noam chomsky propaganda model: a critical evaluation...

Running Head: NOAM CHOMSKY PROPAGANDA MODEL

Noam Chomsky Propaganda Model: A Critical Evaluation

Pedro A. González, Jr.

Saint Thomas University

October 17, 2013

NOAM CHOMSKY PROPAGANDA MODEL: A CRITICAL EVALUATION 2

Abstract

Our approach offers a view of the “Propaganda Model” developed by the linguist and

American political activist Noam Chomsky 25 years ago and its current validity, with special

emphasis on the five elements or filters. In this analysis, we tried to deconstruct the process and

reflect on other components that filter the information. We also demonstrate how promoting this

kind of analysis against the interests of the power groups in the ‘democratic societies’, tends to

be marginalized institutionally.

Keywords: Propaganda, Media, Noam Chomsky, Propaganda Model, News, Journalists.


Importance of the Theory and History

The Propaganda Model (PM) of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman in

Manufacturing Consent. The Political Economy of the Mass Media (Chomsky, 1988), represents

their initial manifesto in the dissection of the industry of State and corporate propaganda in the

American media (Chomsky, 1989: 47). Their subsequent propaganda analysis reflected in books,

conferences, interviews and articles where the American linguist has revealed different aspects

of his vision of the propagandistic phenomena. There, the American linguist establishes that

mass media outlets are instruments of power (Klaehn, 2002) that ‘mobilize support for the

special interests that dominate the state and private activity’ (Chomsky, 1988: lxi).

How Other Academics and Theoreticians Observe this Theory and Contributions

A resurgence, started a few years ago, has surfaced in the interest of the PM in the academic

field, negatively questioned as ‘an almost conspiratorial view of the media’ (Holsti, 1984: 174).

Their answer to this was, “Many of the critiques displayed a barely-concealed anger, and in most

of them the propaganda model was dismissed with a few superficial clichés (conspiratorial,

simplistic, etc.), without fair presentation or subjecting it to the test of evidence”. (Herman,

2003: 5).

They predicted themselves that rejection (Chomsky, 1989: 22-23) and for other authors

like Herring and Robinson, the PM was marginalized by the academia (Smith, 2008: 6:94)

because this “is very strongly disciplined by the operation of the filters outlined in the

propaganda model” (Herring, 2003: 562). Because the model has an anti-elite perspective, not

suitable for ‘filters’ that himself distinguishes (Pedro, 2011:2).

Some philosophical rivals like Derrida, Foucault, and Julia Kristeva or reactionary critics

of Chomsky are David Horowitz, Alan Dershowitz, and others (Wise, 2011: 1-2) just criticize his


political views, his stance against American foreign policy and, what he considered the

‘indoctrination’ of the American people with a ‘double standard’ in the information (Chomsky,

2004: 474). Other authors doubt the orientation of his critics: “I began to feel that Chomsky’s

colleagues in linguistics in U.S. academe were not only selectively reading him, but that there

might be something inherently wrong about his orientation to the study of language” (Wise,

2011: 2).

However, at the turn of the century, a small group of authors has emerged on a similar

theoretical and ideological basis to that of Herman and Chomsky working to strengthen, update,

refine and enlarge the model. Among those authors were Herring and Robinson, Boyd-Barret,

Klaehn, Cromwell and Edwards and Sparks. In addition, it is important to mention the

conferences in London, UK, February 2004, Ontario, Canada, May 2007 and Seville, Spain,

2006.

Theoretician and his Profile

Avram Noam Chomsky was born in Philadelphia, United States, on December 7, 1928

(IMBD, n. d.). He ‘is an eminent linguist and a radical political philosopher of international

reputation’ (EGS, 2012), Professor Emeritus of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of

Technology and one of the towering figures of 20th-century linguistics (Columbia Encyclopedia,

2001). Equally critical of capitalist and socialist societies having been politically defined himself

as a "libertarian Socialist" (Head, 2004) and the New York Times Book Review considered him

as "in terms of the power, range, novelty and influence of his thought, Noam Chomsky is

arguably the most important intellectual alive today” (Robinson, 1979).

Chomsky positioned itself as the most influential figure on the American left, especially

admired in Europe and in the progressive countries of Latin America where his lectures, articles


and political essays are constantly printed (All American Speakers, n.d.). His political activism

started with the popular mobilization, a whole generation of Americans against the Vietnam

War. (Chambers, n. d.)

Some of his most famous -and debated- works are: Language and Mind (1968), For

Reasons of State (1973), Language and Responsibility (1979), After the Cataclysm, (1979); The

Washington Connection and Third World Fascism (1979), Radical Priorities (1981), The Fateful

Triangle (1983), Chronicles of Dissent (1992), Class Warfare (1996), Powers and Prospects

(1996), The New Military Humanism (1999), The Architecture of Language (2000), Rogue States

(2000), 9-11 (2001), The Common Good (2002), Understanding Power (2002), Hegemony or

Survival (2003), Gaza in Crisis (2010) and of course, Manufacturing Consent (1988). (Stafforini,

2011)

What are the Major Propositions of the Theory?

