online satisfaction of lexical requirements determines the time course of gap creation sachiko...

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of lexical of lexical requirements requirements determines the time determines the time course of gap course of gap creation creation Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy Weinberg Weinberg University of Maryland, College Park University of Maryland, College Park WCCFL XXII WCCFL XXII March 23, 2003 March 23, 2003

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Online satisfaction of lexical Online satisfaction of lexical requirements determines the requirements determines the time course of gap creationtime course of gap creation

Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy WeinbergSachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy Weinberg

University of Maryland, College ParkUniversity of Maryland, College Park

WCCFL XXIIWCCFL XXII

March 23, 2003March 23, 2003

Principle-based Grammar

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Grammatical theories: Minimalist Program, LFG, HPSG, Categorial Grammar, among others

Parsing theories: Principle-based approach, Constraint-based approach (Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1991, MacDonald et al. 1994, among others)

Implications

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.

Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language. (Pritchett 1992, Mulders 2002)

Processing wh-questions

what

did

you

say

t

that

Mary

read

How do readers interpret a fronted wh-phrase online?

Processing wh-questions

what

gap

Processing wh-questions

what

did

gap

Processing wh-questions

what

did

you

gap

Processing wh-questions

what

did

you

say gap

Processing wh-questions

what

did

you

say

gap

that

Processing wh-questions

what

did

you

say

gap

that

Mary

Processing wh-questions

what

did

you

say

gap

that

Mary

read

Processing wh-questions

what

did

you

say gap

Generalization

Gap for a wh-phrase is initially posited in the first/highest available position.

Two approaches for processing wh-questions

Strategy-based Approach:

When a wh-phrase has been identified, rank the option of assigning it to a gap above all other options.

(Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989, among others)

Two approaches for processing wh-questions

Strategy-based Approach:

When a wh-phrase has been identified, rank the option of assigning it to a gap above all other options.

(Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989, among others)

Grammatical principle-based Approach

Online interpretation of wh-phrases is driven by independently motivated grammatical requirements, e.g. thematic role assignment.

(Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1992, among others)

Two approaches for processing wh-questions: head-initial languages

Strategy-based

gap

WH

CP

C IP

VP

NP

V

the first possible gap position = complement of the first verb

Grammatical principle-based

gap

WH

CP

C IP

VP

NP

V

the first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements = complement of the first verb

Two approaches for processing wh-questions: head-final languages

Strategy-based Grammatical principle-based

WH

C

CP

VP

IP

NP

WH

C

V

CP

VP

IP

NP

gap

gap V

CP

NPVP

The first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements occurs at the embedded clause.

V

the first possible gap position

CP

gap

Implications

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.

Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language. (Pritchett 1992, Mulders 2002)

Processing head-final sentences

In a head-final language, lexical heads are delayed. Structure-building should be correspondingly delayed, too.

John-ga paatii-de Mary-ni hana-o ageta.John-nom party-at Mary-dat flower-acc gave‘John gave Mary flowers at the party.’

Our experiments show

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.

Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.

Experiment 1 & 2

Experiment 2 & 3

Our experiments show

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.

Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.

Experiment 1 & 2

Experiment 2 & 3

Experiment 1: Goal

Strategy-based Grammatical principle-based

WH

C

CP

VP

IP

NP

WH

C

V

CP

VP

IP

NP

gap

gap V

CP

NPVP

The first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements occurs at the embedded clause.

V

the first possible gap position

CP

gap

(e.g. Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989)(e.g. Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1991)

Long-distance Wh-scrambling formation

Japanese wh-phrases are canonically in-situ, but they can be fronted by scrambling.

Dare-ni Taro-wa [Jiro-ga t atta-ka] itta.

Who-dat Taro-top Jiro-nom met-Q said

‘Taro said who Jiro met.’

Question Formation

Japanese uses question particles (Q-particles) to mark questions.

John-nom the book-acc read.John-nom the book-acc read-Q [yes/no question]

Sally-top John-nom what-acc read-declC said-Q [root question]‘What did Sally say that John read?’

Sally-top John-nom what-acc read-Q said [embedded question]‘Sally said what John read.’

