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  • 7/26/2019 On two coins of Muzaffar Ghz, ruler of Maiyfriqn (A.H. 617-642/A.D. 1220-1244) / [Oleg Grabar]

    1/13

    ON TWO

    COINS

    OF

    MUZAFFAR

    GHZI,

    RULER

    OF

    MAIYFRIQIN

    [A.H. 6i7~642/A.D. 1220-1244]

    SEE PLATE

    XXIV,

    1-3)

    The

    American N um ismatic Society

    hasin its

    possession

    two

    copper coins

    of

    Muzaffar

    Ghzi,

    the

    Aiybid ruler

    of

    Maiy-

    friqm

    modern

    Silvn, in the

    vilayet

    of

    Diyarbekir,

    T^urkey)

    from

    A.H.

    617 to 642

    A.D.

    1220-1224),

    both

    of which

    show

    peculiarities hithertounknown so farsI candiscover to

    Oriental numismatists and Mstorians. Neither of the

    coins is

    well preserved and it isonly through comparison of the two

    thattheycan be

    partly

    deciphered.

    No i

    Obv.

    Rev.

    u,

    Margin effaced. Dot over Restof the

    inscription

    firstO of **J \ Dots over0 of

    UaLJUndkof

    jkJ

    18

    mm., 1.86

    gr.

    PLATE

    XXIV,

    i

    167

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    i68

    A. N. S.

    MUSEUMNOT S

    No 2

    Obv. Rev.

    5-

    [0]lkUI

    -, , , T

    151

    Margin

    effaced. w

    over

    j

    of

    Margineffaced.Lower

    part

    ^-Lo

    x j l and dot

    over secondf.

    of the

    inscription indistinct.

    20

    mm ., 2.17

    gr. (ex W . L. W right

    Coll.)

    P L A T EXXIV,2 .

    The

    debased epigraphy

    of the

    coins makes

    the

    reading

    sometimes uncertain; however,

    it

    appears

    that the

    name

    of the

    Caliph-al-Musta sim

    is the one

    inscribed.

    A

    rather extensive

    study of the epigraphy ofAiybid coinsof the time, in the

    ANSCollection, has definitely shown that of the four

    strokes

    composing

    the complex L* one is quite

    of ten

    omitted.1

    It has

    also shown that

    the

    medial

    p

    tends

    to be

    confused

    with a medial

    A.

    At any

    rate?

    it is not

    possible,

    on

    purelyepigraphical grounds,toreadal-Mustansir on either of

    the

    coins.

    Furthermore,historicalconsider^tions

    seem

    to

    con-

    firm the

    reading

    wesuggest.

    Another

    epigraphical problem

    is

    posed

    by the

    differing

    inscriptions on the obverse of both coins at the right of the

    area;

    the

    areas themselves

    are

    identical. Coin

    No.

    i clearly

    readsuUs**. The name is notfoundeither in M uzaffar

    Ghzi s

    kunyahor in his

    variousalqb

    The likeliest

    hypothesis

    seems

    to be,

    then,

    that the alimahwas

    inscribed around

    the

    area

    and

    that

    ou.=**

    must

    befollowed by j and

    preceded

    by

    1

    In

    particular

    the

    coins

    of

    Trnshh

    IV

    (unpufalished).

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    MUZAFFAR GHZI 169

    J J V i

    d\sInterpretation however cannot

    applyto

    coin

    No.

    2. The inscription

    there

    should probably read

    [c*]ol

    -?t$[j^]>

    hence

    the

    date

    641,

    a

    date

    which corres-

    ponds

    with

    evidence drawn from historians.

    But

    why this

    difference

    between inscriptions

    one a

    date,

    the

    other

    a

    name oncoinsotherwiseso similar and obviously belonging

    to the same time?

    It

    is true ofcoursethat Aiybid mint-

    rn.as.terswereseldom consistent insetting

    up

    their inscriptions.

    But oncoinNo. 2, the top line of thereverse reads

    [

    jijIs]L.

    Considering the position of the mint-name, the year of the

    striking should follow, around the area of the reverse. In

    known

    examples,the appearance of the mint-name and date

    on

    di fferent sides

    of the

    coin2

    is

    limited

    to

    coins with f igures.

