on two coins of muzaffar ghāzī, ruler of maiyāfāriqīn (a.h. 617-642/a.d. 1220-1244) / [oleg...
TRANSCRIPT
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7/26/2019 On two coins of Muzaffar Ghz, ruler of Maiyfriqn (A.H. 617-642/A.D. 1220-1244) / [Oleg Grabar]
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ON TWO
COINS
OF
MUZAFFAR
GHZI,
RULER
OF
MAIYFRIQIN
[A.H. 6i7~642/A.D. 1220-1244]
SEE PLATE
XXIV,
1-3)
The
American N um ismatic Society
hasin its
possession
two
copper coins
of
Muzaffar
Ghzi,
the
Aiybid ruler
of
Maiy-
friqm
modern
Silvn, in the
vilayet
of
Diyarbekir,
T^urkey)
from
A.H.
617 to 642
A.D.
1220-1224),
both
of which
show
peculiarities hithertounknown so farsI candiscover to
Oriental numismatists and Mstorians. Neither of the
coins is
well preserved and it isonly through comparison of the two
thattheycan be
partly
deciphered.
No i
Obv.
Rev.
u,
Margin effaced. Dot over Restof the
inscription
firstO of **J \ Dots over0 of
UaLJUndkof
jkJ
18
mm., 1.86
gr.
PLATE
XXIV,
i
167
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i68
A. N. S.
MUSEUMNOT S
No 2
Obv. Rev.
5-
[0]lkUI
-, , , T
151
Margin
effaced. w
over
j
of
Margineffaced.Lower
part
^-Lo
x j l and dot
over secondf.
of the
inscription indistinct.
20
mm ., 2.17
gr. (ex W . L. W right
Coll.)
P L A T EXXIV,2 .
The
debased epigraphy
of the
coins makes
the
reading
sometimes uncertain; however,
it
appears
that the
name
of the
Caliph-al-Musta sim
is the one
inscribed.
A
rather extensive
study of the epigraphy ofAiybid coinsof the time, in the
ANSCollection, has definitely shown that of the four
strokes
composing
the complex L* one is quite
of ten
omitted.1
It has
also shown that
the
medial
p
tends
to be
confused
with a medial
A.
At any
rate?
it is not
possible,
on
purelyepigraphical grounds,toreadal-Mustansir on either of
the
coins.
Furthermore,historicalconsider^tions
seem
to
con-
firm the
reading
wesuggest.
Another
epigraphical problem
is
posed
by the
differing
inscriptions on the obverse of both coins at the right of the
area;
the
areas themselves
are
identical. Coin
No.
i clearly
readsuUs**. The name is notfoundeither in M uzaffar
Ghzi s
kunyahor in his
variousalqb
The likeliest
hypothesis
seems
to be,
then,
that the alimahwas
inscribed around
the
area
and
that
ou.=**
must
befollowed by j and
preceded
by
1
In
particular
the
coins
of
Trnshh
IV
(unpufalished).
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MUZAFFAR GHZI 169
J J V i
d\sInterpretation however cannot
applyto
coin
No.
2. The inscription
there
should probably read
[c*]ol
-?t$[j^]>
hence
the
date
641,
a
date
which corres-
ponds
with
evidence drawn from historians.
But
why this
difference
between inscriptions
one a
date,
the
other
a
name oncoinsotherwiseso similar and obviously belonging
to the same time?
It
is true ofcoursethat Aiybid mint-
rn.as.terswereseldom consistent insetting
up
their inscriptions.
But oncoinNo. 2, the top line of thereverse reads
[
jijIs]L.
Considering the position of the mint-name, the year of the
striking should follow, around the area of the reverse. In
known
examples,the appearance of the mint-name and date
on
di fferent sides
of the
coin2
is
limited
to
coins with f igures.
CoinNo. 2, beingwithoutfigure,
seems
to present an anomaly.
Is the inscription surrounding the area of the obverse some
sortof
modified
Kalimab? Is it thedateand the mint?What
theniswrittenon the reverse?Doesthecoin introducea new
formula
? The
problem remains unsolved
and
will probably
remain sountilnewcoinsof thesame typeare found.
Before
considering the historical value of these two coins, it
is important to compare them with other known coirisof
Mu?affar Ghzi.
