new democracy, june 2016

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

June, 2016June, 2016

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Turmoil in the Belly of

the BeastWorld financial economic crisis beginning from 2008 and the measures

taken by the Govts. to tide over it, have resulted in increasing the gap

between rich and poor with all benefits accruing to top less than 1%. On

the other hand conditions of the vast masses, workers and even middle

classes have deteriorated. Unemployment is at high level, and even where

it is not so, most of the new jobs are of low wages and without job security.

The neo-Keynesian prescriptions in developed capitalist countries of saving

the banks and of stimulus packages could not and have not ameliorated

the causes underlying the crisis. There is increasing feeling of

marginalization and the Establishment’s unwillingness to address their

concerns in these countries. There is loss of hope from the Establishment

parties and an anti-Establishment wave is sweeping across the developedworld. On the other hand, the economic powers have imposed neo-liberal

prescriptions on countries facing debt crisis. These encompass cut in wages

and social benefits of workers, cuts in pensions, decreasing Govt.

expenditure including shutting down of Govt. departments and services

and increase in tax rates on consumables as well as on lower income

groups. These prescriptions, tied to bail out packages, have further

aggravated the situation in these countries. There has been shrinkage of

the national economies, rise in unemployment to astronomical levels and

sharp increase in poverty and destitution. People are against the

international financial institutions dictating these policies and also the

domestic elite collaborating with these institutions to save their high incomes

at the expense of the vast multitude.

Working class and even middle classes in these countries have come

out in opposition to these policies. This opposition is also politically

expressed though this expression varies. Parties of the Establishment

associated with these failed policies are being discarded by the people. In

the countries facing neo-liberal prescriptions it is being expressed as

discarding the main parties associated with implementation of these policies

e.g. Greece, Spain, Italy etc. Despite surrender by Syriza in Greece before

the troika of IMF, EU and ECB, people of Spain defeated the two main

parties and Pedemos got good support, resulting in inability to form a Govt.

Though support for Pedemos declined after betrayal by Syriza, still it was

strong enough to deny victory to the two main parties. Similar expressions

are there in Portugal, Iceland and Italy as well. Workers, students and

youth are coming to streets against neo-liberal policies. Workers are also

protesting against anti-worker changes in labour laws. There are severalstrikes by the workers in European countries on this issue. Recently

workers in France, renowned for its decisive struggles, have launched a

struggle against pro-employer and anti-worker changes in labour laws.

On the other hand, in the economically powerfulstates e.g. US, UK, it

is generally expressed through within the established ruling class parties.

At places this resentment is being cashed in by the rightist forces while at

other places it is bringing people’s concerns on the agenda of the ruling

class parties. Significant developments are taking place in main capitalist

countries US and UK. In USA, people’s anger against the Establishment

has propelled the candidacy of self-proclaimed socialist Bernie Sanders in

Democratic Party. Whatever the outcome of the primaries, his candidacyhas been energized by the widespread disillusion among youth and working

class. In the aftermath of world financial economic crisis and Obama

Admn.'s response to the same, two movements had erupted in US, one

from the ‘left’ and another from the right. While Tea Party Movement was

the response of the right to Obamacare, Occupy Wall Street Movement

was launched by students and youth who protested against corporate

cornering all the wealth. These two movements have been reflected in the

candidacy of Trump in Republican party and that of Sanders in Democratic

party. Occupy Wall Street and later Sanders' candidacy, though raising

the question of growing inequality in American society, are still within the

confines of the present system and seek to reform the same. However,

they do represent growing disenchantment and restiveness of the youthand working people with the Establishment parties.

In UK, Jeremy Corbyn has emerged as the leader of the main opposition

Labour Party. Blairite new Labour has been buried under the debris of world

financial economic crisis and disastrous Bush wars. Since his becoming

the leader of the Labour Party , there is wide propaganda that Labour under

the leadership of Corbyn has become unelectable. Corbyn too represents a

widespread disillusionment among the youth and working people with the

ruling Establishment. The rise of likes of Corbyn and Sanders represents


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the growing restiveness among the people on the one hand and the limits

of this restiveness, at least at present, within the confines of the present

system. Corbyn’s prescriptions of increased expenditure on Education and

Health and increased taxation of the very rich, is well within the response

of the ruling c lass politics while it is opposed to neoliberal economic model

being implemented by the Establishment. Despite its limitations, expressionof this anger bodes well for the rise of working class movement and for the

people's movement.

On the other hand, there is also growth of right wing in the developed

capitalist countries. The rise of xenophobic and neo-nazi groups has been

noted in several countries. The near victory of right wing candidate in the

Presidential election in Austria, candidacy of Trump in America and rise of

right wing parties in a number of European countries point to the emergence

of right wing among the representatives of the bourgeoisie as the social

compromise gets unraveled in capitalist countries leading to decline in the

conditions of working people. This situation is ripening conditions for the

rise of working class struggles on the one hand and of the fascist groups

on the other. As noted by us earlier, Social Democracy as a vehicle of

social compromise has suffered a decline.

In the backdrop of growing restiveness of the people, a section of

conservative party in UK is propagating British exit from European Union.

They are portraying it as a cause of all ills. The influx of refugees into

Europe is also providing an ammunition for the right wing to demand Brexit.

On the other hand, sections of working people and youth are frustrated

with the present conditions and see EU as a consolidation of corporate

power. The vote promised by Cameron just before the last elections to

avoid split among conservative voters, is slated for June 23. Both right

and left wings of the ruling class parties are split over the issue. Apart from

economic aspect, Brexit has implication for US influence in Europe. Britain

remains a bridgehead between Europe and US. This prompted US President

Obama to advocate Britain remaining in the EU. With Britain’s exit from

EU, US influence in EU and Europe at large will diminish as also US ability

to mobilize Europe in its confrontation with Russia. Recently Germany has

initiated moves to ease sanctions imposed against Russia after Russia

brought Crimea under its rule.

Upsurge of garment workers

of Bengaluru forces Retreat

By Modi Govt.Aparna

On the 18th of April 2016, thousands upon thousands of garment

workers, mostly women, of Bengaluru poured out of their factories protesting

changes in rules for withdrawal of money from their EPF accounts. The

first day they forced the Central Govt. on the backfoot. However the next

day over a lakh of them brought Bengaluru’s roads to a standstill and by

evening the Central Govt. had totally withdrawn its Budget proposals. The

workers too returned to work.

Why did these workers suddenly erupt? Is there any message in thesesort of sudden eruptions which do take place in unorganized sectors? Is

this protest similar to the strike by the women tea workers of Munnar and

to what extent? So many questions have been thrown up by these women

garment workers and it will be enriching to look for the answers.

The facts of the issue provoking this outburst are clear. In the Budget

2016 the Finance Minister announced two attacks on the EPF deposits of

workers. The Central Govt. is repeatedly displaying its desperation to get

at this huge deposit of money lying out of its reach. One proposal of the

Budget was that the PF withdrawals at the time of retirement would be

taxed. This provoked such all around condemnation that BMS also rushed

into the scene and the Finance Minister announced its withdrawal almostimmediately. The second part of the proposal was that workers would be

allowed to withdraw only their share of PF deposits before retirement (or 58

years) and would not be allowed to withdraw the share deposited by the

employer. This proposal was to come into effect from the 1 st of April but

due to all around condemnation by central trade unions, the date was

postponed to 1st May 2016. In subsequent supplications the Central Labour

Minister has stated that this policy was being changed because figures

revealed that almost 80% of PF deposits were withdrawn by workers before

retirement i.e. workers were using the PF account as a 'saving deposit,


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leaving nothing for pension’ and the Govt. ‘wanted to ensure’ a pension

cover. He also claimed that he had the support of the central trade unions

on this issue. It is another matter that almost all central trade unions except

BMS had condemned the change in rules and some had also called for a

protest day on 26th April 2016.

On the 18th of April 2016 a report on this issue was published in aKannada daily. The garment workers of Bengaluru read this report and as

most official statements seem keen to point out, were ‘misled’ to believe

that they could not withdraw their deposits at all before 58 years of age.