    CoinNo. 2, beingwithoutfigure,

    seems

    to present an anomaly.

    Is the inscription surrounding the area of the obverse some

    sortof

    modified

    Kalimab? Is it thedateand the mint?What

    theniswrittenon the reverse?Doesthecoin introducea new

    formula

    ? The

    problem remains unsolved

    and

    will probably

    remain sountilnewcoinsof thesame typeare found.

    Before

    considering the historical value of these two coins, it

    is important to compare them with other known coirisof

    Mu?affar Ghzi.

    If

    weexceptagroupofcoins earlier than A.H.

    3O,3coinsof the rulerof Maiyfriqm so farpublishedcan be

    2

    For

    instance,

    S.

    Lane-Poole,C atalogue

    of

    Oriental Coins

    in the

    Britisb

    Museum

    (Lon-

    don, 1879),

    IV,nos.

    612ff .

    Thecataloguewill bereferredto sB.M.

    3

    H. Lavoix, Catalogue

    desMonnaies Musulmanes de la

    Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris,

    1896),III no.

    693;

    Ibid.nos. 694-695,

    although

    not dated,

    belong

    to the sametype.

    I. Ghalib Edhem, Monnaies Turcomanes (Constantinople,

    1894),

    p. 160.

    Erbab-i

    Merakdan

    bir Zat

    (Anon.), (Constantinople,1901), pp.

    104-105. Markoff ,

    Inventory

    (StPetersbourg, 1894),p.

    359,lists

    two

    coins

    of

    Muzaffar Ghzi.

    One is

    dated 63X,

    the

    other

    one hasmintanddateeffaced.Thelatterisbriefly

    descr ibeds

    being ofanother

    type. Lackoffurther descriptionforces usto leavethesetwo coins out of our

    study.

    E. Zambaur, Nouvelles Contributions la

    Numism at ique

    Orientale,

    Numismatische

    Zeitschrift N.F., VII (1914),

    referred

    to

    heres

    ContributionsIII ),p. 177, lists three

    coins

    dated

    A.H.

    618

    and

    describes

    them

    sof the

    type

    B.M.

    IV,

    nos. 462-463. Follow-

    inghim,we mayattribute these coinsof theBritishM useumtothis earlier period.

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    170 A. N. S.M U S EU M NOT ES

    dividedint o twocategories. The inscription of the first group

    ofcoins

    the majority4 has the name of an Aiybid over-

    lord,generally one of the Egyptian rulers, al-Malik al-Kmil

    or

    al-M alik

    al-Slih

    Aiyb. The second group is not inscribed

    with thename of any

    overlord, except

    the Caliph of Baghdd.

    5

    The inscription onthese

    coins

    is

    simple.

    Fraehn6 deciphered

    the

    obverse

    jUAJI jv\1 alLJ and the reverse dlLJ

    The

    title

    ofM uz affar Ghziisalways

    al-malik?

    in both groups

    of

    coins.

    The two

    coins

    of the

    AmericanNu mismatic Society

    with

    the title of sultnare thusof particular interest. It

    should

    be

    notedthat

    the

    inscriptional arrangement

    of

    these coins

    is

    quitedifferent frorn that of all

    other coins

    ofM uz affar

    Ghzi

    except

    that

    describedby

    Fraehn,

    with which it has certain

    similarities.Fraehn s coin cannot be later than A.H. 640 the

    date of al-Mustansir s death. The fact

    however, that

    its

    inscription does not inclu de the n am e of any overlord and

    that,

    except

    for the

    title

    of

    sultn

    it is so

    similar

    to

    that

    of the

    tw o coinso f the A merican N u m isma tic Society indicatesthat

    Fraehn s

    coin mu st have been stru ck in the

    late

    thirties of the

    seventh Century

    of the

    H ijrah.

    Allother

    coins with

    the

    name

    of al-M u stansir

    have

    the

    name

    of an

    Aiybid overlord

    in

    addition

    t othat of the

    Caliph.

    We shallsee that it is

    reasonable

    to assumethat,

    around A.H. 640

    Muzaffar

    Ghzimay have

    4

    B.M.

