.
Although consistent with our main hypothesis, the signifi-
cant interaction for the entire sample appears to be driven
by the male subsample, as the interaction for females was
not significant. In addition, the magnitude of the effect for
the entire sample was relatively small, and the magnitude
of the effect for the male subsample was greater. In the
male subsample models, paternal psychological control
was associated with higher levels of aggression among sons
who reported a low-quality relationship with their mother
and lower levels of aggression among sons who reported a
high-quality relationship with their mother. These findings
suggest that the low-quality relationship an adolescent
male shares with his mother combined with the psycho-
logical control incurred by the father increased the risk of
adolescent aggression. Moreover, a high-quality son–
mother relationship may be particularly important for
buffering male adolescents against the influence of paternal
psychological control.
Another study finding was in line with our expectation
that maternal and paternal behavior would be jointly
associated with adolescent aggression outcomes. The post
hoc exploration of the significant maternal psychological
control and father–child relationship interaction for the
entire sample revealed that maternal psychological control
was associated with higher levels of aggression among
youth who reported a low-quality relationship with their
father. The significant interaction for the entire sample may
have been due the male subsample; the male subsample
interaction model approached statistical significance,
whereas the interaction for the females was not significant.
Thus, these findings may suggest that the effect of the
father–child relationship and maternal psychological con-
trol is less salient for the female adolescents in this study.
These findings must be considered in light of the fact that
the magnitude of the effect for the full-sample model and
the male subsample, which only approached significance,
were relatively small.
The present study represents one of the first to predict
adolescent aggression from both maternal and paternal
parenting and mother– and father–child relationship qual-
ity. Most other relevant studies have included only
maternal measures (e.g., Church et al. 2012; Kinkaid et al.
2011; Williams and Steinberg 2011). Further, this study
extends the findings of previous studies (e.g., Bean et al.
2006; Kuppens et al. 2009; Soenens et al. 2008) by dem-
onstrating the joint contributions of both maternal and
paternal (as reported by youth, mothers, and fathers) par-
enting and the quality of the parent–child relationship on
adolescent aggression outcomes.
Although psychological control contributed to aggres-
sion through a moderated pathway, a main effect for
maternal and paternal psychological control was not found.
This finding differs from earlier research indicating that
psychological control was directly associated with adoles-
cent aggression (Kuppens et al. 2009; Soenens et al. 2008),
delinquency (Hoeve et al. 2009) and other problem
behaviors (Kinkaid et al., 2011; Rodgers et al. 2003).
Instead, our findings suggest that the relationship between
autonomy-limiting behaviors such as psychological control
-4
-3
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
4
5
0.727730.0028-0.72213
Gra
de
9 A
gg
ress
ion
Maternal Pyschological Control (Centered)
High QFCR
Moderate QFCR
Low QFCR
Fig. 3 Maternal psychological control and quality of the father–child
relationship
J Youth Adolescence
123
and adolescent aggressive behavior may be most salient
when examined within the context of the general quality of
the parent–child relationship.
Data analyses revealed that higher quality father– and
mother–daughter relationships were associated with lower
levels of female aggression. This finding suggests that the
relationships that female adolescents share with both their
fathers and mothers are stronger predictors of aggression
than are the relationships that male adolescents share with
their parents. Although a number of researchers have
reported an inverse association between mother– and/or
father–child relationship quality and adolescent problem
behaviors (e.g., Fosco et al. 2012; Keijsers et al. 2011), few
of these studies examined whether these findings varied by
the gender of the child. In contrast to this current study,
Fosco et al. (2012) found that father–child relationship
quality was inversely related to problem behavior broadly,
with no evidence of gender differences, and mother–child
relationship quality was unrelated to problem behavior.
In the present study, neither mother– nor father–child rela-
tionship quality predicted male adolescent aggression 1 year
later; whereas Bronte-Tinkew et al. (2006) reported that a high-
quality father–son relationship predicted less engagement in
risk behaviors compared with the father–daughter relationship.
Several distinctions between the present study and previous
research may explain this discrepancy. In comparison with the
present study, the Bronte-Tinkew et al. study employed a
longitudinal study design with three measurement points and a
nationally representative, older adolescent sample (mean age in
the current study was 13.5, mean age in Bronte-Tinkew sample
was 15). It is plausible that associations between problem
behavior and the parent-son relationship are more salient for
older adolescents and/or more likely to be detected in a study
with three measurement points and a larger sample of youth.
The lack of research in this area and the findings of the current
study suggest that the gender of adolescents is an important
factor to explore in future investigations of parenting and the
parent–child relationship.
The current study also demonstrated the usefulness of
examining the quality of the parent–child relationship as a
moderator of the relationship between parenting and
aggression. Previous research has demonstrated support for
the quality of the parent–child relationship as a moderator
between parenting and problem behavior (Bronte-Tinkew
et al. 2006). The current study findings add to the discourse
regarding the parent–child relationship as having an
important contextual role that functions to influence the
degree to which parenting practices shape adolescent
aggression. Yet, some caution should be taken in the
interpretation of the study findings, given that in all the
study models the magnitude of the effects was relatively
modest. The magnitude of these findings may be due, in
part, to the relatively small sample size.