However it will be clear that knowledge that the attack was partial may not

have pacified them in the least. The news report was photocopied and

distributed amongst the women garment workers, probably by workers

themselves. It agitated them so much in Shahi Exports Pvt. Ltd. (garment

factory situated off Hosur Road) that the women workers came out and

began protesting, followed by workers of other factories in this area where

garment manufacturing units are densely packed. Mohan Exports and

Jockey are also mentioned. A second unit of Shahi Exports situated at

Bommanhalli a little away also came out in protest. Reports put the number

at over 1.2 lakh protestors, maximally women garment workers.

Govt. retreated the same evening. The Central Labour Minister

postponed the change in rule to three months later and also assured that

the change would not apply where the worker had been unemployed for two

months or where there was a marriage or a death in the family etc. (All

these exceptions can be correlated to the burning issues within the garment

workers of Bengaluru). The Bengaluru police may have prevented any

assessment of whether this would have satisfied the workers. News reports

say that the workers were going to duty the next morning when in Peenya

industrial area, which is the other big centre of garment factories, workerswere attacked by police and security guards, pulled by their hair and 20 or

so detained by the police. Whatever role this played, police presence in

the areas was massive and the workers responded by gathering in lakhs

and blocking the roads. Then started the usual quota of stoning of buses,

attacking of buildings with the reports of the city ‘descending into violence’

which is the time tested way to malign workers’ struggles and attack them.

The Central Govt. retreated totally on the issue. The same night a

clarification was issued withdrawing the initial notification of change in

rules of PF withdrawals. Needless to add the garment workers of Bengaluru,

as far as is known, went back to work next day. In a few days the Govt.

moved on to finger the PF deposits in another way; by decreasing the

interest paid to workers to 8.7% when it was already 8.8%, the deposits

were earning interest at the rate of 8.95% and the central unions were

demanding an interest rate of 9%.

The interest of the Central Govt.in the EPF deposits has beenunwavering. Informal information from highly placed internal sources place

the toal deposits at around 8.5 lakh crore rupees. The EPFO Accounts

accessible do not give any indication of the total sum of the deposits.

However, the following information could be found in the Survey of Statistical

Abstracts (2014-2015) released by the EPFO, GOI. In Appendix A3 are

the Revenue Statements. They show that the total contributions collected

(including PF collections, the Pension Funds- both employer/employee

contributions and Govt. share- and the Insurance Fund) were 113910.89

crore rupees for 2014-2015, 94,762.09 crore rupees for 2013-14 and

77,000.94 crore rupees for 2012-13. The expenses for the same years (on

payments made for PF, Pension and Insurance) were 48,015.32 crore

rupees, 43,519.88 crore rupees and 35,118 crore rupees respectively. It

does indicate the enormous sums of money remaining as deposits at the

end of each year.

Events in 2001

This sequence is essentially similar to an outburst of women garment

workers of Bengaluru in 2001 again on the issue of PF. This occurred in

Peenya industrial area. J.B. Exports closed two units and 1400 women

workers went to withdraw their PF deposits. Some PF officials told them

that they could not withdraw their money until 45 years of age. Workers of

Apex Garments in the same area poured out and there was a ‘wildcat

strike’ of 10,000 garment women workers in the area. In a piece that wellmay have been describing the events of 2016, Dr. Janaki Nair (Institute of

Social and Economic Studies Bengaluru, now Prof. in JNU) wrote ‘Nothing

can surpass the mystery of a protest which has no leader, particularly

when the protestors are women’. The brief day long action was peaceful

for two hours and then there was violence. Media reported the workers as

a ‘rampaging mob’ though the initial two hours were totally peaceful, the

violence ‘providing scope for speculation on “vested interests” who

mysteriously manipulated the workers.’ On this speculation, Dr. Nair

comments, ‘Once more the workers have been deprived of the capacity to


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act on their own…..’.

Not only do the descriptions of the action almost seem to describe

2016's events, so also do the descriptions of the status of the women

workers. Their status was of non permanent casual workers no matter how

many years they had worked, their payments were a combination of piece

work and daily wages i.e. a team (usually of about 50 workers includingtailors, helpers) would have to finish 165-220 garments in one day

irrespective of the hours it took. Supervisors and master cutters were male

and usually only tailors sat while other categories of workers either stood

the whole time or sat in high straight backed chairs. At that time mainly

unmarried women were employed. Workers were however given PF and

ESI facilities.

Today it is estimated that about 5 lakh women are employed in the

ready made garment industry in Bengaluru. A study by Gulbarga University

scholars M. Surat Kumari and Bassanna estimates that 33 lakh families

depend on this industry here. They estimate that there are 19 clusters of

such units in the city, with 33,371 units having 10 or more sewing machines.7% have more than 100 machines, 15% have between 40 to 100 machines

and 78% have less than 40 machines. In 1990 there were a total of 1200

garment making units in this city according to this study.

From various descriptions it is clear that the working conditions of the

workers are as they were in 2001. Factories run hostels for the unmarried

women workers and these are devoid of the most basic facilities. There

are separate hostels for North Indian women workers, but are in the same

state. The local workers are mainly rural migrants f rom around the city or

from the drought prone districts of North Karnataka and have usually dropped

out of studies in their early teens. Workers are predominantly women and

their units close down suddenly at will and again reopen at will. There is nocontinuity in service, no concept of accumulated service giving seniority

and/or benefits and of course no gratuity. The Gulbarga University study

noted a 68% turnover in this industry though it stated that ‘labour’ is the

'main problem'. What is also widely documented is the fact that the workers

all being women and the supervisory staff inevitably male, cases of sexual

harassment at workplace are widespread and are not normally redressed.

There were two cases of suicides due to sexual harassment in 2007- of

Ammu in Feb. 2007 and Renu in Oct. 2007.

The close parallels between the 2001 outburst and the current upsurge

bring out one fact clearly. The PF deposits of these workers are both precious

and important to them. In general PF savings empower women workers;

they have their own money, it gives them social prestige and importance in

the family, it gives them a sense of confidence of being able to intervene

when they choose- in short, it empowers them. In this concrete case there

is evidence galore that the PF deposits are all important as a sort of security

to these garment workers in Bengaluru. Firstly employment is not secure,

so it helps them tide over periods when they have no jobs. More importantly,

it is money which is withdrawn for marriage (especially by young workers

and also by mothers), for sudden illnesses at home, for a lump sum needed

during education of children, etc. There are documentations of these workers

saying that they have left jobs for a few months in order to withdraw money

for their children’s fees. Any perceived threat to their r ight to withdraw this

money immediately brings them into struggle to defend this right. They put

up with low wages, terrible working conditions, insecurity of employment

but react to any attack on their ability to access the PF money. The Central

Govt. contemptuously calls this treating the deposit ‘like a saving account’

but has no shame that Labour laws are not being enforced, statutory rightsand minimum wages are not the lot of workers in most parts of the country

and workers are forced to see these deposits as a lifeline for the critical

points in their family lives.

The garment units here produce for C&A, H&M, Tommy Hilfinger, Inditex

etc. For instance Shahi Exports Pvt. Ltd is a long term supplier of C&A

and also produces for Arvind Ltd. It has 75,000 employees in 48

manufacturing setups in Delhi, Gurgaon, Bangalore, Mysore, Hyderabad,

Tirupur, Salem etc. It started in 1974 in Delhi and Bengaluru operations

commenced on 1st July 1988. In fact Bengaluru is a hub for IT, is a centre

for Jems and Jewellery and since the last four decades, of the readymade

garment industry.

Women comprise over 80% of garment workers in India and the units

are concentrated in Gurgaon, Bengaluru and Tirupur apart from other centres.

While women are 80% of the workforce in Bengaluru, reports are that they

are 90% in Salem and Tirupur while the workforce is evenly divided in

Gurgaon. Garment is also a large sector in Delhi itself.

As is well known, the entire garment sector of India is export driven

and oriented. The purchasers are MNCs who get the labour done in Asian

countries and then get their labels attached to the products. In this way


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they exploit the terrible unemployment in these countries to keep their

labour costs dirt cheap and this is the secret of their superprofits. There is

competition among these Asian countries to lower their costs of production

further and further by paying their workers less and less.

