nepal · nepal food security and vulnerability profile 2000 ii preface global food security and the...

NEPAL

Food Security and Vulnerability Profile 2000

VAM Unit World Food Programme

Nepal

September 2001

Nepal Food Security and Vulnerability Profile 2000

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PREFACE Global food security and the struggle against hunger are priorities that have been repeatedly emphasised by the international community. In 1996, in the Rome declaration of the World Food Summit, Heads of State and Government of 186 countries of the world ‘reaffirmed the right of everyone to have access to safe and nutritious food, consistent with the right to adequate food and the fundamental right of everyone to be free from hunger.’ They came forward with an immediate view to reducing the number of undernourished people to half its present level no later than 2015. Past experience reveals that there is no easy way to escape from poverty, food insecurity and vulnerability. Additional efforts are needed to understand the factors that cause widespread hunger and poverty, and to design appropriate measures conducive towards an environment in which the goal of ‘food for all’ becomes a common goal, to which diverse initiatives are directed. For efficient utilisation of WFP resources, targeting is of the utmost importance and calls for an investigation into three interrelated questions: Who are the food insecure? Where are they? Why they are food insecure? With the objective of contributing to this effort, WFP/Nepal undertakes its own Vulnerability Analysis and Mapping. VAM at WFP Nepal performed secondary data analysis and produced a report which helped WFP to define its geographic targeting, as part of its new Country Programme (2002-06) design. More recently, to understand more fully the dynamics of food insecurity and vulnerability on the basis of vulnerable population’s own perceptions, WFP/Nepal carried out a field-based investigation; of which the outcome is this report before you. This report draws on primary information collected from 65 food insecure and vulnerable communities located in 19 districts of Nepal. In selecting communities for the fieldwork, a non-probability sampling method was used in order to select those communities that were the most food-insecure. WFP’s aim in doing a biased sampling was to focus on the dynamics of food insecurity and vulnerability where these aspects were most prevalent in a given ‘cluster’. Fieldwork was carried out using participatory methodologies and qualitative assessments; therefore, the findings depict ‘pictures’ of specific food-insecure and vulnerable areas, but are not necessarily representative of general characteristics of entire regions or the country as a whole. The findings and the conclusions of the report should be interpreted considering these methodological aspects. We consider that this report will be useful for all those who are aiming to achieve the common goal of eradication of hunger and poverty from the world, and in particular from Nepal. September 21, 2001 Douglas Casson Coutts

Representative World Food Programme Nepal


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Targeting is an issue of increasing interest in an environment of tighter fiscal policies in developing countries and shrinking donor budgets. In order to have improved impact, WFP’s policy is to use geographic targeting to concentrate resources on food insecure areas within recipient countries, and at times, to use further targeting to identify intended beneficiaries within these geographic areas. Reaching the right people depends on identifying who they are, where they live, and when and why they are food insecure. WFP/Nepal has conducted secondary data analysis and based on some indicators of food insecurity identified the areas and cluster of districts where its programme should go. An outstanding example of this effort is the recent move of its programme to Karnali region of the country. In order to assist and further inform future efforts, WFP/Nepal conducted this study. This study is an outcome of primary data collected from field survey work, and of an intensive consultation process involving inputs from various organisations and individuals. Among the individuals, Mr Frank Riely, WFP Consultant, is the one to whom we are most grateful because it is he who conceived, planned, designed, and provided all the details, comments and feedback at the different milestones of the study. This study would not have been possible without his contribution. The other individuals whom we acknowledge are those who were involved in conducting the field surveys, which is the most important part of a primary data-based investigation. We must acknowledge all the respondents of the 65 communities who accepted our investigation with friendliness and good humour and spared their valuable time for furnishing their information. The communities where we undertook the surveys were identified by district stakeholders, including DDC Chairmen, and therefore we are very much grateful to all of them, without whose contribution the study would not have been a participatory study. During the course of the data analysis and write-up we benefited from comment and feedback received from Gerald Daly, Regional VAM Officer, New Delhi, and the programme staff of WFP Nepal. We would like to convey our thanks to all of them. Our heartfelt thanks and appreciation also go to all the participants of the UN agencies, donor organisations and government and non-government organisations who actively participated and provided comments during the Dissemination Seminar held in December 2000. We would also like to express our sincere gratitude to Mr. Douglas Casson Coutts, Representative, WFP Nepal, whose insights at different phases of the study helped to hone our investigation and boosted our morale to successfully complete this task. Ms. Sarah Laughton, Programme Manager, also was involved in all stages of the investigation, starting from her inputs in carrying out the clustering exercise, to ready comments on the reports at various times, and therefore we also acknowledge her comments and suggestions for the successful completion of this study. We are also thankful to Mr. Deepak Shah, the then Chief of the VAM Unit of WFP Nepal, who helped in different ways in early phase of this study. Lastly, we are grateful to Moushumi Chaudhury, editor, and to MASS Printing Press, the printers.

VAM UNIT WFP - Nepal


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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS APP Agricultural Perspective Plan CBS Central Bureau of Statistics DDC District Development Committee DFAMS Department of Food and Agricultural Marketing Services DFID Department for International Development FGD Focus Group Discussion FINNIDA Finnish International Development Assistance FRISP Forest Resource Information System Project FY Fiscal Year FYM Farm Yard Manure GDP Gross Domestic Product GIP Girls Incentive Programme GNP Gross National Product GO Government Organisation GTZ Gesellschaft fuer Technische Zusammenarbeit (German Technical Co-operation) HDI Human Development Index HMGN His Majesty’s Government of Nepal HYV High Yielding Variety INGO International Non-Governmental Organisation LRMP Land Resource Mapping Project MCHC Maternal and Child Health Care MLD Ministry of Local Development MOF Ministry of Finance MOH Ministry of Health MPFS Master Plan of Forestry Sector NFC Nepal Food Corporation NFHS Nepal Family Health Survey NGO Non-Governmental Organisation NMIS Nepal Multiple Indicators Surveillance NPC National Planning Commission NRCS Nepal Red Cross Society PPP Purchasing Power Parity RCIW Rural Community Infrastructure Works SFP School Feeding Programme UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNESCO United Nations Economic, Social and Cultural Organisation UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund VAM Vulnerability Analysis and Mapping VDC Village Development Committee WFP World Food Programme hr. Hour MT Metric Tonne kcal Kilocalorie kg. Kilogram NRs. Nepalese Rupees One Ropani is equal to 0.05 hectare One Bigha is equal to 0.68 hectare One US $ is worth of NRs. 75.10 (15 May, 2001) Nepali Fiscal Year starts from mid-July


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page PREFACE ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT iii ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS iv TABLE OF CONTENTS v LIST OF TABLES vii LIST OF FIGURES viii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 The Country 1 1.2 Development in the Past Decades 3 1.3 Agriculture’s Relative Decline 3 1.4 The Challenge 4 1.5 Past Efforts towards Food Security 4 1.6 Outline of Report 5 CHAPTER II FOOD SECURITY AND VILNERABILITY PROFILE METHODOLOGY 2.1 Main Aims and Purposes 6 2.2 Methodology of the FSVP 7 2.3 Limitation of the Assessment 9

CHAPTER III FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY STATUS IN NEPAL : AN OVERVIEW

3.1 Introduction 10 3.2 Theoretical Framework 10 3.3 Availability of Food 12 3.4 Access to Food 15 3.5 Utilisation of Food 16 3.6 Vulnerability 19 3.7 Coping Strategies 21 3.8 Summary 22

CHAPTER IV FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY IN NEPAL

4.1 Introduction 24 4.2 Where Are the Food Insecure and Vulnerable? 24 4.3 Who Are the Food Insecure and Vulnerable? 26 4.4 Summary 32

CHAPTER V RISKS AND HAZARDS

5.1 Types of Risks and Hazards 34 5.2 Frequency and Severity of Hazards 36 5.3 Loss from Hazards 37 5.4 Summary 40


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CHAPTER VI RESPONSES TO RISKS BY HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES

6.1 Introduction 42 6.2 Risk Reduction Measures 43 6.3 Risk Mitigation Measures 45 6.4 Coping with Shocks 53 6.5 Summary 61

CHAPTER VII FOOD SECURITY AND GENDER

7.1 Introduction 62 7.2 Intra Household Food Security 62 7.3 Food Adequacy during Pregnancy 63 7.4 Food Adequacy during Post-Natal Period 64 7.5 Food Security and Children 65 7.6 Food Management 65 7.7 Access to Household Resources 66 7.8 Use of Leisure Time 67 7.9 Summary 68

CHAPTER VIII DISCUSSION OF MAJOR FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR WFP - NEPAL

8.1 Introduction 70 8.2 Community Level Priorities 70 8.3 Discussion on the Community Level Priorities 73 8.4 Targeting Criteria for WFP Interventions 84 8.5 Prospects and New Proposals for Interventions 86 8.6 Partnership 87

REFERENCES 89 ANNEXES Annex 1: Field Survey Teams 92 Annex 2: FSV Rapid Assessment of Sindhupalchok District 93

Annex 3: Program Level Targeting on Food Security &Vulnerability Outcome 97 Annex 4 Table 1: Proportion of Food Secure and Food Insecure Households ...104

Annex 4 Table 2: Major Castes and Ethnic Groups in Vulnerable Communities116 Annex 5: Risks and Hazards 117


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LIST OF TABLES

Table Title Page Table 1.1 Human Development 2 Table 1.2 Gender Disparities Profile 2 Table 2.1 Sampled Districts and Communities by District Cluster 8 Table 3.1 Foodgrain Balance by Ecological Zone, Nepal, 1996/97 14 Table 4.1 Main Indicators used for Distinguishing Food Insecure Households 27 Table 4.2 Characteristics of Vulnerable Groups 28 Table 4.3 Factors Explaining Food Insecurity 31 Table 5.1 A Typology of Risks and Hazards by Region, Nepal, 2000 34 Table 6.1 Informal Mechanisms for Managing Risks as Reported by Communities 42 Table 6.2 Cropping Pattern of Three Regions 50 Table 6.3 Frequency of Income Sources Reported by Assessment Communities In Normal and Abnormal Years 54 Table 8.1 Constraints and Problems of the Communities by Regions and Country 70 Table 8.2 Solutions to the Problems of the Communities by Regions and Country 72 Table 8.3 Community Contribution for the Development by Regions and Country 72


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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Title Page Figure 3.1 Dimensions of Food Insecurity 12 Figure 3.2 Cereal Production and Net Import of Rice, 1970-98 (MT) 12 Figure 3.3 Dietary Energy Supply, 1970-98 (kcal/person/day) 13 Figure 3.4 Net Imports of Food Commodities, 1970-98 (MT) 14 Figure 3.5 PPP Income by Sub-Region, 1996 (US$) 15 Figure 3.6 Contribution of Different Sources to Total Income 16 Figure 3.7 Under Weight among 6-36 Months Children 17 Figure 3.8 Mean BMI among Women by Sub-Region 17 Figure 3.9 Population without Access to Safe Water and Health Service by Sub-region18 Figure 4.1 Range of the Estimates of the Percent of Household as Food Insecure 25 Figure 4.2 Proportion of Able-bodied Persons in Food Secure & Insecure Households 28 Figure 4.3 Proportion of Food Secure and Food Insecure Households as Landless 29 Figure 4.4 Proportion of Food Secure and Food Insecure Households with Livestock 29 Figure 4.5 Proportion of Food Secure & Insecure Households with Irrigation Facility 30 Figure 5.1 Proportion of Communities Where the Most Severe Hazard was … 37 Figure 6.1 Access to All Weather Road 44 Figure 6.2 Change in Forest 46 Figure 6.3 Range of Income Sources and Modal Number of Income Sources 47 Figure 6.4 Range of Average Annual Income 48 Figure 6.5 Percent of Communities Reporting Any Erosion and Erosion in All Places 49 Figure 6.6 Percent of Communities Reporting Types of Measures taken for Erosion 50 Figure 6.7 Proportion of Food Expenditure during Normal Year 51 Figure 6.8 Proportion of Food Expenditure during Abnormal Year 51 Figure 6.9 Proportion of Food Expenditure during Normal and Abnormal Years 52 Figure 6.10 Coping Strategies 54


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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction WFP provides food assistance only when and where food consumption is inadequate to lead a healthy and productive life. This mission calls for efficient food aid planning, targeting and intervention framework. To achieve this, VAM/Nepal conducted a regional and district level analysis of food insecurity status based on secondary information, followed with an investigation into three inter-related questions: where are food insecure, who are food insecure, and why do they face food insecurity? In this context, the analytical process involved preparation of an issue paper based on secondary information, identification of vulnerable settlements, and rapid assessments of vulnerable settlements. Drawing on a past assessment of food security and vulnerability in three districts and VAM efforts, the FSVP is basically an outcome of rapid assessments conducted in 19 out of the 75 districts of the country. Methods and Process of the Rapid Assessment The main aim of FSVP is to comprehend the food security and vulnerability situation of the country based on qualitative information collected from the more food insecure and vulnerable settlements, within the limited resources available at WFP. The main goal of FSVP is not primarily to provide an estimate of the proportion of food insecure households. Therefore, the methodology is guided by the principle of non-probability sampling of vulnerable communities and the use of participatory tools for the collection of information. Information was collected from a cross-section of 65 food insecure and vulnerable communities1 in 19 districts chosen from 15 relatively homogeneous district clusters defined in a national level workshop. Choosing these districts were based on various factors including environmental and socio-economic features. This involved a two-stage stratified sampling. The primary unit of sampling was a district and the final unit of sampling was more vulnerable settlements of a chosen district. Nineteen districts were selected in the first stage by stratifying the country into 15 district clusters. Then 65 food insecure and vulnerable communities or settlements were chosen from 19 districts in the second stage. The districts were selected in Kathmandu after the stratification of the country. More food insecure and vulnerable settlements were identified in a stakeholders meeting held at district level based on environmental, socio-economic, infrastructure, and service factors. The sample of communities was, therefore, a biased sample. The sample was biased towards the selection of more food insecure and vulnerable settlements. Where Are the Food Insecure and Vulnerable? According to the self-evaluation of residents in the 65 settlements, vulnerable households are literally everywhere in the country. Vulnerable settlements were found to be generally located at the high elevation of hills and mountain with very fragile and poor land in case of Hills and Mountain regions or at the banks of rivers with infertile flooded land or public land in case of the Terai. While the food security ranking methods used to elicit this evaluation are fraught with biases in interpretation and perspective across communities, the wide range of responses suggest, with some degree of certainty, that there is a high degree of variability in food security conditions even within relatively homogeneous district clusters. Within Village Development Committees (VDCs), where individual settlements are often organised according to caste, ethnicity, or socio-economic status, a wide variation in the distribution of food insecurity should be expected. The broad disparity in self-reported levels of food insecurity within relatively homogeneous district clusters suggest that greater efficiency and overall improved levels of

1 The words ‘communities’, ‘settlements’ and ‘villages’ are used interchangeably in this report.


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programme coverage might be obtained by the application of more rigorous targeting methods beyond the district-level and down to the community and household level. Indeed, where settlements within VDCs are organised according to social or economic status, there is at least anecdotal evidence from the assessment that levels of vulnerability may vary widely across settlements within a single VDC. WFP Nepal’s intervention is based on geographical targets. VAM/Nepal has already produced a regional vulnerability analysis that suggests food insecurity and vulnerability are likely to be more severe in the mid- and far-western Mountain and Hill districts, as well as the eastern Mountains. The analysis was based on 11 indicators. Later, in order to avoid the problem of weighting, and making the analysis simpler and obvious by including only few indicators, an analysis of food security and vulnerability was performed based on only four indicators representing four dimensions of food security that suggests similar broad geographic priorities. The four indicators are: i) average per capita calorie availability from local cereal production (availability), ii) percent of population below the poverty line (access), iii) percent of stunted children (utilisation), and iv) percent of households affected by floods and landslides (vulnerability). The FSVP was not intended directly to provide information to define the VDC or settlement-level criteria that might be used for targeting purposes. However, WFP/Nepal, in co-ordination with GTZ, has defined a separate methodology to achieve that aim. The methodology follows a participatory VDC ranking exercise with the district level stakeholders, which was followed during the identification of vulnerable settlements at district level for the rapid assessment. The current FSVP assessment suggests that pockets of high food insecurity and vulnerability remain in other areas of Hill and Terai regions in addition to the mid- and far-western regions. This does not contradict the output of the regional vulnerability analysis because of different levels of aggregation in different stages of the analysis. While the regional vulnerability study was used to identify the regional and district level vulnerability, this study focuses on the ‘within district level’ analysis. Thus, it implies that a larger proportion of food insecure and vulnerable households is also found in different parts of a district, but not in the national context. This supports the premise that targeting should be done at different levels: regional, settlement, or community levels. Exposure to risk factors, including hailstorms, floods, and droughts, combined with low levels of human and economic resource reserves in much of the country also suggest particular vulnerability to acute declines in food access. The recent history of flood/landslide disasters is particularly high in the eastern and central Terai, which are otherwise only moderately food insecure according to the other key outcome measures already mentioned. Who Are the Food Insecure and Vulnerable? The indicators used by community members to distinguish the food secure from the food insecure households suggest that asset poverty is the primary determinant of food insecurity throughout much of Nepal. Of the top ten most frequently cited criteria used to distinguish the food secure from the food insecure households, mostly relate to the lack of access to and quality of land, livestock, and (skilled) labour resources within households. Quantitative data within settlements generally support these observations. Estimated logistic regression model found that the following variables significantly explained the food insecurity status of households: i) literacy status of household head, ii) proportion of able-bodied members in households, iii) landlessness, iv) presence of irrigation, v) existence of tenancy, vi) ownership of draft livestock, vii) ownership of other livestock, viii) households with bonded labour, and ix) households with access to improved drinking water.


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In summary, the food insecure and vulnerable households in Nepal include those who are landless and/or labourers, including bonded labourers, tenants, or those who have only a small piece of unproductive or unirrigated land. In addition, the most food insecure households also include those with a small number of able-bodied workers, with few skills and little opportunity to derive income from sources other than agriculture, such as remittances. Remittances are a particularly important source of income for households in much of the Hill and Mountain districts. Households without access to income from trading opportunities, employment in the service sector, pensions, and those who rely on apparently uncertain, casual employment, such as agricultural labourers and porters, are also among the most food insecure populations in the country. Interestingly, at the national level, the issues of caste/ethnicity, geographic remoteness and the sex of household head are not among the most often cited factors that determine food insecurity according to local perceptions. In the case of occupational and disadvantaged castes, these populations were highly prevalent throughout the sample settlements, so that, in many cases, caste differences were not relevant to within-community distinctions between food secure and insecure households. Since all members in sample settlements were equally remote from infrastructure, markets, and services, these criteria were also not directly relevant in the village-level analysis. These criteria not appearing as the factors within community distinction is due to the fact that the district level stakeholder used them while identifying vulnerable settlements. Broadly, the criteria used by the district level stakeholder for the identification of the vulnerable settlements include: i) access to infrastructure and services including roads, bridges, markets, and irrigation; ii) socio-economic characteristics including disadvantaged castes and ethnic groups, illiteracy, productivity and employment opportunities; iii) environmental features including geography or remoteness; and iv) risk factors including natural disasters, and diseases relating to human, animal and plants. Thus, access to infrastructure and geographical remoteness, caste or ethnicity, and risks and hazards, are important determinants of food insecurity at regional or district level, and even at settlement level in Nepal. Where there is differentiation by caste within selected communities, households belonging to occupational castes such as Kami (blacksmith), Damai (tailor) and Sarki (cobbler) and disadvantaged castes such as Tamang, Sherpa, Magar, Thami, Danuwar, Majhi, Bote and Gaine in the Hills and Mountains, and Chamar, Musahar, Tatmas, Bhand, Satar, Dhankar, and Badi in the Terai, are also commonly included among the most food insecure. In terms of geographic access, the most remote areas include the Mountain districts, particularly in the Karnali Mountain region, and some Hill regions. It is noteworthy to mention here that, while discussing local development priorities presented in Chapter Eight, the lack of roads and bridges create remoteness, and therefore, their construction is one of the frequently mentioned community-level priorities across the villages in the assessment. The community level development constraints reported are related to the lack of infrastructure, education and awareness, income as well as exposure to risks and hazards, representing broadly the four dimensions of food insecurity, viz. availability, access, utilisation and vulnerability. Further details appear in the following sections. Intra-household food insecurity: The Experience of Women and Children Women, especially those who perform kitchen work, are food insecure because they eat last and generally eat leftovers (this is particularly the case according to traditional cultural practices of many Indo-Aryan families). Many of them have to limit their portion size during food shortage periods, extending generally from February/March to July/August, to adequately feed their children. Pregnant and nursing/lactating mothers who are in dire need of additional nutritious foods are further at higher risks, as they are not given adequate food during such critical stage of their lives. Compared to pregnant women, nursing mothers are in better situation as they are given some special foods, such as chicken curry, ghee and rice just after delivery for a period of 3 to 11 days. Provision of special food depends on the economic condition of the families and the prevailing tradition. As for the children, school children generally eat two meals a day and were found in some cases to eat less frequently than those children


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who do not go to school in the same family (due to a lack of general practice of carrying lunchboxes or packed snacks to school). One of the main reasons for women being food insecure is related to the patriarchal society and prevailing customs and traditions. In such patriarchal societies, women lack access to resources; their families are poor, and they lack awareness. Deep-rooted traditions do not take into account the special needs of children and expectant and nursing mothers. The tradition that women should eat later, and among the women the cook should eat last, is because of the traditional division of labour suggesting that female should work inside homes whereas male should work outside homes. Women are not considered to be the breadwinners. The above findings provide a clear implication that WFP/Nepal should extend its School Feeding and Maternal and Child Health projects with increased emphasis on creating of awareness on the importance of providing food for women and children. Why do they face food insecurity and food vulnerability? Trends in Natural Resource Endowment/Quality The problem of soil erosion is a common feature of the Hills and Mountain, and is present in majority of the survey settlements. The case of Terai is somewhat different where the rising of riverbeds, due to debris, flooding, and water logging of fertile land, have been major problems. Nevertheless, soil erosion and control measures adopted by the community provide some form of improved bunding and/or tree plantation. This practice implies that there is a need for the natural resource management so that the communities could mitigate such effects. One-third of the sample settlements had increasing forest resources, whereas about two-thirds faced declining forest resources. Moreover, about half of the settlements said a decrease in the crown cover of forests, which infers that the condition of forest of the vulnerable communities is deteriorating. This has a major implication on the lives of the people as forests play an important role in maintaining soil fertility by providing leaves and litters, fodder for livestock, and foods for people. Forests also control soil erosion and perform other ecological functions. Access to Infrastructure and Services Significant variations exist across communities regarding access to infrastructure and services. Sample communities in the Mountain region significantly lag behind the other regions, especially in access to road and market infrastructure, and services. Even small, local markets are not easily accessible in the Mountain communities, where approximately 27 percent of the settlements are three or more hour’s walk to the nearest market compared with only 15 and 10 percent, respectively, in the Hill and Terai communities. The problem of access is reinforced when looking at the distance of assessment communities to all-weather roads. Nearly three-quarters of the mountain settlements reported having to walk 24 hours or more to reach the nearest all weather road. That compares to only 5 percent of settlements in the hills and zero percent in the Terai. For some communities in the Karnali Mountain region, the nearest all-weather road in Nepal was reported to be as high as 20 days walking. There is often more ready access to all-weather roads in Tibet than in Nepal. The lack of poor infrastructure gives limited opportunity to develop the markets and therefore there is high variability in the prices of food grains in Mountains. A short pause in delivering airfreight results in abrupt increases in the prices of the foodgrains in the Karnali region. The effort of the government to provide subsidised food grain in this region is not adequate to meet needs. Lack of alternative


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employment opportunity, and high market prices due to the high transportation cost, have seriously affected access to food. Lack of availability of food and lack of competitive grain markets can result in starvation of people in this region. Compared to roads and markets, there is relatively little difference in levels of access to agricultural and veterinary service centres, and health institutions across the three regions of the country. Access to health centres was reported to be the highest. However, an effective use of these institutions is lacking because of the lack of transport facilities or lack of awareness among other reasons. Of the 23 mountain villages included in the assessment, only 6 villages reported less than 70 percent of households have access to improved water sources. In the Hills and Terai communities, similar levels of access to improved water sources were also reported. The average distance to water sources (from both improved and unimproved sources) appears to actually be better in the Mountain areas, where all the sample settlements reported having access to water less than one hour from their homes. In contrast, some communities in the Hill and Terai regions reported more than one hour to reach a water source. Exposure to Hazards The communities in the assessment have reported hailstorms, floods, excessive rainfall/landslides, and droughts as major hazards, with significant variations across the three regions. Hailstorms, which often lead to serious crop loss in some communities, were more frequently mentioned in the Hills and Mountains. The uncertain monsoon, leading to drought or, conversely, excessive rain and landslides, also affects agricultural production in the Hills and Mountains. Flood and its concomitant effects of immediate crop loss and the long-term effects of soil erosion were most frequently reported in the Terai. While the effect of hailstorm is more localised than that of the drought and floods, its frequent occurrence poses severe problems in some Hill and Mountain communities. Similalrly, when drought stretches for a longer period of time, it affects both the summer and winter crops, and therefore, has severe consequences that can result in famine. A number of other risk factors were reported through the assessment, including crop and livestock diseases, snowfall, house fires, and poisonous snakebites - that often affect whole settlements. Market and manmade risks were also cited during the assessment. In Humla, one community cited the contracting of the local forest area to a private firm for the collection of herbs as a risk factor, reducing access for community members to income from the sale of herbs themselves. In Jumla, the interruption of trade from the temporary closing of the airport for maintenance has drastically reduced incomes from portering, and led to both an increase in food prices and increase in borrowing to meet household food needs. Increases in the Nepal Food Corporation prices, the high variability of market prices, and implementation of community forestry programme were also cited as important risk factors. However, the negative effects of community forestry will be short-lived once the forests reach the maximum sustained yield level, and are utilised properly on equal sharing basis. Health concerns were also raised as important hazards in many of the communities in the assessment. Among the health hazards cited, the most common were diarrhoea and dysentery, fever, cholera and measles. Of those, it appears that conditions like diarrhoea, dysentery and fever represent chronic conditions that individuals suffer from at times. Most communities noted more widespread outbreaks of cholera, measles, and in more isolated cases, smallpox, during specific periods in the past. Whether chronic or epidemic, these diseases are reported to have claimed the lives of many people in the assessment communities, especially of children. Their reported effects are apparently more severe in the Mountains, compared to the other regions. Lack of infrastructure and services, and lack of employment opportunities limits the coping capacity of people. The situation is more severe in the Mountain and remote Hills compared to Terai.


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Risk Management and Coping Capacity In the absence of roads linking to government health institutions, agriculture service centres and veterinary service centres, especially in geographically remote settlements, and peoples’ lack of awareness prohibit the effective use of these centres. In order to reduce risks, especially human, animal and plant diseases, and some natural disasters like drought, construction of infrastructure including roads and irrigation, and provision of market facilities needs to be present. Moreover, creation of awareness about health and hygiene is also equally important to make people visit health posts regularly, and prevent or reduce risks. People of vulnerable settlements lack earning options, and therefore, majority are still depending on agriculture. The payoff is little for the hard agricultural work because of natural disasters such as floods, landslides, droughts, lack of manure due to the decrease in animal husbandry, lack of free access to whatever forest resources exist. The problem of soil erosion, lack of biomass for fertilising fields, the consequent low agricultural production, low level of income, the inability of the food insecure groups to feed their family members throughout a normal year from their income sources, the distress sale of livestock and other assets, and the larger proportion of household budget used for food consumption, limit the possibility of accumulating assets by poor households. As raising larger livestock requires a high initial investment for the poor, they adopt share cropping. However, decreasing forest resources and lack of their free access to fodder has been worsening the capacity of the poor to mitigate risks through self-insurance, such as from raising animals. The human and animal capital serve as cushion for mitigating the effects of natural disasters, and therefore, the death of animals and able-bodied workers erode whatever limited base of capital is available for the food insecure households. Further, this pushes them into a debt trap, as they have to borrow for consumption, performing rituals such as the cremation, and for purchase of draft power. Compared to most Hill and Terai districts, Mountain districts are more vulnerable generally due to lack of mobility among people and lack of alternative employment opportunities within their communities. Most of the poor in Mountain settlements earn their livelihoods as porters and agriculture wage labourers, which are seasonal, and therefore, make them further vulnerable. Two outstanding examples are: i) a short closure of the Jumla airport recently affected the lives of a number of poor porters of some VDCs; and ii) contracting of a Hill forest to a private contractors made it difficult for the poor to earn a living from the sale of the herbs in the Humla district. Again, community members have defined food insecure and vulnerable households in Nepal as being resource poor, in terms of human, natural, and productive physical assets. For those most insecure, this fact suggests little to fall back on as a buffer during times of more acute hardship. The major asset among the food insecure and vulnerable households is their own labour. As a result, the focus of coping efforts, and their strength, seems to rely on labour responses and, in particular, efforts to diversify sources of income. As the labour resource for the poor is low compared to their large number of dependants, any risks make them borrow for their survival during hard times. There is no significant change in the overall range of income sources of the households of surveyed communities between normal and abnormal years, supporting the general understanding that coping behaviours are typically extensions and intensification of economic activities undertaken during normal conditions. There are slight variations across the three ecological regions. In the survey communities of mountain, slightly more households engage in portering and other wage labour, sell animals for income, migrate outside the community, sell firewood, food (for own consumption as well) and herbs collected in the forest, and borrow in cash or kind. In the Hill communities, the only changes between normal and abnormal years appear to be a slight increase in households migrating outside the


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community to look for work, small trading activities, and again, borrowing. For households in the Terai, migration seems to be the primary income-coping response among households, in addition to greater recourse to local wage labour, selling of firewood, food and herbs collected in the forests, and borrowing. Some other coping responses include: eating less preferred foods, collecting wild foods, limiting portion sizes and skipping meals (particularly by mothers to ensure sufficient food for their children), borrowing money or food for consumption purposes, drawing on seed reserves, and selling of livestock and other assets, including in some cases, selling of land. Access to forest resources provides a particularly important buffer to households who rely on forests as sources of firewood, building materials, fodder for animals, wild foods for personal consumption, and other plants and herbs that can be collected and sold for cash. Access to Community Support Informal insurance mechanisms are on the downward trend with the process of modernisation. Different types of user groups formed under different programmes of GOs and INGOs are difficult to sustain in poor communities. Under RCIW, WFP/Nepal has been implementing some micro initiatives, which could help community groups to mitigate the effects of shocks. However, there is need for further enhanced implementation of these activities, which calls for partnering with other organisations, such as GTZ, for effective implementation of such initiatives and for sustaining groups. Since majority of the households in most of the survey communities is food insecure, it is difficult to get sufficient community support there. However, the situation of the Terai is better since people can turn to other well-off communities for food support. But such a support is limited in case of the Mountain because there is lack of availability of the food grains even in the surrounding communities.