The PM is a subjective model, or evaluation of the mechanics of propaganda ant its

influence on the public, assessing the outcomes, influence and of course, tendencies of the mass

media in modern society (Fog, 2013). Based on history and reality of functioning of Government

and corporations in the ‘manufacture of consent’ (Lippmann, XVI: 4) explains how it functions

on ‘engineering’ public opinion issues in political and commercial trends (Cull, 2003: xviii).

“The ability to produce flak, that is costly and threatening, is related to power” (Chomsky, 1988:

26). Also, “the government is a major producer of flack, regularly assailing, threatening and

“correcting” the media, trying to contain any deviations from the established line” (Chomsky,

1988: 28).

We confront and research the theory in the way the model seeks to explain how

populations are manipulated (Holsti, 2008:89,108) and how consent for economic, social and


political policies is "manufactured" in the public mind due to this propaganda (Mayer, 2013).

The theory posits that the way in which the implementation of the news design as a support for

advertising (Best, 2009): “We are here to serve advertisers. That is our raison d’etre….” — the

C.E.O. of Westinghouse (CBS), Advertising Age, February 3, 97” (in Shah, 2009). As we can

see, the concentration of control on the media and state sourcing or trough third party funded

non-profits or political organizations create an inbuilt inherent conflict of interests, always

depending on propaganda to fuel itself (Hudson, 2013).

Opinions that support this concept are:

“All propaganda must be popular and its intellectual level must be adjusted to the

most limited intelligence among those it is addressed to. Consequently, the greater

the mass it is intended to reach, the lower its purely intellectual level will have to

be. …” Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf. (Hitler, 1925)

“The mass media serve as a system for communicating messages and symbols to

the general populace. It is their function to amuse, entertain, and inform, and to

inculcate individuals with the values, beliefs, and codes of behavior that will

integrate them into the institutional structures of the larger society. In a world of

concentrated wealth and major conflicts of class interest, to fulfill this role

requires systematic propaganda.” (Chomsky, 2005: 1).

Manufacturing consent

The concept “manufacturing consent belongs to Walter Lippmann and Chomsky

recognized it:

“Edward Herman y yo la copiamos para nuestro libro, pero viene de Lippmann.

Bien, dice, tenemos este nuevo arte en el método de la democracia, la


manufactura del consenso. Al manufacturar el consenso, puedes superar el hecho

de que formalmente mucha gente tenga derecho a votar. Podemos hacerlo

irrelevante, porque podemos manufacturar el consenso y asegurarnos que sus

opciones y actitudes estén estructuradas de tal forma que siempre hagan lo que les

digamos, incluso si tienen un modo formal de participar. Así tendremos una

democracia real. Funcionará correctamente. Eso es aplicar las lecciones de la

agencia de propaganda…” (Chomsky, 2005)

["Edward Herman and I copy it to our book, but it comes from Lippmann. Well,

he says, we have this new art in democracy, the manufacture of the consensus

method. To manufacture consensus, can overcome the fact that formally people

are entitled to vote. We can make it irrelevant, because we can manufacture the

consensus and ensure your choices and attitudes are structured so that they always

do what they say, even if they have a formal participating mode. Thus, we have a

real democracy. It will operate properly. That is, apply the lessons of the

propaganda agency..."] English translation.

A filter World for the ‘Elite’

“If there were a free press - an authentic free press - the headlines would be ridiculing

this claim on the grounds that policy is designed in such a way that it amplifies the terrorist risk.

But you can't find that, which is one of innumerable indications of how far we are from anything

that might be called a free press” (Chomsky, 2013)

The favorite subject of Chomsky: the generation of propaganda by corporate and

governmental elites which are de-facto world government (Chomsky, 1982: 65; 1991). The

media cultivated an atmosphere of signs and massive control of public opinion messages (or


thought control, he said).

“The Mass Media serve as a system for communicating messages and symbols to

the general populace. It is their function to amuse, entertain, and inform, and to

inculcate individuals with the values, beliefs, and codes of behavior that will

integrate them into the institutional structures of the larger society. In a world of

concentrated wealth and major conflicts of class interest, to fulfil this role requires

systematic propaganda…” (Chomsky, 1988: 21).