    IV,

    nos.

    464-466;

    Ibid.

    SuppL,p.

    229,

    no.

    4663;

    Lavoix

    III, nos.

    696-697;

    I. Pietraszewski,Numi

    Mohammedani

    I (Berlin,

    1843),

    p. 126. Pietraszewskimentions

    two coins ofM uzaffar Ghzi, both of them withunusual

    inscriptions,

    which may be due

    to

    errors

    in

    decipherment. Only

    the

    first

    of the two has

    ahnostcertainly

    the

    name

    of an

    overlord.

    6I.

    Pietraszewski, op.

    cit. p,

    126,

    the

    second coin

    of

    Muzaffar Ghzi; Fraehn, Nova

    Supplementa (St Petersbourg, 1855), p. 92.

    8Theinscription onPietraszewski s coinis original,but onecannot

    trust

    theauthor s

    reading. P.

    115,

    he read OaLJI, where bis

    own

    drawing of the coin quite clearly

    shows

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    MUZFFAR

    GH AZ I 171

    been ledto

    express

    his

    independence,

    and it is at

    thattime

    thathehadthe

    title

    osultn

    inscribedon

    his

    coins.

    J. H.

    Kramers,

    intheEn cyclopedia

    of Islam?writesthat

    the

    titleisnever foundonAiybid coins.It is,however, generally

    found inAiybid inscriptions.8 So fars coinsare

    concerned,

    Zambaur9corrects

    Kramers'

    Statement, saying

    that

    noAiy-

    bidcoins bearthetitleofsultn

    until

    themiddleof theeighth

    Century.

    This

    Statement, too, needs revision. Before

    the

    Aiybid rulersof Hisn

    Kaifa

    10

    there

    are several examples of

    usage of thetitleby descendants ofSalhal-Dm.The Ameri-

    can Numismatic Society has in its possession eleven un-

    published coins

    of

    Trnshh,

    the son ofal-Slih

    Aiyb, ruler

    ofEgyptand

    Damascus

    from Sha*bn647 to

    Mubarram 648.

    Of

    these

    eleven coins,

    mostof

    which were strack

    in

    Damascus,

    nine bear

    the

    title

    of sultn

    (cf. PLATE XXIV,

    3).

    However

    close

    in time these coins are to those of

    M u ? a ff a r

    Ghzi, we

    mayassumethat,withtheturmoil which swepttheNear East

    at

    this

    timeof

    almost

    constant Mongol attacks andwith the

    growth of Mamluk influence, the childish and depraved

    Trnshh feit compelled

    to

    assume

    a

    titlewhich

    had

    been

    s ageneral ruleavoided, oncoinsat

    least,

    by his fore-

    fathers and cousins. - ,

    7J. H.Kramers, art. Sultn.

    See

    Repertoire Chronologique d Epigraphie

    Arabe vols.

    X and XI,

    passim.There

    are

    three

    recorded inscriptions

    of

    Muzaffar

    Ghzi,

    one of

    A.H.

    623

    (R epertoire,

    X no.

    3959),

    one

    ofA.H.624

    ( Ibid. ,

    no.3975),onelisted

    under

    A.H.642(Repertoire, XI, no.4240).

    All

    these inscriptions givethetitleofsultnto therulerof Maiyfriqln. Al though the

    problem has never been

    thoroughly

    studied, it would

    seem

    that religious scruples

    prevented

    Aiybid princesfromusing

    the

    title

    on

    coins.

    Throughout

    their history

    the

    Aiybids were considered s

    Champions of

    orthodoxy,

    whether

    against

    Shi'ites or

    against

    Crusaders. However,thecaliphal authority never sanctioned their assumption

    of the titleofsultn.Consideringthe traditional importance attributedto the use of

    titles on coins, we may

    tmderstand

    their reticence in this respect. Cf. note 14.

    * Zambaur, ContributionsIII, p.

    179.

    10Ahmed Tewhid, MonnaiesdesAyoubitesdeHisn Kaifa,

    Congres

    Internationalde

    Numismatique

    (Bruxelles,

    1910).

    Also

    Erbab.....

    pp.

    109-110.