Organisations such as the Nepal Red Cross society, WFP, and local and central governments have been providing assistance during natural calamities, such as earthquakes, floods and fire. However, such support is made available sooner in the Terai than in the Mountain and Hills because of the limited physical accessibility of the latter. Village-Level Constraints and Priorities The community level development constraints include: lack of infrastructure (such as roads and bridges, irrigation, drinking water and markets), awareness, education, domestic and environmental hygiene and sanitation, arable land, and skill. Furthermore, geographical remoteness, high prices, illiteracy, excessive use of alcohol, unemployment, low productivity, poverty, over population, and risks and hazards, including excess rainfall/drought, crop loss from wild animals, human and animal diseases are also constraints. These constraints adequately represent the four dimensions of food insecurity, viz., availability, access, utilisation and vulnerability, and therefore, have significant implications in relation to food insecurity. The most often cited constraints vary by region: lack of drinking water and irrigation in the Hills, lack of roads and higher prices of foodgrains in Mountain, and floods and changes in courses of rivers in Terai were reported in larger proportion of communities. It is interesting to note that larger proportion of the Mountain and Hill communities reported illiteracy or lack of education as the main problem; but this was not reported in most of the Terai communities although literacy rate in most of the Terai districts lag behind that of the hills. This implies that people of the Terai are not that aware of the advantages of education for their development. Although the constraints reported and solutions proposed by communities focus on all the four dimensions of food security, their major focus is on access and then the availability dimensions of food


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security. In particular, most of the problems and solutions are related to access across the three regions. However, some problems advanced in the Mountain refer to the availability dimension, and some problems advanced in the Terai refer to the vulnerability dimension of food security. However, out of all the four dimensions, the access dimension seems to be the most prominent, which is plausible in view of the growing economic poverty and food insecurity in the vulnerable communities of the country. The constraints and opportunities mentioned above provide strong rationale for the three WFP/Nepal projects: Rural Community Infrastructure Work (RCIW), School Feeding Project (SFP) and Maternal and Child Health Care (MCHC) project, and also provide some insights for their further improvement. Overall Implications for WFP Projects/Activities2 Summary of Priorities Resource poverty implies that RCIW activities should be very carefully defined. The limited availability of labour within food insecure and vulnerable households implies potentially large opportunity costs of labour with participation in RCIW. However, the opportunity cost varies with the season at the household level. The opportunity costs can sink to zero for the very poor in some remote communities who are unable to seasonally migrate during the agricultural off-season when there are no alternative employment opportunities within the communities and/or surrounding communities. Limited land asset ownership, particularly of lowland fields with better irrigation potential in the Hills and Mountains regions, suggests that investment in irrigation may have only limited long-term benefits to the most food insecure and vulnerable households. Therefore, there is a need to set good targets and give attention to local activity design. While labour resources are limited in relation to the number of dependants in a poor family, overall resource poverty implies that there is a clear comparative advantage in investments in human and physical capital at the household level. That is not to deny the importance of community-level investments, particularly in road infrastructure, which is an important priority among food secure and food insecure households alike in very remote Mountain and Hill districts, such as those in the Karnali Trans-Himalayan region. Terai The macro analysis indicates high levels of food insecurity and vulnerability in the Terai, and also suggests that these areas have relative food surplus and reliable market access. From a strict development perspective, there would appear to be only a limited role for food aid under these conditions. Gaps in food access and investments in social and economic infrastructure might be more effectively pursued through alternative modalities that do not require food as a key input. However, continued problems of utilisation and high levels of malnutrition in the Central and Western parts of the Terai suggest some scope for the use of food resources to improve access to maternal and child health services, and as a source of therapeutic feeding for faltering or malnourished children. The opportunity for the local purchase of food in Nepal also suggests that WFP could have a role in school feeding activities in these regions as well. Under these circumstances, food-assisted interventions can address a critical constraint to food security—the limited skill base and levels of functional literacy—while providing a positive influence on local market incentives.

2 ‘Projects’are called ‘activities’ within WFP. In terms of the traditional Logical Framework Analysis of a project or programme, activities refer to the tasks performed in order to translate inputs into outputs, and therefore, it could be somewhat confusing to readers outside WFP. In view of this, the WFP concept of activities is not strictly adhered to in this report, and therefore, the word ‘activities’ and ‘projects’ are used interchangeably in this report.


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As many parts of the Terai are prone to a variety of natural disasters, particularly flooding in the eastern and central parts of the Terai and acute fluctuations in socio-economic conditions, alternative modes of intervention are likely to be more appropriate in support of long-term mitigation efforts than the direct provision of food aid. Short-term disaster responses in these regions [may] often require food inputs (purchased locally, where possible), to meet transitory emergency requirements. The frequency and intensity of these hazards and their food security implications should be assessed in more detail to determine the advisability of a long-term presence by WFP to ensure rapid response to what, in many parts of the Terai, are often rapid onset emergencies. Mountains and Hills Low levels of access to food, as indicated by the combination of low incomes and relatively high (and variable) food prices, as a result of limited market access, suggests there is a definite role for food aid in the most vulnerable mountain districts, which include, in particular, those districts in the Karnali region. Limited land asset ownership, particularly of lowland fields with better irrigation potential in the Hill and Mountain, suggests that investment in irrigation may have only limited long-term benefits to the most food insecure and vulnerable households. Therefore, there is a need for targeting and providing attention to local activity design. Implications for WFP Projects/Activities The current WFP activities are consistent with WFP’s ‘Enabling Development’ policy and cognisant of the constraints and problems that communities are facing. It is clear that food-aided projects do enable poor people to access the benefits of development, which is the special niche of WFP’s development programmes, and that WFP development activities use food consumption to encourage investment and leave behind lasting physical or human assets. However, there is enough room to enhance and improve implementation. This requires adding some sub-activities and modifying the process of implementation following a demand-driven approach, and improved targeting. In relation to this, the following are the implications of the current study. It is recognised that WFP has already undertaken some of the suggested activities and approaches in recent strategy revisions. General Implications • Awareness of hygiene and sanitation, family planning, maternal and child health and nutrition can

be undertaken in any of the three WFP projects. Awareness could be promoted through user groups formed under RCIW/REFLECT programme, the Food Management Committee (FMC) formed under SFP, or through health posts for expectant and nursing mothers visiting the health posts. Alternatively, WFP could establish partnerships with other organisations such as UNICEF, INGOs, and NGOs for providing functional literacy and creating awareness through health, hygiene and sanitation campaigns, and monitoring the way awareness is built. The awareness programme and overall complementarity would be made most effective if the three project activities of WFP could be linked.

• In order to improve the coping capacity of people, income-earning options should be expanded

through the provision of enhanced human resource development. Food for training programmes related to skill development could be conducted.

• While the existing WFP intervention framework is good, there are other possible additions that

could be implemented, such as providing community grain banks/reserves in remote Hill and Mountain districts, supporting community forestry programmes, linking community forestry with


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poverty alleviation programmes of the government, in order to push the food insecure households above the poverty line.

• In order to improve people’s coping capacity, formal and informal insurance mechanisms must be

expanded. WFP can support informal insurance mechanisms through its contributions to the formation of user groups, and support to informal groups and community based organisations for micro-initiatives.

• Since poor people cannot fully manage risks on their own, any food insecurity reduction strategy

needs to improve risk management for the poor through reducing and mitigating risks and coping with shocks. HMGN has some provisions for coping with shock measures, but there is a lack of consistent policy on the risk reduction and mitigation measures. Therefore, emphasis should be placed on risk reduction and mitigation in areas prone to risks and disasters. In view of resource constraints, partnership between agencies remains a viable option.

• Forests are the major source of livelihoods of the poor and are related to improvements in soil

fertility and water sources. Therefore, provision for natural resource management seems to be of high priority, and could be considered as a separate activity of WFP country programme.

School Feeding and Maternal and Child Health Care • Girls’ Incentive Scheme should be expanded and should cover more districts, which is possible

through improved targeting down to VDC level, by focusing on the areas of more vulnerable and food insecure households.

• On-site feeding should continue to be effectively implemented, to increase the frequency of eating

of school-going children. • As diarrhoea and dysentery are common illnesses claiming the lives of people, especially children,

awareness measures launched under the MCHC programme, focusing on the health and nutrition of children, pregnant and nursing mothers, will produce positive effects. This can be done and/or enhanced by partnering with other organisations, including UNICEF, and INGOs.

• As pregnant and nursing mothers and their children are not provided adequate food and nutrients,

provision of micro-nutrients and de-worming tablets should be extended and be provided with raising awareness.

Rural Community Infrastructure Works • In order to improve the coping capacity of people and to improve the utilisation of government

facilities and service centres, creation of infrastructure should be continued, with greater emphasis in remote Hill and Mountain districts, and among the Mountain districts, the Karnali Transhimalaya should receive greater priority.

• Disaster mitigation measures, such as control of floods and gullies, and control of water logging

through construction of catchment ponds and forestry measures, should be further expanded. Risk reduction and mitigation measures should concentrate on reducing the effect of floods in Terai, and droughts, hailstorms and landslides in the Hills and Mountains. This should be accompanied by the creation of alternative employment opportunities so that communities can mitigate the effects of disasters in long run.


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• In order to fulfil the ‘cost-effectiveness’ criterion of concern to WFP and all donors, infrastructure should be built in or constructed through dense settlements, benefiting a larger number of households, and be of small scale so that roads and bridges have a longer life with better operation and maintenance capabilities.

• Provision of infrastructure should be coupled with other types of interventions that help in the

effective and multiple uses of such infrastructure. These other interventions could be investment in animal husbandry, horticulture, herb processing, and promotion of eco-tourism in remote districts. This requires seeking other partners in order to make effective use of newly built infrastructure and provide sustainable livelihoods to poorer sections of the society.

• The formation of groups and capacity building should be extended and emphasised in order to

sustain newly built infrastructure on the one hand, and improve food security on the other. In order to ensure that the poorest households are able to gain benefits from the construction of infrastructure, further emphasis should be given to supporting micro-projects undertaken by the groups of the landless and food insecure households, with improved provision for financial as well as technical support for capacity-building.

• The formed groups should be linked with other organisations such as the community forestry

committee, VDC and other CBOs and NGOs of the community, so that user groups can benefit from partnerships. One option is to involve these user groups in income generating activities under the community forestry programme of the government.

Targeting Programme Level Targeting At the programme level, the district level vulnerability analysis suggests that the planned shift in WFP operations from the eastern Terai to the western Mountain districts is well warranted. Periodic revisions of operations over the course of the programme will provide useful information on the coincident effects of WFP activities, secular socio-economic trends on the spatial pattern of vulnerability in Nepal, and the need to develop transitional/exit strategies to re-target WFP development activities. As dependency is a major concern of Enabling Development, there should be a clear strategy. Moreover, poverty and food insecurity are multi-dimensional, requiring attacks from different sides, and converging all the WFP activities in the same geographical areas. Synchronising their implementation will not only address a high synergistic impact of the WFP country programme through an improvement in all the dimensions of the food insecurity, but also help achieve the Enabling Development policy of cost effectiveness. The importance of social and community mobilisation efforts, preceding any concrete development intervention, is highlighted as a pre-requisite for sustainable results from WFP activities. WFP activities will be increasingly demand-driven by communities where extensive social mobilisation efforts are carried out, and particularly where all three projects converge. It seems that the RCIW activity of WFP is self-contained in the sense that it has both the social mobilisation (‘software’) and implementation of asset creation (‘hardware’) components, although much of the ‘software’ is carried out in order that the ‘hardware’ component can be done more successfully. In districts where all the projects converge, however, WFP could test a process whereby community mobilisation and formation of user groups precedes and determines the provision of ‘hardware’, such as infrastructure, food aid, and services. Project/Activity Level Targeting At the activity level, the nature of selected WFP interventions suggest that targeting will primarily be a direct result of intervention design and administrative functions, rather than any explicit information


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system designed to screen participants. Within the MCHC and SFP activities, the definition of target groups is implicit in the selection of the activities. Participation will be largely determined by the perceived benefits of the projects. Quality of health and education services provided and the ability to overcome economic/social/cultural obstacles to participation can be made possible through the provision of food aid incentives and other outreach efforts. For the RCIW, beneficiaries of additional labour opportunities will be largely self-selected, although design features could influence the incentives for self-selection. The beneficiaries of the assets created should be an explicit objective of each stated “backbone” and “complementary” intervention. In these circumstances, targeting within the RCIW will largely be a function of defining a group of assets that address resource poverty of the most food insecure households and individuals in participating communities. Under circumstances of extreme poverty, in terms of natural resources and physical assets among the most food insecure, the returns to development investment will be maximised by focusing on areas of true comparative and absolute advantage of those marginal groups: by investing in their human resource capacity. While that is a direct objective of the MCH and SF activities, the RCIW must focus on (a) creating new assets which the food insecure populations can control and benefit from, and (b), supplementing those investments in physical assets with further investments in human assets. Targeting Criteria An improved targeting within WFP requires targeting down to the individual level. This requires setting criteria at different levels, starting from targeting at area level to household and individual levels. While targeting at household and individual level is constrained by limited resources and numbers of project staff, some guidelines should be developed in order to make targeting even more effective, and thereby help ensure the cost-effectiveness of WFP development interventions. In view of the wide variability of food insecure and vulnerable households across the survey settlements, targeting down to the household level, and in view of the status of women relegated behind other family members, targeting at the individual level are really of major concerns. Geographic targeting For the geographic level of targeting there could be different tiers, such as regional level targeting down to the VDC or settlement level. For each level of targeting, the indicators identified for the regional level or district level targeting could be honed up taking into account specific situations in a community. At a regional or district level targeting, the following indicators could be used: • Annual per capita cereal production • Per capita availability of basic infrastructures such as road density • Proportion of population consuming less than 2,250 kcal per person per day • Proportion of population below national poverty line • Proportion of underweight children under five years • Proportion of adult illiterate women • Proportion of anaemic pregnant women • Proportion of population affected by recurrent natural disasters. The above criteria represent the four dimensions of food insecurity, which can be used to identify and rank food insecure areas. A geographical area, which is poor in terms of all dimensions of food insecurity, is the most vulnerable, and therefore, should be accorded topmost priority compared to the others. After targeting at the regional or district level, targeting at the VDC level could be done by sharing these and other criteria through arranging a participatory discussion with district level stakeholders.


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WFP/Nepal used 11 indicators for district level targeting, and this result is not much different from the later exercise, which was performed by using only four indicators, one for each of the four dimensions of food security. These exercises suggest that the planned shift of WFP operations from the Eastern Terai to the Western Mountain districts is well warranted. Periodic revisions of these analyses over the course of the program will provide useful information on the coincident effects of WFP activities and secular socio-economic trends on the spatial pattern of vulnerability in Nepal and the need to develop transitional/exit strategies to re-target WFP development activities. VDC or Settlement Level Targeting VDC ranking exercises performed in five districts organising a district level key informant meeting or workshop, have developed a method for targeting down to the VDC or community level. This methodology was also followed and worked better in the selection of the 65 vulnerable settlements for the FSVP assessment survey. The participants of the meeting or workshop included the DDC chairperson, Vice-Chair person, Ilaka members, chiefs of the district level line agencies, and NGO representatives. The meeting could be guided using the following criteria in order to rank VDCs or identify the vulnerable settlements in a district. • Environmental features • Natural or manmade hazards • Socio-economic characteristics • Access to infrastructures • Access to services • Economic organisations • Health patterns Household Level Targeting Once areas are identified the following indicators with some modifications as per the specific feature of a community could be used for household level targeting by identifying which household is food insecure and which one is not. • Proportion of able-bodied labour • Size of land holding • Quality of land holding • Size of animal holding • Access to service or pension income • Access to foreign remittances • Working as wage labour or not • Working as unskilled or semi-skilled labour or not • Reliance on tenancy arrangement or not • Having trade as occupation or not. However, merely identification of food insecure and vulnerable households based on the above criteria will not suffice the purpose of the effective targeting food aid intervention unless the food is delivered only to those food insecure families. As there is lack of alternative employment opportunities during the agriculture off-season, the opportunity cost of labour in most of the food insecure and remote communities are near to zero. While the selection of the most food insecure areas gives an opportunity to ensure that the benefits of food aid reach the most food insecure families, there is a possibility of even food secure families basically in Hills and Mountains, engaging themselves in food for work projects, carried under the RCIW during the agricultural off-season. As it is difficult categorically to exclude some members of a community from community development activities, alternative measures


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should be sought for improved targeting. These alternative measures could be through the distribution of ‘self-targeting’ foodgrains, such as millet and maize, which are regarded as food for the poor in the Hills and Mountains, and coarse rice in the Terai. (Note: WFP is already distributing coarse rice in its RCIW project). Given the nature of WFP projects, their area coverage and their implementation arrangements, it seems that a recourse to efficient targeting at the settlement level is a viable option so that even the random distribution of benefits does not make higher discrepancies between the target population and the beneficiary populations. Individual Level Targeting Women, children, the elderly, sick and disabled are more food insecure generally than other household members. Among women, pregnant and nursing mothers are at the highest risk. Enabling them and their young children to meet their special nutritional and nutrition-related health needs means creating a lasting human asset in the future, which could be lost by late intervention. Thus, individual targeting carries further importance and needs immediate attention. As to who are the most food insecure in food insecure families are already known and there is no need for any criteria for their identification. What is more important is how to reach the food benefits to these individuals. The current practice of onsite feeding or wet feeding under SFP Nepal could be effective compared to the take home ration of three litres of oil under the Girls Incentive Programme. However, if the purpose of the GIP is to increase the girls’ attendance, then it has certainly reduced the opportunity cost of preventing girl children from going to school. The provision of blended and fortified food for the pregnant women and lactating mothers, and their children aged 6-36 months through take-home ration under MCHC is also self-targeting as other household members have little preference to eat such ration. Moreover, it supplements the micro-nutrient deficiencies, which is widely rampant in the country. Partnership Poverty and food insecurity has many dimensions. To achieve the right to food security for all people requires a major feat, a feat, which is not possible within the scrip of a single agency, and therefore, partnering between organisations is of the utmost necessity. Towards this end, the drafting of UNDAF is a commendable step in the right direction. What now has become more important is to implement the UNDAF draft by the UN system, putting heads and pulling limited resources together, and working jointly with the government in order to attack the multiple dimensions of food insecurity and poverty. The successful partnership of WFP with global partners such as IFAD, and national-level partners such as GTZ, has opened further grounds for partnership with other organisations and donors such as SNV, DANIDA, SDC, DFID, and the Asian Development Bank. Although different organisations have different missions and visions, all focus their efforts on the welfare of people. Therefore, it is possible to create partnerships with those agencies by sharing WFP strategies and seeking complementarity. The partnership with government is also of prime importance. In addition to line agencies with which WFP has project-level agreements, WFP has been working in RCIW in partnership with HMGN’S District Soil Conservation Offices of Siraha, Saptari and Udayapur; this effort could be extended to other districts along the inner Terai and Churia Hill and flood-prone eastern Terai districts. The partnership with Ministry of Health could help MCHC/WFP achieve raising awareness among the most food insecure population, pregnant women and children.


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Partnerships should further extend down to the community level where the programmes of the INGOs and NGOs are implemented. WFP has been working with some NGOs such as SAPPROS and Manushi, as well as with a range of other local, district-level NGOs and, of course, with User Committees and User Groups. There is further possibility of involving other local NGOs, CBOs and groups that could help in the effective implementation of WFP projects following a sustainable livelihood approach.


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To the problem of small size,landlockedness, insularity andextreme dispersal of populationin the mountainous region mustbe added the extreme paucity ofland-based resources.

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1.1 THE COUNTRY Nepal is a land-locked country with an estimated population of 23 million. It is located between two powerful neighbours: China and India. The topography in Nepal is varied and diverse, and its altitude ranges from 60 to 8,848 metres above sea level. Nepal is home to the Mount Everest, the highest mountain peak in the world, and seven of the other 10 world’s highest mountain peaks. These high mountain ranges make up 35 percent of the total area of the country. This gives Nepal a geography that is unique, and that parallels very few countries in the world. Nepal's altitude is diverse, and so is its climate. Climate ranges from the tropical in the Terai, to moderate sub-tropical in the hill, and to tundra in the mountain. The 75 administrative districts that make up the country are further grouped into 14 zones and five development regions. The country extends 885 km in average length and 193 km average in width, with an area of 147,181 sq. km. The country has three ecological divisions: Mountain, Hill and Terai which contain 35, 42 and 23 percent of total area, and 7, 46 and 47 percent of total population, respectively. These regions have a very uneven distribution in population, ranging as low as 4 persons per sq. km in Dolpa district in Mountain region to as high as 2,270 persons per sq. km in the Kathmandu district of the Hill region. Nepal's population was only 9.4 million in 1961, which increased by 2.5 times within forty years. Population growth rate increased from 2.1 in 1971 to 2.6 in 1981 and then decreased to 2.1 in 1991. The current annual growth rate of 2.37 percent hardly needs 29 years to double the population. This problem is further compounded by uneven distribution of population, rapid and haphazard urbanisation, increasing migration, high fertility and gradually declining mortality. The relatively long distance to Chinese cities and the sparse economic activities and infrastructure in the vast area of Tibet limit Nepal's trade with China. Hence, Nepalese economy is very much dependent on trade with and through India. Not only is Nepal dependent on trade with India, the border between the two countries is also very 'porous', which ensures that Nepalese economic policy cannot be determined independently of India's, notwithstanding the transit trade agreement between Nepal and India. Smuggling would occur if there was much divergence between domestic prices in the two countries for any tradable product, something which India is unwilling to tolerate (Anderson: 2000).

The paucity of land-based resources in Nepal extends far beyond mineral resources with a commercial value to include much basic resources as agricultural land. Out of roughly three million hectares of cultivated land in the country, Terai, Hill and Mountain account for about 42 percent, 50 percent and 8 percent, respectively. Although population density is low in the mountains compared to

the other regions, population density per hectare of cultivated land is high in the Mountain region (more than 5 persons/ha) like the other two regions (Thapa and Rosegrant: 1995). Overall, only 20 percent of land area in the country is cultivable, 39 percent is covered by forest, and the rest is unproductive land with little commercial value, unless properly utilised for eco-tourism.


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Table 1.1: Human Development Nepal South Asia

(Weighted average)

Year Value Value Life expectancy (years) 1998 58 63 Adult literacy (% 15+) 1997 38 51 Combined enrolment ratio (%) 1997 59 52 Infant mortality rate 1998 72 72 (per 1000 live births) GNP per capita (US$) 1998 210 436 Real GDP per capita (PPP$) 1997 1090 1600 Pop without access to safewater (%) 1990-96 56 22

Pop without access to sanitation (%) 1990-96 94 80 Daily calorie supply 1997 108 111 (as % of requirement) Malnourished children under 5 (%) 1990-97 47 51 HDI 1997 0.463 0.532 GDI 1997 0.441 0.511

Source: The Mahabub ul Haq Human Devt. Centre (2000), pp. 205-6

Table 1.2: Gender Disparities Profile (as % of male)

Year Nepal South Asia

Adult female literacy 1997 37 57 Female primary school gross enrol. 1990-97 71 80 Mean years of schooling 1992 31 33 Female life expectancy 1998 98 102 Real GDP per capita (PPP$) 1997 54 39 Earned income share 1995 50 33 GDI 1997 0.441 0.511

Source: The Mahabub ul Haq Human Devt. Centre (2000), p. 210

Nepal is an agricultural country with more than four-fifths of its population in rural areas. Around 40 percent of its GDP originates from this sector. Land distribution is very skewed, resulting in an uneven distribution of income. Nepal Living Standard Survey 1996 showed that in nominal terms, the bottom 80 percent of households earn 50 percent of total income, while the top 20 percent earn the other 50 percent of income. Nepal is still at a very low level of development, with annual per capita income of only US$ 220, and with a ranking of 144 out of 174 countries on the human development index ladder (UNDP, 2000). In terms of human development, Nepal is among the countries with the lowest HDI rank and is the one with the lowest HDI value in South Asia. It has extremely poor record in terms of social development as manifested in the values of its social indicators. Nepal is poor even by the South Asian standard, and is one of the most disadvantaged regions in the whole world. According to the 2000 Human Development Report of the South Asia, Nepal is the poorest performer in the social sector in the South Asia region (Table 1.1). According to Nepal Living Standards Survey, 1996, 42 percent of the population are below national poverty line (NRs 4,404 per capita per year), with significant geographical differences between Mountain on the one hand, and hill and Terai on the other. As high as 56 percent of the population in the mountain are below the poverty line, whereas the corresponding figures for Hills and Terai are 41 and 42 percents, respectively. Marked differences exist between male and females in terms of different human development indicators (Table 1.2). Nepal is among the few countries in the world where the life expectancy of female is less than that of male. Thus, Nepal still has a long way to go in accelerating the pace of its economic growth and human development. The situation of children and women in Nepal is still one of the worst in the whole world. There is significant difference in human development levels across the districts of Nepal, which provides the ground for ranking districts for programme intervention.


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Poverty alleviation has been the main agenda of the democratic government, which it thought to reduce through rural development that finds its way in the formulation and implementation of a 20-year Agricultural Perspective Plan (APP), 1995.

1.2 DEVELOPMENT IN THE PAST DECADES For many decades prior to 1990, Nepal's economy had been performing very poorly. Per capita income in Nepal was less than $200 during the three decades prior to 1990, and in real terms had grown at less than one percent per year. Between 40 and 60 percent of population were in absolute poverty, virtually all of them in rural areas. Non-agricultural activities were dominated by heavy regulation or crowded out by state enterprises, and agriculture remained very traditional because of artificially depressed product prices and little access to modern technologies, input or infrastructure. Farm returns were depressed not just directly so as to keep urban food prices down but also indirectly via a combination of over-valued exchange rates, protection from import competition from industrial sector, and under-investment in public infrastructure and human capital in rural areas (Anderson: 1999; Bajracharya and Sharma: 1996). The country entered into new democratic era in 1990, with huge catch-up potential. With an objective of achieving high and sustained growth, employment generation, and ultimately alleviation of poverty, Nepal initiated a sweeping economic reform programme after the restoration of democracy in 1990. The reform covered almost all sectors of the economy. In spite of these efforts, average annual growth rate of GNP was 2.7 percent in 1997-98 and 4.6 percent in 1998-99. Poverty alleviation has been the main agenda of the democratic government, but there has been no improvement in the level of poverty. The Agricultural Perspective Plan (APP) aims to boost agricultural growth by concentrating on four input investment priorities: irrigation, roads and power, technology, and fertiliser. However, the political instability that emerged due to frequent changes in government and poor governance, and structural weaknesses of the economy have had negative impacts on the economic performance of the country in recent years. Weaknesses have re-emerged and have adversely affected the macroeconomic indicators. The impact of APP has not yet been discernible, as there is sharp fluctuations in the agricultural productivity. 1.3 AGRICULTURE’S RELATIVE DECLINE Agriculture prior to 1980s accounted for well over half of the GDP and more than 80 percent of employment and merchandise exports. In the late 1980s, Nepal was given preferential access to some OECD markets for carpets and clothing, which began to change the composition and direction of exports. By the end of that decade agriculture still accounted for nearly half of the GDP, around two-fifths of merchandise exports and four-fifths of employment. Since then, agriculture's share of GDP and merchandise exports has fallen to around 40 and 15 percent, respectively, the share of carpets and clothing in merchandise exports has escalated to two-thirds, and the share of GDP traded internationally has doubled. Meanwhile the exports of tourism services have remained about half as large as all merchandise exports throughout 1980s and 1990s, accounting for about one-fifth or one-sixth of all goods and service exports, while agriculture's share of that larger aggregate has fallen from one-third to one-twentieth. In particular, the contribution of the agricultural sector to total export is dwindling fast (Anderson: 1999).


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In order to improve the human development index there is a need to close the gender gap in relation to health and education indicators. There are significant gender differences in relation to life expectancy, literacy and income, the three components of Human Development Index (HDI). The difference also perpetuates among the children. For example, in 1996 the net primary school enrolment of girls was 60 percent as compared to 79 percent for boys. Similarly, the adult literacy rate of female was 28 as compared to 62 percent of males.

• Improve food availability through increase in agricultural productivity and physical access in order to meet the demand for food of the rapidly increasing population.

• Increase access to the available food through increase in employment opportunities especially for the poor.

• Improve utilization of food, which requires improved gender relation, provision of superstructure, infrastructure including drinking water and sanitation, and education in order to properly utilize the access to food that the people have.

• Prevent and mitigate the effects of risks and hazards that expose people to food insecurity across the preceding three dimensions.