If
weexceptagroupofcoins earlier than A.H.
3O,3coinsof the rulerof Maiyfriqm so farpublishedcan be
2
For
instance,
S.
Lane-Poole,C atalogue
of
Oriental Coins
in the
Britisb
Museum
(Lon-
don, 1879),
IV,nos.
612ff .
Thecataloguewill bereferredto sB.M.
3
H. Lavoix, Catalogue
desMonnaies Musulmanes de la
Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris,
1896),III no.
693;
Ibid.nos. 694-695,
although
not dated,
belong
to the sametype.
I. Ghalib Edhem, Monnaies Turcomanes (Constantinople,
1894),
p. 160.
Erbab-i
Merakdan
bir Zat
(Anon.), (Constantinople,1901), pp.
104-105. Markoff ,
Inventory
(StPetersbourg, 1894),p.
359,lists
two
coins
of
Muzaffar Ghzi.
One is
dated 63X,
the
other
one hasmintanddateeffaced.Thelatterisbriefly
descr ibeds
being ofanother
type. Lackoffurther descriptionforces usto leavethesetwo coins out of our
study.
E. Zambaur, Nouvelles Contributions la
Numism at ique
Orientale,
Numismatische
Zeitschrift N.F., VII (1914),
referred
to
heres
ContributionsIII ),p. 177, lists three
coins
dated
A.H.
618
and
describes
them
sof the
type
B.M.
IV,
nos. 462-463. Follow-
inghim,we mayattribute these coinsof theBritishM useumtothis earlier period.
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170 A. N. S.M U S EU M NOT ES
dividedint o twocategories. The inscription of the first group
ofcoins
the majority4 has the name of an Aiybid over-
lord,generally one of the Egyptian rulers, al-Malik al-Kmil
or
al-M alik
al-Slih
Aiyb. The second group is not inscribed
with thename of any
overlord, except
the Caliph of Baghdd.
5
The inscription onthese
coins
is
simple.
Fraehn6 deciphered
the
obverse
jUAJI jv\1 alLJ and the reverse dlLJ
The
title
ofM uz affar Ghziisalways
al-malik?
in both groups
of
coins.
The two
coins
of the
AmericanNu mismatic Society
with
the title of sultnare thusof particular interest. It
should
be
notedthat
the
inscriptional arrangement
of
these coins
is
quitedifferent frorn that of all
other coins
ofM uz affar
Ghzi
except
that
describedby
Fraehn,
with which it has certain
similarities.Fraehn s coin cannot be later than A.H. 640 the
date of al-Mustansir s death. The fact
however, that
its
inscription does not inclu de the n am e of any overlord and
that,
except
for the
title
of
sultn
it is so
similar
to
that
of the
tw o coinso f the A merican N u m isma tic Society indicatesthat
Fraehn s
coin mu st have been stru ck in the
late
thirties of the
seventh Century
of the
H ijrah.
Allother
coins with
the
name
of al-M u stansir
have
the
name
of an
Aiybid overlord
in
addition
t othat of the
Caliph.
We shallsee that it is
reasonable
to assumethat,
around A.H. 640
Muzaffar
Ghzimay have
4
B.M.
IV,
nos.
464-466;
Ibid.
SuppL,p.
229,
no.
4663;
Lavoix
III, nos.
696-697;
I. Pietraszewski,Numi
Mohammedani
I (Berlin,
1843),
p. 126. Pietraszewskimentions
two coins ofM uzaffar Ghzi, both of them withunusual
inscriptions,
which may be due
to
errors
in
decipherment. Only
the
first
of the two has
ahnostcertainly
the
name
of an
overlord.
6I.
Pietraszewski, op.
cit. p,
126,
the
second coin
of
Muzaffar Ghzi; Fraehn, Nova
Supplementa (St Petersbourg, 1855), p. 92.
8Theinscription onPietraszewski s coinis original,but onecannot
trust
theauthor s
reading. P.
115,
he read OaLJI, where bis
own
drawing of the coin quite clearly
shows
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MUZFFAR
GH AZ I 171
been ledto
express
his
independence,
and it is at
thattime
thathehadthe
title
osultn
inscribedon
his
coins.