Diagnostics of Active Gap Filling: Typing Mismatch Effect

…John-ga nani-o

yonda-to (Declarative)

yonda-ka (Q-Particle)

…John-nom what-acc read

Slowdown: Typing Mismatch Effect (Miyamoto & Takahashi 2001)

Experiment 1:Conditions

a. <SCRAM+DECLC>Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] AdvP NP-dat V-Q

b. <INSIT+DECLC>NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-DeclC] AdvP NP-dat V-Q

c. <SCRAM+Q>Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q] AdvP NP-dat V   

d. <INSIT+Q>NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-Q] AdvP NP-dat V   

Experiment 1: Examples

a. <SCRAM+DECLC>どの生徒に 担任は 校長が 本を 読んだと図書室で 司書に 言いましたか。

'Which student did the class teacher tell the librarian at the library that the principal read a book for?'

b. <INSIT+DECLC>担任は 校長が どの生徒に 本を 読んだと 図書室で 司書に 言いましたか。

c. <SCRAM+Q>どの生徒に 担任は 校長が 本を 読んだか 図書室で 司書に 言いました。

'The class teacher told the librarian at the library which student the principal read a book for.'

d. <INSIT+Q>担任は 校長が どの生徒に 本を 読んだか 図書室で 司書に 言いました。

Experiment 1:Design & Procedure

2 x 2 factorial design 4 lists were created by distributing 24 items in a

Latin Square design 48 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject

with a predicate Self-paced reading task -Moving Window - 48 native speakers of Japanese

Experiment 1: In-situ Condition

b. <INSIT+DECLC>

NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q

d. <INSIT+Q>

NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-Q] … Verb

In-situ

600

700

800

900

1000

1100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Region

Rea

ding

Tim

e

DeclC

QP

F1 (1, 47) = 5.5, p <.01 F2 (1, 18) = 2.8, p = 0.09

V-DeclC/Q

Miyamoto & Takahashi’s observation is replicated.

Wh-dat

Experiment 1: Scrambled Condition

a. <SCRAM+DECLC>

Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q

c. <SCRAM+Q>

Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb.  

Experiment 1: Scrambled Condition

a. <SCRAM+DECLC>

Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q

c. <SCRAM+Q>

Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb.  

<GAP>

<GAP> SlowdownSlowdown

Experiment 1: Scrambled Condition

a. <SCRAM+DECLC>

Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q

c. <SCRAM+Q>

Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb.  

<GAP>

<GAP>

SlowdownSlowdown

Scrambled

600

700

800

900

1000

1100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Region

Rea

ding

Tim

e

DeclC

QP

F1 (1, 47) = 6.1, p <.01F2 (1, 18) = 5.6, p <.01

V-DeclC/Q

Readers also exhibit Typing Mismatch effect in the embedded clause in the scrambled conditions.

Wh-dat

Experiment 1: Results Scrambled Condition

Readers create a gap position in the embedded clause.

Wh-gap is predicted until it can be interpreted.

This finding is expected under the grammatical principle-based approach.

NP-top

VerbCP

gap

NP-nom

Verb

VP

WH-dat

gap

Our experiments show

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.

Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.

Experiment 1 & 2

Experiment 2 & 3

English Filled Gap Effect

who

My brother wanted to know

Stowe 1986

English Filled Gap Effect

who

Ruth

My brother wanted to know

Stowe 1986

English Filled Gap Effect

who

Ruth

will

My brother wanted to know

Stowe 1986

English Filled Gap Effect

who

Ruth

will

bring gap

My brother wanted to know

Stowe 1986

English Filled Gap Effect

who

Ruth

will

bring

us

My brother wanted to know

home to atChristmas

Slowdown

Stowe 1986

Readers slow down upon encountering an NPwhere a gap was expected.

Japanese Filled-Gap Effect

Position of the unexpected NP is before the verb

Second NP-dat is unexpected if the first NP-dat has already been interpreted in embedded clause.

WH-dat

NP-top

CP

gap

NP-nom

Verb

VP

NP-dat

Slowdown upon encountering an NP where a gap was expected.

Slowdown

Experiment 2:Conditions

WH-dat

NP-top

CP

NP-nom VP

WH-nom

NP-dat

CP

NP-nom

Verb

VP

NP-dat

target control

gap

VerbNP-dat

Slowdown

Experiment 2:Conditions

a. Filled

WH-dat NP-top [NP-nom Adv NP-dat NP-acc

Verb-DeclC] Verb-Q

b. Non-Filled

WH-nom NP-dat [NP-nom Adv NP-dat NP-acc

Verb-DeclC] Verb-Q

Experiment 2:Examples

a. どの子供に 母親は お手伝いさんが 台所で 父親に お弁当

を 渡したと 言いましたか。 ‘To which children did the mother tell that the

housekeeper handed a lunchbox to the father at the kitchen?’

b. どの子供が 母親に お手伝いさんが 台所で 父親に お弁当

を 渡したと 言いましたか。 ‘Which children told the mother that the housekeeper

handed a lunchbox to the father at the kitchen?’