    12

    Numismatic

    Notes

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    172 A.N.

    S.

    M U S E U M

    NOTES

    EarlierthanTrnshh,earlierthan

    Muzaffar

    Ghzi,

    there

    are two sets of examples of

    the

    title

    on Aiybid coins. The

    first

    is a goldcoinof Salh al-Dln in the British

    Museum11

    and

    ischaracterized

    by

    Lane-Pooles rare

    and

    unusual. 12

    The

    coinis

    dated A . H . 583/A.D. 1187.

    The

    date

    is

    essential

    to the

    understanding of the

    coin:

    thiswas the year of Salh

    al-Din's

    reconquest

    of Jerusalem. The event had extraordinary

    reper-

    cussionsthroughout

    the

    Moslemworld.

    13And the

    title

    on the

    coin

    is like an

    honorary

    titleon a

    commemorative

    medal; it is

    not

    necessarily

    an

    attempt

    by

    Salh

    al-Dmtoassert,

    through

    thiscoinage,the spiritual

    significance

    of his

    rulership.

    14

    The

    collections

    of the

    Bibliotheque

    Nationale

    and of the

    British

    Museum have

    also a few coppers which probably have the

    title

    ofsultn.15The

    paucity

    pf

    examples,

    together

    with

    the

    factthat

    they

    were all probably struck in the same year ( A . H .

    587/A.D. 1191),

    seemsto show

    that

    the experiment was not

    entirely approvedof, and

    that

    Salh al-Dln did not dare to

    continueinscribing

    on

    coins

    a

    title

    he had ptherwise

    more

    or

    lessdefinitely

    appropriated.

    The

    second group

    of

    Aiybid coins bearing

    the titleof

    sulfn is the onewhichwassupposedbyZambaurtoshow the

    suzerainty of the Seljuq house over the rulers ofSyria.16Three

    11

    B.M.

    IV, SuppL,no.

    2543.

    Ibid.

    Introd.,p.XVI. -

    13

    N.

    Sobernheiin,art.

    Saladin,

    E l

    14

    Inasmuch s

    he

    uses

    the titleOruluil

    *}L.Vl

    O^aLJi,

    which

    did not have the

    same

    significance

    sthat

    of

    plain OaLJl.This

    is the

    title usedlater

    by Mamluks.

    Fatimids

    used

    p

    > i aL

    Somehow it was

    more

    of a laqab

    which,

    fo r

    religious

    reasons,

    was not

    maintained

    oncoins.For a

    brief discussion

    of the

    adoption

    of thetitle

    of sultan by Saladin, see M. van

    Berchem,

    Materiaux pour

    un

    Corpus

    Inscriptionum

    Arabicarum PremierePartie:

    Egypte in M emoires

    de

    la

    Mission rcheologiqueFrangaise

    au

    Caire

    t. XIX

    (Paris, 1903),

    p.

    299,

    n. 4. Max van Berchem

    showsthat,even

    on his

    inscriptions,Salh

    al-D

    ;

    ndid not

    adopt

    the

    titles

    a

    rule.

    It

    never occurred before A.H.

    583/A.D.

    1187 and,afterthat date,only sporadically.

    15

    LavoixIII, nos.468 and490;U.M.IV,nos. 279-283.

    16

    Zambaur, Contributions

    ala Numismatique

    Orientale,

    Numismatische

    Zeitschrift

    XXXVI(1904),

    pp.81-82.

    This

    article

    is

    hereafter referred

    to

    s

    Contributions I.

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    MUZAFFAR

    GHZI

    173

    coins bear

    the

    name

    of an

    Aiybid

    and of

    Keykhosrev

    II, the

    ambitious Seljuq leader.17

    The

    coin

    of the

    Bibliotheque

    Nationale

    and the second coin of Zambaur were struck in

    Aleppo in A.H. 638. The first coin of Zambaur was struck in

    Damascus

    in

    A.H. 640.

    It should be

    noted

    that, in all

    these

    cases, only

    Keykhosrev has the titleofsultn.The Aiybid

    ruler,

    whether

    al-Slih

    Ism'ilof

    Damascus

    or al-Nsir

    Ysuf

    of

    Aleppo,

    isstill

    al malik.