J. H.
Kramers,
intheEn cyclopedia
of Islam?writesthat
the
titleisnever foundonAiybid coins.It is,however, generally
found inAiybid inscriptions.8 So fars coinsare
concerned,
Zambaur9corrects
Kramers'
Statement, saying
that
noAiy-
bidcoins bearthetitleofsultn
until
themiddleof theeighth
Century.
This
Statement, too, needs revision. Before
the
Aiybid rulersof Hisn
Kaifa
10
there
are several examples of
usage of thetitleby descendants ofSalhal-Dm.The Ameri-
can Numismatic Society has in its possession eleven un-
published coins
of
Trnshh,
the son ofal-Slih
Aiyb, ruler
ofEgyptand
Damascus
from Sha*bn647 to
Mubarram 648.
Of
these
eleven coins,
mostof
which were strack
in
Damascus,
nine bear
the
title
of sultn
(cf. PLATE XXIV,
3).
However
close
in time these coins are to those of
M u ? a ff a r
Ghzi, we
mayassumethat,withtheturmoil which swepttheNear East
at
this
timeof
almost
constant Mongol attacks andwith the
growth of Mamluk influence, the childish and depraved
Trnshh feit compelled
to
assume
a
titlewhich
had
been
s ageneral ruleavoided, oncoinsat
least,
by his fore-
fathers and cousins. - ,
7J. H.Kramers, art. Sultn.
See
Repertoire Chronologique d Epigraphie
Arabe vols.
X and XI,
passim.There
are
three
recorded inscriptions
of
Muzaffar
Ghzi,
one of
A.H.
623
(R epertoire,
X no.
3959),
one
ofA.H.624
( Ibid. ,
no.3975),onelisted
under
A.H.642(Repertoire, XI, no.4240).
All
these inscriptions givethetitleofsultnto therulerof Maiyfriqln. Al though the
problem has never been
thoroughly
studied, it would
seem
that religious scruples
prevented
Aiybid princesfromusing
the
title
on
coins.
Throughout
their history
the
Aiybids were considered s
Champions of
orthodoxy,
whether
against
Shi'ites or
against
Crusaders. However,thecaliphal authority never sanctioned their assumption
of the titleofsultn.Consideringthe traditional importance attributedto the use of
titles on coins, we may
tmderstand
their reticence in this respect. Cf. note 14.
* Zambaur, ContributionsIII, p.
179.
10Ahmed Tewhid, MonnaiesdesAyoubitesdeHisn Kaifa,
Congres
Internationalde
Numismatique
(Bruxelles,
1910).
Also
Erbab.....
pp.
109-110.
12
Numismatic
Notes
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172 A.N.
S.
M U S E U M
NOTES
EarlierthanTrnshh,earlierthan
Muzaffar
Ghzi,
there
are two sets of examples of
the
title
on Aiybid coins. The
first
is a goldcoinof Salh al-Dln in the British
Museum11
and
ischaracterized
by
Lane-Pooles rare
and
unusual. 12
The
coinis
dated A . H . 583/A.D. 1187.
The
date
is
essential
to the
understanding of the
coin:
thiswas the year of Salh
al-Din's
reconquest
of Jerusalem. The event had extraordinary
reper-
cussionsthroughout
the
Moslemworld.
13And the
title
on the
coin
is like an
honorary
titleon a
commemorative
medal; it is
not
necessarily
an
attempt
by
Salh
al-Dmtoassert,
through
thiscoinage,the spiritual
significance
of his
rulership.
14
The
collections
of the
Bibliotheque
Nationale
and of the
British
Museum have
also a few coppers which probably have the
title
ofsultn.15The
paucity
pf
examples,
together
with
the
factthat
they
were all probably struck in the same year ( A . H .
587/A.D. 1191),
seemsto show
that
the experiment was not
entirely approvedof, and
that
Salh al-Dln did not dare to
continueinscribing
on
coins
a
title
he had ptherwise
more
or
lessdefinitely
appropriated.
The
second group
of
Aiybid coins bearing
the titleof
sulfn is the onewhichwassupposedbyZambaurtoshow the
suzerainty of the Seljuq house over the rulers ofSyria.16Three
11
B.M.
IV, SuppL,no.
2543.
Ibid.
Introd.,p.XVI. -
13
N.