There is some trade union organization among these garment workers

in Bengaluru, but it is very small; for instance the state Secretary of CITUgave a figure of 300 members. If there is membership in any of the other

major central trade unions, it has not been expressed in any form. In 2002

an NGO Cividep began organizing these workers with the help of Oxfam

and in 2004 Munnade (march forward) was formed as an organization in

the places of residence of these workers. In 2006 Cividep formed the

Garment and Textile Workers Union. It has around 8000 members. In 2012

some section broke off from this and formed Garment Labour Union (GLU)

with an all women leadership. It was formed apparent ly because the earlier

union’s leadership was all male and sexual harassment by some leader of

that union forced separation. This union has a membership of around 2000.

The GLU is also represented on the Karnataka State Minimum Wage

Advisory Board. The low level of unionizat ion is also ascribed to the fact

that if managements get to identify any unionization they immediately

dismiss the leaders.

Peenya is an older industrial centre and in post colonial phase, trade

union movement took root here. Subsequently industries closed down and

now it is a hub of garment export units. In the mid 1980s there was a strike

in this area in support of the jailed leaders of Mysore Wire. Two years

earlier women workers of BPL launched a movement for the right to form

union. One worker died in an incident of bus burning then.

Why the outbursts?

The struggle of the Bengaluru women garment workers forced the Central

Govt. to back off from this particular attack on PF. The struggle of the

Munnar workers was somewhat different. They consciously withdrew from

the trade unions functioning among them because they distrusted the

leadership, organized themselves and went for a planned struggle on their

concrete demands. They also reached a settlement with the Govt.

The struggle of the garment workers cannot be seen in the same way

though here too the workers are predominantly women. They are mostly

not organized in the formal sense of being unionized. This struggle brought

different types of responses from those who participate in the trade union

movement and also from sympathetic intellectuals. Some applaud the

movement especially because it was the decision of the workers when

they felt the need for it (‘workers acting for themselves by themselves’.).

They actually feel the workers are right in not forming organization because

these are restrictive, curb initiative, are bureaucratic etc., all of which may

be unfortunately true to differing extents of many formations. The workers

being women, there is also mention of the reality that most leadership is

male and some possibly patriarchal in dealings. This also is obvious that

even in sectors where women are predominant or even a remarkable number,

this composition is not reflected in the leadership of organizations and

movements, no doubt because that is simpler than addressing the question.

But none of this detracts from the reality that this is a section of workers

which needs to express its organized strength not only for the long term

goals of the working class but also to fight the terrible conditions of

employment. There is no job security, their low wages are deemed

necessary in order to keep Indian made garments ‘competitive’ in the export

world, their working conditions are inhuman. Being women workers, thereare other issues. They are not allowed to sit throughout the working hours,

they are issued a fixed number of passes for using the toilets in most

units, they are subject to sexual harassment – they desperately need

unionization. This is especially prevented by using the route of immediate

dismissal of ‘troublemakers’ in local attempts. But it is only the organized

strength of the working class, acting with a vision of the future of the class,

that can take up struggles as part of an overall perspective, rather than

just as a reaction to any proverbial ‘ last straw’ in the saga of continuing

severe exploitation.

Many in the trade union world point out that struggles of this sort are a

common feature in unorganized sector workers, with a sudden militant flareup like a flash in a pan and then nothing. It is an accurate observation.

This is a low capital, labour intensive sector, with the huge number of

workers being remarkable for being maximally unskilled. Being low capital

intensive i.e. low constant capital, the profit margins are small despite

high variable capital and hence high surplus value generated in the sector,

because in accordance with the general law of profit in capitalism, profits

are proportional to capital invested.

As mentioned, the Garment industry in India primarily aims at export

and may be for a very small upper section of India’s market. The owners of


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these units, even the larger units, mostly supply to big MNCs and the

competition is at world level and is severe. In order to ensure their profit

margins the owners inevitably squeeze the workers. Labour laws are given

a complete miss- in Bengaluru EPF and ESI seems to be widely

implemented but in other cities even these are not implemented. The labour

law implementation machinery just does not move and when workers struggle

for implementation, owners have many methods to deal with them. Workers

are not on records, the system of wage is complex as it is mostly piece

rate though as in Bengaluru, a fixed number of pieces have to be made for

a given day and the targets are inevitably too high. Apart from that closure

is easy for owners so they simply move machines and close down units

and transfer work to other areas where sustenance of organization becomes

difficult. Govts. and Labour machinery stand with the owners. Thirdly,

work is designed towards shipment dates and is intense in periods and

much less in others when workers are simply turned out of establishments.

So workers also go all out to earn in the period when work is intense,

preparing for the dry period ahead. In this sector it is usual for sections to

fight with the owners for higher piece rate at the time when the orders arehigh and such localized struggles do take place. But overall the work

conditions are abysmal, the wages have no link with stipulated minimum

wages, permanency may be only in very large establishments and here too

only a small section of workers would be of this status. A lot of the work

like thread cutting, small embroidery, stitching on ’chumkis’ and ‘sitaras’

is done by the informal sector- in working class colonies at unbelievably

low rates by housewives. In turn these housewives often work under a

contractor who supplies the work and collects the pieces. No doubt the

workers working in the factories remain dissatisfied and angry with their

situation. It is not uncommon in Delhi to see large number of these workers

pour out of these units on some immediate issue like better rates or against

some insult by managers or for timely payments. Even these are shortfights, either quickly reaching a truce if the owner needs the workers

urgently, or workers bringing some ‘leader’ who settles some final payment

while the skilled workers immediately find jobs elsewhere. It is in this

background that the outbursts- spewing out of the latent anger over a

proverbial ‘last straw’- can be understood.

The understanding of workers of this sector about what would constitute

their demand also varies not only from city to city but also over different

periods of time. In the Garment sector in Okhla (Delhi) for instance, (which

is not women dominated now at least among skilled sections, though they

were also present in good numbers earlier) there was a phase when garment

workers were crazy for ‘piece rate’ work, making as many as possible in

the course of 24 hours and continuing into the next day with minimum of

rest. Many simply lived on the premises. They were usually highly skilled

tailors or cutters, made as much money as possible in a few months and

then went home, to resume work at some other place whenever they

returned. It was a period when this sector had no dearth of orders. Later,

with illnesses, due to propaganda and with the shrinkage of export orders,

there was some spread of understanding that a wage rate and fixed hours

of work was fairer on the worker. But owners also come up with newer

variations of exploitative conditions and many unions simply exist on the

basis of ensuring timely payments or dues to these workers and taking a

cut from the same without setting up any sort of organized formation. There

is experience in this Okhla area of trade union organization of these workers

at a sectorial level and with certain sections of the workers more active in

it but which gradually petered out after some phase of intense activity.

There was earlier (in 1980s) a union in a single large establishment withonly women (migrant and literate) workers even at highly skilled level, but

it was unstable. The establishment gradually closed down. In Phase 1

(garment export units almost monopolize this phase) of this Industrial area,

in February 2013, during the two day all India strike called by almost all

central unions, propaganda was done even among these workers as in

other all India strikes. Workers of two of the large units interacted with our

union’s local leaders. These units did not participate in any way on the

first day. However, on the second day of the strike, they invited the union

leaders to build the rally from near their gate. The workers of these two

large units came out, moved the general rally purposefully towards other

garment units and stoned some of them wherein those workers too emptied

out though often this is not the reaction. All these workers remained in therally, dominated completely the 10,000 strong rally which was beyond the

control of the local police for most of the time, stoned so many export

units and dispersed once the rally started moving out of this phase. Having

vented their pent up anger, the next day the area went back to routine

work, and no owner of the area even lodged an FIR.

There is large discrepancy in wages even within a team in this sector.

Despite the higher rates for the highly skilled section of workers, in each

team there are several semiskilled and a large number of unskilled workers


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who work at low wages.

There is also some experience of an allied sector, the weaving industry,

in Panipat in Haryana in 2003-'06. Here the workers in the pitloom sector,

weaving small items for export, lived and worked in slave like conditions.