1.4 THE CHALLENGE HMGN’s main objectives are alleviation of poverty and the achievement of a higher growth rate in the economy. With still 42 percent of its population living below absolute poverty, the real challenge that lies ahead of Nepal is to reduce the level of poverty and improve the overall human development index, which is one of the lowest in the South Asia region. This will on the one hand require a sustained level of high growth in the coming decades and on the other hand a more balanced socio-economic development. A focus on human resource development will also be required to sustain the level of high growth, and more employment generation will be required to improve the human development index. Macroeconomic polices beyond 2000 have to reflect this challenge. Institutional capabilities and governance have to be improved for taking up these challenges. Associated with above challenge is the basic challenge of food security. The challenge has four dimensions:

Thus, meeting food security challenges boils down to achieving higher economic growth rate with poverty alleviation, which is the main objective of the current plan of the government. 1.5 PAST EFFORTS TOWARDS FOOD SECURITY The efforts to increase aggregate agricultural production, and the implementation of poverty alleviation programmes, food subsidy, and the basic needs programme were taken to improve food security in the country in the past. However, the direct food security concern in Nepal surfaced since the Sixth five-year plan (1980-85) when the Basic Needs Programme was conceived, and when the country was at the state of transition from a net food exporter to a net food importer. Since then, the subsequent annual, periodic and perspective plans have emphasised the subject in one way or another (Thapa and Rosegrant: 1995). But a separate food security policy has not yet been formulated. The eighth plan (1992-97) outlined the major national development policies on food and nutrition. It mentioned that the main reasons for malnutrition and low nutrition are the scarcity of foodgrains, imbalance in distribution, poverty, illiteracy and lack of health services. The plan recognised that protein-energy malnutrition is the major problem in the country, and emphasised on food production and effective food supply system in


5

• Improve food availability, including the nutritious foods, at household level. • Improve food distribution system by constructing food storage facilities in the rural areas. • Supply micronutrients in the areas highly suffering from such deficiencies and make legal

provision for the distribution of iodized salts. • Provide services of anthropometric measurement for children, and health services for pregnant

and lactating mothers. • Expand the snack-feeding programme at school level.

geographically remote areas and communities badly affected by the food scarcity and poor nutritional status. In order to improve the nutritional status, the ninth plan (1998-2002) outlined the following policies among others:

1.6 OUTLINE OF REPORT Two sets of reports have been produced for the FSVP: one is the current, main report describing the food security and vulnerability situation at the national level; the other is the district cluster report set, describing the situation at district cluster level. As there are fifteen district clusters, fifteen district cluster level reports will be prepared and compiled. This is the main report. Following this introductory chapter, Chapter Two details the study methodology, and Chapter Three gives an overview of the food security and vulnerability situation, drawing on the secondary information. Chapter Four to eight form the core part of the study as they are based on the primary data collected from the field. In particular, Chapter Four deals with the characteristics of food insecure households, and details the profile of the vulnerable groups. Chapters Five and Six focus on risk and hazards, their impacts, and the coping strategies adopted at the household level for mitigating those impacts, respectively. Food security and gender forms the subject matter of Chapter Seven and finally discussion of major findings and their implications are briefly laid out in Chapter Eight.


6

The main purpose of these efforts are to help in the development of the food aid planning, targeting and intervention framework by investigating into three interrelated questions: a) who are the food insecure?, b) where they are, and c) why they are food insecure?

CHAPTER II

FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY PROFILE METHODOLOGY

2.1 MAIN AIMS AND PURPOSES Instituted in 1999 within WFP, Vulnerability Analysis and Mapping is an analytical tool for WFP relief and development programme design, management and evaluation. In consonance with the above, the specific VAM objectives in partner countries are to: • Develop focussed and useful information products specifically linked to WFP programme

decision making needs; • Transfer skills and develop sustainable capacity for information system planning and

analysis among local partners; and • Support broad efforts at food security and vulnerability policy and programme development

at the national level in VAM regions/countries. Initially, VAM/Nepal performed vulnerability analysis and mapping at national level based on secondary data, which helped in improved targeting. Among others the objective of the VAM/Nepal efforts during 1999/2000 was to develop a detailed understanding of the causal pattern of vulnerability in Nepal, as well as the location and socio-economic characteristics of the most vulnerable population groups in Nepal. Thus, the VAM work plan was designed to first provide a national level picture of vulnerability, in broad-brush detail consistent with VAM/Nepal resource availability, and then to quickly narrow the scope of the analysis to specific population groups and regions of interest for WFP programming. Eventually, WFP requires information that allows it to prioritise VDCs in its programme districts for long-term development activities. This approach required a series of activities: a) preparation of an issue (“white”) paper, b) preliminary identification of vulnerable groups, c) rapid assessment of vulnerable groups, d) revision of district level targeting tool, e) program resource capability mapping, f) profile of vulnerable groups, g) VDC ranking/profiling in targeted districts, and h) vulnerability monitoring. Of these activities, issue paper, identification of vulnerable groups and rapid assessments of vulnerable groups were undertaken in the year 2000. Additionally, the German government carried out Food Security and Vulnerability Assessment study in selected district of Nepal. The study was funded by the Planning Mission and fieldwork was conducted in three districts: Makawanpur, Achham and Bajhang. The main objectives of this study are to analyse food security and vulnerability at district level, explaining development constraints and opportunities, and developing a methodology for the VDCs ranking. The analysis and findings are reported at district level, and the findings are referred to in this document occasionally. The VAM issue paper provides an understanding of food insecurity and vulnerability based on a synthesis of information derived from a literature review, key informants’ discussions, and a preliminary analysis of relevant, existing secondary data. The issue paper provides the initial rationale for CSO development and a starting point for the subsequent VAM analytical activities. Those subsequent analyses are intended to fill-in any gaps in the current understanding of vulnerability and food insecurity and to address specific programming questions not covered in the existing information base.


7

The final unit of sampling is a vulnerable community, which has been arrived at following two-stage stratified, purposive sampling. The study was biased to survey the more vulnerable communities. The sampling unit in the first stage is a district, and more food insecure and vulnerable communities in the second stage. Thus, before the selection of districts in the first stage, the country has been divided into 16 clusters in a national level workshop. The districts were then later chosen. In the second stage, more vulnerable communities were identified and prioritized by conducting a mini-workshop at district level. Then first three to four highly food insecure communities were selected. In view of this, the proportion of households estimated as food insecure (as reported in figure 4.1, Chapter IV) does not represent a district cluster; instead it gives the intensity of the food insecurity in the particular district cluster. The assessment focuses on the food security and vulnerability status of only the rural areas of the country, and explains the characteristics of food insecure households, the risks that they face, and the coping mechanisms that they adopt by collecting qualitative information from PRA tools.

The Food Security and Vulnerability Profile study is final review document of food insecurity and vulnerability in Nepal, with implications for WFP/Nepal programme design. It is a compilation of information from: a) VAM issue paper, and secondary data, b) preliminary identification of vulnerable groups, and c) rapid assessment of vulnerable groups. 2.2 METHODOLOGY OF THE FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY PROFILE

(FSVP) As mentioned before the vulnerability profiling proceeds with different activities. The relevant activities undertaken before the FSVP and their methodologies are given below: i) Issue Paper It was prepared by reviewing existing literature and analysis of district level secondary data relating to production, income, poverty, natural resources, risks and hazards, infrastructure and government policies relevant to food security and vulnerability. ii) Preliminary Identification of Vulnerable Groups Secondary data and key informants’ discussion were used to define priority regions and population groups for preliminary focus. With 75 districts, it was difficult to identify separate population groups within each district to focus in on an assessment with limited, time and money. Instead, it was recommended that, as a first cut, VAM/Nepal undertake a district clustering exercise to group those districts, which largely share similar characteristics according to a set of relevant criteria. Therefore, a one-day workshop was organised to stratify the country into different clusters based on the environmental and socio-economic features. The participants were from different government and Non-government agencies. iii) Rapid Assessment of Vulnerable Groups Primary data was collected from 65 vulnerable communities of 19 districts of the country during May to August 2000 (excluding one district, i.e., Manang where fieldwork was conducted in September) form the basis of the assessment. Before conducting the rapid assessment of vulnerable groups the country was divided into 16 district clusters based on environmental and socio-economic features (Map 2.1), and excluding the urban cluster one to two districts were sampled from the other 15 clusters. The 16 district clusters and the sampled districts and number of communities selected from each sampled districts is given in Table 2.1 and Map 2.1.1

1 A slight modification of the clusters defined in the workshop was done mainly to reduce the number of the clusters so as to facilitate the analysis


8

4

VAM Unit, WFP, Nepal

4

44

4

4

4

200

kilometres

1000

&

DISTRICT CLUSTERS

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4 Sample districts

GORKHA

DHADING

RASUWA

NUWAKOT

KATHMANDU

SINDHUPALCHOK

BHAKTAPUR

DOLAKHA SOLUKHUMBU

SANKHUWASABHA

OKHALDHUNGA

TAPLEJUNG

TEHRATHUM

SYANGJA

BAGLUNG

MYAGDI

MUGU

DARCHULA

BAJHANG

BAJURA

NAWALPARASI

CHITWAN

PARSABARA

RAUTAHAT

SARLAHIMAHOTTARI

SAPTARI

DHANKUTA

PANCHTHAR

DOLPAJUMLADOTI KALIKOT

ACHHAM

DAILEKH JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM

BARDIYA SALYANROLPA

PARBATBANKE PYUTHAN

DANGGULMI

ARGHAKHANCHI TANAHUPALPA

KAPILBASTURUPANDEHI

RAMECHHAPKAVRE

MAKWANPURLALITPUR

SINDHULI KHOTANG

ILAMDHANUSA

MORANGSUNSARIJHAPA

HUMLA

BAITADI

DADELDHURA

KANCHANPUR

KAILALIMUSTANG

MANANG

KASKILAMJUNG

BHOJPUR

UDAYAPUR

SIRAHA

LegendCluster Names

Central mountain and hillsEastern hills with cash cropsEastern mountain and hillsEastern Siwalik regionFar and mid western TeraiFar eastern TeraiFar western hillFar western mountainFlood prone eastern and central TeraiKarnali transhimalaya (mountains)Kathmandu and Pokhara valleysMid western hillMountain tourist districtsNorth western hillsSouth western hillsWestern Terai

Map 2.1: District Clusters and Sample Districts

Table 2.1

Sampled Districts and Communities by District Cluster

District Clusters District Clusters and Sampled Districts No. of Communities 1.Eastern mountain and hills Taplejung, Sankhuwasabha, Dhankutta,

Bhojpur, Khotang and Okhaldhunga 4

2. Eastern hills with cash crops Terhathum, Panchthar and Ilam 3 3. Eastern Terai Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari 4 4. Mountain tourist districts Solukhumbu, Dolakha, Manang & Mustang 3 + 3 5. Eastern Siwalik region Udayapur, Sindhuli and Makawanpur 3 6. Flood prone east & central Terai

Saptari, Siraha, Dhanusa, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Rautahat and Bara; Parsa and Chitwan

4 +3

7. Central mountain and hills Rasuwa, Sindhupalchok, Ramechhap, Kavre, Nuwakot and Dhading

3

8. North western hills Gorakha, Lamjung, Parbat, Baglung & Myagdi

3

9. South western hills Tanahu, Syanja, Palpa, Arghakhanchi, Gulmi and Pyuthan

4

10. Western Terai Nawalparasi, Rupandehi and Kapilvastu 4

11. Karnali Transhimalayan region

Dolpa, Mugu, Humla, Jumla and Kalikot 4 + 3

12. Mid western hills Rolpa, Rukum, Salyan, Jajarkot, Surkhet and Dailekh

4

13. Far-Western mountain Bajura, Bajhang and Darchula 3 14. Far-Western hills Achham, Doti, Baitadi and Dadeldhura 4 15. Mid- and Far-Western Terai Dang, Banke and Bardiya ; Kailali and

Kanchanpur 3 + 3

16. Kathmandu & Pokhara valley Bhaktapur, Lalitpur, Kathmandu and Kaski 0 Total 75 (19) 65

Note: The district(s) printed in italic indicate the sampled district(s) from a district cluster.


9

All the households of a sample community were grouped into four groups by the people of the community after sharing the concept of food security with them (see Section 4.1, Chapter IV). The two groups who were not able to fulfil their food needs on their own were treated as food insecure groups, and were further reorganised in two to five nearly homogeneous groups based on the characteristics such as access to land, livestock, wage labour or other characteristics. Such regrouping was done in order to facilitate focus group discussions (FGDs) with them so as to prepare their profile. Thus, after regrouping the vulnerable households into preferably three groups, the next set of instruments were used for collecting detailed information about them. Participatory method was used to collect information. The field survey was carried out by four teams, each consisting of one Team Leader and two research assistants, during May through August, 2000. The list of the members of field survey teams is given in Annex 1. Following seven questionnaires/checklists were administered with key informants and focus groups of men and women for conducting the rapid assessment. • Household listing module • Risk and Hazard time line • Resources and services • Seasonal calendar • Food security ranking of households • Women focus group discussion • Case study

Household listing module serves as an icebreaker, which enumerates some socio-economic characteristics of all the households of the selected vulnerable communities of a district. The risk and hazard timeline collects information on the risks and hazards, and their impact and the coping mechanisms used for mitigating those impacts. The third community instrument deals with the community’s access to different infrastructure and services, and community level problems and opportunities. Seasonal calendar collects information on some of the variables including price of food crops and their level of consumption for the 12 months of a year. After the listing of households, food security ranking exercise was performed where all the households of a community were ranked into four groups based on the criteria of access to food. In order to see the gender relation, women FGD was performed on control and access to assets and schooling of children. Finally, a case study of a food insecure and vulnerable household depicting the situation of the vulnerability of the sampled community was performed. With the completion of the community level questionnaires, group level questionnaires were administered among the food insecure groups, which depict their income, assets and level of consumption in normal and abnormal years. There were two group level questionnaires: one for activities and income and the other for the production and expenditure. 2.3 LIMITATION OF THE ASSESSMENT The assessment collected both the quantitative and qualitative data. Collection of qualitative data was done following participatory methods. Strict probability sampling technique was not used for sampling districts or communities. In view of this, the national estimates may not be that robust for estimating the parameters such as the proportion of food insecure and vulnerable households in Nepal. However, they give the intensity, variation and direction of the food security and vulnerability problem, and provide critical information regarding the characteristics of most vulnerable households in Nepal, which is of crucial importance to WFP/Nepal for programme targeting.


10

CHPATER III FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY STATUS IN NEPAL: AN OVERVIEW 3.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter gives an overview of food security and vulnerability situation of the country. The overview is guided by a theoretical framework, and review of the studies and the activities preceding the profiling of the vulnerable groups at WFP/Nepal. At times, drawing upon secondary data adds further information to the findings of the other previous studies conducted by WFP/Nepal. 3.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Vulnerability Vulnerability is defined as the probability of an acute decline in food access, or consumption levels. According to Chambers (1989), vulnerability represents defencelessness, insecurity and exposure to risks, shocks and stress … and difficulty in coping with them. In order to sustain a livelihood, a household has to cope with all the hazards and risks that it has to confront. In this constant battle against risks, the level of success depends on the level of the entitlement. Thus, vulnerability has two components:

Vulnerability = Exposure to Risk + Inability to Cope

According to this definition, the acute fluctuations in consumption that are the primary concern in vulnerability analysis are the result of an inability to cope with the variety of risks which may affect households access to food. The opposite way of examining vulnerability is livelihood security. Blakie et al (1994) have defined livelihood as the command an individual, family, or other social group has over an income and/or bundles of resources that can be used or exchanged to satisfy its needs. Thus, livelihood of household is defined by its household level entitlement. In other words, household livelihood security implies sustainable, adequate access to income and resources to meet basic needs. It consists of nutritional security, health security, food security, education security and economic security among others. Thus, food and nutritional security are subsets of livelihood security. Livelihoods are secure when households have secure ownership of, or access to, resources and income earning activity, including reserve and assets, to offset risks, ease shocks, and meet contingencies. The greater the share of resources devoted to food and health service acquisition, the higher the vulnerability of the household to food and nutritional insecurity. Food Security Food security has been a consistent theme raised in specific contexts in a number of world conferences convened by the United Nations in the 1990s. The concept of food security as understood now has been evolved over the last quarter century. Food security concept has been considered at a number of levels: global, regional, national, household and individual. FAO (1983) had formulated that the basic concept of food security implied that ‘all people at all times have both physical and economic access to the basic food that they need’. The World Bank (1986) has modified this formulation to indicate that food security is ‘access by all people at all times to enough food for an active, healthy life.’ Its essential elements are the availability of food and the ability to acquire it. The World Bank has made a distinction between chronic and transitory food insecurities. Chronic food insecurity reflects continuous


11

In its wider sense, food security incorporateswhat is often referred in quality of lifeindicators. Accordingly, food security implieslivelihood security at the level of eachhousehold and all members within, andinvolves ensuring both physical and economicaccess to balanced diet, safe drinking water,environmental sanitation, primary education,and basic health care. Above all, food securitydepends upon available income, consumer’sfood habits and the cost faced by consumers inaccessing food in hygienic condition.

“inadequate diet caused by the inability to acquire food. It affects households that persistently lack the ability to either buy food or to produce their own.” The transitory food insecurity is defined as “ a temporary decline in the household’s access to enough food. It results from instability in food prices, food production and household income- and in its worst form, it produces famine”. The World Bank definition has the following components: i) Availability of Food The precondition of the access to food is the availability of food surrounding the people. Without the food available nearby, the people cannot obtain food. This is more important in a country like Nepal with rugged topography and lack of market. ii) Access to Food Physical availability of food is a necessary but not sufficient condition for ending hunger. People require assured access to food. The route to that access may consist of income or work opportunities or the ability to acquire food through production, exchange, or social entitlement programmes. iii) Access to Food by All People Food security at the national or regional level does not necessarily indicate food security at the local or personal level. Often there is great disparity in food security among regions, communities, households and individuals. The ultimate end of food security boils down to the household level and then at the individual level. iv) Access to Food at All Times Transitory food insecurity can transform into chronic food insecurity. Civil and external conflicts as well as natural disasters seriously disrupt food production, orderly marketing and stewardship of food reserves. Thus, there is need for conflict reduction and resolution and support for disaster preparedness and mitigation activities so as to lessen the incidence of even the transitory food insecurity. v) Access to Enough Food for an Active , Healthy Life Food security means that individuals and households have access to sufficient food both in quantity and quality to meet their nutritional requirements. However, adequate food supply is not the only condition for ensuring an active and healthy life. Unless there are access to proper health care, water supply and other basic services; adequate amount of food intake by the individual members; and equal distribution of food among the women and men and among girl and boy children of family, the food will not be efficiently utilised. In summary, the components outlined above clearly indicate four dimensions of food security, viz., availability, access and utilisation, and then vulnerability (Figure 3.1). Availability generally refers to production and physical availability of food in a given area. Access refers to economic access to food, i.e., the purchasing power of the people concerned, and utilisation refers proper use of food commanded by a household and its members from their entitlement. Food availability is a community level concern, its access is a household level concern and its utilisation is an individual level concern. Related to the three dimensions of the food security is another dimension, vulnerability. Vulnerability refers to a range of external factors and


12

Figure 3.2: Cereal Production and Net Import of Rice, 1970-98 (MT)

-1000000

0

1000000

2000000

3000000

4000000

5000000

6000000

1970

Rice Cereal Production (MT)

PRODUCTION

Food productionFood importsMarket integration

ENVIRONMEN TALRISKS

Climatic ShockPestsNatural resourcedegradationLoss of productive asset

MA RK ET &ENTITLEMENT RISKS

Economic ShocksDeteriorating Terms ofTradeCollapse of Safety N etsPrice Hikes

NUTRITIO N &HEALTH RISKS

EpidemicsErosion of Social Services

Figure 3 .1: D im ensions of Food Insecurity

A VA ILA BIL ITY ACCESS UTILIZATIO N

INCOME

Purchasing pow erSocial Safety netsFood SubsidiesFfW SchemesCommunity support

CONSUM PTION

IntrahouseholdDistributionDietary PracticesNutrition K nowledgeSupplemntaryfeedingChild care

ABSORPTION

HealthSanitationSafe WaterFood QualityMicro Nutrients

RESOURCES

NaturalPhysicalHuman

V ULN ERABILIY

risks that expose people to food insecurity across the other three dimensions. There are various factors that determine the three dimensions of food security. These determinants are mentioned in the Figure 3.1. Additionally, the risk and hazards also create transitory food insecurity, and if they are more frequent, then there will be chronic food insecurity, affecting the three dimensions of the food security. Some of these risks in case of Nepal are mentioned in the following sections, based on the secondary information.

Source: WFP: 2001 3.3 AVAILABILITY OF FOOD Availability of food depends on domestic production, net import of food and food aid, among various other reasons. The population dimension is also important which determines whether the available food is sufficient or not in an agricultural country. Domestic Food Production Shakya and Singh (2000) estimated annual growth rate of area, production and productivity of six food crops: rice, maize, wheat, barley, millet and potato, and three cash crops: sugarcane, oilseeds and tobacco during 1978/79 to 1997/98. The annual increase of production of paddy, maize and wheat was 2.5, 4.0, and 5.9 percent, respectively. But during the same period, the area under these crops increased by 1.0, 3.8 and 4.0 percent, respectively. As a result, the increase in yields was only 1.5 percent for paddy, 0.2 percent for maize and 1.9 percent for wheat. This indicates that whatever gain has been achieved in the


13

The high growth rate of population has exerted pressure on whatever limited land available in the country and on forest resources, whose consequences are high in terms of degrading the resource base and therefore worsening the prospects of future generations. This unsustainable path of development leads to serious implications on food grain productivity, and therefore, food security.

Figure 3.3 : Dietry Energy Supply, 1970-98 (kcl/person/day)

0500

10001500200025003000

1970

1972

1974

1976

1978

1980

1982

1984

1986

1988

1990

1992

1994

1996

1998

agriculture is mainly the outcome of the increase in area rather than an increase in productivity. Among the other three crops, barley increased by 1 percent and potato by 2.6 percent whereas that of millet was negligible. As to the cash crops, the noticeable yield increase was of sugarcane by one percent whereas that of oilseed and tobacco was negligible (0.2%). Figure 3.2 shows the cereal production with ups and downs and the rapid increase in the production after the mid-eighties. But the increase in the cereal production is coupled with the increase in the import of the rice since 1998, reflecting a rapid increase in the growth of the population. A detail analysis of the import of the food crops appears in the following section. Population Nepal’s population more than quadrupled during past nine decades, from 5.6 million in 1911 to 23 million currently, with successively higher growth rates in the latter than the former decades. The population increase was only 0.7 million in the 30 years between 1911 to 1941, but jumped by nine million in the past 30 years from 9.4 million in 1961 to 18.4 million in 1991. According to the 1991 population census, the growth rate was 2.1, and at this rate it will take only 33 years to double the population. The high fertility rate leading to high growth rate has increased the proportion of the younger population from 40.4 percent in 1971 to 42.4 percent in 1991. The rapid growth of population is a result of unbalanced distribution of population, haphazard urbanisation, increasing migration, high fertility and gradually declining mortality. The mountain and hill together comprising 77 percent of the area hold only a little above half of the population, whereas the other half is borne by the Terai with only 23 percent of area. The slow increase in the cereal production coupled with rapid increase in the population yields a per capita cereal level that hovers around 2000 Kcal up to 1987. After 1997, there is an increase in the per capita food availability (Figure 3.3), which could be due to an increase in the imports of food commodities (Figure 3.4). However, this does not mean an improved access to food or proper utilisation of food. Moreover, Figure 3.3 also does not entail an improvement in the per capita food availability by regions of the country. Of course, there are significant regional variations, with lower per capita availability in mountain than Terai. One of the reasons for the operation of Nepal Food Corporation in Nepal is making food available in the remote districts of Nepal. Without NFC's presence, life is difficult in many remote districts of Nepal, which is evident from the long queue waiting for getting a little


14

Figure 3.4: Net Imports of Food Commodities , 1970-98 (MT)

-350000

-300000

-250000

-200000

-150000

-100000

-50000

0

50000

100000

19701972

19741976

19781980

19821984

19861988

19901992

19941996

1998

Rice W heat P ulse Veg. Oil

Table 3.1 Foodgrain Balance by Ecological Zone in Nepal, 1996/97

Zone District Production

(MT) Requirement

(MT) Balance

(MT) Districts

-/+ Mountain Hill Terai Nepal

16 39 20 75

179,867 1,548,469 2,244,251 3,972,587

310,090 1,933,746 1,835,299 4,079,135

-130,223 -385,277 +408,952 -106,548

-16/0 -26/+13 -3/+17

-45/+30 Source: Shakya and Singh, 2000

amount of foodgrain in such remote districts. There is evidence, which shows that because of the lack of food, every year people die in the remote mountain districts. For example, diarrhoea and cholera and the lack of food claimed the death of as many as 350 people in Humla district in 1998 (Adhikari: 2000). Export and Import of Food Until 1970s, agricultural exports had a large share in the total foreign exchange earnings. These began to decline and by the 1990s Nepal's trade balance went negative. In spite of the free and porous border, the border price of cereals is higher in Nepal than India, reflecting food shortage in the country. Excluding pulses, import of all the other major food crops increased in the latter years of the period 1970-98. There is steady increase in the net import of vegetable oil compared to other imported food. But there is a wide fluctuation in the import of the rice, which was earlier negative, implying a higher export than its import (Figure 3.4).

Foodgrain Balance DFAMS/HMGN tracks records of the 10 principal crops. Five of the 10 crops are paddy, maize, wheat, millet and barley. The other five are cash crops: sugarcane, oilseeds, tobacco, jute and potato. The FAO balance sheet for Nepal looks at food production estimates of these 10 crops. According to this, Nepal became a food deficit country before the


15

Figure 3.5: PPP Income by Sub-Region, 1996 (US$)

0 200 400 600 800 1,000 1,200 1,400 1,600 1,800 2,000

East Mountain

Central Mountain

West Mountain

Mid-West Mountain

Far-West Mountain

East Hill

Central Hill

West Hill

Mid-West Hill

Far-West Hill

East Terai

Central Terai

West Terai

Mid-West Terai

Far-West Terai

Nepal

decade of 1990. The amount of food deficit reached to the level of 106,548 MT. Per capita availability of edible cereals was 189 kg in 1991, which dropped to 175 kg in 1997. At present 45 out of 75 districts are food deficit (Table 3.1). 3.4 ACCESS TO FOOD Access to food is governed by the entitlements of households. Sources of entitlement are productive capital, non-productive capital, human capital, income and claims. Of all the sources, land is still the main source of entitlement in a country like Nepal where more than 80 percent of the population are engaged in agriculture and living mostly in rural parts of the country. The phase-wise implementation of Land Reform Act 1964 could not appropriate all the surplus land above the ceiling and therefore there is still unequal distribution of land. The distribution of assets and income is governed by the socio-economic structure of the country. The deep-rooted structure has created unequal distribution of income and assets in the country. Thus, the food access is not that better in the country, unless the income and employment opportunities of the poor people are enhanced. Poverty and Per Capita Income Per capita income in Nepal was estimated at NRs 7,673 in 1996. This widely differs across the different sub-regions of the country, ranging from NRs 4,195 in Far-western Mountain and NRs 4,981 in Mid-western Mountain to 12,103 in Central Hill. The per capita income in all the five sub-region of the Mountain falls short of the national average. Excluding Central and Western Hills and Eastern Terai, the per capita in all other sub-regions of the Hills and the Terai is less than that of the country (Figure 3.5). Thus, in terms of economic condition, the central Hill and the Eastern Terai excels over the other regions of the country, but this does not mean that there are no food insecure people in these regions as it depends on the distribution of food and income. Overall, 42 percent of the population is below poverty line, with wide differences in the poverty rate between regions and areas. The incidence of poverty is 44 percent in rural areas against 23 percent in urban areas. It is 56, 41 and 42 percents in Mountain, Hill and Terai region, respectively. Remittance is important source of income for majority of population, particularly those of low-income brackets. About 23 per cent of households receive remittances from within and outside the country. Relatively higher proportion of households (31%) from the Western Development region of the country depends on remittances. India is the main source of


16

remittances contributing more than 38 percent of the total amount at the national level. The share of remittances constitutes about 27 per cent of average household income. Percentage of wage earner is relatively higher in non-agricultural sector (67%) compared to the agricultural sector in the Hills of Nepal. About 24 per cent of households were engaged in non-farm activities, such as non-manufacturing, trade and services (Shakya and Singh, 2000). Figure 3.6 shows the varying contribution of agriculture to total income in the high Hill communities of three districts, ranging from 38 percent in Bajhang to 65 percent in Makawanpur. The income from seasonal and permanent migration ranges from 15 in Makawanpur to as high as 45 percent in Achham.