Sobernheiin,art.
Saladin,
E l
14
Inasmuch s
he
uses
the titleOruluil
*}L.Vl
O^aLJi,
which
did not have the
same
significance
sthat
of
plain OaLJl.This
is the
title usedlater
by Mamluks.
Fatimids
used
p
> i aL
Somehow it was
more
of a laqab
which,
fo r
religious
reasons,
was not
maintained
oncoins.For a
brief discussion
of the
adoption
of thetitle
of sultan by Saladin, see M. van
Berchem,
Materiaux pour
un
Corpus
Inscriptionum
Arabicarum PremierePartie:
Egypte in M emoires
de
la
Mission rcheologiqueFrangaise
au
Caire
t. XIX
(Paris, 1903),
p.
299,
n. 4. Max van Berchem
showsthat,even
on his
inscriptions,Salh
al-D
;
ndid not
adopt
the
titles
a
rule.
It
never occurred before A.H.
583/A.D.
1187 and,afterthat date,only sporadically.
15
LavoixIII, nos.468 and490;U.M.IV,nos. 279-283.
16
Zambaur, Contributions
ala Numismatique
Orientale,
Numismatische
Zeitschrift
XXXVI(1904),
pp.81-82.
This
article
is
hereafter referred
to
s
Contributions I.
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MUZAFFAR
GHZI
173
coins bear
the
name
of an
Aiybid
and of
Keykhosrev
II, the
ambitious Seljuq leader.17
The
coin
of the
Bibliotheque
Nationale
and the second coin of Zambaur were struck in
Aleppo in A.H. 638. The first coin of Zambaur was struck in
Damascus
in
A.H. 640.
It should be
noted
that, in all
these
cases, only
Keykhosrev has the titleofsultn.The Aiybid
ruler,
whether
al-Slih
Ism'ilof
Damascus
or al-Nsir
Ysuf
of
Aleppo,
isstill
al malik.
Zambaur used these three coins
and
a
text
of
Abu
al-Fid'18in
order
to
show
that,in
theirdesire
to
fight their
cousin
f rom Egypt
and his Khwrizmian mercen-
aries,the twoAiybid, rulers actually acceptedthesuzerainty
of
Keykhosrev.
And
Zambaursays:
Cette
alliance
a duetre
du
reste
fort
ephemere;
ni
les
pieces anterieures..
n i
post-
erieureSo...ne
portent
le
nom dusuzerain. 19It
may
beopen
to
doubt thatthere actually
was a
technical suzerainty
of the
SeljuqovertheAiybid princes.
Abu
al-Fid'merely relates,
in
thepassage quotedbyZambaur,thatKeykhosrev married
the
sister
of the ruler of Aleppo, while al-'AzIz hims'elf
married the
sister
of Keykhosrev. And he
adds: U J v_Ja>-j
_ > L J^MJP t>Zambaur translates:
(A
la suite de cette
alliance)
la khotba fut
faite
a Halab au nom de -,Kai-
khosraw.
20
Although
not incorrect,this translation may be
misleading.The
original does
not saythat from th non the
name of Keykhosrev was
mentioned
in the
khutbab.
The
text
simply
says
that
on
that
occasionthenameof theSeljuq ruler
17
Lavoix III,
no.
570,
with the
corrections added
by P. Casanova, pp.
559-560;
Zambaur, Contributions I, p. 8 1 ; Zambaur, ContributionsIII, p.
179.
B M
IV,
no.
340, although
Hsted by
Zambaur,
does not have the
name
of the Seljuq ruler. It
does
not
evenseem
to be an Aiyubid
coin. Lane-Poole
has
perhapsmistaken
a
M amluk
coin
for anAiybidone.
18Abu al-Fid,Kitb al Mukhtasar (Cairo,
1325),
III,
p.
170.
The
alliance
w s not
completely
unsuccessful, for
Abu
al-Fid
says that,
in 641, the
Mongols
defeated
Keykhosrev
in
spite
of the
help
he
received
from
Aleppo
(Abu al-Fid*,
III,
p.
171).
18
Contributions I, p. 82.
Contributions III,
p.
180.
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174
A. N. S.
MUSEUMN O T E S
waspronounced
inthemosque,
probably
sa
mark
ofhonor
to a
distinguished ally.