A large sectoral struggle resulted in a tripartite agreement which freed the

workers from bondage to immediate owners which was a big relief. Thestruggle of the power loom workers had some temporary effect in promises

of labour law implementation but the state crackdown in favour of the owners

resulted in a deluge of criminal cases and as organization did not sustain,

the gains were also withdrawn.

The challenge before the revolutionary trade union movement is to

develop close links with these workers by being among them and learning

how to integrate them with the unionized sections of workers. Attention

has to be directed to developing women workers as leaders. There have to

be forms of organization in accordance with the needs of these workers

especially where these workers are predominantly women. The organization

would have to be sectoral in any area where such units are situated, mustbe able to engage the attention of the largest number of workers.

Movements would need to be aimed primarily at the labour law implementing

machinery or the Govt. The issues must be formulated in close connection

with the workers, who are well aware of the constraints of their sector. All

said and done this is a sector employing lakhs of workers, is a vivid example

of the exploitation of cheap labour of Asian countries by MNCs, the

conditions of the workers of the workers are directly linked to Govts.

conniving with owners and total non implementation of labour laws except

where owners find it more useful to give ESI and PF facilities.

An additional issue to always consider is that this sec tor is completely

export oriented and for instance, collapsed during the world economic crisisof 2007 simply because export orders started drying up. However there is

a massive need for clothes right here in India with the rider that the market

will be very small even for cheap clothes as people have no ability to buy.

It is actually Govts. who should subsidize cheap ordinary clothes for

citizens, there should be state supply of adequate number of uniforms for

all students, different sections of workers etc. so that this industry can be

viable. Such issues are also linked with that of the textile industry and the

need to make adequately wearable textile available at low rates in the

market or even to resource it through fair price shops.

Land Reforms in West Bengal

– Propaganda and Reality -III

(This is the third and concluding part of the analysis by Tapas Royof land reforms carried out under the Left Front regime in West

Bengal. The earlier two parts were carried in March and April 2016

issues of New Democracy. - Editor )

I

We have already discussed that there is a huge difference between the

propaganda and the achievement regarding land reforms in West Bengal

during the Left Front government’s regime.

However, during the first two terms, particularly during the first term,there was an attempt to record the names of the bargadars, to vest the

ceiling surplus lands, to distribute the surplus lands. Till then, the role of

peasant organizations was recognized. But gradually the process slowed

down. The CPI (M) registered its policy of class collaboration throwing

class struggle in rural area totally away, obviously to restore status quo. A

new form of rural bureaucracy developed through Panchayat institutions.

The land reform measures, the rural economy and the rural culture were

dominated by the administration – be it administrative bureaucracy or Party

bureaucracy, resulting in a stalemate in the arena. But since then, the

CPI(M) led Left Front tried to establish that the land reforms in West Bengal

have been achieved and are tending towards completion in totality.

II

The scenario took a major deviation since the early1990s. ‘Globalization’

started operating in full swing. Absence of a socialist block helped the

neo-liberals to proceed unhindered almost all over the world with rare

exceptions in a few countries. The Indian rulers immediately adopted the

policy and the then Central government led by Indian National Congress

threw away its pseudo-socialist mask and accepted the economy of

globalization.


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The Left Front, the CPI(M) in particular, did not lag behind. Under the

disguise of communism, they accepted globalization in essence, though

they opposed it on paper. The action was reflected in the sphere of land

reforms. The vested land was supposed to be distributed among the eligible

landless and/or poor peasants. But deviating from this principle, the CPI

(M) led Left Front govt. issued a circular with the caption: Settlement of

vested agricultural land lying within Municipal areas / Notified areas / Areas

under Development Authority. The relevant portion of the circular is

reproduced:

“It has been decided that the following steps should be taken in the

matter of settlement of vested agricultural lands which are at the disposal

of Govt. within Municipal area / Notified areas / Areas under Development

authority.

1. All such lands should be treated as non-agricultural land

for the purpose of distribution.

2. Lease should be offered to the Municipality / Corporation /Notified Authority or any other statutory civic Authority concerned

as a first step.

3. If the said body does not want to take lease under usual

conditions within a reasonable time, request, if any, from Govt.

Departments / Organizations should be considered.

4. If that also does not eventualize, long term settlement

should be offered to the possessors, if they are otherwise suitable.

5. If encroachers are unsuitable, or are not interested in

regularization, steps should be taken for their eviction and the land

should be offered for settlement to public in general in manner laiddown in the Land Management manual.”

(Circular by Board of Revenue, Govt of W.B. memo no:

9080(18) – GE/229/91 Dated, 28.10.1992.).

A gateway to the future ‘Promoter – Raj’! The surplus vested agricultural

land should be treated as non-agricultural land resulting in natural

termination of distribution to the peasants. Instead, doors opened up for

the real estate brokers, capitalists, multi-national organizations, as

ultimately, ref. (vide point no. 5) the land should be allotted through lease

deed to private parties against a ‘moderate’ rent and 'salami'.

II I

The result evolved soon. More or less 300 acres of agricultural land

was vested in the year 1991 – '92 at Bhangore block, a stone's throw awayfrom Kolkata. The land was fertile and multi-cropped. The peasants had

already occupied the lands. The Left Front govt. could provide pattas to

the eligible persons or could form co-operatives including the peasants.

The plots were contiguous. But the Left Front govt. led by CPI (M) transferred

the lands to West Bengal Small Scale Industrial Corporation for building a

leather complex with foreign assistance (Particularly from Italy).

And there after , the flo odgate s ope ned . “Real Est ate Indus tr ies ”

developed. Under the direct control and supervision of the Govt., HIDCO –

Housing Infrastructure Development Corporation – was formed and it made

several housing projects at Rajarhat, a hand shaking distance from Kolkata

airport. In fact, Rajarhat is a mega city. Approximately 500 acres of vestedland (agricultural) was allotted to HIDCO. Thereafter, HIDCO’s parent body

(HIDCO is an undertaking of the W.B. Govt), Department of Housing, Govt

of W. Bengal, acquired more than 7000 acres of land in different mouzas.

Out of this, 6000 acres of land was agricultural. Several housing projects,

several high rises of multinationals were erected at the cost of peasants’

livelihood. The Left Front govt. simply performed the role of a broker. Any

protest, any resistance, was curbed by the brutal force of hooligans and

the police. Infact no organization could build up resistance against the

Govt’s or against the CPI (M)’s actions. But with these limitations on the

part of the peasants and other democratic organizations, the Rajarhat

episode unmasked the character of CPI (M) – its close relationship with

the corporates, its alliance with and inclination towards neo-liberal economy.

The ‘success’ of Rajarhat instigated the CPI(M) to slow down the land

reform activities; on the contrary, they took a simple but a dangerous path

to grab the lands from the peasants. Henceforth, they virtually set aside

land reforms, paid lesser and lesser attention to their propagated task of

recording and protection of bargadars, patta-holders, vesting of ceiling

surplus land and inclined to acquisition of lands in favour of promoters,

multi-nationals, industrialists; all in the name of industrial development.

Needless to mention that the acquisition was done under Land Acquisition


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Act 1894 which empowered the state to acquire any land from anybody

under any circumstances and according to the Constitution it is the eminent

domain of the state. The CPI (M), after 1990 and more particularly since

the last part of '90s, applied this theory of eminent domain continuously in

the name of industrialization and development.

IV

The obvious result was eviction of bargadars, patta-holders and the

peasants. In fact, the matter was alarming and this was recognized by

administrative documents also. For example, the direction of Land Records

and Surveys and Joint Land Reform Commissions, West Bengal, drew the

attention of the Government vide memo no. 30/2597/C/2002 dt. 03.05.202

to this. The relevant part is reproduced below.

“For some time past it is observed that in adjoining areas of

municipalities, CMDA, Railway stations and in some other important areas,

a huge quantum of land is being converted from agricultural nature to non-

agricultural ones. In most of these areas buildings and structures are beingconstructed apparently without any planning and as a result, the net arable

lands in West Bengal are being diminished day by day. Automatically, the

bargadars, either recorded or unrecorded, are also being evicted day by

day.”