Source: Shakya and Singh (2000) 3.5 UTILISATION OF FOOD Utilisation of food refers the use of food that a family has access to. It has three dimensions: a) utilisation of food by the family; b) utilisation of food by the individuals in a family; and c) health and nutrition status of the individual members of the family, with a special focus on women and children as they are more disadvantaged and vulnerable groups. Utilisation of food by the family implies hygiene and housing conditions for storing, cooking, and preparing food. Utilisation of food by the individual depends on the food intake of the individual members of the family. The health and nutritional status of individual members is measured by the prevalence of clinical symptoms among the family members and their anthropometric measurement. Thus, proper utilisation of food also depends on many factors. There is uneven distribution of food among the family members. Generally, females are relegated behind males especially in Aryan families in Nepal. The extended entitlement of household heads and other able bodied workers that have to work outside home, who are generally male, also result into the uneven distribution of income and entitlement leading to intra-household food insecurity. Nutritional Status of Children NFHS data has been used here to depict the nutritional status of children and women.2 Nepal Family Health Survey 1996 estimated 38 percent stunting in eastern development region to 53 2 There are three anthropometric indices of nutritional status: a) height-for-age, b) weight-for-height, and c) weight-for-age. They measure stunting, wasting and under-weight reflecting chronic, acute and general malnutrition, respectively. Anthropometric measurements were performed by Nepal Multiple Indicator Surveillance (NMIS) in 1995 and 1996, and the Nepal Family Health Survey (NFHS) 1996. Both surveys were designed to provide regional and sub-regional level estimates. NMIS also provides district level estimates for few

Makwanpur (High Hill Community) Bajhang (High Hill Community) Achham (High Hill Community)Fig : 3.6 Contribution of Different Sources to Total Income

Agriculture65%

LiveStock15%

Service/Business/

Trade/ Wage labour

5%

Seasonal Migration

15%

Agriculture38%

Long Term Migration

3%Seasonal Migration

23%

Service/ Business/

Trade/ Wage labour31%

LiveStock5%

4

LiveStock3%

Agriculture40%

Long Term Migration

15%

Seasonal Migration

30%

Service/ Business/

Trade/ Wage labour12%


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Figure 3.7: Under Weight among 6-36 Months Children (Weight-for-Age(<-2SD))

0 20 40 60 80

East Mountain

Central Mountain

West Mountain

East Hill

Central Hill

West Hill

Mid-West Hill

Far-West Hill

East Terai

Central Terai

West Terai

Mid-West Terai

Far-West Terai

Nepal

Figure 3.8: Mean BMI among Women by Sub-Region Percent <18.5 (kg/m2)

0 10 20 30 40 50

East Mountain

Central Mountain

West Mountain

Eastern Hill

Central Hill

West Hill

Mid-West Hill

Far-West Hill

East Terai

Central Terai

West Terai

Mid-West Terai

Far West Terai

Nepal

percent in far-western development region among the children 0-35 months. At national level, the proportion of stunted children stands at 48 percent and wasted children at 11 percent. Figure 3.7 shows the proportion of under-weight children (weight-for-age) under three years of age classified as malnourished for the 13 sub-regions instead of 15 sub-regions, as the mid- and far-west Mountain are combined with the west Mountain sub-region. Thus, the west Mountain refers to the estimate of such proportion for all the three Mountain sub-regions, viz., west, mid and far-west Mountains. These proportions are expressed below two standard deviations from the median of the reference population. The proportion of the underweight children in Nepal is 47 percent. By sub-regions there are wide differences in the under-weight children. The highest proportion of underweight children is measured in Western Mountain (67.4%) and the lowest in Eastern Mountain (34.3%). This indicates that there is a wide difference in the proportion of the general malnutrition, even among the same ecological belt, i.e. Mountain region of the country. In the hill it is lowest in the Eastern Hill and increases as one goes to Western Hill and ultimately it reaches as high as 65 percent in the Far-Western Hills. However, such a consistent pattern does not hold in case of the Terai. The Lowest proportion of underweight children are in the Eastern Terai, but higher proportion of such children is in the middle and western part of the Terai rather than Mid west and Far-Western part of the Terai. districts. While NMIS provides nutritional status of children aged 6-36 months, the NFHS provides both for the children ages 0 - 36 months and women. Therefore, NFHS data has been used here to depict the nutritional status.


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Figure 3.9: Population without Access to Safe Water and Health Service by Sub-Region (%)

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

East M

ounta

in

Centra

l Mou

ntain

West M

ounta

in

Easter

n Hill

Centra

l Hill

West H

ill

Mid-Wes

t Hill

Far-Wes

t Hill

East T

erai

Centra

l Tera

i

West T

erai

Mid-Wes

t Tera

i

Far Wes

t Tera

iNep

al

Safe Water (%) Access to Health Service (%)

In summary, all the three indices of malnutrition increase from east to west in the Mountain and the Hills, but not in the Terai. The Terai does not show a consistent pattern. Nutritional Status of Mothers The height below which a woman is considered to be at risk is in the range of 140-150 centimetres. The mean in the 1996 NFHS was found to be 150 cm, with 15 percent of women less than 145 cm.3 The mean weight of mothers, excluding those who were pregnant or who had a birth within three months of the interview, was 45 kilograms. The mean BMI among women who had given birth in the three years preceding the survey in Nepal is 19.8. For the BMI, a cut-off of 18.5 has been recommended for indicating chronic energy deficiency among non-pregnant women. One of four women in Nepal falls below this cut-off point, indicating that the level of chronic energy deficiency in Nepal is relatively high.4 The proportion of women with less than 18.5 BMI ranges from 12.2 percent in Eastern Mountain to 46.4 percent in Eastern Terai and 47.3 in Central Terai. The proportion is less than 16 percent throughout the mountain sub-regions and Eastern to Western Hills. Overall, the nutritional status of mothers is poor in Terai and Far-West hill (Figure 3.8). Access to Water and Health Services Overall, still one third of the population has no access to safe water in Nepal (NHDR: 1998). This access varies widely across regions, ranging from 12 percent in Far Western Terai to as high as 73 percent in the Mid-Western Hills. Lack of access to safe water is of serious concern in Western Mountain, and Eastern and Mid-Western Hills compared to the other sub-

regions of the country. Accessibility to safe water is higher in Terai, especially in the Central, Western and Far Western Terai, compared to the Hills and the Mountain. In terms of health services, the situation is worse in most of the sub-regions. Health services are better only the 3 The analysis of nutritional status of mothers is based on women who have had a live birth in the three years preceding the survey, and therefore, are not representative of the all women between 15-49 years. The basic measures used to assess maternal nutrition are height and weight of women, and the Body Mass Index, which is an indicator that combines both height and weight data. Pregnant women and women who had given birth within three months of the survey were excluded for weight and BMI calculations.

4 The BMI, which utilizes both height and weight and provides a better measure of thinness than weight alone, is defined as weight in kg divided by the square of height in meters. For the BMI, a cut-off of 18.5 has been recommended for indicating chronic energy deficiency among non-pregnant women.


19

sub-regions of Central Mountain, Hill, and Eastern Terai. The proportion of population without access to health services ranges from 30% in Eastern Terai to as high as 84% in the Eastern Hills (Figure 3.9). 3.6 VULNERABILITY Environmental Risks Nepal has been facing disasters that cause loss of life and property annually. Major disasters that affect Nepalese economy are floods, landslides, droughts, epidemics, earthquakes, fires, avalanches, thunderbolts, windstorms, and hailstorms. Among these, floods and landslides are the major disasters that cause loss of life, livestock, cropland and properties. In the case of loss of human life, epidemics appeared as the major disaster during the last decade and floods, landslides, windstorms/thunderbolts/hailstorms, and fires follow it, respectively (CBS: 1998). The country also faces seismic activities. In 1988, earthquake appeared as the major disaster that affected 66, 000 families. As the Himalayas are relatively young mountains, they are prone to landslides in the event of a seismic event, especially during the certain seasons of the year when the water content of the sol results into ‘liquefaction’ (Perry: 2000). Additionally, fire is the most common event that occurs in many parts of the country. Northern belt of Nepal is mostly covered with high snow-capped mountains, including the highest peak of the world, where avalanches are common phenomenon. The impact of avalanches was observed in five districts during 1995 but only one district in 1996. Deforestation and devegetation, and heavy and localised rainfall due to monsoon stimulate occurrences of flood and landslides, which affected as high as 71 districts in 2000. The rainfall of Nepal is characterised by high variability both in terms of the location and time. This is mainly because most of the rain the country receives is during the monsoon, which extends from the mid-June to mid-September. The mean annual precipitation is about 1,500 mm varying significantly according to location. Generally, more than 80 percent precipitation is experienced during monsoon. The cyclical trend of the monsoon and lack of ensured irrigation facility is an impediment to sustained growth in Nepal, which still depends on the development of the agriculture sector. Thus, majority of the population survival is tied up with the vagaries of the monsoon, leaving people more vulnerable. Fires are one of the major disasters that appear all over the country causing a great loss of foodgrains and other properties, and therefore, it has serious implication on food security. Fire affected 72 and 67 districts in 1995 and 1996, respectively. It is estimated that about 650,000 people are affected each year by drought, floods and landslides in Nepal (WFP: 2000). There is lack of data showing the effects of these disasters. Whatever data is available show the number of families affected or the amount of the monetary loss from the natural disasters due to floods and landslides. Map 3.1 is based on the average number of families affected due to floods and landslides during 1995-2000. The greater incidence is in flood-prone Eastern and Central Terai districts.


20

Source: Ministry of Home (Years 1995-2000) VAM Unit, WFP, Nepal, November 2000 Economic Risks Economic risks are also of primary concern in Nepal due to frequent changes in government polices and programmes, and in the prices of commodities due to the open border with India and lack of well developed market and other infrastructure. Moreover, because of lack of storage, access to infrastructure and other facilities, the prices are volatile. The physical inaccessibility to most parts of the country is further aggravated during the monsoon when heavy rain prohibits smooth transportation of goods and services due to landslides and floods. Variation in price has a greater effect on the lives of the poor people who lack sufficient entitlements to mitigate those effects. Changes in structural adjustment, privatisation and deregulation and removal of subsidy policies, resulted in the increase of prices for basic necessities and inputs. The increases in prices have limited the capacity of farmers to mitigate the effects of other risks as their productive base is limited and income sources are less diversified. The demand for the agricultural commodities is relatively inelastic, whereas its supply is volatile because production and supply of agricultural commodities depend on the vagaries of monsoon. In a year with favourable monsoon, the poor farmers do not get proper prices of their produce because the prices are low and because they have to sell their crops even during the low price season, such as in the harvesting season. On the other hand, when there is unfavourable monsoon, poor farmers lack adequate food, and therefore, are marred with high prices of foodgrains. Such incidences make the farmers’ lives economically unpredictable, does not give them an opportunity to make long run plans, and/or create assets to fight against risks in the future.

Note: Calculated formula= (Average family affected during years 1995 to 2000 X Household size (national average) X 1000)/Population

Map 3.1: Family affected due to flood and landslide

DADELDHURADOTI

KATHMANDU

DHADING

KAVRE

NUWAKOTSINDHUPALCHOK

TEHRATHUMBHOJPUR

DHANKUTAPANCHTHAR

TAPLEJUNG

KHOTANG

OKHALDHUNGA

UDAYAPURSUNSARI

SAPTARI

SIRAHA

MORANG

BAJHANG

DARCHULA

BAJURA

KAPILBASTU

DAILEKH

MYAGDI

BAGLUNGKASKI

LAMJUNGGORKHA

MAHOTTARI

SINDHULI

RAUTAHATSARLAHI

PARSA

NAWALPARASICHITWAN

RAMECHHAP

DOLAKHA

SANKHUWASABHASOLUKHUMBU

MUGU

DOLPAJUMLAKALIKOT

ACHHAM

JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM

BARDIYA SALYANROLPA

PARBATBANKE PYUTHAN RASUWA

DANGGULMI

SYANGJAARGHAKHANCHI TANAHU

PALPA

RUPANDEHI

MAKWANPUR

ILAMDHANUSA

JHAPA

HUMLA

BAITADI

KANCHANPURKAILALI

MUSTANG

MANANG

LegendHigh (58 to 96.8)Medium (19.2 to 39.8)Low (4.2 to 13.6)Very Low (0.1 to 3.8)


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Social and Political Risks Civil unrest in Nepal began in the early 1990s when the Maoist faction of the Nepal Communist Party went underground and turned violent. The escalating violence has compromised household food security in many parts of the Northwest as roads have been blocked, public services have been disrupted, and investments have been dwindled (Cited from WFP: 2000)5, The effect of the Maoist is higher in the Hill districts, especially in the Mid-West Hill. After the restoration of democracy in the country, civil strife and social unrest are on increasing trend. This has also created uncertainty and loss of human life creating fear among the people. There is also economic loss because of the withdrawal of activities by INGOs and NGOs and apathy of the government staff to discharge their responsibilities. Mass exodus of people to cities for security reason resulted in decreases in the economic activities in the rural parts of the country. In the late 1980s, policies of the Royal Government of Bhutan resulted into the mass exodus of Nepalese-speaking residents who ended up taking the status of refugees in Nepal. There are more than 100,000 refugees living in UNHCR-run refugee camps in the eastern parts of Nepal, which has created social problems in the area. However, the current ministerial level talk between the two countries and the subsequent steps taken for the verification of the people in the camps could solve the problem shortly after. Within a 10-year period of democracy, there have been frequent changes in the governments, and as a result there is frequent change in governmental policies. This has resulted in uncertainty among the people. Health Hazards Diarrhoea, acute respiratory infection, and worms are common in Nepal. They affect the poor, and claim deaths of children and infants every year. These diseases are mainly the outcomes of the lack of safe drinking water, and poor hygiene and sanitation at personal, domestic and community level. Lack of awareness of these diseases among the community people make them further suffer from these diseases. Besides, some epidemics like cholera and measles outbreaks can claim the lives. They make families further vulnerable by affecting human and productive capital, and thereby, adversely affecting the capacity of people to mitigate other types of risk and hazards. Animal and Plant Diseases Animal husbandry serves as a cushion for mitigating the effects of disasters, and is productive capital that helps generate further production and income, especially in the agriculture sector. The outbreak of various animal diseases such as diphtheria kills many animals. The lack of animal insurance results in greater loss of people’s productive assets and erodes their future capacity to mitigate the effect of the other natural disasters. In certain years there have been plant diseases that have destroyed crops significantly. 3.7 COPING STRATEGIES If timely support is not provided through programme intervention, exposure to multiple risks and lagged effect of the recurring risks can lead households down to an ever-deepening spiral

5 Since early 1996 rural political insurgency has resulted in the deaths of over 1,000 people. Because of the potential for violence, fifteen districts have been most affected and the estimated 1997-98 population of these districts is 3.4 million (WFP:2000)


22

of vulnerability. Therefore, an understanding of coping strategies is important in the formulation of policies to fight against food insecurity and vulnerability. How families adjust to a situation of food insecurity depends greatly on their assessment of how long the situation will last. In Nepal, traditional social systems have evolved, partly, to cushion short-term shocks. A family’s coping strategy, therefore, can be categorised in relation to social relationship and time. The system of extended family, community neighbours, patron-client relationship, such as landlord-tenant, landlord-contract labour, help mitigate the short-term crises. During a long term crisis, diversification of occupation, out-migration, such as seasonal migration, are the most frequent strategies (Perry: 2000; Shakya and Singh: 2000). 3.8 SUMMARY This section summarises mainly the findings of the preceding analysis and those found in this paper. Compared to population growth, there is no significant increase in agricultural productivity. Whatever increase in the agricultural production has occurred is primarily the result of acreage expansion rather than productivity gains. Although there is some increase in the cereal production after mid-eighties, there is no decrease in the import of rice. The country now faces a food deficit. This is mainly because of the rapid growth of population. However, per capita cereal production hovered around 2000 kcal during 1970-87. After 1987, there has been somewhat of an increase. However, this does not mean improved access to food or the proper utilisation of food across all the sub-regions of the country. Agriculture exports had a large share in the total foreign exchange earnings until 1970s. These began to decline and by 1990s, Nepal’s trade balance went negative. Excluding pulses, the import of all other major food crops increased in the latter years of the period 1970-98. The amount of food deficit reached 106,548 MT in 1996/97. Per capita availability of edible cereal was 189 kg in 1991, which dropped to 175 kg in 1997. Out of 75 districts, 45 districts are food deficit. Lack of employment and income opportunities is the major problem constraining the capacity of people to improve economic access to food. Per capita income in Nepal was estimated at NRs 7,673 in 1996, ranging from NRs 4,195 in Far-West Mountain and NRs 4,981in Mid-West Mountain to 12,103 in Central Hill. The poverty rate is 56, 41 and 42 percent in Mountain, Hill and Terai, respectively. This together with the lack of physical availability of food in the Mountain and remote districts has resulted in famine and starvation in those districts. In many parts of Nepal nutritional problems are more closely associated with the shortage of income than to the shortage of the food. Remittances are important source of income for majority of population, particularly for those in low-income brackets. The contribution of agriculture to total income is decreasing, whereas that of migration is increasing. However, this situation differs by districts. Around 50 percent of children are underweight. The proportion of underweight children increases as one moves from east to west in the Mountain and Hill areas, but this does not hold in Terai. In Terai, the proportion is higher in the mid and the western parts. The nutritional status of women in Terai is better than that of the Hill and Mountain. Overall, one of the four women has chronic energy deficiency as measured by the BMI in 1996, NFHS. Lack of proper utilisation of food is evident in the family because of the gender differences deriving from the differences between men and women in entitlements and opportunities, and because of the micronutrient deficiencies.


23

The important natural disasters in Nepal are floods, landslides, and droughts, which cause a significant loss of life and property. Social, economic and political risks have also been a rising trend. Diarrhoea, ARI and worms are common in Nepal. Their effect is higher on the poor families, children and women, and they claim death of children and infants every year. Shakya and Singh (1990) mentions that the status of food security varies by regions and belts, by gender, caste/ethnicity and by size of holding. The size of land holding is not sufficient to meet the basic food need of the majority of the farm households. Occupational caste in the Hills, and Chamar, Dhanuk, Dusadh, Musahar, Kewat, Mallah and Tharu are among others of the Terai are food insecure and vulnerable. The extreme form of bonded labours known as Kamaiya before the abrogation of Kamaiya system in July 2000, of five Mid- and Far-West Terai are food insecure and vulnerable. Mid-and Far-West regions lag behind the other regions of the country. These two regions have lower per capita income, higher poverty, and lower per capita food availability than the other regions. The Mountain belt is inaccessible and lacks basic services and infrastructure marketing and transportation facilities, and is the most backward region, and therefore, availability of food is the prime concern of this region. The government has adopted various policies and programmes to address the situation of food security. Agriculture Perspective Plan and the ninth plan have major focus on poverty alleviation in general. However, there are gaps in knowledge and weaknesses at various levels. HMGN is in the process of formulating Interim Poverty Reduction Strategies, which will be implemented with the start of the tenth five-year plan starting from July 2002.


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CHAPTER IV

FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY IN NEPAL 4.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter is based on the information collected from two checklists/modules: a) the household listing module which listed households of a selected community and collected some quantitative information on some basic socio-economic indicators; and b) food security ranking module that ranked households in four groups. The ranking of households in four groups has been done sharing the following definition of food security with the community people.

Definition of the Four Groups of Households

Group Definition A Households who can obtain sufficient food for themselves in normal

times without assistance (gifts/loans) and who are able to provide assistance (gifts/loans) to others.

B Households who can obtain sufficient food for themselves in normal times without assistance (gifts/loans), but who are not able to provide assistance to others.

C Households who can obtain sufficient food for themselves in normal times, but only with assistance (gifts/loans) from others (including food aid).

D Households who cannot obtain sufficient food for themselves in normal times, even with assistance (gifts/loan) from others (including food aid)

Based on the above definitional criteria each household was categorized into one of the four groups of the food security by the community people. The first two groups are considered as food secure, whereas those falling in the last two groups are considered as food insecure groups. Based on the quantitative information collected from the household listing modules their characteristics, especially those of the food insecure or the vulnerable households have been elaborated in the following sections. 4.2 WHERE ARE THE FOOD INSECURE AND VULNERABLE? According to the self-evaluation of residents in the 65 communities/settlements included in the Rapid Assessment for the National Food Security and Vulnerability Profile (FSVP), vulnerable households are, literally, everywhere in the country. The vulnerable settlements as identified by the district level stakeholders are generally found with degraded natural resources including soil resources, and were generally located at higher elevations of Mountain and Hill, and in flood prone areas or at the bank of rivers in Terai region. While the food security ranking methods used to elicit this evaluation are fraught with biases in interpretation and perspective across communities, the wide range of responses illustrated in Figure 4.1 suggests, with some degree of certainty, a high degree of variability in food security conditions, even within relatively homogeneous district clusters.1 The range of 1 Note that the FSVP was based on purposive rather than probability sampling methods. As a result, generalizations based on aggregated results across households are not strictly valid from a purely statistical perspective and will be largely avoided. In some cases, aggregated results will be presented for illustrative purposes, as a means to summarize issues uncovered in qualitative discussions across settlements. Because quantitative results are based largely on information from nearly all households within sampled settlements,


25

estimates shown in the figure does not, however, depict the prevalence but the intensity of food insecurity in a district cluster.

Overall, the range of the proportion of the food insecure households ranges from around 25 percent to as high as 90 percent in the country. However, the median value of the proportion hovers around 60 percent in most of the district clusters. The only exceptions are Eastern Hill with cash crops, flood-prone East, Central, and Western Terai where the proportion is significantly higher (more than 70 percent). The reason for the higher proportion in the Terai district clusters is because floods affected most of the selected settlements, which has serious implications on food security. In case of the Eastern Hill with cash crops, the higher proportion implies that even in the districts, which are not that worse off there are higher proportions of food insecurity in households in highly vulnerable settlements. This implies that food insecure households are everywhere and that the intensity of food insecurity could be higher in the most vulnerable settlements of even better off districts as well. These findings are not surprising. Even within Village Development Committees (VDCs), where individual settlements are often organised according to caste, ethnicity, or socio-economic status, a wide variation in the distribution of food insecurity should be expected.2 information reported at the individual settlement level can be considered valid in statistical terms. Comparative statements across settlements (or sets of settlements) are similarly valid, but, again, should not be over-generalized. At the same time, the sample of 65 settlements is quite extensive for a PRA-based assessment and should provide an accurate representation of the diversity of conditions across Nepal, if not complete precision regarding specific measures. 2 The disparity in findings across villages in the same districts could also be the result of differences in how the assessment tools were interpreted by different assessment teams. However, it is usually the case that assessment teams were assigned to cover an entire district and district clusters, implying that the assessment was implemented

Figure 4.1: Range of the Estimates of the Percent of Households as Food Insecure Households

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

East m

ounta

in an

d hill

East hi

ll with

cash

crops

East te

rai

Mounta

in tou

rist d

istric

ts

East siw

alik r

egion

Flood-p

rone e

ast &

centr

al ter

ai

Central

mou

ntain

and h

ill

North-w

est hi

ll

South-

west hi

ll

West

terai

Karnali

Transhi

malaya

Mid-west

hill

Far-west

mou

ntain

Far-west

hill

Mid- an

d Far-

west te

raiNep

al

Minimum Maximum Median


26

The broad disparity in self-reported levels of food insecurity within relatively homogeneous district clusters suggests that greater efficiency and overall improved levels of programme coverage might be obtained by the application of more rigorous targeting methods beyond the district-level and down to the community-level. Indeed, where settlements within VDCs are organised according to social or economic status, there is at least anecdotal evidence from the assessment that levels of vulnerability may vary widely across settlements within a single VDC. The FSVP was not intended directly to provide information to define the VDC or settlement-level criteria that might be used for targeting purposes. However, WFP/Nepal, in co-ordination with GTZ, has defined a separate methodology to achieve that aim.3 Annex 2 provides a report of one such exercise in Sindhupalchok district. With better identification of communities with a higher prevalence of food insecurity, even the random distribution of benefits within communities is more likely to reach truly needy households and individuals. VAM/Nepal has already produced a regional vulnerability analysis that suggests food insecurity and vulnerability are likely to be more severe in the mid- and far-western Mountain and Hill districts, as well as the eastern mountains. While perhaps not as severe in aggregate, Figure 4.1 again suggests that pockets of high food insecurity and vulnerability remain in other areas of the Hill and Terai regions as well when using separate methods and indicators. Annex 3 provides an analysis of food insecurity and vulnerability, which suggests similar broad geographic priorities. Exposure to risk factors, including hailstorms, floods, and drought, combined with low levels of human and economic resource reserves in much of the country also suggest particular vulnerability to acute declines in food access. The recent history of flood/landslide disasters is particularly high in the Eastern and Central Terai, which are otherwise only moderately food insecure according to the other key outcome measures already mentioned. 4.3 WHO ARE THE FOOD INSECURE AND VULNERABLE? Distinguishing Criteria In contrast to the high variability in the degree of self-reported food insecurity across communities in Nepal, the characteristics that differentiate food secure from food insecure households, again as defined by community members themselves, is somewhat more uniform across different settlements in the country (Table 4.1).

According to Table 4.1, the indicators used by community members to distinguish the food secure from food insecure households suggest that asset poverty is the primary determinant of food insecurity throughout much of Nepal. Of the top ten most frequently cited criteria used to define the food secure from food insecure households, most relate to the lack of access to and quality of land, livestock, and (skilled) labour resources within households. Working as wage labour or semi-skilled casual labour, cited in nearly 25 percent of all villages, are the only criteria that speak to broader socio-economic conditions, and again this refers to the fact that those who work as wage labours or semi-skilled casual wage labours are the food insecure. Quantitative data within settlements generally support these observations (Annex 4,

somewhat consistently within districts. If so, and given the fact that findings were similar across districts and teams, then the chance of bias from inconsistent use of the assessment tools is probably small. 3 The VAM Unit, in coordination with consultants from GTZ has developed a ‘VDC Ranking’ methodology designed to identify the most food insecure and vulnerable communities within selected targeted districts. Although refinements are still necessary, this method has been successfully piloted in 3 districts as part of a recent German government funded technical mission, and then further carried out in two other districts.


27

Table 1). Further elaboration on these aspects based on these data appear in the following sections.

Table 4.1. Main Indicators used for Distinguishing Food Secure

And Food Insecure Households in 65 Surveyed Communities, Nepal 2000

Indicators No % Lack of able-bodied labour Small land holdings Lack of access to service/pension income Small livestock holdings Poor land quality/location Working as wage labour Working as semi-skilled labour Lack of foreign remittances Reliance on tenancy arrangements Lack of occupation in trades

42 37 33 25 22 16 15 14 13 12

64.6 56.9 50.8 38.5 33.8 24.6 23.1 21.5 20.0 18.5

Total 65 100.0 Characteristics of Food Insecure Households Table 4.2 shows some characteristics of food insecure groups (groups C and D), which are treated as consisting of food insecure households in this study. Group C includes those households who can obtain sufficient food for themselves in normal times, but only with assistance from others, whereas group D includes those households who cannot obtain sufficient food for themselves in normal times even with the assistance of others. The people of the 65 communities, as the features of the group C and D households pointed out altogether 52 characteristics. There are about 34 characteristics, which are pointed by at least two of the 65 communities, and the rest are only by one community. Table 4.2 includes only those characteristics, which were pointed out at least by four communities. The characteristics of the two groups of the vulnerable populations are similar in term of many characteristics, but they differ in terms of the number of communities with the characteristics of either group C or group D households. For example “Less or no Animal” as the characteristic of group C was stated by only 32 percent of the communities, whereas 35 percent of the communities stated it as the characteristic of group D, implying that size of animal holding is somewhat more important for the more food insecure group, i.e, group D households. However, four features stand more or less in the same order for both the groups. They are a) greater dependency ratio or smaller proportion of able-bodied persons, b) households working mainly as labourers or porters to earn their livelihood, c) small or marginal holding, and d) few or no animals. Greater dependency ratio as the feature was stated by 71 percent of the communities for group C, whereas it was 79 percent of the communities for the group D. Similarly, the proportion of communities stating labours or porters as the feature of food insecure households is higher for group D as compared to the group C. Small or medium size holdings was the feature of the group C households, but it is the landless or marginal land holding in case of the group D households. Some other characteristics of the food insecure or vulnerable households not included in the table are interesting, and some others are related to some types of natural disasters. Thus, families with illiterate members, singers and/or dancers, bamboo basket makers, flute sellers, herders, and vegetable sellers are treated as the hungry poor (group D) households. Families, whose land were affected by floods, land had been sold for food, or families with one


28

Figure 4.2: Proportion of A ble-bodied Persons in Food Secure and Food Insecure Households

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

1 5 9 13 17 21 25 29 33 37 41 45 49 53 57 61 65

Communities

Food Secure Food Insecure

occupation, or separated families have also been treated as the hungry poor in few of the communities.

Table 4.2 Characteristics of Vulnerable Groups as Stated by 65 Communities

Group C Group D

Characteristics % Characteristics % Greater dependency ratio Labourers/porters Small/medium size landholding Less or no animals Tenant farmers Less remittances Occupation by caste Unemployed/recently employed Less productive land Skilled labour (mason/carpenter) Fisherman No lowland Borrower Managing only by ordinary service Extravagant/lazy/innocent people Just separated family Government Land holders Bonded labour

70.8 46.2 44.6 32.3 26.2 23.1 18.5 18.5 18.5 16.9 12.3 12.3 9.2 7.7 7.7 7.7 6.2 6.2

Greater dependency ratio Labourers/porters Landless/hhs with only house Marginal land holding Less or no animals Weak/disable/sick family Unemployed Tenant (land/animal) Occupation by caste Female HH head/widow Skilled labour Bonded labour Fishermen Government land holders Extravagant/lazy/innocent Borrower Less remittances Beggar Staying/working in others house Unskilled

78.5 53.8 49.2 41.5 35.4 30.8 21.5 20.0 16.9 13.8 10.8 10.8 9.2 7.7 7.7 7.7 6.2 6.2 6.2 6.2

Able-bodied Persons and Food Insecurity Proportion of able-bodied persons appeared as the most important criteria to distinguish a food secure household from a food insecure household by about two-thirds of the communities (Table 4.1). This is plausible, and is supported by quantitative information collected on this aspect across the 65 communities. Figure 4.2 shows that proportion of able-bodied persons hovers around 50 percent in most of the communities, and this differs among food secure and food insecure households at the community level. The proportion of able-bodied persons is higher among the food secure groups in 41 out of the 65 communities (see Annex 4, Table 1), which implies that in most of the communities, food insecure households have larger dependency ratio, and therefore, find it difficult to feed their families.


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F igure 4 .3 : P roportion o f Food S ecure and Food Insecure H ouseholdsas Land less

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

120%

1 4 7 10 13 16 19 22 25 28 31 34 37 40 43 46 49 52 55 58 61 64

C om m unities

Food S ecure Food Insecure

Figure 4.4: Proportion of Food Secure and Food Insecure Households w ith Livestock

0%50%

100%150%

1 5 9 13 17 21 25 29 33 37 41 45 49 53 57 61 65

Communities


Landlessness and Food Insecurity Figure 4.3 shows that across all 65 communities, a larger proportion of landless households are food insecure households. Out of the 65 communities, there is no one landless among the food secure households in 46 communities, but the corresponding figure for food insecure households is only 19 communities.