    Zambaur used these three coins

    and

    a

    text

    of

    Abu

    al-Fid'18in

    order

    to

    show

    that,in

    theirdesire

    to

    fight their

    cousin

    f rom Egypt

    and his Khwrizmian mercen-

    aries,the twoAiybid, rulers actually acceptedthesuzerainty

    of

    Keykhosrev.

    And

    Zambaursays:

    Cette

    alliance

    a duetre

    du

    reste

    fort

    ephemere;

    ni

    les

    pieces anterieures..

    n i

    post-

    erieureSo...ne

    portent

    le

    nom dusuzerain. 19It

    may

    beopen

    to

    doubt thatthere actually

    was a

    technical suzerainty

    of the

    SeljuqovertheAiybid princes.

    Abu

    al-Fid'merely relates,

    in

    thepassage quotedbyZambaur,thatKeykhosrev married

    the

    sister

    of the ruler of Aleppo, while al-'AzIz hims'elf

    married the

    sister

    of Keykhosrev. And he

    adds: U J v_Ja>-j

    _ > L J^MJP t>Zambaur translates:

    (A

    la suite de cette

    alliance)

    la khotba fut

    faite

    a Halab au nom de -,Kai-

    khosraw.

    20

    Although

    not incorrect,this translation may be

    misleading.The

    original does

    not saythat from th non the

    name of Keykhosrev was

    mentioned

    in the

    khutbab.

    The

    text

    simply

    says

    that

    on

    that

    occasionthenameof theSeljuq ruler

    17

    Lavoix III,

    no.

    570,

    with the

    corrections added

    by P. Casanova, pp.

    559-560;

    Zambaur, Contributions I, p. 8 1 ; Zambaur, ContributionsIII, p.

    179.

    B M

    IV,

    no.

    340, although

    Hsted by

    Zambaur,

    does not have the

    name

    of the Seljuq ruler. It

    does

    not

    evenseem

    to be an Aiyubid

    coin. Lane-Poole

    has

    perhapsmistaken

    a

    M amluk

    coin

    for anAiybidone.

    18Abu al-Fid,Kitb al Mukhtasar (Cairo,

    1325),

    III,

    p.

    170.

    The

    alliance

    w s not

    completely

    unsuccessful, for

    Abu

    al-Fid

    says that,

    in 641, the

    Mongols

    defeated

    Keykhosrev

    in

    spite

    of the

    help

    he

    received

    from

    Aleppo

    (Abu al-Fid*,

    III,

    p.

    171).

    18

    Contributions I, p. 82.

    Contributions III,

    p.

    180.

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    174

    A. N. S.

    MUSEUMN O T E S

    waspronounced

    inthemosque,

    probably

    sa

    mark

    ofhonor

    to a

    distinguished ally.

    Thecoinsmay not have any wider

    meaning

    than

    that

    ofrecordingan

    alliance.

    In

    deference

    to

    their ally, the Aiybid rulers have used,ontheir

    coins,

    the

    title

    heuseshimself,buthave also kept their own traditional

    one.

    Thus

    we

    have seenthat

    the two

    instances

    of the

    usage

    of

    the

    title

    ofsultn beforeor in

    A.H.

    640 can beexplainedby refer-

    ence

    to

    specificevents.Furthermore, while

    the

    laterAiybids,

    al-SlikIsm* and al-Nsir

    Ysuf,

    used thetitleonlyfor the

    ruler ofanother house than their own, Salh

    al-Dm

    took for

    himself

    what

    Max van Berchem has

    called

    a "composite"

    21

    title.M uz a ff ar

    Ghzi's

    coinsdiffer from

    Sallj

    al-Dm'sand the

    laterAiybids5;unlikeal Slifa.

    Ism'il'sand

    al-NsirYsuf's

    coins,

    they bear

    no

    nameexceptthat

    of the

    Caliph

    and

    that

    of

    the ruler ofMaiyfriqm; arid unlike Salh

    al-Dm's

    coins,

    theyuse thestraight formal sultn

    al malik

    instead of the

    compositeone

    al sultn

    al muslimm.In

    order

    to

    find

    an ex-

    planation,and to make anapproximationof

    M uz a ff a r

    Ghzi's

    role in thecomplexhistory of the times, we have to return to

    Abual-FidJand to

    other

    historians.