Thecoinsmay not have any wider
meaning
than
that
ofrecordingan
alliance.
In
deference
to
their ally, the Aiybid rulers have used,ontheir
coins,
the
title
heuseshimself,buthave also kept their own traditional
one.
Thus
we
have seenthat
the two
instances
of the
usage
of
the
title
ofsultn beforeor in
A.H.
640 can beexplainedby refer-
ence
to
specificevents.Furthermore, while
the
laterAiybids,
al-SlikIsm* and al-Nsir
Ysuf,
used thetitleonlyfor the
ruler ofanother house than their own, Salh
al-Dm
took for
himself
what
Max van Berchem has
called
a "composite"
21
title.M uz a ff ar
Ghzi's
coinsdiffer from
Sallj
al-Dm'sand the
laterAiybids5;unlikeal Slifa.
Ism'il'sand
al-NsirYsuf's
coins,
they bear
no
nameexceptthat
of the
Caliph
and
that
of
the ruler ofMaiyfriqm; arid unlike Salh
al-Dm's
coins,
theyuse thestraight formal sultn
al malik
instead of the
compositeone
al sultn
al muslimm.In
order
to
find
an ex-
planation,and to make anapproximationof
M uz a ff a r
Ghzi's
role in thecomplexhistory of the times, we have to return to
Abual-FidJand to
other
historians.
After
the deaths of al-Kmil, ruler of Egypt, and of
al-
Ashraf,
ruler
of Damascus,
their sons, respectively al-Slih
Aiyb
and
al-Slih Ism'il, took
ovet the governments of
Egypt
andDamascus.22The old
animosity between Syria
and
Egypt revived and,
s
Zambaur says completing Casanova's
hypothesis
23
thattheSeljuq alliancewassoughtby the ruler
of Damascus
and
Aleppo against
the
Khwrizmians,
the
Khwrizmians were employed by the Egyptian ruler. Most
81M . van Berchem loc cit
22
Actually
mEgypt, another son
of
al-Kmil,al-'dil
II,
reigned
for a
short
time
after
the
death
of his father and before the returno f
al-Slihfrom .Syria.
23
In
Lavoix
III,
p.
569;
Zambaur
Contributions I, p.
81 .
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MUZAFFAR GH ZI 175
Aiybidprinces took
sides;and
s Egypt formed
a large
unit,
while
Syria
wassplit
among minor dynasts,
we
generally
find
a
large number
ofsmall
princes allied against
al Slifr
Aiyb.
What
was
Muzaf fa r
Ghzi's
role
in
this
feud
? The
ruler
of
Maiyfriqm
is not veryoftenmentionedby
either
Maqrizi or
Abu
al-Fid'.The
versatile
historianof
Egypt mentions
him
once.
The
instance
is
this:
in the
year
A.H.
38/A.D.1240-1241,
a
Mongol
embassy reached
Maiyfriqm
and required the
surrender
of the
town
and the
destruction
of its
fortifications.
Timidly and cautiously Muzaf fa r Ghzi answeredthathe is
only
one of the (Aiybid) princes and
that
the town (he)
owns islittleindeed when compared to the
lands
ofRum,of
Syria and of
Egypt.
Goto the rulers of these countries, says
he to the
ambassadors
of the qakhn, and I
shall
regulate
my
conduct according
to theirs. 24 In
this case, Muzaf fa r Ghzi
appears
sa
neutral
character,
refusing
to take
sides.
In the
following
year, however, he entered into an alliance (* ; \)
with the Khwrizmians.
25
We know
from
the same authority
thatin the
preceding year
the
Khwrizmians,
who had
been
devastating the
whole
of Syria, spared the possessions of the
rulerof
Hamah
because
he was anallyof
al-Slih
Aiyb.f6We
can thus
assume
that Muzaffar Ghzi
himself
was, if not
distinctly
an ally, at
least
a friend and
supporter
of the
Egyptian house;thiscontention
is
fur ther supported
by the
fact
that
theregenerally appears on his coins the name of an
Egyptian Aiybid,
al-Kmil27
or al-Slih
Aiyb.