Livestock Ownership and Food Security Apart from land holding, size of livestock holding has also been advanced as one of the main criteria for distinguishing food secure households from food insecure households. Figure 4.4 shows the proportion of food secure and insecure households of 65 communities with livestock. In almost all of the communities the proportion of households with livestock is higher among the food secure as compared to the food insecure groups of households. The distinction seems wider in the case of draft power, in which larger proportions of food secure households have draft power as compared to those of the food insecure households in most of the communities (see Annex 4). This is obvious, as larger proportions of the households in the food insecure groups are landless as compared to that of the food secure households. Irrigated Facility and Food Security It is established that per hectare yield of irrigated land is higher than that of the non-irrigated land because of the effective use of the modern inputs, and higher cropping intensity in the former as compared to the latter. Information has been collected about the ownership of land, and their irrigation status. This information is presented in Figure 4.5 by food secure and food insecure households across the 65 communities. Evident from the figure is that across most of the communities, the proportion of households with irrigation facility in food secure group is


30

Figure 4.5: Proportion of Food Secure and Food Insecure

Households with Irrigation Facility

0%

50%

100%

150%

1 5 9 13 17 21 25 29 33 37 41 45 49 53 57 61 65


higher than that of the food insecure group of households. The proportions of food secure and insecure households with other attributes are given in the Annex 4. However, they are further summarised in the following section by estimating a logistic regression model.

Multivariate Analysis: Estimation of Logistic Regression Model A logistic regression model was used in order to find out the factors explaining food insecurity, and whether these factors match those identified by the communities as given in Table 4.1. This will also help to calibrate our eye estimates of some of the criteria, which have been plotted in charts in the preceding section. The specification of the model (inclusion of the variables) is mainly guided by the criteria as mentioned by the community, and more importantly by the availability of data. The functional form is a semi-log model where the dependent variable is log of the odd ratio of probability of food insecure to probability of food secure, which therefore simply is the odds in favour of food insecurity. The log of the odd ratio is linear in the independent variables as well as in the parameters. Excluding B3 the expected sign of all the other BI’s is positive. The estimated model is given in Table 4.3. Logistic Regression Model Ln (Pi/1-Pi) = B0 + B1 SEXi + B2 EDUi + B3 ABMRATi + B4 WORKOUTi + B5 LANDLESSi

+B6 IRRIGi + B7 TENANTi + B8 DRAFTLVi + B9 OTHLVi + B10 BONDi + B11 IMPWATi + B12 LATi + B13 CASTEi + u i

The explanatory power of the model (R2) is about 18 percent. The sign of the estimated coefficients is different from the expected sign in case of two variables, sex and caste. However, sex appears to be statistically insignificant. But the negative coefficient of caste is statistically significant which could be due to the fact that most of the selected vulnerable settlements were predominantly settled by disadvantaged castes. In fact, the sample of the settlements was biased towards selecting the most vulnerable settlements as identified by the district level authorities.


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The other two variables, which are statistically insignificant, but appear with the coefficient of expected sign are the members of households ‘working outside as labourers’ and own ‘latrines’. The reason for the coefficient of “working outside” being insignificant is that this variable does not take into account how many members are working outside the community, in the country, or outside the country. There is a big difference among the earnings of those who work in India and those who work in a third country, and similarly, if one or more members of the household work. Therefore, if such adjustments were made, then this variable would have significant effect on the food insecurity. The insignificant coefficient of latrine implies that latrine ownership does not significantly differ between the food insecure and food secure households, which support the findings of the other previous studies conducted in Nepal that states that latrine ownership is mainly explained by socio-cultural factors.

Table 4.3 Factors Explaining Food Insecurity

Independent variables B S.E. t-value Sex (female = 1, 0 otherwise) Education (illiterate hh head = 1, 0 otherwise) Ratio of able-bodied members HH members working outside as labourer (working outside = 1, 0 otherwise) Landless (landless household = 1, 0 otherwise) Irrigation (HH without irrigation facility = 1, 0 otherwise) Tenant (Tenant household = 1, 0 otherwise) Draft livestock ( HH without draft livestock = 1, 0 otherwise) Other livestock ( HH without other livestock = 1, 0 otherwise) Bonded labour (HH members work as bonded labour = 1, 0 otherwise) Improved water (HH without improved water = 1, 0 otherwise) Latrine ( Household without latrine = 1, 0 otherwise) Caste of HH ( HH with disadvantaged caste = 1, 0 otherwise) Constant

-0.117 0.395 -0.531 0.089 0.526 0.486 0.383 1.112 0.766 1.969 0.225 0.102 -0.237 -0.598

0.200 0.085 0.181 0.083 0.159 0.088 0.108 0.094 0.121 0.354 0.087 0.107 0.092 0.149

-0.585 4.647 -2.934 1.072 3.308 5.523 3.546 11.830 6.331 5.562 2.586 0.953 -2.576 -4.013

Note: The coefficient of three variables, viz., sex, working outside and latrine are not statically significant even at 10 percent probability level, Whereas those of all the other variable are significant at 1 or less than 1 percent probability level. All the other 8 variables, however, have significant coefficients with expected signs. The value of the coefficient of able-bodied members is 0.531 and is negative. This implies that holding all other things constant, if the proportion of able-bodied members increases by one unit on average, the log of the odd ratio or the logit in favour of becoming food insecure goes down by 0.53 units. Thus, proportions of the able-bodied members have significant effect on the food insecurity, which supports this criterion as stipulated by most of the communities (see Table 4.1). The positive coefficient of the landless implies that ceteris paribus, the odds of becoming food insecure, on the average, goes up by 0.53 units for those who are landless. Thus, food insecure households are those households which are landless, who have land without irrigation facility, who are tenant, who do not have draft power or other livestock, and who do not have improved water facility. These findings corroborate with the finding or the criteria mentioned by the community in Table 4.1. Moreover, they corroborate the preceding explanation of the landlessness, irrigation, and livestock ownership as the factors explaining food insecurity.


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4.4 SUMMARY To summarise, the food insecure and vulnerable households in Nepal include those that are landless and labourers, including bonded labourers, who are tenants, or who have only a small piece of unproductive or unirrigated land. The Hill and Mountain districts typically include those who lack access to fields in low-lying areas around the settlement. In the Terai, these households include those who live on the banks of flood-prone rivers and in areas of poor soil fertility. In addition, the most food insecure households also include those with a small number of able-bodied worker, with few skills and little opportunity to derive income from remittances and seasonal migration, which is a particularly important source of income for households in much of the Hill and Mountain districts. Households without access to income from small trading opportunities, from employment in the services sector or from pensions, and who instead rely on apparently uncertain, casual employment as agricultural labourers and porters are also among the most food insecure populations in the country. Interestingly, at the national level, the issues of caste, sex of household head, and geographic remoteness are not among the most often cited factors that determine food insecurity according to local perceptions. In the case of occupational and disadvantaged castes, these populations were highly prevalent throughout the sample settlements, and in many cases, caste difference were not relevant to within-community distinctions between food secure and insecure households. Since all members in sample settlements were equally remote from infrastructure, markets, and services, these criteria were also not directly relevant in this village-level analysis. Clearly, however, both factors are important determinants of food insecurity in Nepal. Where there is differentiation by caste within selected communities, households belonging to occupational castes, such as Kami (blacksmith), Damai (tailor) and Sarki (cobbler) in Hills and disadvantaged castes such as Chamar (also called Harijan), Bhand, Satar, Tatmas, Dusadh, Musahar, Dhankar and Badi in the Terai, are most food insecure households. In terms of geographic access, the most remote areas include the mountain districts, particularly in the Karnali Mountain region, and some Hill regions (see the VAM Issues Paper for more detailed description of these issues). In the discussions of local development priorities presented in Chapter Eight, the construction of roads is one of the frequently mentioned community-level priorities across the villages in the assessment. The reason behind castes and geographic remoteness not appearing as a criteria within community distinction is that these criteria were already used by the district level stakeholders during the course of the identification of vulnerable settlement in their districts. The dominant castes of the surveyed vulnerable settlements are given in Annex 4 Table 2, which shows that apart from the castes mentioned above, some other castes such as Tamang, Sherpa, Thami, Danuwar, Majhi, Bote, and Gaine are also vulnerable population in Hills. Some castes like Rai and Limbu in eastern part, Thakuri in the western part, and Brahmin and Chhetri in some settlements throughout the country are predominant castes of the surveyed vulnerable settlements. In the Terai apart from above mentioned castes, some other castes such as Koiri, Kurmi, Kewat, Kohar, Sahani, Dhobi, Tharu and Teli are also castes of some vulnerable settlements. A large number of criteria were identified and were taken into account in some districts while identifying their vulnerable settlements. There are some variations across the districts as to how vulnerable settlements were chosen. For instance, flooding was used as a criterion in Flood prone Terai districts, whereas human disease criteria, such as diarrhoea and dysentery


33

were used in Central Mountain district clusters (Sindhupalchok district). On the whole, these criteria consist of : i) access to infrastructures and services including roads, markets, irrigation; ii) economic characteristics including productivity and employment opportunities; iii) social characteristics including illiteracy, and disadvantaged castes such as Kami, Damai and Sarki in the Hill and Mountains and Chamar/Harizan, Musahar, Dusadh, Tatmas, Dom, among others in Terai; iv) environmental features including geography or remoteness; and v) risk factors including natural disasters, and diseases relating to humans, animals and plants. In the case of gender and bonded labour, however, these factors appear to be important only within key regional clusters with more traditional cultural practices. With a few exceptions, the overall prevalence of female-headed households in the villages included in this assessment is quite low to begin with. Among the 65 settlements included in the assessment, the proportion of female-headed households ranged from 0 to over 23 percent. Female-headed households are over-represented among the food insecure in a small number of village examples. In one or two villages, they are actually over-represented among the food secure households.


34

CHAPTER V

RISKS AND HAZARDS

5.1 TYPES OF RISKS AND HAZARDS Under FSVP rapid assessment, various risks and hazards were noted across district clusters. These risks and hazards are grouped into five heads: a) natural hazards b) human diseases, c) animal diseases, d) plant diseases, and e) other risks, and are reported in Table 5.1. Over time, types of natural disasters reported are similar, but there have been changes in types of diseases. For example, locusts were a main problem around 1950s but not anymore. But, there are other plant diseases appearing these days with the biochemical innovation under the high yielding variety technology. Similarly, some of the animal diseases reported in the past are not reported now. Instead, new animal diseases are reported now. There is variation in types of disasters occurring in different ecological regions and districts of the country, and the details are given in the district cluster level report.

Table 5.1 A Typology of Risks and Hazards by Region, Nepal, 2000

Natural Hazards Human diseases Animal diseases Plant diseases Other

Mountain • Hailstorm • Snowfall • Drought • Flood • Earthquake • Excessive

rainfall • Change in

the course of river

• Diarrhoea • Measles • Cholera • Smallpox • Dysentery • Eye infection • Epidemic • Nerve

diseases

• Epidemic • Bhyagute Rog • (haemorhagic

saepltcaemia) • Charchare (black quarter) • Padake (anthrax) • Khoret (foot & mouth

disease) • Khari • Diarrhoea • Rabies • Ranikhet (Newcastle) in

chicken • Scabies/menge

• Insect attack

• Locust • Patero

insect (gandhibug)

• Male in grass

• Use of urea fertiliser • No access to Patan lekh

(hill) • Bridge construction in Jumla

airport • Community forestry • Use of Improved seed • Cadastral survey • Land reform • Price rise of NFC foodgrains

in Humla

Hill

• Drought • Hailstorm • Earthquake • Flood • Storm • Excessive

rainfall

• Cholera • Dysentery • Diarrhoea • Measles • Smallpox • Respiratory

disease • Kalazar • Boil on

upper palate

• Epidemic • Bhyagute Rog

(haemorhagic saepltcaemia) • Khari • Diarrhoea • Namle (liver flue) • Kharane • Lohumute (babesioosis)

• Padake insect (plant hopper)

• Locust • Dhaduwa

(blight) • Maize

disease

• Increase in Tax • Fire • Community forestry • Announcement of dry zone • Termination of Panchayat

system • Distribution of land holding

certificate • Deforestation • Resettlement • Crop damage by porcupine

Terai • Flood • River

cutting • Storm • Hailstorm • Excessive

rainfall

• Diarrhoea • Cholera • Measles • Kalazar • Encephalitis

Stomach upset

• Epidemic • Khoret (foot and mouth

disease) • Khoero/alopecia • Bhyagute

Rog((haemorhagic saepltcaemia)

• Padake (anthrax)

• Insect

attack • wheat

disease • Ginger

decay

• Robbery • Snake bite • Crop damage by animals

(Spotted deer/antelope, elephant)

• Fire • Land reform

Natural Hazards Important natural hazards pointed by community people are: hailstorms, floods, excessive rainfall, droughts, earthquakes, rainstorms, change in the course of river, and snowfall. Hailstorms, floods, excessive rain fall and droughts were reported in all the three ecological


35

regions; earthquakes generally in Mountain and Hills; storms generally in Hill and Terai; change in the course of river in Terai; landslides in Hills and Mountain; and snow fall only in the Mountain region of the country. However, there are wide differences in the types of natural hazards occurring in different districts of the country. Human Diseases The second most recurring hazards reported were human and animal diseases. Among the human diseases, diarrhoea, dysentery, fever, cholera, and measles were commonly reported. Some other human diseases include small pox, eye infection, nerve diseases in mountain; small pox, Kalazar in Hill; and Kalazar and encephalitis in Terai. Additionally, respiratory diseases in Hills, stomach upset in Terai, and some other diseases in Mountain were also reported. Animal Diseases Overall, the number of animal diseases reported is not less than that of the human diseases. Animal husbandry is very important in Nepal, even among the vulnerable communities of Nepal. Since animals serve as the cushion for mitigating the effects of natural disasters that damage crops, poor people attach a greater preference and value on animals. Among the big animals, haemorhagic saepltcaemia (Bhyagute disease), black quarter (Charchare), Anthrax (Padake), and Foot and Mouth diseases (Khoret) are more common. These diseases are reported across all the three regions. Khare, Kharane, scabies, Namle and some other diseases were also reported in animals. A disease in poultry called Ranikhet, is reported only in mountain. Plant Diseases Compared to human and animal diseases, reported plant diseases are few across the three ecological regions, probably because people did not know the names of many plant diseases. People commonly lump diseases in a single name such as insect attack. Problem of locusts that damage crops to a large extent were reported in Mountain and Hill districts. Patero, Dhaduwa, and some other diseases in maize and paddy fields were also reported. The problem of ginger decay was significant in Nawalparasi and Morang districts. Other Risks and Hazards Community people mentioned many other risks and hazards, and most of them relate to policy risks, and other to manmade hazards. One of the major sources of income for the people of the mid- and far-west Mountain regions is sale of herbs. A change in policy of the government and/or other manmade risks created them a lot of suffering. For example, implementation of community forestry programme has affected livelihoods of fire wood sellers in some communities and fire wood buyers in some communities such as Simikot of Humla, due to price increases. Similarly, Patan Lekh (hill) of Jumla contracted by a private contractor in 1998 affected lives in Talium-1 of Jumla district since they were not allowed to extract and sell herbs from this Hill forest. Lack of employment opportunities made them starve sometimes, and some time they had to survive by eating apples and grain if they were lucky enough to find work.


36

No access to Patan Hill for extracting herbs in Jumla, repair and maintenance of Jumla airport, implementation of community forestry, land reform and cadastral survey, and price hike of NFC foodgrains in Humla, were pointed as hazards in the Mountain districts. In case of Hill districts, increase in land tax, implementation of community forestry, announcement of dry zone, distribution of landholding certificate, deforestation, resettlement and termination of Panchayat system were pointed as the hazards. Similarly, robbery, snake bite, crop damage by animals, fire and implementation of land reform were the other hazards pointed in the Terai districts (SeeTable 5.1).

People of Talium were also not able to seek employment to porter grains and other goods because Jumla airport was closed for repair and maintenance in June and July of 2000. Therefore, they had to borrow loan from local moneylenders with interest rates per annum as high as 120 percent. Furthermore, the price of food grain and other goods had spiralled up because of the short supply due to planes being unable to land in Jumla. People of Patamara of Jumla district mentioned land measurement (cadastral) survey in 1995 as a risk because the survey has resulted into higher payment of land tax. Before the survey they had to pay a lower tax on the basis of per household. But after the survey they have to pay land tax based on the fragments of land and their location. Thus, a small farmer, who has small pieces of land in different places, has to pay more land tax as compared to a rich household who has larger holding but in few places. After the implementation of Land Reform Act 1964, some of the families of Guruwagaon and ChamarTole of Banke district did not receive a tenancy certificate, and had been evicted by their landlords from the land which they had been cultivating for decades. Similarly, because of the shut down of the agro-processing mill located near this community, about 500 people lost their jobs. These people turned to other employments such as rikshaw pulling in Nepalgunj, firewood selling, and other wage labour in order to cope the situation. Price risk increases from the south to the north of the country. People of Syanda in Humla recalled a price hike in foodgrains by Nepal Food Corporation (NFC), which resulted in risking their food security. Prices increased from Rs 23 to Rs 40 per kg from May 14, 2000. As a result, it was difficult for the people of Syanda to buy foodgrain, and thus, they had to depend on forest food items. Robbery has been pointed out another risk in the Terai district like Morang. Kamati Tole of Morang suffered from robbery during 1983 to 1999 when Indian robbers from Ranikatta village used to rob livestock, gold and silver ornaments and other properties, and demand cash in return for their properties. 5.2 FREQUENCY AND SEVERITY OF HAZARDS Some districts have suffered from a specific type of hazards. For example, Parsa, Nawalparasi Banke and Sarlahi suffered from floods; Solukhumbu and Sindhupalchok from diarrhoea; Banke from fires; Parsa and Kailali from snake bites; Sankhuwasabha and Humla from droughts; and many other districts from droughts, excessive rainfall and its concomitant effect of landslides. The severity of different types of risk and hazards, the number of occurrences during the period 1975-2000 has been counted and is reported in the Annex 5 Table 1. Natural hazards and diseases relating to human, animal and plant occur more frequently than risks and hazards caused by policy in the 65 survey communities. Diarrhoea, measles and other human epidemics, animal epidemics and insect in paddy fields occurred more than once in few communities.


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Figure 5.1: Proportion of Communities where the most Severe hazard was among the Most Frequent Hazard, 1975-2000

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%

East Mountain and Hill

East Hill with Cash Crops

East Terai

Mountain Tourist Districts

East Siwalik Region

Flood-prone East & Central Terai

Central Mountain & Hill

North-west Hill

South-west Hill

West Terai

Karnali Transhimalaya

Mid-west Hill

Far-west Mountain

Far-west Hill

Mid-& Far-west Terai

Nepal

Again, among the natural hazards, hailstorms are more frequent in many communities followed by floods and droughts. However, hailstorms generally occur in Hills and Mountain, whereas floods are more prominent in Terai. There are some natural hazards such as floods and change in course of river in Nawalparasi and Banke that occur every year. The change in the courses of Narayani river in Nawalparasi, Rapti river in Banke and Bagmati river in Sarlahi are more serious. In fact, the problem of floods and changes in the course of rivers are increasing in the Terai districts. The main reason is the construction of embankments in the bordering districts of India, across the banks of rivers passing through Nepal, which did not allow water to pass to India as fast as before the construction of such embankments. The problem will become more serious in the future unless the two governments seriously consider this issue as soon as possible. On the other hand, the effect of some natural disasters is decreasing in some of the Hill districts. The frequency of hailstorms in Parbat, Jumla and Baitadi; famine in Darchula, Baitadi and Arghakhanchi; floods in Baitadi were found to be greater before 1975 than during 1975 - 2000, implying that the severity of these hazards is decreasing in these districts with time. Figure 5.1 shows the proportion of communities of the district clusters where the most severe hazards were among the most frequent hazards during the last 25 years. Out of the 15 district clusters, the most severe hazard did not happen to be among the most frequent ones in three district clusters. The proportion is larger in the mountain district clusters, and in the Terai district clusters due to floods, which are frequent and are devastating as well, as compared to the hazards that occur in the Hill, which are more localised. In some communities of Mountain tourist districts such as the Kanku community of Solukhumbu district hailstorm damaged both summer and winter crops. Snowfall is a great problem in Manang district. Hailstorms, droughts or excessive rainfall and its concomitant effects such as landslides result in great loss. Animal diseases are common, but it is severe in some districts, especially in the Mountain regions. Further details appear in Annex 5, Table 2. 5.3 LOSS FROM HAZARDS Hailstorm and Storm The loss from hailstorms is higher in Hills and Mountain than in the Terai, which occur at least once during the pre-monsoon or in the early monsoon period, damaging main summer crop, such as maize, in most of the Hill and Mountain districts. Its effect on maize ranges between a quarter to as high as 90 percent, with a median value of around 50 percent. Its effect is less severe, around 25 percent for millet since it is planted in June when the


38

The entire Swayarumba VDC of Panchthar was affected bydroughts in 1977, 1982 and 1994. The 1994 drought damaged 90to 95 percent of maize and paddy crops, 80 percent of theproduction of cardamom, potato, and cereals in Prangbung – 4 ofPanchthar district. Similarly, three communities ofSankhuwasabha district were affected by drought: the 1982 droughtin Kharang resulted into little production just enough for seeds; thepeople of Baneshwar could not plant maize due to the 1997drought; and the drought of 1998 in Bala resulted in the loss of 80percent in paddy production and 50 percent in maize and millet.The drought of 1999 in Waku of Solukhumbu district made peopleplant maize late, and therefore, the maize production was reducedsignificantly. The effect of drought is more severe in the Mid-western Mountain district like Humla, which is quite inaccessible.The drought of 1997 in Simikot of Humla district resulted intofamine claiming the lives of 50 to 60 people there.

probability of hailstorm is less or it is planted in the standing maize, and therefore, are protected by the standing maize. Millet and potato help to mitigate the loss in maize production in Hills and Mountains. Storms also result in loss of maize crop because of its long but feeble stem. The storm of summer season (April to June) makes maize fall, and therefore, affects its productivity. Its effect is only around 25 percent. In order to avoid the effect of storms, people of Bhoksing of the Parbat district started cultivating maize in March/April instead of February/March, but at the cost of reducing productivity because of the late plantation of maize. Besides crops, storms also affect other properties including houses and animals. Damage to houses is higher in the Terai than in the hills. Flood, Land Slides and Change in the Course of River Excess rain results in floods that cause landslides generally in the Hills and Mountains, and floods and changes in the course of rivers in the Terai. Because land is flat in the Terai the effect of floods and changes in the courses of rivers is extensive and is increasing with the time because of the embankment constructed at major rivers by India in bordering Indian communities. Because of flood, people in some Terai communities cultivate sugarcane as the single crop for the whole year rather than two crops. The case of Rampur Khadauna and Bhujahawa VDCs in Nawalparasi district is outstanding. Because of the long-standing flood and water logging, people in these communities cannot raise paddy in spite of their effort to plant paddy two to three times. In some years, even sugarcane is also lost in 25 percent of the land of these communities. 1 Drought There are certain districts such as Sindhupalchok, Arghakhanchi, and Surkhet where droughts were more frequent before 1975 than after 1975. Overall, droughts are more frequent and severe in the Mountains and in some districts of the Hills, and is more frequent in the Mid-western part as compared to the eastern part of Nepal. However, because of the uncertain monsoon rain, the effect of drought is every where.

1 However, paddy is the main staple food grains for the people of this community and therefore they have some preference to plant it although sugarcane is profitable. Moreover, conversion of paddy land to sugarcane has some implication from the point of view of food security.


39

When drought is coupled with other disasters, the effect is worse in the Mountain. Generally, drought results in late sowing of maize, which suffer from at least one hailstorm. This ultimately results into low productivity, making it difficult for people to survive in many of the mountainous districts.

Droughts are not as frequent as hailstorms, but whenever they occur, the impact is higher than that of hailstorms. There are examples which show that people could not raise even five percent of their total production from their field due to droughts in Terai and Mountains. Generally, lack of rain during March and April results in late plantation of maize, affecting the productivity of maize as well as other crops. A larger period of drought extending from March to July affects both the summer crops of the current year and the winter crops of the preceding year such as in Surkhet district. Animal Diseases Animal diseases were reported in all the survey district clusters. There is frequent occurrence of animal diseases in Terai but since it is easier to access veterinary services there, the impact is less compared to Mountainous and some Hill districts. Some animal diseases were reported in all the three surveyed communities of Udayapur district. For example, Diphtheria killed 20 to 25 cattle in Jahadi (Danuwar settlement) of Katari VDC in 1996; cholera killed about 300 goats and poultry in Chilaune ward 3 in 2000; and Namle killed 10 cattle (buffalo and cow) in Rajabas of Rauta VDC in 1998. Jugepani community of Siddheswar VDC of Baitadi district recalled three animal diseases during 1992 – 1995, two of them occurred in 1995. Lohamute killed 100 buffalo and another disease killed 200 goats in 1995, which impoverished people and many households became net borrowers. Khari disease killed 300 buffaloes and this disease is still present. About 400-500 pigs were killed in 1990, and 200 goats were killed in 1995 due to Kharane diseases in Prangbung – 4 of Panchthar district. Animal diseases were reported in three of the four surveyed communities of Surkhet district, but their consequences were more severe in Neta. For example, in Sireni Tole of Neta VDC, cholera was reported three times in animals: two times during 1950-51 and once in 1961. Cholera in 1951 was the most severe killing all cattle (about 100) in the village. Human Diseases The most common human diseases were diarrhoea, dysentery, worms, small pox, and measles. Their effect varied across regions, communities, and districts. Diarrhoea and dysentery claimed lives of many children and some adults in Mountain districts like Panchan of Solukhumbu district, and Hagam of Sindhupalchok district. Cholera was also reported in the Mountain district of Humla. Both animal diseases and human diseases are more common in Mountain districts like Humla, Jumla, and Solukhumbu. Fourteen school children died of measles in Seselmu of Panchan VDC of Solukuhubu district in 1986, 13 children died of diarrhoea in the same community in 1992. Similarly, 25 children died of diarrhoea in Waku – 5 of the same district. The third surveyed community, Amarans, of the district was also not an exception as 50 people died of diarrhoea there in 2000. In Hepka community of Humla district, 60 people died of small pox in 1959, and 14 people died of diarrhoea in the same community in 1999. Measles claimed lives of 13 persons in Changan community of Humla district in 1975, and another 12 in the same community in 1994. Additional 13 children died of diarrhoea in this community in 1998. Moreover


40

Locust destroyed all major crops in Kaulechaur of Khanchikot VDC in 1955, Danda Tole of Pokharathok VDC in 1960, all the maize and millet in Jarauli of Sakar VDC of Baitadi district in 1948, and in Dharapani VDC of Surkhet in 1951. However, the attack of locusts has not been reported in the recent history, implying that the effect of this disaster is not at present.

cunjevitis had also been a great problem in this district that affected 200 people in 1994. Syanda community (Vyansi Community) of Humla district suffered from diarrhoea and fever, which claimed the lives of 15 people in 1998. Similarly, an epidemic with symptoms of fever and headache occurred twice in 1974 and 1994 in Simikot of Humla district, killing 25 and 50 persons, respectively. Another epidemic with cough and cold symptoms killed about 50 people of this community in 1974. Cholera epidemic claimed the lives of 50 to 60 persons in Jahadi (Danuwar settlement) of Katari VDC of Udayapur district in 1965. People went to remote areas, such as forests, to protect themselves from cholera. Similarly, 25 percent people of Swayarumba VDC of Panchthar district were affected by dysentery in 1977, and cholera killed 17 people of this VDC during 24 days in 1961. Measles and diarrhoea killed 4 children in Prangbung – 4 of Panchthar district in 1996. Plant diseases It was difficult for the survey communities to name all the plant diseases, and therefore, at times they reported 'insect attacks'. The effect of locusts was very high in Arghakhanchi district, and the 'insect attack' was also very high in Kailali district. People of Amarans of Solukhumbu district recalled the attack of Male insects, which destroyed grasses, such as Dudhelu and Gugun and therefore, it was very difficult for the communities to raise their animals. Patake disease in 1999 completely damaged early paddy (Chaite paddy) in Majhitar, Salghari communities of Fidim VDC of Panchthar district. Other Losses Snakebite appears to be another risk in Terai. The inhabitants of Thori of Parsa district pointed out that at least 4 to 5 people die of snakebite each year. People of Bangesal, Kailali district suffered from snakebites during 2000. Most of the people were cured by treatment at hospitals and by faith healers. There is a problem of crop damage by the animals of national parks. Each year people of Thori suffer from such loss but they are not allowed to kill the park animals. However, they adopt different ways to chase them away from their crop fields. 5.4 SUMMARY Survey communities reported natural hazards, diseases relating to human, animal and plant, manmade risks relating to policy changes, and robbery. These risks and hazards affect different assets including, human assets, such as human labour, natural assets, such as land, physical assets, such as infrastructure, financial assets, such as savings, and social assets. Hailstorms, floods and changes in the course of rivers, excessive rainfall, droughts, earthquakes, and rainstorms and snowfall were reported as the natural hazards. Hailstorms, floods, excessive rainfall were reported in all the three ecological regions; earthquakes generally occurs in Mountain and Hills; storms generally in Hill and Terai; changes in the courses of rivers in Terai and landslides in Hills and Mountains; and snowfall only in the


41

Mountain. Diarrhoea and dysentery, cholera and measles, and a number of other diseases and epidemics relating to animal and plants were reported across all the communities. The loss of assets from hazards depends on when they occur, their frequency, and type of hazards. Hailstorms are not that disastrous compared to floods and droughts since hailstorms are more localised. But, as it is more frequent, it has significant effect on the crop production of a limited area. However, loss from droughts and floods are more extensive as they affect a larger number of population. When there is drought for a longer time period, it affects both summer and winter crops, and therefore, its consequence to food security is high. Moreover, it has several other consequences, such as drinking water scarcity or introduction of diseases, resulting sometimes into famine. Compared to extended periods of drought, the effect of floods is less severe as it affects mainly summer crops, but in terms of the loss to the nation, it has a greater effect as it affects the Terai, which is the most fertile land of the country. Moreover, the effect of floods is increasing with the years due to the construction of embankment in the bordering communities of India by the Indian government, which has also resulted into water logging in Terai districts of Nepal. As far as human diseases are concerned, their effects are more disastrous for the poor and particularly on the women and children. Many communities reported death of children due to common diseases such as diarrhoea and measles. The loss of animals due to animal epidemics was also severe. While animal epidemic is every where, its effect is further higher in the Mountain and parts of the Hill where animal husbandry is more important and where there is physical inaccessibility, and therefore, difficult to get to animal services. The loss from the plant diseases is also high as the high yielding varieties are less resistant to the diseases. It has direct effect on farmers compared to other groups of the people who depend mainly on other sources of income. As to other risks, the implementation of community forestry has some negative effect in the beginning, which will be short-lived once the forests reach their maximum sustained yield level and are utilised properly on equal sharing basis. That community forestry programme of the government was reported as risk, shows how vulnerable the people of the surveyed communities are that they cannot abstain from forest resources even for a limited period of time. This is mainly because forest is a major source of livelihood for different groups of people such as firewood or herb sellers, or agriculturists. Moreover, during the food crisis, forest supplements other food items of the poor households.