    After

    the deaths of al-Kmil, ruler of Egypt, and of

    al-

    Ashraf,

    ruler

    of Damascus,

    their sons, respectively al-Slih

    Aiyb

    and

    al-Slih Ism'il, took

    ovet the governments of

    Egypt

    andDamascus.22The old

    animosity between Syria

    and

    Egypt revived and,

    s

    Zambaur says completing Casanova's

    hypothesis

    23

    thattheSeljuq alliancewassoughtby the ruler

    of Damascus

    and

    Aleppo against

    the

    Khwrizmians,

    the

    Khwrizmians were employed by the Egyptian ruler. Most

    81M . van Berchem loc cit

    22

    Actually

    mEgypt, another son

    of

    al-Kmil,al-'dil

    II,

    reigned

    for a

    short

    time

    after

    the

    death

    of his father and before the returno f

    al-Slihfrom .Syria.

    23

    In

    Lavoix

    III,

    p.

    569;

    Zambaur

    Contributions I, p.

    81 .

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    MUZAFFAR GH ZI 175

    Aiybidprinces took

    sides;and

    s Egypt formed

    a large

    unit,

    while

    Syria

    wassplit

    among minor dynasts,

    we

    generally

    find

    a

    large number

    ofsmall

    princes allied against

    al Slifr

    Aiyb.

    What

    was

    Muzaf fa r

    Ghzi's

    role

    in

    this

    feud

    ? The

    ruler

    of

    Maiyfriqm

    is not veryoftenmentionedby

    either

    Maqrizi or

    Abu

    al-Fid'.The

    versatile

    historianof

    Egypt mentions

    him

    once.

    The

    instance

    is

    this:

    in the

    year

    A.H.

    38/A.D.1240-1241,

    a

    Mongol

    embassy reached

    Maiyfriqm

    and required the

    surrender

    of the

    town

    and the

    destruction

    of its

    fortifications.

    Timidly and cautiously Muzaf fa r Ghzi answeredthathe is

    only

    one of the (Aiybid) princes and

    that

    the town (he)

    owns islittleindeed when compared to the

    lands

    ofRum,of

    Syria and of

    Egypt.

    Goto the rulers of these countries, says

    he to the

    ambassadors

    of the qakhn, and I

    shall

    regulate

    my

    conduct according

    to theirs. 24 In

    this case, Muzaf fa r Ghzi

    appears

    sa

    neutral

    character,

    refusing

    to take

    sides.

    In the

    following

    year, however, he entered into an alliance (* ; \)

    with the Khwrizmians.

    25

    We know

    from

    the same authority

    thatin the

    preceding year

    the

    Khwrizmians,

    who had

    been

    devastating the

    whole

    of Syria, spared the possessions of the

    rulerof

    Hamah

    because

    he was anallyof

    al-Slih

    Aiyb.f6We

    can thus

    assume

    that Muzaffar Ghzi

    himself

    was, if not

    distinctly

    an ally, at

    least

    a friend and

    supporter

    of the

    Egyptian house;thiscontention

    is

    fur ther supported

    by the

    fact

    that

    theregenerally appears on his coins the name of an

    Egyptian Aiybid,

    al-Kmil27

    or al-Slih

    Aiyb.

    28

    The alliance between the Khwrizmians and the ruler of

    Maiyfriqm

    turned

    out unsuccessfully. They

    were opposed

    24Maqrizi Histoire

    de VE gypte, tr. E. Blochet Revue

    del OrientLatin

    X pp.

    345-346.

    25 Abu al-Fid ,p. 169.

    Ibid. p.

    168.

    27

    For

    instance,B.M.

    IV,

    no.

    4663.

    28For instance,

    Lavoix III,

    no.

    697.

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    176

    A

    N S MUSEUM NOTE S

    by thecombinedforcesof

    Aleppo, Hirns

    and

    Damascus.

    Such

    a show of force can only be explained s evidence of the

    desire,

    on the

    part

    of the

    Syrian princes,

    to

    eliminate

    any

    potential enemy

    threat

    on their northeastern flanks.