Experiment 2:Design & Procedure

2 conditions 2 lists were created by distributing 20 paired

items in a Latin Square design 60 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject

with a predicate Self-paced reading task -Moving Window - 34 native speakers of Japanese

Japanese readers exhibit Filled Gap effect. Confirms that theyinterpret a sentence-initial wh-phrase in the embedded clause,before reaching the embedded verb (Region 7).

Filled Gap

600

700

800

900

1000

1100

1200

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

filled

non-filled

F1 (1, 33) = 11.9, p <.01F2 (1, 19) = 6.4, p <.05

NP-dat

Summary: Experiment 1 and 2

Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.

Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.

NP-top

VerbCP

gap

NP-nom

Verb

VP

WH-dat

gap

Our experiments show

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.

Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.

Experiment 1 & 2

Experiment 2 & 3

English pronoun and its antecedent

To which of his children did the man give a gift?

English pronoun and its antecedent

To which of his children did the man give a gift?

English pronoun and its antecedent

To which of his children did the man give a gift?

Which of his children gave the man a gift?

?

Japanese pronoun and its antecedent

which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) …

which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …

**??

Japanese pronoun and its antecedent

which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … his

which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …**??

which of his children (DAT)

which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) …

which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …

Experiment 3: Gender Mismatch

the woman

the woman

Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003)

which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) …

which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …

Experiment 3: Gender Mismatch

the woman

the woman

Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003)

Experiment 3: Conditions

a. Scrambled - Gender Mismatch

Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP FEMALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc /

verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb

b. Scrambled - Gender Match

Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP MALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-

Q / NPFEMALE-top / verb

c. Non-scrambled - Gender Mismatch

Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP FEMALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc /

verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb

d. Non-scrambled - Gender Match

Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP MALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-

Q / NPMALE-top / verb.

Experiment 3: Examples

a. 台所で 彼 の どの子供に 朝食後 叔母が 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 父親は 覚えていた。

b. 台所で 彼 の どの子供に 朝食後 叔父が 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 叔母は 覚えていた。

c. 台所で 彼 の どの子供が 朝食後 叔母に 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 父親は 覚えていた。

d. 台所で 彼 の どの子供が 朝食後 叔父に 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 父親は 覚えていた。

Experiment 3: Design & Procedure

2 x 2 factorial design 4 lists were created by distributing 24 items in a

Latin Square design 56 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject

with a predicate Self-paced reading task - Moving Window - 40 native speakers of Japanese

Experiment 3: Results: Scrambled conditions

Slowdown at mismatching NP is observed.

500

600

700

800

900

1000

1100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Region

Readingtime(ms)

Scrambled, match

Scrambled, mismatch

F1(1, 39) = 8.6, p<.01;F2(1,23)=7.4, p<.01

± Match

his/her

Experiment 3: Results: Non-scrambled conditions

Slowdown at mismatching NP only when NP is possible antecedent.

500

600

700

800

900

1000

1100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Region

Readingtime(ms)

Unscrambled, match

Unscrambled, mismatch

Fs<1± Match

his/her

Summary: Experiment 3

NP-nom

Verb

HIS-WH

gap

Binding constraint application takes place in advance of the verb.

Wh-gap is also posited in the first clause.

Summary

Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.

Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.

NP-subj

Verb

WH-dat

Exp 3gap

Summary

Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.

Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.

NP-subj

VerbCP

gap

NP-subj

Verb

VP

WH-dat

Exp 3gap

Exp 2

Summary

Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.

Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.

NP-subj

VerbCP

gap

NP-subj

Verb-Q

VP

WH-dat

Exp 3gap

Exp 1Exp 2

Conclusion

Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.

Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.

Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.

Experiment 1 & 2

Experiment 2 & 3

AcknowledgmentsGerry AltmannCedric Boeckx Dianne Bradley

Marcel den DikkenJanet FodorAna Gouvea

Martin Hackl Yuki Hirose

Norbert HornsteinAtsu Inoue

Yuki KamideYoshihisa Kitagawa

Nina Kazanina Reiko Mazuka

Shigeru MiyagawaEdson Miyamoto

Leticia Pablos Mamoru Saito

Carson Schütze

Technical assistance Tomohiro Fujii,Takuya Goro, John

Matthews, Utako Minai, Yoshinori Miyazaki, Mitsue Motomura, Kaori Ozawa, Takae Tsujioka, Noboru Yamada, Masaya Yoshida

--------------------This research is funded by

NSF Grant #BCS-0196004

Human Frontiers Grant#RGY01342001

MURI Grant#01431663

Patrick Sturt Shoichi Takahashi

John TrueswellHiroko YamashitaMasaya Yoshida--------------------