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Box 6.1: Risk Management Measures Objective Strategies Risk Reduction Informal FormalRisk Mitigation Informal FormalCoping with Shocks informal Formal

Table 6.1 Informal Mechanisms for Managing Risks as Reported by the Survey Communities

Objective Informal Mechanisms Risks Mitigation

Working as a casual labourer Purchase and sale of foodgrains and animals Collection and sale of forest and other nature-based products Share cropping Change in occupation or diversification of occupation Other Petty trading activities

Coping with Shocks

short-term Strategies Eating less preferred food Limiting portion size Collection and sale of forest-based products Sale of livestock and drawing down seed reserves Borrowing food or money In-kind gift from friends and relatives Maternal buffering Skipping meals Drawing down seed reserves Collection of wild foods Wage labour Working demeaning or illegal jobs Sale of used items and begging Long-term Strategies Working as contract labour Migration Sale of draft power Mortgage and sale of land and other properties Reliance on community

CHAPTER VI

RESPONSES TO RISKS BY HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES 6.1 INTRODUCTION For poor people, dealing successfully with the range of risks they are exposed to is often a matter of life or death. To manage risks, households and communities rely on both formal and informal strategies. Informal strategies include arrangements done within the community by the community. Formal arrangements include government mechanisms. Risk management strategies can be further classified as risk reduction and mitigation measures (action in anticipation of a shock), and coping measures (action in response to a shock). Risk reduction aims at reducing the probability of shocks, risk mitigation aims at reducing the impact of shocks, and coping measures aims to relieve the impact of a shock after it occurs. Under the Rapid Assessment Survey, information was collected on the shocks occurred and the coping measures adopted to relieve the impact of shocks, by using a PRA tool called risk and hazard timeline. Therefore, the measures advanced by survey communities are mainly related to risk mitigation and coping measures, and are mostly related to informal measures. Thus, this chapter does not provide detail on all types of risk management measures as described in Box 6.1, but focuses on the measures adopted by the communities as given in Table 6.1.


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6.2 RISK REDUCTION MEASURES There are some informal mechanisms adopted by communities of Nepal in order to reduce risks, such as community managed irrigation systems, construction of embankments, and dams and dikes. But these measures were not referred by the survey communities because they were asked only for mechanism on how to cope after a shock has occurred in their community. It has been noticed, however, by some field survey teams that construction of embankment or changing the courses of rivers could be of significant help in the reduction of floods in the flood-prone Terai districts. Because floods are a risk of a covariant type, affecting many communities, diversion of rivers is not possible to do by a single community, and therefore, needs government attention. For example, embankment constructed by India has affected more than five VDCs of the survey areas of Bhujahawa of Nawalparasi district. The people of Bhujahawa said that construction of embankment nearby their community could solve their problem, but they could not do so because such a task needs co-operation from different VDCs and communities, and a large sum of money. WFP/Nepal has undertaken such efforts, although at a smaller scale in some of the RCIW districts of Eastern and Central Terai. However, it is necessary to extend these efforts in the other flood-prone Terai districts as well, but with the involvement of the communities, following the demand-driven approach. Diarrhoea, dysentery, measles were commonly reported as risks by different communities (see Chapter V). The government has made provisions for health services in the rural areas as well. The current policy of the HMGN is to establish a sub-health post in each VDC. It has been found that there is no effective use of such health institutions in some areas. Past studies reveal that because of the lack of awareness of the people, lack of medicine, lack of physical access, and lack of trained staff living in the institution regularly these health institutions are under-utilised. Thus, apart from better provision of health institutions, there is also a need to improve demand for such services, which also requires increasing awareness of the community to visit health posts rather than faith healers for treatment of diseases. As mothers and children are the most disadvantaged groups, such awareness should focus on mother and child health. Additionally, a number of animal and plant diseases were also reported by the survey communities, which have reduced their production and assets significantly. Agricultural and veterinary service centres are also not effectively used by the vulnerable communities, as they are far and lack transportation facilities. More than a quarter of survey communities requires three or more hours to reach an agriculture service centre. The accessibility is further poor in the Mountain where more than 30 percent of the communities require three or more hours to reach a centre. It is particularly difficult to carry animals to the veterinary service centres. This implies that there is a need to construct roads linking to such centres. However, compared to agricultural service centres, there was better access to drinking water and health services, not only in the Terai, but also in the Mountains. Access to all weather roads differs significantly by region and districts. On the one hand, about two thirds of the Mountain communities require three or more days to reach to the nearest all weather road. On the other hand, all the surveyed communities of Terai can reach to such roads within a day. In the hills 85 percent of the communities can reach all weather roads within a day and the rest within less than three days (Figure 6.1). Alternatively, nearly three quarters (73%) of the Mountain communities reported having to walk 24 hours or more to reach the nearest all weather road. That compares to only 5 percent of communities in the Hills and zero percent in the Terai. These data indicate the gravity of problem in the Mountain districts as compared to the other districts of the country. There are some communities in


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Hill

<12 hrs12-24 hrs24-36 hrs36+ hrs

Mountain

<12 hrs12-24 hrs24-36 hrs36+ hrs

Percent of communities with access to nearest market within 3+ hours, by region Region Percent Mountain 27 Hill 15 Terai 10 Nepal 20

districts like Humla and Jumla which take about 15 to 20 days to reach the nearest all weather road within the country.

Fig 6.1:Access to All Weather Road These communities have to walk and cross mountains and come near Terai to see an all weather road and any means of the modern transportation. However, these districts are nearer to Tibet. For, example it takes only three to four days to get at all weather road in Tibet for the people of Humla district.

Markets are more important in Mountain areas because there is a lack of availability of foodgrains. Overall, out of the 60 communities reporting the time required to go to the nearest market, 27 percent reported that it takes less than one hour, but one third reported that it takes one to two hours. Thus, for 40 percent of the communities it takes two or more hours to get to the nearest market. These markets in some districts are very small containing one or two shops carrying very limited consumable and necessary items such as foodgrains, kerosene oil and few other items. Thus, for the other items or for employment, people have to travel a longer distance. Significant variations exist across the regions regarding access to markets. Approximately 27 percent of the settlements of the Mountain region are at three or more hour distance to the nearest market. That is compared with only 15 and 10 percent, respectively in Hill and Terai communities. Compared to roads and markets, there is relatively little difference in levels of access to agricultural and veterinary service centers and health institutions across the three regions of the country. In terms of access to agricultural service centers, approximately 69 percent of communities had access within three hours in the Mountains and Terai, compared to 85 percent with similar access in the Hills. For access to veterinary services, between 68 and 77 percent of villages reported to have access within three hours. In the Mountains and Hills, 80 percent of communities reported being within 3 hours of a government nursery, compared to only 67 percent in the Terai. Access to health centers was reported to be even higher. All of the sampled mountain settlements reported health institutions within three hours of their homes, compared to 93 and 94 percent of settlements in the Hills and Terai, respectively. Of the 23 mountain villages included in the assessment, only 6 reported less than 70 percent of households with access to improved water sources. In the Hills and Terai communities, similar levels of access to improved water sources were also reported. The average distance to water sources (from both improved and un-improved sources) appears to actually be better in the Mountain areas, where all the sample settlements reported having access to water less than one hour from their homes. In contrast, some communities in the Hill and Terai regions reported more than one hour required for reaching a water source. The preceding analysis suggests that in order to effectively reduce risks, especially human, animal and plant diseases, and some natural disasters like drought, construction of


45

Working as agricultural labor is widely prevalent throughout the country. Portering goods of local merchants is the major seasonal occupation of most of the vulnerable communities of eastern Mountain. The time devoted to working as labourer or porter is directly proportional to the severity of a disaster.

infrastructure, including roads, irrigation, and provision for market facilities is necessary. Moreover, creation of awareness about health and hygiene is also important for preventing or reducing risks and making people visits health posts regularly. 6.3 RISK MITIGATION MEASURES Risk mitigation aims at reducing the impact of shocks. Households mitigate risks through diversification and insurance. Common diversification strategies adopted by the survey communities are working as casual labourers, selling forest-based products and diversifying occupations, etc (Table 6.1). Households also mitigate risks through insurance, including self-insurance, informal insurance, and formal insurance - though market-based formal insurance plays a minor role for poor people. Mitigating Risks through Diversification Working as a Casual Labourer Working as a causal labourer is widely adopted in all the survey communities, and is followed both in the normal and abnormal years as the poor households are aware of the fact that their food stock is not able to meet food demand for whole year. However, as compared to the normal year, people have to work more as casual labourers during the crisis year. Working as casual labourer assumes different forms such as agricultural labourer during the agricultural season and non-agricultural labourer such as porterage, mason, carpenter during the agricultural off-season. Porterage in the Mountain and agricultural labour in the Terai are the most common. Working as agricultural labour is widely prevalent because agriculture is the main occupation of rural people. Thus, members of one household work in others’ field once they finish their own plantation. This has two-pronged objectives: a) helping other households of community to plant within a limited period of time as agriculture is mainly rainfed and dictated by monsoon; and b) supplementing household food deficit. Porterage is done mainly for transporting goods of local merchants in Mountains and Hill districts. An increasing use of donkey for transportation has resulted into unemployment such as in Parbat district, because cost of transportation by donkey is cheaper than by human labour. Furthermore, every year a large number of people in all three regions of the country go to India to work as casual labourers. As compared to a normal year, larger number of people go for such work during an abnormal year for longer period of time. Petty Trading Activities There are instances that show that whenever there are opportunities, people take advantage of those opportunities as they expect that their income is not sufficient to meet household demand for food. For example, people of Seselmu of Solukhumbu district buy piglets from Diktel, the district headquarters of bordering district Khotang, and sell the piglets in another place, and people of Sindhupalchok district buy rice from nearby of Kathmandu and sell it in northern borders of the district at higher price, and thereby, earn income in order to run their families. But these options are not open to the most food insecure households because of high


46

Figure 6.2: Change in Forest (% of Communities)

0 20 40 60 80 100

Mountain

Hill

Terai

Nepal

Decrease in crown coverDecrease in forest resourcesIncrease in forest resources

start-up costs. Therefore, in order to alleviate the situation of very poor and food insecure people, there should be enhanced provision of institutional credit without collateral. Share Cropping Share cropping of crops and animals also serve as one of the long term coping strategies in some districts. Vulnerable households of Hills and Terai raise others’ animals in the anticipation of food crisis. Because of the continuous hailstorm in Panchan community of Solukhumbu district, it was very difficult for people to earn their livelihoods from agriculture, and therefore, they diverted towards animal husbandry and other occupations. Many households engaged in rearing goats and chicken. Collection and Sale of Forest and other Natural Resources Collecting and selling firewood, grass, herbs and other natural resources are common in Mountain and some Hill districts in order to reduce and mitigate the effect of impending food insecurity. During crisis, this practice is more common as it can contribute significantly in earning a livelihood. Forest resources are more important in Hills and Mountains than Terai. Out of the 65 survey communities, 58 communities (89%) have access to either community or government forest resources. Access to forest resources is higher in Hill and Mountains compared to Terai where there is lack of community forests because of late implementation of community forestry programmes by the government in the Terai. Major forest products are firewood, log, grass and fodder. There are some additional uses of community forests such as cultivation of tea and cardamom, and sale of Lokta (tree bark used for making paper). There is also the sale of firewood and log from the community forests. Out of the 36 communities, which have access to community forests, 14 percent reported that they sell firewood, whereas 17 percent reported they also sell log from their community forests. An inquiry was made about the forest situation with the community. Out of the 58 surveyed communities of the three regions of the country, 33 percent reported that their forest resources are increasing but a larger proportion of 59 percent reported that their forest resources are decreasing. Moreover, 47 percent reported that there is a decrease in the crown cover of forests. This indicates that on the whole, forest are deteriorating resources in the country (Figure 6.2) By region, a larger proportion of communities reported increasing of forest resources in Hill compared to Terai, which could be due to early implementation of community forestry in Hills. Out of the 33 communities which reported time to reach a government forest, 36 percent reported that it takes only up to one hour to reach a forest, whereas nine percent reported that it takes three hours or more to get at forest. As for the community forests, 54 percent reported that their forest is within the reach of less than one hour, and another 37 percent in the reach


47

of one to two hours. Thus, as high as 91 percent of the community forests can be reached within two hours. The proportion of community forests requiring three or more hours to reach is only about three percent. This signifies that wherever there are community forests, they are in close proximity to the communities. Compared to the community forests there are many nurseries located at farther distances. For example, 24 percent of the nurseries require three and more hours to reach. Thus, they take a whole day for a return trip. The amount of pasture land has decreased because of encroachment or registration in the name of institutions such as schools in the past. Similarly, there is lack of private forest, especially in the vulnerable communities since these communities are deprived on land. The preceding analysis suggests that there is a need for more rational use of forest resources by expanding community forestry programme of the government. Such an implementation would not give sufficient leeway for earning livelihoods in the beginning until the forest resources reach its maximum yield. Therefore, some provision of income generating activities should be implemented with the community forestry programme that will help in the alleviation of poverty and food insecurity in a sustainable manner. Number of Income Sources Preceding analysis suggests that vulnerable communities have very limited income earning options, and many of these options are not again open in the abnormal years. Figure 6.3 shows the range of income sources of the vulnerable groups across the surveyed communities. Excluding Far-West Mountain and Flood prone East and Central Terai, the number of income sources ranges from two to six in all the other clusters. The modal number for the country is four, as seven of the 15 district clusters have only four income sources. Excluding Flood Prone East and Central Terai, all the other clusters have three to five modal sources of income. The modal number for the flood prone cluster is only two sources showing their income sources as less diversified, and therefore, in a more vulnerable status. The four modal sources of income are: agriculture, agriculture wage labour, seasonal migration, and then porterage or some other occupation. By region, there is some difference in the number of sources of income. In terms of number of income sources, the situation of Terai is poor compared to the Hill and Mountain. Most of the hill district clusters have five sources of income. In fact, three out of the 59 groups in Terai have only one income source and that is agriculture wage labour. These groups are from Sarlahi and Parsa districts of the flood-prone district cluster. One of the reasons for few

Figure 6.3: Range of Income Sources and Modal Number of Income Sources

0123456789

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numbers of income sources in the Terai could be the easy availability of work as wage labour, because of larger agricultural operations there and easy access to India, compared to Hill and Mountain. But such an opportunity makes it difficult for the poorest of the poor during disasters, such as flood, when they cannot get work as agriculture labourers in the community or surrounding communities, and are not able to go to outside the country for work. Figure 6.3 shows the number of income sources during a normal year. But the income earning options open to people tend to move together during crises. For example, extreme floods affected farm income as well as income from labourers for the people of Bhujahawa of Nawalparasi districts, as they were not able to get agricultural employment because of water-logging in the fields prohibiting rice plantation or any other type of agricultural activities. Similarly, excess rain affects non-farm income from portering goods and services due to the cancellation of plane services or destruction of roads due to landslides in Hills and Mountains. This infers that income of people become less during the crisis year as compared to the normal year, and therefore, unless they are given some other earning options, it is difficult for them to survive. Mitigating Risks through Insurance Self-Insurance Mechanisms Households insure themselves by accumulating assets in good times and drawing on them in bad times. There is lack of insurance market in rural areas of Nepal, and therefore poor people have to rely on self-insurance or other informal insurance. The magnitude of self-insurance depends on their level of income, proportion of income spent on food vis a vis non-food items, and a host of other factors. The following sections deal with these aspects of self- insurance. Figure 6.4 presents the range of average annual income and median annual income of the vulnerable and food insecure groups, by district clusters.2 Excluding West Terai, the range is

not that wide in other district clusters. The wider range in the West Terai is due to very high income as recorded by its two vulnerable groups. However, the median income of the groups 2 The income is computed only for the households with some land, and therefore the income of groups consisting landless is not reported here. Income of one of the vulnerable groups in Kailali district of Mid- and Far-West of Terai cluster was found to be very high and implausible, and therefore, this was taken as outlier. Thus, the figure reports only the income of the 159 vulnerable groups.

Figure 6.4: Range of Average Annual Income

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

160000

East M

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East H

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Figure 6.5: Percent of Communities Reporting Any Erosion and Erosion in All Places

0 20 40 60 80 100 120



East Terai


East Siwalik Region

Flood-prone East and Central Terai

Central Mountain and Hill

North-west Hill

South-west Hill

West Terai


Mid-west Hill

Far-west Mountain

Far-west Hill

Mid-and Far-west Terai

Nepal

Community with Erosion Community with Erosion in All Places

are around Rs 25, 000 even in this district cluster, implying that majority of the groups have less income. Of particular note is that the median income of groups does not widely diverge, and hovers around Rs 20,000 in most of the vulnerable groups. It ranges from Rs. 11,261 in North-West Hill to Rs 36,103 in Far-West Mountain. The median income in two clusters, viz, Central Mountain and Hill and Far-West Mountain was found somewhat higher as compared to other district clusters. However, on the whole, the median income for the country is little more than Rs 20,000, which is significantly less than the mean income of Rs 26,432, implying that there is unequal distribution of income among the vulnerable groups, with most of the groups having little income. Considering national average household size as 5.6 persons, the annual mean household income of Rs 26,432 yields Rs 4,732 as the annual per capita income of the vulnerable population of the current survey, which is less than the recently defined threshold income of US$ 77 for the national poverty line. This indicates that population of the vulnerable groups is lying below the recently defined poverty line for the country. Figure 6.4 shows the level of income of those vulnerable households who have some land. There are various reasons for low level of income such as low agricultural production due to poor and deteriorating soil fertility, which in turn, is due to soil erosion, lack of manure, and lack of employment opportunities, among others. The soil of Terai is the most fertile and suitable for the agricultural cultivation, whereas that of the Mountain is the least fertile and is not appropriate for the agricultural cultivation. It takes a longer time to cultivate crops in the Mountain because it lacks the humid climate leading to a longer period for crop. Because of the rugged topography, soil erosion is the main problem in Hill and Mountain parts of the country. The excessive rain erodes topsoil resulting into further decline in soil fertility. In order to maintain productivity, farmers manure fields through the use of farmyard manure and forest leaves and litters. But, because of the decrease in forest resources and lack of free access to forests and increase in cropping intensity as compared to before, farmers are not able to maintain soil fertility as much today. Figure 6.5 shows percent of communities reporting soil erosion. Out of the 65 surveyed communities, 80 percent reported that they have soil erosion problem. The problem of soil erosion is less severe in the Terai as compared to the Hills and Mountains. As to the enquiry that whether land erosion is universal or occurs in the limited places of the communities, 60 percent of the communities reported that it is a universal problem occurring all over the community. It is reported to occur in all places of the surveyed communities of four district clusters.


50

Figure 6.6: Percent of Communities Reporting Types of Measures Taken to Control Erosion

No measures possible

Bunding

Increase height of bund

Flow excess water throughsmall passTree plantation

Embankment

Other

Figure 6.6 reports measures undertaken by communities to control soil erosion. Some forms of bunding or tree plantation have been reported as controlling measures. Overall, about 42 percent community of the country reported bunding, five percent embankment and 20 percent suggested increase in height of bunds in order to control the problem. Tree plantation as a measure of controlling soil erosion has been reported in 26 percent of the communities. Besides 18 percent reported making water flow slowly through one small pass so that topsoil is not swept away. Level of consumption varies according to crop calendar and cropping pattern in the vulnerable communities of Nepal. The cropping pattern of the three regions is given in Table 6.2. Summer crops are major crops in all the regions of the country. Among winter crops, wheat in the Terai has a dominant share in cereals and therefore has major implication for food security there. Summer crops, such as maize and paddy in the hill and paddy in the Terai are harvested around September. Thus, level of consumption of households is better during September to December mainly in the Hill and Mountain. Then, millet is harvested in October and November which further supports one to two months. Thus, since March most of the food insecure households face food shortages in the Hills and Mountains.

Table 6.2 Cropping Pattern of Three Regions

Mountain Hill Terai Khet (Lowland) June/July to Nov/Dec – paddy. Dec/Jan to April/May – wheat. March/April to June/July–maize or winter paddy. Bari(Upland) April/May to Aug/Sept – maize. Aug/Sept to Dec/Jan – millet. Dec/Jan to March/April – fallow.

Khet (Low land) June/July to Oct/Nov – Paddy. Oct/Nov to Dec/Jan – Fallow. Dec/Jan to May/June – Potato. Bari(Upland) Feb/March to July/Aug – Maize. (Inter-cropping with millet or legume in planted maize in June/July). June/July to Oct/Nov – millet. Oct/Nov to Feb/March – oilseed or fallow. Nov/Dec to Aug/Sept – potato or Oct/Nov to Feb/March – oilseed so that people can cultivate maize. Thus if potato is cultivated then there is no possibility of cultivating maize.

June/July to Sept/Oct– Paddy. Sept/Oct to Apr/May- Rabi crops including sugarcane. But if sugarcane is planted then there is no rice plantation in the following year.

In case of Terai, level of food consumption is higher among the food insecure households from September to December. Then during winter they have some shortages. But once winter crops are ready their situation improves but only for two to three months, from March to May. Thus, the rainy season (June/July to Aug/Sept) is the food shortage season in all the communities across the three regions when the level of the consumption is low. Foodgrain prices also vary with their harvesting period. During harvesting and post-harvesting period their prices are low. The prices of most of the foodgrains are higher during the food shortage period, i.e, June/July to Aug/Sept. Thus, food insecure households suffer


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Figure 6.8: Proportion of Food Expenditure during Abnorm al Year

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from higher prices as they have to pay higher prices of foodgrains. However, prices of livestock which they sell are less during this season because of their greater supply in relation to demand since outside traders do not come as much to buy in the communities during rainy season. It is generally thought that poor people spend more than 70 percent of the expenditure on food. The current survey investigated into the proportion of the total expenditure spent on food and non-food items by 192 vulnerable groups in 65 communities in 19 survey districts. The survey shows that the share of food expenditure to total expenditure for normal and abnormal years in figures 6.7 and 6.8.

Overall, more than two-thirds of the total expenditure is spent on food items by the vulnerable groups in Nepal during normal year. There is little variation in the proportion of food

Figure 6.7: Proportion of Food Expenditure during Normal Year

0102030405060708090

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Figure 6.9 : Proportion of Food Expenditure during Normal and Abnormal Years

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90



East Terai


East Siwalik Region

Flood-prone East and Central Terai

Central Mountain and Hill

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Nepal

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expenditure by region, and even by district clusters, excluding some district clusters such as East Hill with Cash Crops, Mid and Far West Hill, and Far-West Mountain. The proportion hovers around 70 percent in most of the district clusters. As compared to normal year, the proportion of food expenditure in abnormal year increases. The proportion lies between 70 to 80 percent for most of the district clusters, and is three-fourths of the total expenditure for Nepal as a total. The range of food expenditure is wide in 50 percent of the district clusters, and the average expenditure lies between 70 to 80 percent in all but two clusters (Figure 6.8). The difference between the proportion of food expenditure during normal and that of an abnormal year is generally higher in Mountain, Mid-west, and Far-west regions of the country, which implies further vulnerability of these regions. In particular, the discrepancies between them is higher in Karnali Transhimalaya, Far-west Hill, and Mountain (Figure 6.9).

The problem of soil erosion, the lack of forest-based litters for manuring field, the consequent low agricultural production and low level of income, the inability of food insecure groups to feed their family members throughout a normal year from their income sources, the distress sale of livestock and other assets, and the larger proportion of resources used for food consumption are the underlying reasons which limit the possibility of accumulating assets by the poor households. The most common option for accumulating assets is raising animals, but it has been found in Chapter IV that compared to food secure households, a smaller proportion of food insecure households have livestock, and again these households have generally smaller livestock. As raising larger livestock requires a high initial investment for the poor, they adopt share cropping, but decrease in forest resources and lack of free access to forest resources for fodder with the implementation of the community forestry programme has worsened the capacity of the poor for mitigating risks through self insurance, such as from raising animals.


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Moreover, as compared to a normal year the proportion of the expenditure spent on food during an abnormal year increases. This together with the use of whatever livestock is there for the household consumption during abnormal years, further erodes their possibility of coming out of poverty and debt trap. This warrants for initiating some income generating activities for the poor and food insecure people so that they are able to effectively mitigate the effects of risk, and uplift themselves from poverty. Informal Insurance Mechanisms Households also use group-based mechanisms of informal risk sharing that rely on the social capital of groups of households. Typically, informal insurance involves a mutual support network of members of a community sharing similar characteristics in terms of ethnicity, relatives, friends or similar occupations. For example, there are traditional systems of Parma and Dhikuri, which are used to help community members through the exchange of labour and through the share of mutual funds generated from group members. However, the traditional systems of networks are disappearing, and more formal sets of groups are formed under different interventions by GOs and NGOs. Some of these groups are organised not only to implement and sustain the activities implemented by a organisation, but also to collect funds or undertake saving and credit operations. These networks are effective only against shocks common to some members but not all. Thus, in case of crisis, these networks could not help much unless the community has different types of networks and organisations. Different forms of user groups were found existing in the survey communities, such as those belonging to community forestry, drinking water, and other infrastructures. However, majority of them do not belong to saving and credit operations because the community members do not opt or lack the capability of financial contribution to raise the group funds. In fact, past experience reveals that it is very difficult to implement development intervention, and it is more difficult for the poorest of the poor. Therefore, there is a lack of effective groups sufficient for undertaking and mitigating the effects of natural disaster in the surveyed communities. Moreover, such formed groups are not sustainable; once the programme is phased out, they disappear. In view of this, there is a need for forming and sustaining groups and running some income generating activities or the activities which build the productive capacity of the communities. Under RCIW, WFP/Nepal has been implementing some micro initiatives which could help community to mitigate the effects of such shocks But there is a need for further enhanced implementation of these activities. This calls for partnering with other organisations, such as GTZ, at the moment for the effective implementation of such initiatives and for sustaining groups. 6.4 COPING WITH SHOCKS Food insecure and vulnerable households in Nepal have been defined by their community members as being resource poor, in terms of human, natural, and productive physical assets. For those most insecure, the lack of assets suggests little to fall back on as a buffer during times of more acute hardship. The major asset among the food insecure and vulnerable households is their own labor. As a result, the focus of coping efforts and their strength seems to rely on labor responses and, in particular, efforts to diversify sources of income. The data in Table 6.3 do not show a significant change in the overall range of income sources between normal and abnormal years, supporting the general understanding that coping behaviors are typically extensions and intensifications of economic activities undertaken under normal conditions. Information on the share of income derived from each source in normal and abnormal years is still being processed.


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Eating Less Preferred FoodsCollection of Wild Foods

Limiting Portion SizeSale of Small Livestock

BorrowingSkipping Meals

Sale of large livestockDemeaning Jobs

Contract LaborSeasonal Migration

Change OccupationLong Term Migrat.

Sale of Land

Time

Figure 6.10: Coping Strategies

Reversibility

Table 6.3 Frequency of Income Sources Reported by Assessment Settlements in “Normal” and “Abnormal” Years

Mountain Hill Terai

Income Sources Normal Abnormal Normal Abnormal Normal Abnormal Agriculture Wage Labour Animal Portering Small Trading Activities Occupation by Caste Fishing Skilled Labour Working Outside Community Bamboo Basketry Service/Pension Sale of firewood/herbs/blanket Bonded Labour Sale of Land Forest-based foods Borrowing

100.0 95.7 78.3 52.2 43.5 34.8 13.0 13.0 21.7 8.7 8.7 26.1 4.3 4.3 8.7 8.7

95.7 100.0 87.0 60.9 43.5 34.8 13.0 17.4 26.1 8.7 8.7 39.1 4.3 8.7 17.4 60.9

100.0 90.5 90.5 33.3 23.8 38.1 9.5 57.1 4.8 23.8 9.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 19.0 47.6

100.0 90.5 90.5 33.3 28.6 38.1 9.5 57.1 9.5 23.8 9.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 19.0 57.1

95.2 95.2 90.5 4.8 19.0 4.8 14.3 19.0 9.5 0.0 9.5 9.5 0.0 0.0 9.5 19.0

95.2 100.0 90.5 4.8 19.0 4.8 14.3 28.6 33.3 0.0 9.5 14.3 0.0 0.0 14.3 57.1

Total Communities 23 23 21 21 21 21 The data in Table 6.3 indicate that, in the Mountains, slightly more households engage in portering and other wage labor, the sale of animals for income, migration outside the community, the sale of firewood, buying and selling of food (for own consumption as well) and herbs collected in the forest, and borrowing. In the Hill communities, the only changes between normal and abnormal years appears to be a slight increase in households migrating outside the community to look for work and small trading activities, and again, borrowing. For households in the Terai, migration seems to be the primary income coping response among households, in addition to greater recourse to local wage labor, the sale of firewood, buying and selling of food and herbs collected in the forest, and borrowing.