    They

    succeeded

    inthattask.M u z a ff ar Ghzi and his

    Khwrizmian

    allies were completely'defeated

    in the late part of A H

    6407

    A D

    1242-1243. Al-Malik

    al-Mansr

    Ibrahim of Hirns even

    succeeded in

    breaking through

    the

    camp

    of

    al-Malik al-

    Muzaf fa r Ghziand intaking possessionof histreasuryand of

    histents. 29The

    alliance

    probably broke downthen, but in

    642

    we

    find

    the

    Khwrizmians

    again alliedto

    al-Slih

    Aiyb.

    80

    Thusacertain consistencyintheir policy seems,established.

    Calledby an Egyptian rulertoplaythe part of rangers or

    irregulrst' they

    faithfully

    accomplished it, helped by or

    helpingany

    ally

    al-Slih Aiyb

    may

    have foundinSyriaand

    Northern

    Mesopotamia. Among

    them

    was the .ruler of

    Maiyfriqm.

    Thisis, I

    think,

    alikely

    hypothesis

    toexplainthe partplay-

    ed by Muzaf fa r Ghziin thecomplex balanceofpowerof the

    time. How is it connected with his assumption of the

    title

    of

    sul^n

    The twocoins described aboveundoubtedlybelong to

    the periodwhichfollwedhisdefeatby the united forcesof

    AleppOj

    Hirns andDamascus.Al-Musta^im did not

    become

    Caliphbeforethemiddleof theyear,whJlethebattleoccurred

    around

    the monthof

    Sa.far

    the second monthof the Arabic

    calendar. It seems paradoxical

    that

    Mu z a f f a r

    Ghzi should

    adopt thehighest

    title

    in the hierarchy of the time after

    that

    of

    Caliph

    immediately

    followinga

    crushingdefeat.

    The

    paradox is

    further

    complicated by the

    addition

    of the only

    known

    inscription ofM uzaffar Ghzi, which is added by the

    editors

    of the

    Rtptrtoire

    to the

    inscriptions

    of the

    year A H

    sAbual-Fid>, p. 171.

    Ibid

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    MUZAFFAR

    GHZI 177

    642,but

    which

    may beearlier.31In

    this

    inscriptionhe iscalled,

    among

    other

    titles,

    . . thesavant , thechampionof

    faith,

    who

    exacts

    justice

    for the oppressedf rom the oppressor,

    thekiller of theunfaithfuland thepolytheist,

    J >

    Is

    this

    meremegalomania,possiblein a man whoearlier called

    him-

    self

    masterof

    kings

    and

    sultans

    ? 32Thehypothesis

    cannot

    be excluded, but, drawing on actual

    events,

    we can reach

    another andmore likelysolution.

    Muzaffar Ghzihasjust been defeated.Thealliance with

    the Khwrizmians has

    broken down. Because

    of hisfriendship

    with

    the

    Egyptian

    house,

    Muzaf far

    Ghziwasprobably not

    on good terms with Keykhosrev and his vassals. He was

    always

    threatened by a possible

    Mongol

    attack. We may

    suppose that in order to increasehis prestige amonghis

    subjects, in order to raise

    himself

    to the same

    hierarchical

    level s his

    Seljuk

    neighbours, Muzaf fa r Ghzi decided to

    strike coins,

    on

    which

    would

    appear

    the

    title

    those

    neighbours

    were using, and which he himself used in inscriptions,'and

    probablyon officialdocuments.

    The two coins of the AmericanNumismaticSociety bearing

    thetitleof

    sutfn

    havethus

    led

    us to two interesting, however

    minor, results.First,theyareanother exampleof thetitleon

    Aiybid coins

    before

    the middleof the eighth Centuryof the

    Hijrah. Statements such s that ofKramers in the

    Ency

    clopedia.

    of

    Islam cannot

    be

    accepted. Secondly, they throw

    some

    light

    on the

    history

    of a

    relatively unknown Aiybid

    ruler,

    whokept the

    traditionaltitle

    of

    al malik s long s

    he

    wasentangled in the complex balanceofpowerof the time

    5