Further – “However, a bargadar remains a bargadar until and unless

cultivation of bargadar is lawfully terminated. But what is fact is that due to

rapid growth of urban areas, the bargadars are being evicted after a local

compromise between the transferee and the bargadars, who generally

transfer the land against a premium through mutual adjustment. It would

not be irrelevant to mention here that inspite of having provisions of some

penal measures in section 4D and section 20B(5) of the WBLR Act, but tilldate, perhaps no such action has been taken by any official due to fear of

public resentment.”

The above observation is a clear reflection of the Left Front government

at that time. The bargadars (not only bargadars, but patta holders and poor

peasants also) were being evicted day by day. This was the observation of

not only the opponents but also of the administration of the Govt. itself.

The attitude of Left Front govt. regarding eviction of bargadars was also

reflected in Amendment to Section 20B of the WBLR Act. By such

amendment, tea-gardens were made barga free and the bargadars were

evicted in lieu of minor compensation.

The patronage to the ‘Industrialists’, the ‘Promoters’, the ‘Multinationals’

continued and it was done particularly in the name of urbanization and

development. The Land Reforms Act was amended accordingly. As per

Sec. 14Y of the WBLR Act, there were provisions to hold excess land toestablish a tea garden, mill, factory or workshop, livestock breeding farm,

poultry farm or dairy. By an amendment ‘township’ was included.

And lastly and ultimately, the CPI (M) led Left Front threw away even

its revisionist mask to be a firm ally of the Corporate sector, of the richer

classes of the society, by acquiring around about 1000 acres of multi-

cropped fertile agricultural land in Singur and by giving notice of acquisition

in several mouzas of Nandigram P.S. The people reacted, the peasantry

was of the firm opinion that CPI (M) is virtually a close ally of industrialists

like the Tatas and land mafias like the Salems and was aiming at attacking

the daily livelihood of the rural people, pushing them to eviction, starvation

and other odds.

V

The land policy of CPI (M) led Left Front in Singur and Nandigram forced

the people of West Bengal to unite against their rule. The Left Front in

general and the CPI (M) in particular lost credibility among the people in all

spheres of society, not just in the peasantry. Ultimately , in 2011, the people

of West Bengal voted them out of the Govt.

But throughout its tenure, the CPI(M) dealt with the land question only

to restore stability and status quo in rural areas as well as in society,

instead of building up class struggles. During the early periods they only

confined to recording of bargadars and vesting of ceiling surplus land,

although it has already been mentioned in the previous articles (published

in ND) that a mass involvement was there in this recording and vesting. It

has already been mentioned that in early periods of the Left Front regime,

the role of mass organizations, particularly the peasant organizations, was

recognized. But gradually the process lost its pace and land reform was in

total control of administration and rural bureaucracy created mainly through

CPI(M) backed and dominated Panchayat institutions. The CPI (M) never

resisted the entrance to and the domination of the panchayats by people


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19 20

of questionable class character. As a result, the intent of toiling masses,

of landless and poor peasantry, was defeated and they became subjects

of those with vested interests. Thereafter the Globalization era saw the

CPI (M) led Left Front govt. treating land as a commodity only to satisfy

the ‘need’ of real estate promoters, industrialists and multi-nationals. The

Land Reform Act was amended in their interests. The interests of

bargadars, patta-holders and poor peasants were neglected. Land

Acquis ition Act, 1894 was frequently applied to grab the lands of the

peasants. As result, eviction of bargadars, patta-holders, poor peasants

took place regularly without proper compensation and any rehabilitation.

The Human Development Report of West Bengal pointed out that 13.23%

of patta-holders and 14.37% of bargadars had already been evicted. This

was a pre-Singur and pre-Nandigram survey. The actual figure is much

more than that.

VI

In a nutshell, it can be stated that the aspiration of the peasantry in

general and the bargadars and landless poor peasants in particular have

been shattered. The frustration was so much after Singur and Nandigram

episodes that a vast majority of the rural masses voted against the Left

Front in Assembly elections and the Left Front govt. was voted out.

It can be stated that in the arena of land reform

i. The Left Front and the CPI (M) diminished the role of

peasant organizations gradually.

ii. Throughout the entire period, the Left Front govt. had

confined itself to recording of bargadars and vesting of ceiling

surplus land only.iii. But this programme (no.ii) also failed to achieve even its

declared goals. Thus their performance in this field is quite half-

hearted and incomplete.

iv. They did not make any major amendment in favour of

bargadars; on the contrary some amendment was made to enable

eviction of bargadars.

v. They did not make any attempt to give title of ownership

to the bargadars although it was a previous demand of their own

Krishak Sabha.

vi. They did not make any attempt to reduce the ceiling limit

and to re-determine the irrigated areas so that more excess/surplus

land could be vested to the state and be distributed to the landless.

vii. And lastly and ultimately they frequently applied the Land

Acquisit ion Act, 1984 to grab the lands of the rural masses and

became allies of multinationals, promoters, capitalists and jotedars.

The 34 years of Left Front regime have ended. The ‘greatest’ achievement

of Left Front is, no doubt, class collaboration. Wherever there was a chance

of class struggle they were able to stop it either by police or by their

‘hooligans’ or by both. At last they had to give way to a Govt. led by a party

– Trinamul Congress – which is bankrupt politically, corrupt in all respects

and has no agenda regarding land reforms. Land Reform in West Bengal is

totally incomplete. There is possibility to build up propaganda and

programme to consolidate peasants’ demands, their desires and their aspirations. The revolutionary forces must take this task seriously so that

the revisionists’ performance may be combated both ideologically and

practically. It cannot be denied that, although they are not in power at

present, revisionism in West Bengal is still a social force.


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21 22

Sangrur (Punjab)

Struggle of Dalits for

Panchayat land advancesfacing State Repression

Recently the struggle of Dalits in Sangrur district of Punjab for their

share of Panchayat land faced severe govt. repression. This struggle has

been continuing for last two years under the banner of Zamin Prapti

Sangharsh Committee (ZPSC). On May 24, 2016 Akali-BJP Govt. fired

upon and lathi charged Dalits protesting against auction meant to defraud

them of their right. In village Ballad Kalan, police action injured a large

number of Dalits and police framed false cases against 170 activists, 71

named and others un-named, for having attacked police. It charged themfor attempt to murder though no policeman had sustained any injury. This

attack occurred on May 24th, on the eve of the anniversary of the famous

Naxalbari armed peasant uprising.

Police has arrested several activists. Arrests are continuing. Cases

are open-ended, allowing the police to round up whomever they consider

the leaders of the movement. Police has seriously clamped down on the

area. Movement of the activists is becoming difficult in these rural areas.

But the people are determined not to let the Govt. rob them of their share

of land and give it to the landlords. Panchayats in the area are controlled

by rich landowners, panchayati administration and representatives of the

ruling parties. Under the law, one third of Panchayat land is reserved for Dalits, which landlords cannot tolerate. Firstly it is a question of economic

resource and secondly they wish to keep Dalits subjugated. The struggle

has once again exposed the service rendered by Akali-BJP Govt. to

landlords. It has shown these ruling class parties in their true colours.

While they pay lip service to rights of Dalits, they are actually the protectors

of landlords and propertied classes.

On March 20, 2016 ZPSC held a jan-panchayt at village Ghrachon near

Sangrur where 4000 pepole participated and pledged to continue struggle

for reduction of rent on panchayt land. In the second week of May, struggle

started when in villages Nadam Pur and Kherhi, where residential plots

were allotted to Dalits but not given, Dalits occupied the panchayat land

for residential plots. Meantime in village Jhaloor, panchayat land was

auctioned secretly violating norms, in the name of a person who is a contract

labourer with a landlord. In protest against this, Dalits blocked traffic for

two days and occupied land on third day. False cases were foisted but

they continued occupying the land.

In village Kherhi, the Sarpanch and his henchmen attacked the Dalits

occupying plots, but Dalits gave a befitting reply and the goons had to

beat a retreat. Though both sides received injuries but cases were registered

against Dalits alone. Six Dalits were arrested and sent to jail whereas the

case is also against six more Dalits who could not be arrested. Dalits in

Nadampur and Kherhi continue occupation of residential lands.