The surveyed communities pointed out a number of coping mechanisms adopted after shocks which involve increased hours of labour, and eating less preferred and cheap foods. If they


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Box 6.2: Eating Less Preferred Foods: Examples Most people of the surveyed communities of Arghakhanchidistrict lived by eating fried mustard seed, and some otherprepared food by mixing nettles (about 4 kg) with half kg ofbarley. People ate locust in order to survive from the crisis in those communities of Kaulechaur of Arghakhanchi and Dharapani ofSurkhet districts where these locusts destroyed their maize andpaddy. People of Thargaun, Yanfudanda and Sowoka of Diding VDC,Sankhuwasabha district prepared home brewed liquor (Janda) from forest-based items such as Gittha and Bhyakur (tubers) and from banana root, and also prepared food from those items duringthe drought of 1957. They have mixed small quantity of rice inGittha and Bhyakur (tuber) and prepared food during the hailstorm of 1972.

Only forest-based items were eaten in Gwani of Darchula district during the recent drought. People of Syanda (Vyansi community) of Humla district had to live on the forest-based items such as nettle during the 1999 drought when the drought extended throughout the year, making people unable to cultivate both summer and winter crops.

fail to get employment they start cashing in their insurance: selling livestock or other assets, or calling support from community, government and non-government organisations. If the above supports fail then they seasonally migrate and/or sell their land and other fixed assets. A typical set of coping mechanisms adopted in some district clusters is given in Figure 6.10. Eating Less Preferred Foods People eat less preferred foods such as bread made of husk, nettle, food grains from Nepal Food Corporation, which is usually of low quality, millet and maize instead of rice, nettle or green leaves mixing with little grains and making porridge, fried mustard and broken rice, etc. The forest-based items are supplemented with some other food grains such as corn flour and millet bread. In fact, eating forest-based products with grain prevails one to three months in many communities of hills and mountain of Nepal. However, at the time of severe crisis, people are bound to depend on the forest-based items, and whatever foodstuff is available at home such as milk or fruit, which they are not able to sell. Collection and Sale of Forest-based Products This is a traditional strategy which was more dependable in the earlier days in many communities of the hills and mountains when there was free access to forest resources before the implementation of community forestry. However, it is still one of the main strategies adopted in most of the communities, especially those of Hills and Mountain. Some field-based illustrations are shown in Box 6.3.


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Box 6.3: Collection and Sale of Forest Resources: Some Examples • People in Panchan of Solukhumbu District also collected Ghorla leaves (for making cigarette)

and to sell during crisis. • People of Amarans of Solukhumbu suffered from the four times hailstorms in 2000, and

droughts of 1999 and 2000. They adopted the strategy of collecting log and processing themfor building houses. Moreover, they also earned their livelihoods from building houses. Someof them also engaged in sawing log in Salleri, the district headquarters.

• Some people of Kulalwada of Jumla district recalled that they suffered from paddy diseasesduring 1998 and 1999, and therefore, they had to go to the forests walking five hours tocollect and sell firewood in order to buy rice from the Nepal Food Corporation at thesubsidized price.

• Excessive rainfall in 1999 resulted into famine in Hepka community of Humla district, and tocope with the situation, people had to collect and sell herbs called Katuki in order to buyfoodgrains.

• Guruwagaon and Chamar Tole of Banke district also survived from the collection of forest-based food items during the 1950 and 1960 drought when there was forest near thecommunity.

• Fishing has also helped people to fight against crisis. People of Seselmu of Solukhumbudistrict bought food grains by catching and selling fish in the nearby river of their communityin order to fight against the food crisis that resulted due to hailstorm and drought in thecommunity.

Limiting Portion Size Limiting the quantity of food occurs in different ways, such as eating half stomach, eating full stomach but with less content of foodstuff such as watery porridge, or eating only once instead of three meals. The people of Sahajpur of Kailali district had to limit their food intake. People of Chnaganfaya of Humla district had to divide the grain sufficient for one meal to two meals during the 1999 drought. Such coping strategies are generally adopted when there is no work. Mothers in Hills of Nepal deliberately limit their own intake in order to ensure that their children get enough to eat. Such maternal buffering is done for three to four months in a year, just preceding the monsoon or during the early monsoon when maize is not ready for the harvest and there is lack of food in the vulnerable households of the Hills. But in case of the Terai this also occurs during the period of plantation when mothers have to do hard work, which severely affects their health. Sale of Small Livestock and Drawing down Seed Reserves Drawing down seed reserves is adopted when the sale of small livestock could not mitigate the disaster effect. If the use of seed reserves could not solve the problem then people borrow or sell large livestock, or adopt other strategies depending on the portfolio of particular households. Borrowing Food or Money Borrowing food from neighbours, friends, and relatives, or borrowing money to buy food is a very common coping mechanism practised every year in all the vulnerable communities in Nepal, especially by poor and disadvantaged people. This strategy is common when there are some households in the vulnerable community who are able to lend to the others. The important ramification of this is the situation where poor wage labourers borrow from their


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Box 6.4: Borrowing during Disasters: Some Examples Affected by the rainstorm of July 1999, most of the households of Dharapani community ofSurkhet district had to borrow around Rs 10,000 to buy foodgrains, and later, they went toKalapahad, India in order to pay the loan. Saving life becomes the first priority of the people, and therefore, they convert their productiveloans into consumptive ones such as the people of Arghakhanchi district who took loans fromthe Small Farmers Development Programme. Many of them could not pay back such loansbecause of the lack of employment opportunity. People of Seselmu and Amarans of Solukhumbu district had to borrow in order to perform thecremation ceremony of the people who died of measles and diarrhoea. The death of the able-bodied workers had hit some of the households hard in these communities. Some people soldlivestock and land, and migrated out. The scheduled caste settlement of Bagahi VDC, Parsa district had to borrow loan for thecremation of their family members who died of diarrhoea during 1997 disaster. The animal epidemic of 1963 occurred in Changanfaya of Humla district, which killed a largenumber of animals. People had to sell their utensils, ornaments and other households propertiesand finally, they had to borrow loan in order to supplement their household demand for food forthe year.

Box 6.5: Skipping Meals: Some Examples

The people of Bagahi of Parsa district eat food in the late morning or early afternoon to avoid hunger in the daytime during the period of foodcrisis. The hailstorm of 1999 May occurred in Chnaganfaya of Humla, whichdestroyed barley and Uwa crops, and therefore, some people had toborrow and some had to skip meals in order to survive. The scheduled caste settlement of the Panchrukhi VDC of Parsa districtsuffered from the animal epidemic of 1999, which killed 10 buffaloes inthe community. Therefore, those who used to earn from the sale ofbuffalo milk had to skip meals.

landlords in advance. But when there are not many people in the community with the surplus of food then the food insecure households have to visit other places to ask for loans to buy foodgrains. Sometimes, even middle class people take this alternative to cope up with the situation

There are different types of borrowing based on the source of borrowing and the amount of loan, which depends on the intensity and duration of food crisis. People generally do not have to borrow if it is a mater of few days as they can run households by selling livestock or other small household assets. However, if they do not have these assets, then they have to borrow for a short run and such borrowing is generally done within the community. But for long-term loan they have to turn to local moneylenders at a higher rate of interest. Borrowing is done not only for ensuring food security, but also for buying draft power, cremation and other related ceremonies when people die of diseases (Box 6.4). Some people of some Mid- and Far-West districts bought draft power taking loan, which they paid in the agriculturally off season by working in the other places such as in Kalapahad, India. Animal epidemics also cause people to borrow loan in order to fulfil the food demand. Skipping Meals Generally, there is a tradition of taking three meals a day in most communities: brunch in the morning; snack in the afternoon; and dinner in the night. There is lack of food during April to July in the Hills, and


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May to the middle of September in the Terai region of Nepal. During this period skipping one of the three meals is a rule rather than an exception among the vulnerable population. Skipping meals, especially supper or replacing supper by just snacks is also done. Evidences abound which show that people have to skip meals (Box 6.5). Adult members of households have to skip meals for the whole day when they fail to manage foodgrains during a crisis. Skipping meal for whole day is the last alternative to cope with the food shortage. This is seen in Syanda and Simikot of Humla, Chandannath of Jumla, and Bagahi of Parsa districts.

Other short -Term Strategies It has been also found that during the time of crisis, some people adopt their occupation as defined by their castes in order to earn income and mitigate the effects of disasters. Affected by drought in Patharwang of Arghakhanchi district, minstrels begged by singing; blacksmiths made bamboo basketry, ropes and rope mats for sale; and tailors went to their landlords for collecting their fixed remuneration in advance. In order to mitigate the effects of crisis, women work outside the home. For example, women from Hagam of Sindhupalchok district go to Kathmandu, women of Bhimtar of Sindhupalchok district dig others’ fields as wage labours, and women of Prangbung of Panchthar district break stones and collect sands from river for construction works. Women as wage labourers are not common in all castes, other than the disadvantaged ones. Upper caste women work only when there is severe crisis. Working Demeaning or Illegal Jobs Trespassing of firewood and other forest-based products are done in order to fight against the food crisis. Community people generally did not mention such illegal jobs. However, it has been found that the declaration of Arghakhanchi district as dry zone in 1998 prohibited people to produce and consume alcohol, but people were engaged in this activity anyway. The community mentioned that they were able to prepare and sell liquor illegally because police did not turn up in their village because of the fear of the Maoists. The community of Kaulechaur of Arghakhanchi district stated that the implementation of Community Forestry Programmes in 1995 is a risk, which affects the lives of firewood collectors. However, some started stealing wood and some diverted to wage labour. Sale of Other Items and Begging Selling livestock and utensils, especially the large utensils, is used as a strategy when there is no way out from unemployment. Other items that are used in their households are also sold. For example, in Chandannath of Jumla district people sold blankets of their personal use in order to mitigate the effect of crisis. Begging is usually done by lower castes during crisis. This is very prominent in Gokuleshor of Darchula District and Dandaphaya of Humla district. Working as Contract Labour Here contract labour is defined as a contract between a landlord and a labourer so that the latter is restricted to work in the landlord’s house for the period of the contract. The extreme version of this contract is bonded labour, which implies a situation when a person and his family are not allowed to work in other houses. Bonded labour exited in the five Mid- and Far-western Terai districts of the Nepal before the recent abrogation of Bonded labour system


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Box 6.6: Disasters Leading to Migration: SomeExamples • Suffering from the continuous natural disasters and

diarrhoea, some people of Panchan of Solukhumbudistrict have to sell their land and to move in othercommunities.

• The Kudawa community of Banke district has been

suffering from the river cutting each year since 1954.Realizing this problem, the government has provided apiece of land for home construction in another VDC ofthe same district. The people will migrate to the VDCsoon.

• The Mushahar and Chamar settlement of Haripur VDC

of Sarlahi district suffered from cholera occurred in1981. About eight people died and 90 percent of thesettlements was affected. They had to borrow moneyfor medicine. Most of them went to Punjab in India toearn their livelihoods. Similarly, the people of Bhadsarof Sarlahi district also went to Punjab during the 1993flood, and some have taken interest free loans from theAgricultural Development Bank.

Box 6.7: Some Examples of Severe Capital-Based Strategies • The households of Majhare, Laxmaniya and Bhimpur

of Morang district suffered from a drought in 1980and from floods in 1993 to 1995, and therefore, theycould not produce paddy and wheat. As a result, somesold their draft power and ornaments, and few othersold their land. Some others went to other countriesfor employment. But majority coped through workingas wage labourers. Some had to eke out their living bytaking loans from Sajha (co-operative) office.

• Selling land has been reported in Syawarunba

community of Panchthar district due to drought, Rauta community of Udayapur district due to earthquake, and Majhare community of Morang district due to flood.

in the country. However, the system of bonded labour has recently been declared as illegal by the government. There is some form of contract labour in the hills as well as in the Terai. Migration Suffering from continuous disasters, some households of some survey communities sold their fixed properties and migrated permanently to other places. However, the case of permanent migration is not usual. What is usual is seasonal migration where many people go to work in India in order to earn their livelihoods. It is not only the people of Hill and Mountain but also those of Terai go to India for work. There is difference between the Hill and the Terai people who migrate to India. The hill people go for a longer period, whereas the Terai people go many times in year whenever they do not have work opportunities in their communities or surrounding their communities. The Terai people also go for work as agricultural labourer especially in Punjab and Haryana in India. Besides India, men often migrate to urban areas like Kathmandu, Narayanghat, Pokhara, Birgunj, etc in the country. They also go to other third countries, especially in the Middle East. The increasing seasonal migration of the Terai population working as agricultural labour in India implies that the condition of people is worsening or there is lack of employment opportunity even in parts of the Terai. Sale of Fixed Properties Capital-based strategies of the mediocre type include a) sale of cow, buffalo, pig and other big animals; b) sale of draft power; and c) mortgage of land, crop or other properties or productive assets. This is practised rarely and is done when the crisis is severe. The most severe capital-based strategies include sale of fixed properties, such as land and house, which is the last insurance used by the households that ultimately lead some households to move permanently from their villages.


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As an outstanding example, the 1988 earthquake completely destroyed houses of three households and partially destroyed houses of 8 households of Waku-5 of Solukhumbu district. These households got free help from the community to build andmend their houses.

Box 6.8: Assistance Extended from GOs and NGOs: Some Field Illustrations • People of Diding VDC received 40 kg wheat from government during the drought of 1991. • A financial aid of Rs 5,000 was given to two households whose houses were destroyed from landslides in

Seselmu of Solukhumbu district during 1999. Similarly during the earthquake of 1998 some households received Rs 5,000 to 10,000 help in order to rebuild their houses and also received 20 kg rice from thegovernment.

• During the storm of 1995, each household of Kamati Tole of Morang district received Rs 300. • People of Majhare, Laxmaniya and Bhimpur received some help during the 1988 earthquake. • People of Chhenda Tole of Sarlahi district suffered from the flood in 1993. It swept away about 4 hectare

land and six houses. These households received help from the DDC, which included plastic, blanket, clothes, and utensils.

• People of Bhadsar of Sarlahi district suffered from the 1996 flood. About 500 households were affected.They received sugar, beaten rice, kerosene oil, salt, and utensils from NRCS, and Rs 1000 per household for 11 families from the HMGN.

• The flood-affected people from Thori of Parsa district received help from Lions Club in 1998, Rs 625from CDO office, and 35 kg foodgrain from Nepal Food Corporation in 1999.

• 62 houses of Kudawa of Banke district were destroyed during the fire in 1991. All the livestock and otherproperties of these houses were destroyed. NRCS distributed beaten rice and clothes to each of theaffected families. The government Forest Office provided 40 cubic feet logs to each affected family to build houses, but they did not get any help in another fire set in 1996 when 25 houses were destroyed.

• Guruwagaon and Chamar Tole of Banke also received help from NRCS and DDC during the 1989 fire,but they did not receive such help during 1958 fire. However, people managed to live because it was the season of paddy harvest.

• People of Surja Tole, Sahajpur of Kailali district suffered from the epidemic in 1998, which killed all theirgoats. However, they worked in the RCIW programme of WFP and earned their livelihood.

• There is lack of availability of food in the remote inaccessible districts like Humla, Dolpa, and Jumlawhere government provides food at the subsidized price. There is food rationing all over the year. Forexample, one family gets 10 kg rice each month at the subsidized price.

Reliance on Community Nepalese are rich in tradition and culture and there are still some practices such Parma and Dhikuri which help people to survive against many calamities. Examples abound when some households suffer from a natural calamity that damages crops, or houses or the lives. In such a situation the entire community contributes grain and free labour to build houses or to plant, which helps the sufferers to fight against the risks. However, such self-help exists in remote areas, but has run into oblivion in the less remote areas where the modern intervention has created individualistic feelings. Formal Mechanisms People have also received help from different government and non-government organisations after a crisis. These mainly include Nepal Red Cross Society (NRCS), Chief District Officer (CDO) office, Lions Club, District Development Committee (DDC) and VDC offices during the time of severe disasters. During the time of earthquakes, NRCS has distributed food as well as clothes to the victims of disasters in many communities. Similarly, communities also approached VDC, DDC and CDO offices during such crisis and received some help from these organisations. However, such help are generally given when there are natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods or epidemics. Some of the examples of such assistance given by different GOs and NGOs are illustrated in Box 6.8.


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6.5 SUMMARY This chapter does not explain formal mechanisms adopted by HMGN for risk reduction. However, there is no effective use of the health institutions, agriculture service centres and veterinary centres established by the government because of the lack of roads linking to such service centres and lack of awareness of the people, among other reasons. This suggests that in order to effectively reduce risks, especially human, animal, and plant diseases, and some natural disasters like drought, construction of infrastructure including roads and irrigation and provision of market facilities is necessary. Moreover, creation of awareness about health and hygiene is also important to prevent or reduce risks and make people visits health posts regularly. There are very limited earning options for people. Majority of the rural population still depends on agriculture, and agriculture productivity is not increasing because of natural disasters such as floods, landslides, and droughts. Moreover, lack of manure due to the decrease in animal husbandry and lack of free access to forest coupled with natural disasters, have affected agricultural productivity. The problem of soil erosion, lack of forest-based litters for manuring field, the consequent low agricultural production, low level of income, the inability of the food insecure groups to feed their family members throughout a normal year from their income sources, the distress sale of livestock and other assets, and the larger proportion of resources used for food consumption limit the possibility of accumulating assets by the poor households. The most common option for accumulating assets is raising animals, but it has been found in the preceding chapter (Chapter IV) that compared to food secure households a smaller proportion of food insecure households have generally smaller livestock. As raising larger livestock requires a high initial investment for the poor, they adopt share cropping. However, lack of fodder due to decrease in forest has worsened the capacity of the poor to mitigate risks through self-insurance, such as from raising animals. There are limited coping measures adopted by the poor and food insecure people. They revolve around the use or sale of human labour, animal and some other household assets, and forest-based products. The social capital and the informal insurance mechanisms are on a decreasing trend. Different forms of user groups were found in the survey communities, such as those belonging to community forestry, drinking water, and other infrastructures. However, majority of them do not belong to the saving and credit operation because of the problems that community members do not opt or lack the capability of financial contribution to raise the group funds. Moreover, such formed groups are not sustainable. Once the programme is phased out, they disappear. In view of this, there is a need for forming and sustaining groups and running some income generating activities or activities which will build the productive capacity of the communities. Under RCIW, WFP/Nepal has been implementing some micro initiatives which could help communities to mitigate the effects of such shocks, but there is need for further enhanced implementation of these activities. This calls for partnering with other organisations, such as GTZ, at the moment for effective implementation of such initiatives, and for sustaining groups.


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In some of the communities, all family members eat together, for example: dancer or Bhand communities of Darchula district; Magar, Rai and lower castes like Majhi and Kami of Panchthar, Udayapur, Surkhet and Morang districts. Both male and female of the poor and disadvantaged groups work as wage labourers outside, and therefore, they eat together.

Some poor people do not get even two meals a day during the food insufficient months and during agriculturally off seasons when there are no employment opportunities. They take food in the late morning or early afternoon to avoid hunger pranks in daytime. In the evening, they manage with some snacks and sometimes without anything.

CHAPTER VII

FOOD SECURITY AND GENDER 7.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter draws on the information collected from women focus group discussions carried out in 19 districts of the country in order to assess vulnerability and food security status of women. The chapter is divided broadly into intra-household food security, access to household resources, and work burden. 7.2 INTRA HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY In order to assess food adequacy among women, group discussions of women were conducted on three themes: order of eating, number of daily meals, and limiting food by women in order to feed their children. Order of eating food differs by age, sex, caste, and ethnicity. However, across most of the communities of the sampled districts, there is a similarity in the order of eating: small children eat first and then men followed by women. Children eat first because they feel hungry fast, and have to go to school early in the morning, and go to bed early at night. In Aryan families, a rule in the order of eating is as follows: men eat before women; and among women there is hierarchy: senior women eat before junior women; and sister-in-laws, elder co-sisters eat before daughter-in laws. Generally, the youngest daughter-in-law looks after the kitchen and eats last. Across all the communities, it has been found that cooks eat last. There is no strict order of eating in the disadvantaged castes as both male and female members have to work outside to run their family. The reasons advanced on the women eating last revolve around the fact that it is the woman who serves as a cook, and therefore, she has to do all other work, such as cleaning, washing utensils, etc, that are to be done after all household members finish eating. In some communities, the tradition is that women eat leftovers of her husband left on her husband’s plate, and if she eats before husband, the food becomes impure. Some women feel satisfied by eating last, after giving food to everybody. This indicates that, generally women are at a disadvantaged state, who have to eat whatever is left, after food is eaten by all family members and guests. In almost all the surveyed communities, people eat three times a day: brunch in the morning, snacks in the afternoon, and supper in the night. The afternoon snack is not compulsory across the communities and households; it is governed by economic condition of family, food sufficiency, and therefore, by season and also by amount of work performed, i.e., agricultural season or not. Very poor people of the vulnerable communities take only two meals a day.


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In some communities, pregnant women do not know that, they should eat nutritious food for the proper growth of the foetus and for their own health. Moreover, they say that, they have bad appetite during pregnancy so they do not feel like eating even normal food. Also, there is a tradition of prohibiting some food items like honey, and sweet and sour items during pregnancy. Lack of time also prevents pregnant women from taking additional food. Some of them feel lazy to cook and eat during pregnancy, as nobody is available to cook and serve her.

Men of the households with better food sufficiency eat four times a day during the agricultural season. But women who generally do not perform wage labor eat two to three times a day since they stay at home and do not have to work outside. However, among the poor families in which both male and female members work outside, there is not much differentiation. Irrespective of communities in Terai or Hill, children eat more often than elders. They eat four or more times and younger children eat as many times as possible. Usually in the summer, children and adults eat more than winter because days are longer, and there is enough time for preparing snacks, and summer is also the agricultural season. However, this does not hold for the children who go to school and eat morning and evening meals at home, and rarely take snacks school. Women have to limit their food in order to provide adequate food for their children. This generally occurs during food shortage period, for example, during plantation of major crops in Asadh (June/July) and Shrawan (July/August), or just after plantation. During this period, foodgrain stock of previous year diminishes and the grain of the current year is not yet ready. In the Hills where maize is the main course of the meal, food shortage occurs until the maize is ready to be eaten. Maize plantation differs across the communities, and therefore, the period of extreme food shortages varies between Jestha (May/June) to Bhadra (August/September) in the Hills. In case of Terai, this stretches up to Aswin (September/October), depending on how early the paddy is ready for harvesting. Women have deep love and affection towards their children, and they feel it is their responsibility to feed their children's stomach full. They are aware of fact that children are young and growing, and they need sufficient food. Hence, mothers limit their food to feed the children sufficiently. Even men limit their food to give sufficient food to their children. However, this incidence is rare because men eat before women and are not much responsible for looking after children. Moreover, most of the women do not reveal to their male counterparts the fact that they have to limit their food in order to feed their children adequately. The preceding explanation infers that women are more food insecure than men at the household level. They eat less and not frequently as men. The level of insecurity differs by season and economic conditions of family. However, women eat more frequently during the agriculture season compared to other seasons. As for the school-going children, there is not much gender discrimination, but there is some gender discrimination among the children who stay at home. The level of food intake of school going children is less than that of those who stay at home. 7.3 FOOD ADEQUACY DURING

PREGANCY Despite the fact that additional diet is of utmost importance during pregnancy, field work carried in different parts of the country reveals a odd picture where majority of the communities have no tradition of giving additional (special) food items to pregnant women. The main reason for not giving special food is the poor economic condition of households. However, in some communities, relatives of pregnant women give them some special food to eat out of love. If a mother in-law and


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In some Magar communities, it is observed that mothers of newborns get gifts from their relatives and husband’s relatives, which contain chicken, ghee or oil, food grains, etc. This is a rich tradition which enables woman to eat well even if she cannot afford to on her own. Women in such community eat about a dozen chicken, one to two kg ghee and oil, and rice for longer during her post-partum period.

Some food items are prohibited in some communities due to the past tradition and belief. Some people do not eat salt until ten days, and non-vegetarian food items until six months after delivery. Green leaf is not given because of the belief that it may induce cold and spoils a baby’s tummy. Beans and legumes are not offered because of the belief that they spoil tummy of the baby and body of the mother.

husband is caring and loving, they arrange for special foods somehow, either by borrowing from neighbors or asking loan from the landlord where the husband of pregnant woman works. However, some special food, such as ghee, oil, chicken, non-vegetarian food items, spices, green leaves, pulses, legumes, milk and milk product, fruits, etc. are provided to pregnant women of better off families in some communities. Some of these items are also provided in few poor families to some extent. Some pregnant women of non-Aryan families also take home made beer, which is available almost throughout the year. If pregnant women are feeling pain due to weakness, they are given more liquid foods and some additional foods like oil, ghee, chicken, etc. 7.4 FOOD ADEQUACY DURING POST-NATAL PERIOD Across the communities, post-natal period varies between three to 11 days, according to the economic condition, culture and tradition of the families. ‘Nwaran’, or the day of purification of a newly born baby and mother also varies by community and religion, and it starts from the third day. After this event, the women are pure and can assume their household chores. In some communities, the Nwaran period is decided according to the adequacy of number of able-bodied workers in the families. Thus, post-natal women of better off families and families with large numbers of able bodied workers are more likely to stay longer without work and to get served from the other family members. Unlike during pregnancy, it has been found that women are provided special food during post-natal period irrespective of their economic condition across all districts. It is particularly interesting to note that very poor households also provide special foods such as non-vegetarian food. If they cannot afford non-vegetarian foods then they provide ghee, oil, rice, and pulse, presumably because poor families are in urgent need of work from the post-partum women, and therefore, they need a quick recovery of a woman's health. Such a practice prevails at least up to Nwaran by even borrowing or taking loans from neighbors or landlords. Quality and quantity of special foods increase according to the economic condition of households. The community women mentioned that the reason for giving special foods during post-natal period is to overcome weakness after delivery and for the production of enough milk for child. Most of the women are given special soup and food items made from various spices and dry fruits.1 All these types of traditional food items are given to produce adequate breast milk and to prevent from cold. It is believed that the turmeric content in these items

1 These special food items are made of spices like ‘Jwano’, cumin seed, coriander seed, ginger, turmeric, etc. ‘Harera’ is made of ginger, turmeric, spices, jaggary, little chili and wheat flour; ‘Kharau’ is made of sugar, spices and chili; ‘Gadi Chhohara’ is made of coconut, turmeric, milk and sugar, etc. Some food items like roasted garlic, ‘Sounth’, made of rice flour, ginger, black pepper, and jaggary; medicine flour, ‘Sattu’ made of mixed flour, etc. are also given to post-partum women.


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‘Chhyang’, a home made beer, is given in some communities like Mainaghat of Nawalparasi district, Pattharkot of Sarlahi district, and Waku of Solukhumbu district as the people of these communities think that it gives children energy and helps in good growth. Some people do not give any thing except normal food. This is due to the lack of income or lack of awareness. Some of them do not find time to prepare it and give it to children.

reduces pain after delivery. Many women, especially from non-Aryan families, drink home made beer and liquor made of millet as well because of the belief that it increases production of breast milk. 7.5 FOOD SECURITY AND CHILDREN Provision of special foods to children after all depends on the economic condition of family, and knowledge and awareness about special foods. However, most of the people give some thing extra to small children since they know that children should be given additional food for good growth and health. Lito, a common name for a special food prepared for children which is made of flour of grains and legume, is also given to children. These foods are rich in protein and carbohydrate is generally given in many communities. However, people find it time consuming to prepare it, hence many of them do not provide it. ‘Jaulo’ (watery porridge) which is generally made of rice and pulse along with some oil or ghee is given to small children after they start eating rice. At times they are offered soft rice with milk if they do not get other ingredients. Fruits like banana, which is soft, is given to small children and little bigger children are given other fruits also. Haluwa is another food, which is made of wheat or rice flour, or Sugi fried in ghee and mixed with sugar and water, is also offered to children. Nowadays, canned powder milk has replaced many home made special foods. This is generally used by better off families and families living in the vicinity of urban areas where such a food item is available. It is easy to prepare, hence liked by many people. Even biscuits are given to children by some parents when they are unable to prepare other foods due to the lack of time. Milk is generally given to children since this is readily available in house or in community. If mother’s milk is not sufficient for the child or mother can not feed her child due to some reason then milk is given to the child by buying it. Apart from milk, other special foods are also given, according to the status of family. People, who cannot afford other special foods, give vegetable or lentil soup, and very poor households provide only starch to their children. 7.6 FOOD MANAGEMENT Two related questions were asked with women of the FGD participants in the survey: 1) who decides what types of meal should be prepared and why? ; and 2) who goes for collecting or managing food during the period of food scarcity and why? It is generally the cook herself who decides what dishes are to be prepared. If the cook is a newly married daughter-in-law or if there is a special occasion such as festival then she has to ask her mother-in-law or the other elderly women of the house. In case of a joint family, the cook has to ask the mother-in-law mainly to show respect towards her. Among the food insecure and vulnerable households, the purchase of food also constitutes as the major source. This purchase is generally made either through earning from wage from being labourers or from borrowing. Traditionally, it is mainly men who borrow and do bulk purchase because of the patriarchal society, and because by traditional division of labor and


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Because of the patriarchal society, parental assets are kept in the control of men. However, in some Magar and Gurung families whose male members work in the Gurkha army or in similar occupations, there is a tradition of registering land and other assets in the name of women, which give women legal status and control over such assets.

The items on which women have control in some households in most of the communities are jewelry, grains, small livestock like goat and poultry, and parental gifts.

responsibilities. In many communities, the responsibilities of short-term food management lie with women, whereas the long term one with the men. Thus, women turn to their neighbors in order to manage food for one or two meals. It is generally the responsibility of women to collect forest-based food items. At times they take their children to collect such food items. The women go to collect because the men do not go, or the women think that it is women’s responsibility for short-term food management. However, when the forest is very far, when women have a small baby, or when they have to look after house, they are not allowed to go. In some households, sometimes men and women go to collect forest-based foods depending upon who is busy in other household activities. Sometimes children are not taken for collecting food when the forest is far, when there are rivers on the way to forest, and/or when there are wild animals dangerous to children. 7.7 ACCESS TO HOUSEHOLD RESOURCES Control of Assets / Income and Decision Making by Gender Two questions were put before the FGD women participants: one question was on the control of assets and other was who takes decisions on purchasing and selling of household assets. Across all the communities, it has been found that generally men control all household assets. The reasons given behind the control of assets by men include: • Males are the owners of their ancestral property,

are 'smarter', and more knowledgeable and literate. • The tradition is that women have to look after

domestic chores, and men have to manage all the household assets.