28
The alliance between the Khwrizmians and the ruler of
Maiyfriqm
turned
out unsuccessfully. They
were opposed
24Maqrizi Histoire
de VE gypte, tr. E. Blochet Revue
del OrientLatin
X pp.
345-346.
25 Abu al-Fid ,p. 169.
Ibid. p.
168.
27
For
instance,B.M.
IV,
no.
4663.
28For instance,
Lavoix III,
no.
697.
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176
A
N S MUSEUM NOTE S
by thecombinedforcesof
Aleppo, Hirns
and
Damascus.
Such
a show of force can only be explained s evidence of the
desire,
on the
part
of the
Syrian princes,
to
eliminate
any
potential enemy
threat
on their northeastern flanks.
They
succeeded
inthattask.M u z a ff ar Ghzi and his
Khwrizmian
allies were completely'defeated
in the late part of A H
6407
A D
1242-1243. Al-Malik
al-Mansr
Ibrahim of Hirns even
succeeded in
breaking through
the
camp
of
al-Malik al-
Muzaf fa r Ghziand intaking possessionof histreasuryand of
histents. 29The
alliance
probably broke downthen, but in
642
we
find
the
Khwrizmians
again alliedto
al-Slih
Aiyb.
80
Thusacertain consistencyintheir policy seems,established.
Calledby an Egyptian rulertoplaythe part of rangers or
irregulrst' they
faithfully
accomplished it, helped by or
helpingany
ally
al-Slih Aiyb
may
have foundinSyriaand
Northern
Mesopotamia. Among
them
was the .ruler of
Maiyfriqm.
Thisis, I
think,
alikely
hypothesis
toexplainthe partplay-
ed by Muzaf fa r Ghziin thecomplex balanceofpowerof the
time. How is it connected with his assumption of the
title
of
sul^n
The twocoins described aboveundoubtedlybelong to
the periodwhichfollwedhisdefeatby the united forcesof
AleppOj
Hirns andDamascus.Al-Musta^im did not
become
Caliphbeforethemiddleof theyear,whJlethebattleoccurred
around
the monthof
Sa.far
the second monthof the Arabic
calendar. It seems paradoxical
that
Mu z a f f a r
Ghzi should
adopt thehighest
title
in the hierarchy of the time after
that
of
Caliph
immediately
followinga
crushingdefeat.
The
paradox is
further
complicated by the
addition
of the only
known
inscription ofM uzaffar Ghzi, which is added by the
editors
of the
Rtptrtoire
to the
inscriptions
of the
year A H
sAbual-Fid>, p. 171.
Ibid
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MUZAFFAR
GHZI 177
642,but
which
may beearlier.31In
this
inscriptionhe iscalled,
among
other
titles,
. . thesavant , thechampionof
faith,
who
exacts
justice
for the oppressedf rom the oppressor,
thekiller of theunfaithfuland thepolytheist,
J >
Is
this
meremegalomania,possiblein a man whoearlier called
him-
self
masterof
kings
and
sultans
? 32Thehypothesis
cannot
be excluded, but, drawing on actual
events,
we can reach
another andmore likelysolution.
Muzaffar Ghzihasjust been defeated.Thealliance with
the Khwrizmians has
broken down. Because
of hisfriendship
with
the
Egyptian
house,
Muzaf far
Ghziwasprobably not
on good terms with Keykhosrev and his vassals. He was
always
threatened by a possible
Mongol
attack. We may
suppose that in order to increasehis prestige amonghis
subjects, in order to raise
himself
to the same
hierarchical
level s his
Seljuk
neighbours, Muzaf fa r Ghzi decided to
strike coins,
on
which
would
appear
the
title
those
neighbours
were using, and which he himself used in inscriptions,'and
probablyon officialdocuments.
The two coins of the AmericanNumismaticSociety bearing
thetitleof
sutfn
havethus
led
us to two interesting, however
minor, results.First,theyareanother exampleof thetitleon
Aiybid coins
before
the middleof the eighth Centuryof the
Hijrah. Statements such s that ofKramers in the
Ency
clopedia.
of
Islam cannot
be
accepted. Secondly, they throw
some
light
on the
history
of a
relatively unknown Aiybid
ruler,
whokept the
traditionaltitle
of
al malik s long s
he
wasentangled in the complex balanceofpowerof the time
5