In village Jhaneri, a large portion of panchayat land has benn given for

a Gaushala on 30 years lease on rent of Rs. 7000 per acre. Dalits last year

fought that their share should not decrease as a result of this lease. ZPSCthis year is basing its argument for rent reduction on the basis that if rent

for cattle is Rs. 7000 it should be less for human beings. In this village,

auction was held stealthily, without any public notice, where land was given

to the henchmen of the Sarpanch, the ex–Chairman of Block Samiti, an

ex-President of Truckers Union and a right hand man of the MLA. But

Dalits occupied the land, put up a tent and flag and sat on day & night

dharna. Meantime Dalits of village Ballad Kalan moved to occupy the land

which they were tilling for last two years. In this background, auction of

Ballad land was kept for 24th May. On that day nearly hundred people,

mostly women (as men stayed on the land) gheraoed the BDPO office

where auction was being held. Auction of two portions out of thirteen was

held. After gherao auction was stopped, but people insisted that the auction

of two plots be cancelled. In the evening police forcibly took the officials

out. Villagers blocked the highway. Police came in large number and started

beating people who were 250 in number including women. When lathi charge

did not succeed in quelling the people’s resolve, police resorted to firing.

Police brutally beat people including women. People retreated to the village

Sujan which was less than a kilometer away and collected there and

challenged the police. Then police, which was following the people,

retreated. In the evening police, in large number, held a flag march in the


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23 24

village. Immediately after this, ZPSC held a rally in the village. Next day a

case was registered against 71 people by name and another hundred

unidentified persons under a number of sections of Indian Penal Code

including section 307 i.e. attempt to murder and a witch-hunt was launched.

Two days later police attacked the Jhaneri camp, rounded up more than

forty persons in the wee hours. In the evening women were released and

23 members were booked under various sections and sent to jail. Surjan

Singh Jhaneri, vice president of ZPSC, was arrested and booked under

the cases registered after Ballad Kalan lathicharge also. Eight persons of

Ballad Kalan were arrested on the spot and are in jail.

Next, Dalits of village Mander occupied their share of the panchayat

land and put up a tent and sat on a continuous dharna which is continuing.

After this, Dalits of village Dhandiwal and Kheri in Sherpur block (not the

other Kheri where struggle for residential plots is going on) moved into

their share of panchayat land. Similarly one village in Malerkotla block

staged a dharna in front of SDM office and warned him that if land of their

share is not given within two days, they will occupy the land.

Despite heavy police repression, people are continuing their agitation.

The agitation has shown that Dalits, long deprived of their rights, have

risen. They have risen against the domination of landlords over even their

share of land. They have risen to challenge the social and political domination

of the landlords in the villages. They have risen against semifeudal relations

and landlord oppression. They have risen against the social base of the

ruling classes. While Akali-BJP Govt. has unleashed repression, even the

main opposition party, Congress, is silent on the issue. Not only that, even

the main leaders of Aam Admi Party (AAP), which is bidding for power in

Punjab, are silent on the issue.

A four member team of Janhastakshep had gone from Delhi and releaseda statement on the police repression. The team consisted of Convenor of

Janhastakshep, Dr. Ish Mishra, teacher in Hindu College, Delhi University,

Co-convenor, Dr. Vikas Bajpai, teacher in JNU and senior journalists, Shri

Anil Dubey and Rajesh Kumar. The team went to several villages where

this movement is going on and which were affected by severe police

repression. The team found a deep commitment on the part of the people,

particularly women, to continue the agitation despite the repression

unleashed by the state Govt. and its police. Women particularly stressed

that this is not only a struggle for an economic demand but it is a struggle

for their self-respect. Any person acquainted with rural India knows the

sufferings of the landless in the villages when they are dependent on land

owning classes not only for their employment but even for their day to day

needs. Thus the struggle for land is not only for economic interests but

also for their social and political rights in rural India.

There are two important features of this struggle. It shows that landquestion is very much present even in Punjab, though there is a widespread

propaganda even believed by some communist revolutionaries that land

question does not exist in Punjab. Land question exists throughout India

though its forms and expressions vary. In Punjab where capitalist methods

of agriculture are used most extensively, at present the struggle is on Dalit

share of panchayat land though it is not the only form in which land question

exists in Punjab. Panchayat land in Punjab is about 1 lakh 57 thousand

acres and Dalit share of this land amounts to over 52 thousand acres. This

struggle has once again brought back the focus on land struggle.

Secondly, this is the struggle of Dalit villagers. It shows that lack of

Dalits’ share in means of production, principally land, is one of the importantbasis for caste oppression. The debate on caste oppression is focused on

issues of urban educated Dalits and hence this struggle brings the more

basic aspect of caste oppression to the fore. No wonder the so-called

messiahs of Dalits are silent on this struggle. It shows their lack of sincerity

to do away with the basis of caste oppression faced by Dalits. These too

are parties of ruling classes and while they use Dalit votes for coming to

power, they do not address the real causes of their degraded status in the

villages where bulk of Dalits live. It is only by mobilizing Dalits for capture

of land and for their share in means of production that basis of caste

oppression can be dented and the unity of the poor against exploitation

and oppression including caste oppression can be achieved in practice.

On the other hand, the struggle has unleashed the initiative and energy of

Dalits including women, who describe this struggle as not merely for

economic benefits but for self-respect as well. This struggle also broadens

the scope of debate on how to fight caste oppression in the country. The

struggle has caught the imagination of Dalit masses in Punjab and the

struggle is brewing in several other centres.


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25 26

Brief background Note for

Survey of Jute Industry

P. Prasad

As result of the ruin of hand loom weaving industry due to the policies

of British colonial rulers, two modern industries came into existence in

India in the middle of 19th century, i.e. Textiles and Jute sector. Actually,

both these industries are of similar nature. They have in common a

dependence on similar types of spindles and looms and they produce fabric

goods. The ruined hand loom industry also had nearly same the character

but produced hand based products. The Calcutta (now Kolkata) centric

Jute industry and the Bombay (now Mumbai) centric textile industry grew

simultaneously. This growth and extension was in the second half of 19 th

century and also first half of 20 th century, all in the period of colonial rule.

Both were agro-based as well as labour intensive industries. In the periodof colonial rule both industries generated more and more profits for the

industrialists as well as tears for the working class. Protracted militant and

political struggles took place in these sectors before 1947, as part of anti

colonial struggle. With the transfer of power in 1947, the native owners

came into ownership of these industries, instead of white owners. Robbery

of labour power continued in the same manner. Let us come to the Jute

industry now, particularly.

At the time of partition of British India, the first major cris is took place

in the Jute industry. Most of the areas where raw jute was cultivated had

gone into newly formed East Pakistan i.e. present Bangladesh. At the same

time, Kolkata city and its suburban areas where nearly all the Jute millswere situated remained in India. So India faced shortage of raw Jute whereas

Pakistan faced absence of mills. The raw Jute shortage led to shortage of

working days for the workers. That was the first major crisis which led

working class into starvation.

In decade of 1980s due to mechanization mainly in sewing department,

thousands of workers lost their jobs. Again in the decade of 1990s, due to

shortage of raw Jute, many mills were locked out or downsized the work.

At the end of decade of ‘90s and in early years of 2000 decade, again

lockouts and layoffs took place due to low rates of finished goods. This

happened mainly due to the non-implementation of Jute Packaging Material

(Compulsory Usage) Act 1985 (hereafter called as JPM Act). These crises

were not major and were short lived.

But now, the entire scenario in Jute industry of India is being changed

drastically mainly since Modi Govt came into power with BJP majority.Since last 2 years, Jute industry is losing its ground gradually due to

decrease in sales of finished goods. This trend is taking place by dilution

of the implementation of JPM Act in a conscious and conspiratorial manner

by the Modi govt. This is part of its support and encouragement to the

synthetic lobby, which is being led by Ambani’s Reliance Company. In the

last two years, (1) lockouts (2) layoffs (3) permanent closures and (4)

downsizing of production through reduction of shifts / working days/throwing

out of badli workers and apprentices are taking place. This is the situation

presently prevailing in W. Bengal and AP. This trend is still gathering pace

and may convert into a major crisis. If it happens it will be the second

major crisis. So we should concentrate on studying and analyzing the

situation with a view to developing movements to fight back the attacks on

this sector.