Model and Filters

The basic premise is that information (namely, their control, selection and emission)

according to Chomsky and Herman, is, more than ever controlled. In contemporary capitalist

democracies, the Alliance's political power and economic power, injects propaganda in a most

surreptitious way as totalitarian or dictatorial regimes (Chomsky, 1989, 2:36); behind the screen

of the informative "freedom" and "independence" in the corporate important media is based on

five "filters" that determine the information publishable. (Pedro, 2011, I: 1867)

The Chomsky propaganda model consists of five so-called filters. These "filter out the

news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the government and dominant private interests to

get their messages across to the public". (Chomsky, 1988, 2)

The five filters are:

“(1) the size, concentrated ownership, owner wealth, and profit orientation of the

dominant mass-media firms; (2) advertising as the primary income source of the

mass media; (3) the reliance of the media on information provided by

government, business, and "experts" funded and approved by these primary

sources and agents of power; (4) "flak" as a means of disciplining the media; and


(5) "anticommunism" as a national religion and control mechanism. (Chomsky.

1988, 2)

Mainstream Media, the Structure of Power

As you would expect, these five "filters" significantly reduce what become news: the

information coming from the Government and large corporations usually sort them easily, while

information and dissenting opinions; get in the way (Chomsky, 1988: xxv, xlii) and of course the

media in general that he accuses of dishonesty (Chomsky, 1993).

“However, they must do it [hide their commitments], because this mask of

balance and objectivity is a crucial part of the propaganda function. In fact, they

actually go beyond that. They try to present themselves as adversarial to power, as

subversive, digging away at powerful institutions and undermining them. The

academic profession plays along with this game…”

In other words, institutional limits of discourse, that focus, in the theoretical tradition of

the agenda setting, the points of social interest (in function, this time, in the interest of the

powerful), in such a way that the American media do not work in the manner of the propaganda

of a totalitarian State system. (Chomsky, 1988: xi; WBAI, 1992)

On the contrary, allow -and even further- energetic debates, criticism and disagreements,

as long as they remain faithful in the system of budgeting and principles that constitute the elite

consensus, a system so powerful that it can be internalized for the most part, without being aware

of it (Chomsky, 1988: 348; 1982:81).

Application of the Theory in Media and Communication on the Real Life.

Institutional media structure and the stipulation of limits of speech are not the only

mechanisms of propaganda in the ‘chomskyan’ view, but are decisive. There are other vectors,


such as ‘patriotism’ or mere obedience (LaFlamme, 2003), which lead to an uncritical

acceptance of the dominant ideology. They can also add certain formal elements of mass

communication, as the fragmentary quality of television that cancels out any deep analysis. Thus,

what he describes:

“The compelling moral principle is that the mass of the public are just too stupid

to be able to understand things. If they try to participate in managing their own

affair, they’re just going to cause trouble. Therefore, it would be immoral and

improper to permit them to do this…” (Chomsky, 1997:13)

Internet and Validity of the Propaganda Model

With the emergence of the Internet arises, ask it if the PM can explain its operation and

content (Rosenau, 2002:48), which will feature a model of media other than newspapers, radio,

or television, emerging a platform where the non-corporate media with critical perspectives and

social change have been able to develop and grow. (Rampton, 2007)

Therefore, Herman (Herman, 2007) has said: “(t)he rise of the Internet potentially

challenges the model”, but the fact of being a new medium not implies the abandonment of the

PM by the media to the community and the efforts by its regulation and control, where there is

existing to interpret digital production.

He validates he actuality of the model and the importance of the public relations industry

in the control of the public:

“The Obama campaign greatly impressed the public relations industry, which

named Obama ‘Advertising Age’s marketer of the year for 2008,’ easily beating

out Apple computers. A good predictor of the elections a few weeks later. The

industry’s regular task is to create uninformed consumers who will make


irrational choices, thus undermining markets as they are conceptualized in

economic theory, but benefiting the masters of the economy. And it recognizes

the benefits of undermining democracy in much the same way, creating

uninformed voters who make often irrational choices between the factions of the

business party that amass sufficient support from concentrated private capital to

enter the electoral arena, then to dominate campaign propaganda." (Chomsky,

2010: 210)


Conclusion

We believe that the progressive ideological penetration of key interests (basically,

corporate) has come to give reason to the Herman and Chomsky Propaganda Model. The social

and political meanings are progressively limited under cover of the single thought, to the new

styles of life generated by commercial advertising and corporate messages. Only in Internet in

the first half of this year set a record $20.1 billion dollar (IAB, 2013).

It’s important to consider the weakness of the model presented by different authors and

academics, like the hostility against the elites that present itself as too politicized and not only

confrontational, but as ideological instead of an important theory and research tool.

On the other side is excellent showing the structural imperfections of the media

conglomerates and surpass the chorus of critics with the international impact and reality

applications demonstrated in its 25 years of existence. It serves as a proved framework to

understand the process of propaganda and media in the world today.

Not all theories are fail proof and do not consider that everything surrounding us in the

waves or printed corresponds exactly to any ‘conspiracy theory’ rules and the supremacy of

elites all around us. The Propaganda Model as a framework for the understanding of the process

and function of the media maintains its validity and proof one of Chomsky’s concepts: education

could be a decisive tool for freedom.


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