Although the results supported our main hypothesis, the
findings should be interpreted in light of several other
limitations. First, the strength of the interaction between
the quality of the parent–child relationship and parenting
behavior may vary based upon whether the adolescent lives
with one or both parents. These differences could not be
investigated in this study; very few parents indicated that
they were divorced, separated, single, or living with a
partner. Second, although using both parent- and child
reports attenuated problems with common method vari-
ance, the addition of teacher reports of aggression would
have strengthened the multi-informant approach. Third,
parent and child reports of aggression may have lacked
agreement. For example, parental reporting of aggression
may be compromised somewhat by adolescents’ tendency
to limit disclosure of information about their behavior.
Another study limitation is the use of only two measure-
ment time points that were 1 year apart. A longitudinal
design with additional measurement intervals might yield
more information regarding the relationship between par-
enting behavior, the quality of the parent–child relation-
ship, and aggression over time. Finally, due to the low
consent rate and the fact that the majority of the sample
comprised White students, our results cannot be strongly
generalized to other ethnic or racial groups or to the public
middle school population reflected in this study.
Given the scarcity of investigations of both maternal and
paternal parenting behavior and the quality of the parent–
child relationship in the literature, the current study pro-
vided unique insights. First, findings suggest that both
mothers and fathers contribute to adolescent aggression
through their parenting and quality of relationships with
their child, males in particular. Second, the findings suggest
that the relationship the adolescent shares with one parent
works synergistically with the parenting behavior of the
opposite-gender parent. That is, the quality of mother–child
relationships was related to the association between father
psychological control and aggression, and father–child
relationship quality was related to the association between
mother psychological control and aggression. Third, the
findings suggest that parenting and the quality of the par-
ent–child relationship differentially predict aggressive
behavior based upon the gender of adolescents.
Conclusions
This study adds to the growing body of literature empiri-
cally demonstrating that investigating paternal effects in
addition to maternal effects is critically important in elu-
cidating predictors of adolescent aggression. These find-
ings underscore the need for additional research that
measures the influence of parenting and parent–child
J Youth Adolescence
123
relationships from the perspective of both mothers and
fathers. In particular, longitudinal investigations that
include mother and father measures are warranted in order
to enhance the rigor of this research base. In light of the
different trajectories of aggression involvement among
early-starter and late-starter aggressive youth, future lon-
gitudinal research should examine the potential associa-
tions between parenting, parent–child relationships, and
aggression among each group. The current study findings
have implications for adolescent aggression preventive
interventions that incorporate parenting enhancement
components. Given the study findings that suggest the
interactive nature of maternal and paternal parenting and
their quality of the parent–child relationship, it may be
important for programs to engage both mothers and fathers
when feasible. Strengthening parent–child relationships
and decreasing negative parenting behaviors such as psy-
chological control among both parents should be consid-
ered in designing an intervention. Given the potential role
of parent–child relationships in buffering the negative
influence of parental psychological control, providing
opportunities for parents to enhance positive interactions
with their adolescents may facilitate the development of
strong parent–child relationships.
Acknowledgments The research reported in this manuscript was
supported by National Institute of Mental Health Grant #MH58116 to
Kenneth H. Rubin.
Author contributions KWM conceived of the research questions,
performed the statistical analysis, contributed to the interpretation of
the data, and drafted the manuscript. KD contributed to statistical
analysis and was responsible for critical revisions of the manuscript.
KR contributed to refine the research questions and hypotheses. KR
and CBL designed and conducted the study that provided the data,
participated in the interpretation of data, and were involved in
revising of the manuscript. SKW helped to draft the manuscript.
KWM, KD, and SKW contributed to the study while a doctoral stu-
dent (KWM), Postdoctoral Fellow (KD), and undergraduate student
(SKW) at the University of Maryland College Park. All authors read
and approved the final manuscript.
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Author Biographies
Kantahyanee W. Murray is a Research Assistant Professor at the
Ruth H. Young Center for Families and Children in the School of
Social Work at the University of Maryland Baltimore. She received
her Ph.D. in Public Health from the University of Maryland College
Park. Her research interests include the study of parents and
caregivers in the prevention of adolescent risk behaviors. She leads
several research and evaluation studies in the areas of adolescent risk
behavior prevention and child maltreatment prevention.
Kathleen M. Dwyer is a Social Science Research Analyst at the
Administration for Children and Families, U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services, although the work reported herein was not
conducted as part of her official position. She received her doctorate
in Human Development, Developmental Sciences from the University
J Youth Adolescence
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of Maryland College Park. Her major research interests include
parent–child relationships, children’s social and emotional develop-
ment, and the role of early care and education programs and policies
in improving child and family well-being.
Kenneth H. Rubin is a Professor in the Department of Human
Development and Quantitative Methodology at the University of
Maryland, College Park. He received his Ph.D. in Child Development
and Family Relationships from Pennsylvania State University. His
research interests include the study of peer and parent–child
interactions and relationships, social and emotional adjustment,
culture and development, and the origins of social competence.
Sarah Knighton-Wisor is an Early Intervention Specialist for
Howard County Public School System in Maryland. She received
her Master’s in Early Childhood Special Education from The Johns
Hopkins University with a certificate in Generic Special Education
Infant—Grade 3 from the Maryland State Department of Education.
Her research interests include parent–child relationships, attachment,
social-emotional functioning, early intervention, and special
education.
Cathryn Booth-LaForce is the Charles and Gerda Spence Professor
of Nursing at the University of Washington. She is an Adjunct
Professor of Psychology. Dr. Booth-LaForce’s scholarly interests
include attachment, social functioning, and friendship from early
childhood through adolescence.
J Youth Adolescence
123