How to understand the ongoing crisis in the Jute Industry? How to

confirm that it is a crisis of the industry? How to analyse the reasons for

that crisis? These are the questions before us.

Lockouts and layoffs are not new to the Jute industry. But we should

identify the reasons for lockouts / layoffs concretely. All lockouts / layoffs

are not same. The managements utilize the lockout / layoffs as their political

weapons to curtail the rights and privileges of the working class or to

suppress the working class struggles and their class consciousness. These

are called politically motivated lockout / layoffs in general. Contrary tothis, if they resort to these as a result of reasons other than to suppress

workers i.e. market reasons, those are generally termed as industrial

lockouts / layoffs.

The industrialists run their industries through purchase of various types

of commodities. But only the living commodity i.e. labour power, is

qualitatively different from others. Industrialists collect / purchase all other

commodities i.e. raw material, machines, land (ground rent), spare parts

(to compensate for depreciation of machinery) etc. at the then market price.


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27 28

Those are fluctuating but depend on the condition of the then market. The

price of living commodity, i.e. labour power, also f luctuates but also depends

on, in general, bargaining power of working class. That means the level of

class consciousness of working class or trade union movement can also

influence the price of labour power. When industrialists of any industry

resort to lockouts/layoffs to reduce this price of labour power, the latter are

termed political lockouts / lay offs. If they resort to them for other reasons

those are called industrial lockouts.

We should analyse the reasons for present lockouts / layoffs. If lockout

/ layoffs take place in any industry, the reasons should be identified

scientifically by those who have revolutionary ideology, to properly frame

the demands before working class concretely. The jute industry is at cross

roads now, with frequent lockouts / layoffs. But what are the real reasons

for it? Are these political lockouts / layoffs or industrial lockouts / layoffs?

The real reasons need identification.

As per primary observation, we can find that present lockouts / layoffs

are not aimed to suppress the working class mainly. That means that theseare not political lockouts / layoffs. Actually the jute working class has

already lost so many rights and privileges. Now they are losing even

employment. Wage cuts, increase of workload, reduction of work force,

avoiding of fringe benefits etc. anti-worker measures were already existing

in Jute industry. So, there is no need to use lockouts / layoffs as a political

weapon for the mill managements at this juncture. But they are resorting to

lockouts / layoffs in a big way. So we may understand that mill managements

must have reasons other than those related to the working class due to

which they are unable to run their mills uninterruptedly. That’s why it

indicates crisis of jute industry.

The jute industry is an agro based and labour intensive industry. Moreover

it is an eco-friendly industry. So, it requires a protection policy by the

government. The cost of synthetic products is less than cost of jute products.

As per law of economics; higher priced products cannot be sustained before

lower priced products rendering same use value in a compeititve market.

Naturally, the law of cost of production rules the industries, in final essence.

So the jute industry cannot survive in the market in competition with

synthetic industry. Therefore, a special policy should be adopted to protect

this industry by the govts. For this purpose the JPM Act was enacted in

1980s by then Central govt. basing on the policy of protection for jute

industry. But it is being diluted. So law of competition has entered unofficially

in this sacking sector leading to lockouts / layoffs . Jute industry can survive

and extend only by strict implementation of earlier JPM Act and also by

further strengthening of the same. The aim must be to increase the demand

and for that govts must adopt a strict protection policy for Jute Industry.

In historical evolutionary process, some products cannot be sustained,

even with the help of protective policy of govts. For instance, horse carts

or bullock carts can’t survive before motor vehicles as transport by motor

vehicles is not only cheaper but faster as well. The law of value asserts

itself sans any overriding prescription to the contrary. But jute products

are conducive to the health of people and in that respect have high utility.

As an eco-friendly labour intensive and agro-based industry the jute sector

is in the interests of Indian people. In view of all the above mentioned

aspects the jute industry is more beneficial to society than the synthetic

fibre industry which is harmful.

Jute is an agro-based industry. Roughly 40 lakh peasants families aregrowing raw jute in India. They are dependent on it for their livelihood,

whereas only 3 lakh workers are living off it. At present, the protest of jute

workers against lockouts / layoffs is there even if weak. But even a nominal

voice has not been raised by raw jute growers, who are 13 times more in

number than jute working class.

For instance, if one worker works in one jute mill, then he productively

consumes the produce of13 peasants growing raw jute on their land. In

case one worker loses his work due to lockout / layoff, it equals the

disappearance of 13 raw jute growers from their fields. Infact, the livelihood

of 13 raw jute peasants/ growers depend on the livelihood of one worker. If

one worker family suffers from lockout / layoff, it equals the sufferings of

13 peasant families. It one jute mill which consists of 5000 workers is

under lockout in urban area it ruins 65000 raw jute farmers in rural area. It

amounts to loss of livelihood of 65000 families in the countryside. For

instance now there are 25000 sufferers by lockouts / layoffs or closures in

AP. It means that more than 3 lakh raw jute cultivators are sufferers. Each

peasant family of the rural area consists of five members on an average.

So, the number of affected are more than 16 lakh people. Those suffering

peasants may belong to AP or elsewhere in India. Thus, the realization of


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the demand for a protective policy for the Jute industry depends also on

the involvement of the peasantry along with the working class. At the same

time, the role of the engine of movements should be taken by the working

class which is the more organized section. In light of this orientation, we

should organize a protracted united agitation basing on unity between

workers and peasants mainly.

The jute sector is a very fertile ground to build anti-imperialist struggle

also. Now Modi govt. is propagating pseudo-patriotism in the garb of

nationalism and also provoking communal violence. At this juncture, we

can expose and prove the real face of Modi govt.- that it is anti national

and subserviant to imperialist powers in view of its conspiring for ruining of

jute industry. Mul tinational synthetic fibre lobby is inf luencing Modi govt.

and ruining the one and half century old jute industry. Some capital in Jute

industry may be of comprador character, but in the interest of lakhs of raw

jute growers and workers, it can be treated as national industry. Our IFTU

NC also demands that it be declared as a national industry and be protected

by govts. When privatization is going on blatantly in light of LPG policies

the demand of nationalization of jute industry may seem to be artificial and

unnatural. Some may consider it to be an impractical demand also. However,

to expose the real face of the pseudo nationalism and the pseudo patriotism

of the present Hindutva govt. the demand to declare Jute as national industry

will be a practical demand. It may become a suitable demand politically

and organizationally.

If the workers' and peasants' movement can make the govts. agree to

protect the industry which has value to society the jute industry will become

a sun-rise industry. Otherwise it may be a sun-set industry, with further

ruin. Apart from the interests of workers and raw jute growers, the interests

of millers and of raw jute traders are also there. Infact, the interests of

whole people and country are also involved. Now basically, the existence

of the whole industry is being ruined by pro-imperialist and pro-corporate

policies of our govts.

Rather with modern research, it is also possible to use the jute fibre

with some modification for making garments and for textile industry. For

India, the products of this industry are very viable.

All India Meeting in

Memory of Com. Ravi

On 23rd April 2016, the Central Committee of CPI(ML)-New Democracy

organized a condolence meeting in memory of Comrade Rayala Subhash

Chandra Bose (Ravi), the Secretary of the Telangana state committee and

a CC member of the party, who died of a cerebral stroke on 9th March. This

meeting held at the Sundaraiah Vignana Kendram in Hyderabad was

attended by over eight hundred comrades from various districts of the

Telangana state along with a few comrades from the AP state as well. The

meeting, presided over by Comrade Y. Sambasiva Rao, CC member, was

addressed by party spokespersons from different states and state leaders

of Telangana.

The meeting began with paying homage to the departed comrade and

amidst slogans “Ravianna Amar hai”. A CD containing songs in memory of

Comrade Ravi and brought out by Arunodaya was released by Com. YSR,

who in his opening address recounted his association with Com. Ravi. He

said that Ravi was an exemplary communist who always adhered to

discipline and his long political life has left us rich experience from which

we can learn a lot. While in the forest he always used to listen to news

pertaining to national and international affairs with the small transistor he

had and he would make a detailed analysis of the same and explain to the

comrades around. He was a comrade who would teach and learn as well.

Comrade Ajmer Singh, leader of the party in Punjab said that when they

heard the news of Ravi's death they felt very sad. Com. Ravi was one

among the few communist revolutionaries who remained underground till

his last breath for 48 years which was something extraordinary. His death

is not only a loss to the party in Telangana but to the entire party in the

country. The issue before everyone today is, how to carry forward his

aspirations and ideals and it is only by addressing this task that we would

be paying real tributes to this martyr, he stated. He said that this condolence

meeting is being held at a time when the BJP-led NDA government is

intensifying the implementation of the pro-imperialist, pro-corporate agenda

along with its communal Hindutva agenda.


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Com. Vemulapalli Venkataramaiah, Secretariat member of the party in

Telangana, said none thought that Ravi would leave us so soon and it was

unexpected. Nobody imagined that there will be a condolence meeting for

him. He recalled the time when he along with Ravi, Chandram and Vikram

were taken into the state committee of the party in 1976. Since then he

travelled with Ravi till the last moments of Ravi's life. Ravi was a mine of

experience in the revolutionary movement of the country. In his student

days he came under the influence of CPI(ML). He later realized the

incorrectness of left deviation which had come to dominate CPI(ML)

leadership and subsequently associated himself with Com. CP. Ravi had

this quality to review practice and felt that resistance struggle should not

be confined to agency areas but should encompass the rural plain areas

as well. He fought against neo-revisionism and parliamentary path.

Agricul tural scientist , Prof. KR Choudary said though he had no direct

interaction with Ravi, on one occasion he talked to him on phone. Ravi had

asked him to translate into Telugu the book on globalization and its impacts

which he had written. Calling upon all communist revolutionaries to unite,

he said Ravi's role in the revolutionary movement of the country has been

very significant. Vara Vara Rao on behalf of Virasam and the Maoist party

paid homage to Com. Ravi and said he and Ravi entered the revolutionary

stream in the same period, the only difference was that Ravi directly entered

the political field whereas he came through the literary movement. He said

Ravi strove all the years to carry forward the path of Naxalbari. Com. G.

Vijay Kumar, CCM of CPI(ML)-Kanu Sanyal recalled the days when he and

Ravi were in the student movement, he in Guntur and Ravi in Khammam in

the same period. We imagined that revolution would take place soon but

that did not happen and the movement suffered losses in various forms.

Ravi believed in the path of people 's war and we need to move on this path.

It is necessary we take serious steps to unite.

Com.Dharampal Singh, leader of CPI(ML)-New Democracy, UP State

Committee paid tributes to Com. Ravi and said one needs to learn a lot

from the life and work of Ravi. Com. Bhalchandra Shadangi, Spokesperson

of the Party in Odisha, paid revolutionary homage and said that Ravianna's

role in the revolutionary movement of the country has been very significant

and none is comparable to him in maintaining discipline. Under conditions

of all round attacks on the people by the Modi government, Ravianna's

loss is a serious one. Com. Mrigank, spokesperson of the Party in Delhi

opined that Ravianna had very great qualities as a person. He was never

demanding and was very disciplined. To live as a communist revolutionary

and that too in underground till the last breath is something that is very

significant. Com. P. Prasad, member of the AP state committee of the

Party, said that every moment of Raviannas life was devoted to the

development of revolutionary movement and of the party. He was always

trying to apply Marxism to the concrete conditions obtaining in the country

and strove hard for the implementation of the party line. Com.Byas Tiwari

representing the Bihar-Jharkand state committee of the Party recounted

his association with Ravi when the latter attended one of their state

committee meetings and gave some valuable suggestions for the

development of the movement there. He said that they had hoped that

Ravi would continue to play this role, but his sudden death has saddened

them. Com. Rama, member of the Telangana state committee of the Party

and life partner of Ravi said that Ravi's sole concern was realizing revolution

and he always used to discuss about mass line. He was instrumental in

her own development. During times of splits in the party, Ravi was always

a disturbed person. He was a committed communist and lived on the basisof communist values. He was a role model and we need to emulate some

of the best qualities that were in him. On behalf of the West Bengal unit of

the Party, Com. Sujan Chakraborty condoled the death of Com. Ravi and

expressed sympathies to the family members. He stated that Ravi led a

life of a true revolutionary and on this occasion we need to pledge to move

ahead on the path of revolution. B. Pradeep, Gen.Secretary of IFTU, said

that in everyone's life there occur incidents that shake them and Ravi's

sudden demise shook all of us. He recalled his first meeting with Ravi

during the Emergency when repression was at its peak and the police had

gunned down both Ramnarsaiah and Ramchandraiah. Ravianna was

instrumental in developing the resistance movement under these conditions.

Com. P. Ranga Rao,secretariat member of the Party in Telangana paidhomage to Com. Ravianna as leader of the revolutionary movement in the

country. He was another name for discipline and was always immersed in

thoughts about the state of movement in the country. He was instrumental

in developing, mentoring many leaders of the Party and stood firm in the

political struggle against right and left deviations. He strove to develop

linkages between the forest and plain areas movements.

Members of Arunodaya sang songs in memory of Com. Ravi and other

martyrs who laid down their lives in the cause of revolution.


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33 34

Brutal killing of tribal leader and

AIKMS activist Comrade Adangu

Gomango by Landlord goons

Comrade Adangu Gomango (55 years), one of the prominent leaders of

AIKMS (erstwhile Lok Sangram Manch) and a popular tribal leader of Ganjam

district, was killed on the midnight of 22nd May 2016. He was cold bloodedly

killed while sleeping on the veranda of his home.

Comrade Gomango came from a poor tribal family of Kumarabandha in

Dharakote block of Ganjam district. He was active in organizing the poor

people, particularly the tribals, in Ganjam district for the last 15 years.

Even before joining the Lok Sangram Manch in 2001 he had been fighting

for the cause of tribal people of his locality. He had earlier held the posts

of Dharakote block President and Ganjam dist. President of Lok Sangram

Manch. Under his leadership many struggles of the people, particularly of

the tribals and dalits, over land, forest right, against the atrocities of police

and forest officials and against caste oppression were held in Ganjam

district. Though he was totally illiterate he was a good orator in his own

tribal language i.e. Soura and was having good organizing power. Three

years back he was physically attacked by the armed goons of Bajrang Dal

with the support of local landlords and ruling party leaders. Just before his

killing there was a tussle between the people of his village and some

landlords of his neighbouring village over forest land. The tribal people of

his village had received forest right titles for the above mentioned forest

land, which these landlords want to capture forcefully. Comrade Gumango

has earlier approached the local authorities to enforce the rights of the

tribals. It is being suspected that these landlords, with the help of somesupari goons of Bajrang Dal, killed him in a planned manner. We on behalf

of the PC of Odisha of CPI(ML)ND, condemn this brutal killing of Comrade

Adangu Gomango and demand an enquiry by the Cr ime Branch into the

incident. We demand that the killers be apprehended immediately. With

his death the toiling masses of Odisha, particularly the tribals, have lost

one of their fighting sons and CPI(ML) ND has lost an active comrade.

(Statement issued by the Spokesperson of Odisha Provincial Committee

of CPI(ML)-New Democracy Com. Bhalachandra Shadangi.)

AIKMS rally against the killing of

Adangu Gomango

On 3rd June

2016, the Ganjam

district unit of

AIKMS organized a

rally against the

brutal ki l l ing of

Comrade Adangu

Gomango in his

native vi l lage

Kumarabandha in

Dharakote block.

Hundreds of

AIKMS supporters,mainly tribals and dalits from different villages of Dharakote block

congregated at Kumarabandha and vowed to carry forward the struggle

started by the departed leader. Addressing the rally Comrade Bhalachandra,

state spokesperson of CPI(ML) ND, remembered the contributions of

Comrade Adangu in building the struggle of the rural poor in Ganjam district.

Though he was illiterate he could organize the poor peasants of Dharakote

area under the banner of then Lok Sangram Manch and i

new democracy, june 2016

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