• Women are generally illiterate. • Men work outside, and therefore, they earn cash. • Men are generally the household head.

The control over assets varies with source of assets, earner of the assets, and by ethnicity. As women wear jewellery, they have control over it. With regard to grains, women put more effort in its cultivation and processing, as well as managing the kitchen, and therefore, they have more control in these areas. Women are also the main caretakers of animals. Despite this, they have control only over small animals. In most of communities it has been reported that both men and women have control over the household assets because both have put equal efforts to collect and manage the assets. This helps in smoothly running the family, as there is no conflict between men and women. In the Magar and Gurung communities, women have greater stakes over the assets as compared to Indo-Aryan families. Generally, women are consulted for sale of fixed, immovable properties, and larger animals, and use of income from such sales, but the final word is with the men. In the case of female headed households, which is generally in case of widow or in the situation when male members are out for a long time because of employment, a female head consults with her son if he is grown up. Otherwise, she consults her close relatives regarding the purchase and sale


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of assets. In the case of the sale of grains, women have greater stake because they know better than men about what amount of grains are to be kept as seeds and what amount for household consumption. Men have sole control over income from the sale of large animals that are generally bought from the ancestral property and/or bought from the men’s own earnings. Generally, such income is spent at the will of men, and is used to generally pay loans. However, if women have received animals as parental gifts, then they have some control over the income from the sale of the livestock. The income is generally used for purchasing household necessities such as grains, oil and salt, and also dresses if there is some money left. Women also spend little money on the purchase of cheap cosmetics, bangles, forehead stickers, earrings, and necklaces. Women in better-off households also buy jewellery. What proportion of income is spent on the household necessities vis a vis on women’s necessities depends on whether the women are newlyweds or not, and economic conditions of the family, among other reasons. Marketing As men are given the responsibility of working outside the home, they perform market tasks. Some other reasons that are given for why men are responsible for work outside their homes are: • Men are smarter than women. • Men do not have ‘language problem’. • Men are more knowledgeable than women as they have more information on price and

other market condition. Besides, the biological differences between men and women, the traditional labour division between male and females, the prevailing traditions and the conditions that are created by such differences make marketing a male function. For example, men have to perform marketing in the following situations:

• If there is flood. • If bulk purchase is to be done from market which is far requiring strength for hauling. Similarly, following situations arise because of the traditional division of labour, so that males do the marketing:

• It is convenient to buy household necessities while men return from work. • Women have to look after the house, kids, and animals. However, the above reasons or conditions also suggest that women also do marketing, especially in the following cases: • If market is nearer. • If there is small purchase. • If there is need to buy dresses and decorating items. • If men are not free. 7.8 USE OF LEISURE TIME Women participants have been asked what they or their male counterparts do during leisure time. The women groups pointed out a number of activities done by them and their male counterparts. It is interesting to note that they think leisure time is the time when they do not have difficult work or when work can be done leisurely without following a strict routine rather than the time when they have no work at all.


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The women groups in Bhimtar of Sindhupalchok district, Talium of Jumla district, Simikot of Humla district, Gwani of Darchula district, Phalamkhani of Parbat district, Khanchikot and Pokharathok of Arghakhanchi district, Mantada of Surkhet district, Sakar of Baitadi district, Holiya and Belhari of Banke district, Sahajpur of Kailali district pointed out that men look for job during their leisure time. This implies that men lack alternative employment opportunities at their homes once they are out of work. The women group of Arghakhanchi district said that men go to beg during leisure time.

During leisure time, men perform varieties of task - some difficult and some are light. Across communities, men are involved in making rope, bamboo baskets, Radi and Pakhi (blanket and mat), hookah and Sulpha; collecting fodder, wool and water; caring animals; and working as wage labours and masons. Some usual tasks that are to be performed are repairing homes and cow sheds, and caring animals. People of occupational castes who do not have agriculture as the main occupation engage more in work defined by their castes during their leisure time. However, in few communities it has been pointed out that some are involved in recreation activities such as playing football and visiting relatives. The women groups in most of communities of almost all districts mentioned that men enjoy talking, drinking, and playing cards during their leisure time. Generally, winter is relatively free, and therefore, people sit around the fire. Only few of the women groups pointed out that men engage in personal hygiene and sanitation, and help in household work during their leisure time.

Women perform work similar to those of men. Some of the additional work that they perform are sewing dresses, washing clothes, cleaning house, breaking wall nut, scrubbing and mopping floors, preparing animal beds, and working in the kitchen garden. Those who are involved in some user groups also attend meeting. Some of the women groups, from Morang and Nawalparasi districts, pointed that they take care of personal hygiene and sanitation such as cutting nails, bathing their children and themselves, whereas those of Haripur community of Sarlahi district pointed that they also prepare liquor during their leisure time. Newly married women go to their parental house, and others visit their relatives and friends. It is of particular note that as compared to men, women have very little leisure time. Moreover, they do not play cards or roam around as the men do. 7.9 SUMMARY The preceding chapters described who are the food insecure households, where they are, and why they are food insecure and vulnerable. This chapter focuses on the intra-household food security by focusing on food security and gender. It has been found that within households, women, especially the ones who look after the kitchen, are food insecure because they eat the last, and generally eat the leftovers. Many of them have to limit their food portion size during a food shortage in order to feed their children adequately. These women are generally from the Indo-Aryan families. The pregnant and lactating mothers who are in the need of additional foods are also food insecure as they are not given adequate food during such critical stages in their lives. In particular, it has been found that, lactating mothers are given some special foods such as chicken curry, ghee and rice just after delivery for a period of 3 to 11 days depending on the economic condition of the families and the prevailing tradition. As for the children, school children generally eat two meals a day and eat less than those out of school in the same family. The women are food insecure because: • They lack access to resources; • Their families are poor;


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• Lack of awareness and deep-rooted tradition which does not take into account the special needs of children, expectant and nursing mothers;

• The tradition that women should eat later, and among the women the cook should eat last which is mainly because of the traditional division of labour that females should work inside homes whereas the male should work outside homes; and

• The perception that women cannot be the breadwinners. The above findings provide a clear implication that the WFP/Nepal should extend its School Feeding and Maternal and Child Health projects with increased emphasis on the creation of awareness.


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CHAPTER VIII

DISCUSSION OF MAJOR FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME - NEPAL

8.1 INTRODUCTION The food security and vulnerability situation in Nepal has been detailed in the preceding chapters, drawing on secondary and primary information. This chapter initially focuses on development constraints and opportunities as perceived by surveyed communities across three regions of the country. In order to explain constraints and opportunities, three interrelated questions were placed before 65 surveyed communities. They are: a) what are constraints and problems that undermine livelihood of people?, b) What needs to be done in order to uplift living conditions of people?, and c) How can communities contribute to their own development? The replies by community people for these questions have been marshalled in the following section. The community level priorities are discussed by pooling the findings in preceding chapters, on which some policy and programme implications have been advanced in order to hone on the WFP efforts in relation to its efficient utilisation of limited resources through improved targeting and designing improved intervention framework. 8.2 COMMUNITY LEVEL PRIORITIES Table 8.1 presents constraints and opportunities and Table 8.2 presents solutions to such constraints reported by the communities for the country as a whole and for each region separately. The problems outlined by the communities are arranged in descending order of frequency nationally, and then number of communities advancing each as a problem has been ascertained for each of the three regions separately.

Table 8.1 Constraints and Problems of the Communities, by Ecological Regions and Country, Nepal, 2000

Percent of Communities Problems/Constraints

Mountain Hill Terai Nepal Illiteracy/Lack of Education Unemployment Lack of Irrigation Lack of Road and Bridge Lack of Awareness Floods/Change in Course of Rivers Lack of Arable Land Lack of Drinking Water Poverty/Lack of Income Low Productivity Alcoholic Habit Topography/Remoteness Lack of Skill Crop Loss from Wild Animals Excess rainfall/ Drought High Price of Foodgrain Over Population Far Market Lack of Cleanliness/Toilet Human/Animal Diseases

56.5 47.8 17.4 34.8 30.4 13.0 21.7

8.7 30.4

4.3 21.7

8.7 0.0 0.0 4.3

17.4 4.3 8.7 8.7 0.0

71.4 42.9 57.1 14.3 23.8

4.8 19.0 28.6 33.3 19.0

0.0 9.5 4.8 4.8 9.5 0.0 4.8 4.8 4.8 4.8

38.1 33.3 28.6 28.6 23.8 61.9 23.8 19.0 33.3 14.3

0.0 0.0

14.3 14.3

4.8 0.0 4.8 0.0 0.0 9.5

55.4 41.5 33.8 26.2 26.2 26.2 21.5 18.5 32.3 12.3

7.7 6.2 6.2 6.2 6.2 6.2 4.6 4.6 4.6 4.6

No of Communities 23 21 21 65


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Of particular note is that a larger proportion of the Hill communities refers to lack of drinking water problem than do Mountain communities. This corroborates our earlier findings given in Chapter Six. On the other hand, lack of roads have been the problem in larger proportion of the communities of Mountain than those in the Hill and Terai areas.

Although the constraints reported and solutions proposed by communities focus on all the four dimensions of food security, their major focus is on the access and then the availability dimension of food security. In particular, most of the problems and solutions are related to access dimension. In the Mountain area, problems and solutions relate to availability, and some to disaster (vulnerability) and utilization dimensions of food security. However, of all the four dimensions, the access dimension seems to be the most prominent, which is plausible in view of the growing economic poverty and food insecurity in the country.

The constraints presented in Table 8.1 are of different types relating to lack of both “software” and “hardware”. Some of them are also related to risks and hazards. The problems relating to software include illiteracy or lack of education and skills, lack of awareness, and lack of cleanliness. Those relating to hardware are lack of irrigation, roads and bridges, drinking water, and market facilities. Problems relating to risks and hazards are floods and changes in courses of rivers, crop damage from wild animals, excess rainfall and droughts, high foodgrain prices, and human or animal diseases. These problems boil down to low productivity, unemployment, poverty, food insecurity, which are the problems pointed out by the community. The first two important constraints that undermine development are: a) illiteracy or lack of education, and b) unemployment. More than 55 percent of the surveyed communities of Nepal stated illiteracy or lack of education, and about 42 percent unemployment as the problems for their development (Table 8.1). The following two constraints are related to lack of infrastructure, irrigation, and roads and bridges. Among various other problems, poverty was also identified as a large problem, which could be due to low productivity or lack of income because of little income earning opportunities. The problems identified have significant implications in relation to food insecurity, and cover all four dimensions of food security, viz, availability, access, utilisation, and vulnerability. The problems vary significantly across the three regions of the country. Larger proportions of the Mountain and Hill communities refer to illiteracy or lack of education as the main problem. Similarly, majority of the Hill communities said that lack of irrigation is the problem. Significant variation also occurs in terms of problems relating to risks and hazards. Thus, a larger proportion of the Terai communities refers to floods and river cutting, or change in courses of rivers as the problem compared to those in the Hills and Mountain. The risks and hazards also appear to be criteria for distinguishing food secure and food insecure households from communities suffering from them. High prices of food grains have been also conceived as a problem in Mountain rather than Hill and Terai. Associated with the above problems, the solutions as advanced by the communities are mentioned in Table 8.2. About 45 percent communities call for provision of education, and more than one-third of the communities ask for the provision of irrigation facilities. Many communities place emphasis on the creation of employment opportunities across the three regions, based on providing skill training, implementation of income generating activities, running cottage industries, and establishing large industries in rural parts of the country. Provision for market facilities was identified in Hill and Mountain areas, and health facilities only in the Mountain. Protection of forests was requested as a solution only in the Hills.


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Table 8.2

Solutions to the Problems of the Communities by Ecological Regions and Country, Nepal, 2000

Percent of Communities Solution to Problems/Constraints Mountain Hill Terai Nepal

Provision of Education Provision of Irrigation Provision of Employment Construction of Roads Vocational/Skill Development Training Improvement in Animal Husbandry Provision of Drinking Water Facility Agriculture- related Training/Development Implementing Income Generating Activities Awareness and Sanitation Programme Electrification Control of Flood and River Cutting Cottage Industries Transportation Facilities Establishment of Industry Food/Cloth/Medicine Aid Distribution of Fruit Saplings Market Facilities Shifting Community to a Safer Place Development and Protection of Forests Provision of Health Facilities

56.5 21.7 34.8 26.1 17.4 17.4 21.7 26.1 26.1 13.0 17.4

4.3 8.7 8.7 8.7

13.0 0.0

13.0 0.0 0.0

13.0

42.9 42.9 28.6 33.3 23.8 28.6 33.3 19.0 19.0 19.0 14.3

9.5 9.5

14.3 0.0 0.0

14.3 4.8 4.8

14.3 0.0

33.3 38.1 23.8 23.8 33.3 23.8

9.5 19.0 14.3 28.6

4.8 19.0

9.5 0.0

14.3 4.8 4.8 0.0 9.5 0.0 0.0

44.6 33.8 29.2 27.7 24.6 23.1 21.5 21.5 20.0 20.0 12.3 10.8

9.2 7.7 7.7 6.2 6.2 6.2 4.6 4.6 4.6

Number of Communities 23 21 21 65 Note: There is not one-to-one correspondence between problems and solutions presented in Tables 8.1 and 8.2, because: (i) problems and solutions were asked separately putting different questions, and (ii) as the communities were more vulnerable, interviewers were not directed to probe by giving answers because that could create a lead bias. Nonetheless, solutions of a problem could be different across communities.

The surveyed communities expressed their will to co-operate with any development activities conducted in their communities by an organisation. Most of them expressed willingness to contribute unskilled labour and some reported making local materials available. Only a few of the communities pointed out that they will contribute some financial resources. The details are given in Table 8.3.

Table 8.3 Community Contribution for the Development by Ecological Regions and Country, Nepal, 2000

Percent of Communities Contribution

Mountain Hill Terai Nepal Unskilled Labour Local Materials Financial Contribution Friendly Behaviour with Development Workers Other Supports

95.7 30.4

4.3 4.3 8.6

95.2 14.3

9.5 4.8 0.0

81.0 14.3

0.0 0.0 4.8

90.8 20.0

4.6 3.1 4.6

Number of Vulnerable Communities 23 21 21 65 Three development projects are under operation by WFP/Nepal: Rural Community Infrastructure Works (RCIW) project, School Feeding Project (SFP), and Maternal and Child Health Care Project (MCHC). The constraints and opportunities outlined in this section provide strong rationale for these projects, and also provide some insights for their further improvement. The information presented in this section could help in the selection and improvement of interventions by WFP/Nepal, and those presented in the preceding chapters, and Chapter Four could, especially help in the design of the intervention and improved targeting down to the community and household levels.


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In order to discuss the findings and their implications, the problems and constraints given in this section are grouped into four headings relating to four dimensions of food security, viz. availability, access, utilisation and vulnerability, and are discussed in relation to the findings of the preceding chapters, keeping in view of WFP policies. 8.3 DISCUSSION ON THE COMMUNITY LEVEL PRIORITIES Lack of Education and Awareness Overall, more than 55 percent of the surveyed communities pointed to illiteracy or lack of education as constraint that undermines their livelihood, and therefore most of them ask for provision of education for the solution to this problem (Tables 8.1 and 8.2). Associated with this problem, three other constraints advanced by communities are: lack of awareness, cleanliness/toilet, and of skills. From WFP’s food security perspective, these constraints are related to the utilisation and access dimensions. While the utilisation dimension is itself very broad, education as a constraint extends beyond this, and has an effect on the access dimension of food security. There are field reports showing that generally, illiterate people do not seek foreign employment and stay unemployed in the country due to their illiteracy or lack of skills, which gives rise to their lack of access to food. On the whole, education plays an important role for human resource development which ultimately enhances productivity and increases options for people. Moreover, the lack of education and awareness result in improper use of food such as making liquor from foodgrains, excess use of liquor, lack of personal hygiene, sanitation, lack of personal care even during leisure time, and inter-personal differences in food intake. While there are some references to these aspects in relation to the characteristics of food insecure households in Chapter Four and food security and gender in Chapter Eight, these aspects do not receive adequate attention by the communities while distinguishing between food secure and food insecure households. This signifies that poor and food insecure households are not that aware about how to better utilise the food available at household levels. This provides a clear implication that WFP Nepal should extend MCHC and SFP with increased emphasis on creation of awareness. Although lack of education appears to be a main constraint from the community perspective, the same community generally do not seek education as the criteria for distinguishing food secure households from food insecure households (see Table 4.1).1 This could be due to the use of illiteracy as a criterion while identifying vulnerable settlements by district level stakeholders. Although education does not directly appear as the criteria for distinguishing food secure and food insecure households, the household level quantitative data supports the fact that education plays a role in the determination of the food security. The difference between proportions of literate household heads among the food secure and the food insecure households, and the resulting significant regression coefficient of the independent variable “education of household head”, clearly established that education has some role in defining food security (see chapter four and Annex 4, Table 1). Some of the household level food security criteria given in Table 4.1 capture the access dimension of food security, such as working as a semi-skilled labourer or wage labourer, lack of access to service or pension income, or lack of foreign remittances. Access to services, or pension or remittances also depends on educational status these days, although it was not a prime determinant in Nepal in the past. Moreover, skilled labourers generally require

1 In fact, out of 65, two communities advanced educational qualification as the criterion for distinguishing between food secure and food insecure households in their communities.


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education, and therefore, those who are not literate generally work as unskilled wage labourers either on farms or as porters. Some also work in the construction and repair of houses, especially in rural areas in the form of semi-skilled labourers. Annex 4 Table 1 also shows that there is a difference between the proportion of children attending school among the food secure to that of food insecure households, although there is free primary schooling. This hints at the fact that there are other factors at work, which create such a gap. Among them one main factor is economic poverty of the food insecure households. This suggests the need to improve the economic situation of food insecure households so that they do not hold back children, especially their girl children, from going to school. There are also gender differences in the education of children. The proportion of girls attending school is less than that of boys in most of the communities, in the food secure and food insecure households. The reasons why parents do not send their girl children to school are well established in Nepal through various field-based investigations, such as the Nepal Multiple Indicator Surveillance (NMIS) cycle 2. Among various reasons, the most important reason is that girls are considered a part of a different family after marriage and are not helpful for their parents in old age, and therefore, parents do not want to invest in their education. Moreover, poverty also seems to be one of the main hurdles for the gender gap in education. These findings are also supported by the findings that have come out in the women focus group discussions in the present study. The above explanation clearly hints that there is a need to improve the educational status of children and closing the gender gap in education, and create awareness to improve utilisation of food. Because of poverty, parents prefer their girl children to stay at home to look after younger siblings so that they can work outside and earn. In order to enhance girls’ education, WFP/Nepal has already launched Girls Incentive Programme (GIP), under which parents are given an incentive of three litres cooking oil if their girls’ attendance rate in primary level of schooling is 80 percent and above. This programme will be further extended with the launch of the new WFP Country Programme (2002-06). An early evaluation of this programme by New ERA (2001) found its positive effect on the regular attendance of girl children. However, a careful scrutiny of the effectiveness of GIP, and improved targeting of schools by providing such facilities to the schools of the very food insecure and vulnerable areas, is necessary in order to increase the coverage of GIP. In order to address the problem of lack of awareness, some training programmes have been conducted such as training on gender, nutrition and health issues given to the members of the Food Management Committees (FMCs) formed under SFP, and training on maternal and child health and nutrition to health staff, FCHVs (Female Community Health Volunteers), and communities under MCHC. These training should be further expanded with corrections and modifications based on their effective evaluation. In view of this, SFP and MCHC interventions of WFP/Nepal are necessary. But there is a need for improved targeting, as all the public schools of a district are selected for the intervention under the project currently. However, it seems that there are some self-targeting mechanisms involved in the SFP in the sense that those who are better off, send their children to private schools in the districts where there are such facilities. And the districts where private schools are not available are the very poor and remote districts where majority of the households are still poor and food insecure. Moreover, SFP is effective as it is targeted to high risk individuals such as children of especially primary schools. The provision of wet feeding rather than take home ration, and the provision of on-site feeding to the school children who hardly carry lunch with them further justifies the SFP. Such a self-targeting


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mechanism is also found in MCHC where pregnant and nursing mothers, and their children will be provided blended and fortified foods. Provision for literacy classes was demanded by the communities during the field visit by the SFP/WFP staff. However, there have been concerns raised against the effectiveness of the literacy classes run by the GOs ad INGOs in the country for many years. A survey undertaken by Manushi, an NGO, in the pilot VDCs of WFP programme districts, Surkhet, Dailekh, Doti and Dadeldhura, found that many non-formal and adult literacy classes have been implemented by GOs and INGOs. There are instances that the same person attends literacy classes more than once and then s/he forgets literacy skills received earlier. This suggests the need to run functional literacy or awareness programmes rather than merely literacy, monitoring and supervising the use of the knowledge, and awareness raising from the programmes. One of the lessons learnt in the past by other agencies is that merely creation of awareness does not effectively result into translating awareness into practice unless the agencies help to create an environment for the enhanced practice. Creating awareness sometimes requires for the provision of ‘hardware’ such as construction of drinking water facilities, sanitary units such as latrine, and washing platforms. This could be possible to some extent through the enhanced co-ordination and linkages between the three projects of the WFP. For example, under MCHC and SFP awareness could be created regarding improved health, hygiene and sanitation. Then, this could be followed in by provision for sanitary units, drinking water facilities, and other equipment’s or materials in the schools and health posts under the RCIW. Such an inter-linkage could also give incentives to the personnel of organisations for undertaking awareness activities. Implications for WFP/Nepal • The activities of WFP/Nepal are consistent with the WFP’s policy for development

programmes that food-aided projects should enable poor people to access the benefits of development and that WFP development activities use food consumption to encourage investment and leave behind a lasting asset.

• Girls’ Incentive Programme should be expanded and should cover more districts which is possible through improved targeting to VDC level, by focusing on the areas of more vulnerable and food insecure households.

• Awareness on health and nutrition, hygiene and sanitation, and gender be provided under MCHC and SFP. This could be run for the user groups formed under RCIW, the Food Management Committee (FMC) formed under SFP, or for the expectant and nursing mothers visiting health posts. Alternatively, WFP could establish partnership with other organisations such as UNICEF, INGOs and NGOs for providing functional literacy and creating awareness through health, hygiene and sanitation campaigns, and monitoring the awareness to put into practice.

• In order to make the awareness programme effective, there is a need for inter-linking the three projects of WFP, in that MCHC and SFP could create awareness, and RCIW could create infrastructure in the schools and health posts.

• Since WFP has already launched REFLECT programme under its RCIW project, it is suggested that this programme be expanded in other areas as well.

Lack of Infrastructure Communities have identified lack of roads, bridges, irrigation, market, and drinking water facilities as constraints (Table 8.1). Associated with these constraints are some other constraints such as high mountains, remoteness and high prices of food grains as pointed by


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few of the communities, especially those of Mountain and remote Hills. The lack of infrastructure, such as transport is the main reason for the unavailability of food in remote Hill and Mountain communities. Associated with the lack of infrastructure, the only household criterion that reflects this is the poor land quality or location that has been identified as the criterion by the communities, while distinguishing food secure households from food insecure households (see Table 4.1). The poor land quality or location implies the lack of irrigation facilities, upland or degraded land in the Hills, or infertile and degraded land in the Terai. Since all the households of a community may not benefit directly and equally from irrigation facilities available in a community or different households have different proportions of lowland vs upland, location or quality of land serves as household level criterion. The reason that infrastructure like roads, bridges and market facilities, does not appear as a criterion for distinguishing between the food secure and food insecure households is that infrastructure is considered a community level asset, while only household-level criteria really permit a distinction to be made regarding whether a particular household is food secure or not. Thus, infrastructure could appear as an important criterion for regional or settlement level distinction of food security status, which has been already considered by the district level stakeholders while identifying food insecure and vulnerable settlements for the rapid assessment. There are concerns and opinion that provision of infrastructure is more beneficial to the better-off households than to poor households. For example, all weather roads benefit those who have land, and therefore, can get better prices for their produce. Similarly, if food insecure households are landless households or households with limited land holding, provision of irrigation will give disproportionate benefit to the poor as compared to the better off households. Such concerns were also raised in the annual reports of RCIW. Addressing this requires improved targeting at different levels. But as infrastructure is a public good, which lacks the feature of excludability, it is difficult to target down to the household level. Therefore, selection of the most vulnerable settlements is needed for improved targeting so as to minimise the difference in benefits accruing to target populations in assisted communities. However, there are also concerns which appear in favour of giving more emphasis in the provision of infrastructures as they determine the level of vulnerability of a community. Lack of infrastructures provides limited resources and coping capacity in the face of the exposure of covariant types of hazards in a community, which has a higher effect on the poor households than the better off households, especially during a disaster. Significant variations exist across communities regarding access to infrastructure and services. Communities in the Mountain region significantly lag behind the other regions, especially in access to road and market infrastructures, and services. There are some communities in the mountain, especially in the Karnali Transhimalayan region, from where 15 to 20 days’ walk is required to reach the nearest all-weather road. Poor infrastructure makes people further vulnerable to food insecurity. In view of this, there is need for constructing roads and bridges, with special emphasis in the Mountain areas. This justifies the current shift of RCIW project to Mountains, including the Karnali region and remote Hill districts. By doing so there will not be much need for improved targeting at the community level. Similarly, improved provision of irrigation facilities will help increase food availability in regions where availability is of greater concern than access and utilisation dimensions of food security.


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Lack of irrigation facilities have eroded the capacity of food insecure households to withstand the effects of natural disasters such as droughts, hailstorms and rainstorms, due to the great effect of these disasters for farmers. However, it has also been found that the most food insecure households (falling in group D) are landless, and therefore, irrigation would not be of great help to them. This implies the need for an improved targeting for the WFP intervention. Moreover, creation of employment opportunities seems to be the main development potential for these landless households through the provision of skills, vocational training, and then providing credit facilities for running enterprises. Nonetheless, provision of irrigation facilities can also increase employment opportunities through an increase in cropping intensity and the commercialisation of agriculture. Over and above, it will help increase local food availability, which is of primary concern in the Mountain settlements that are isolated and have independent economies. These findings are also corroborated by the Planning Mission’s study conducted in three Hill and Mountain districts. The study found that agricultural production and productivity both in physical and value terms is below potential because of the lack of irrigation facilities, inadequate availability of fertiliser, lack of commercial production of fruits and vegetables due to poor knowledge and skills, and lack of transportation and communication facilities. The study also found that too much labour is spent on collecting domestic water and firewood, preventing, especially women, from engaging in more productive activities. Floods and landslides were also found to be the major problems in Makwanpur district (Konold et al.: 2000). Therefore, the study suggests provision for infrastructure, including drinking water facilities, which will also ease the burden of women who are mainly responsible for fetching drinking water. Since provision of infrastructure uses much resources, it may not justify the cost-effectiveness, which is one of the WFP’s Enabling Development policies, unless such infrastructure benefit a larger number of food insecure households, especially in Mountains where the population is sparse. However, the cost effectiveness is not only the Enabling Development policy. Because the purpose of WFP development activities is to encourage investment and leave behind a physical asset after the project is phased out, it opens the room for justification for constructing infrastructure with the support of the communities in remote Hill and Mountain districts of Nepal. Moreover, if the social and indirect benefits of the provision of infrastructures are taken into account in the cost-benefit calculations, it will certainly justify construction of infrastructure in remote areas that are devoid of such facilities. This issue will be further discussed in the vulnerability section of the chapter. Implications for WFP Nepal • There is a need for improved geographical targeting at district and intra-district levels for

the implementation of RCIW project of WFP. • In order to fulfil the cost-effectiveness criterion of infrastructure, such infrastructure

should be built in or pass through dense settlements, benefiting a larger number of households, and will be of small scale so that they have a longer life due to their better operation and maintenance.

• Provision of infrastructure should be coupled with other types of interventions, which help in the effective and multiple uses of such infrastructure. Those other interventions could be investment in animal husbandry, horticulture, herbs processing and promotion of eco-tourism in remote districts. This requires seeking other partners in order to make effective use of the created infrastructure and provide sustainable livelihoods to the poorer sections of the society.


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• The formation of groups and building their capacity taken under the RCIW should be emphasised in order to sustain the created infrastructure on the one hand, and improve food security on the other.

• In order to sustain the livelihoods of poor households after the construction of infrastructure and ensure that they are able to benefit from physical assets and access created, further emphasis should be given on the support for the micro projects undertaken by the landless and food insecure households.

Unemployment and Economic Poverty Overall, 42 percent of the surveyed communities stated that unemployment is a problem and constraint, and 32 percent said poverty or lack of income as a problem and constraint. Associated with economic poverty, some other constraints as outlined by the communities are the lack of arable land, low productivity, and overpopulation. These problems reflect on the access dimension of the food security. While the availability dimension of food security is more important in remote Hill and Mountain districts, the access dimension is important in all three regions of the country, in view of the fact that the poor and food insecure are everywhere, and that 42 percent of people are still below the poverty line in the country. Sen (1999) mentioned that food insecurity and famines do not occur due to lack of availability but due to lack of access or entitlement failure, which is valid in the areas where food availability is not a problem. The ongoing, high levels of seasonal or other migration of Nepalese to India and Middle Eastern countries shows the gravity of unemployment in the country. Moreover, constant agricultural productivity, and rapid increase in population had resulted in the impoverishment of the rural population, especially in those areas where people lack options and opportunities for earning their livelihoods. Each year more than two hundred thousand people enter into the Nepalese labour market, but employment opportunities do not increase at the same rate, leading to a growing unemployment problem. There is a lack of options open to poor people. Moreover, financial austerity measures, structural adjustment measures, liberalisation and privatisation policies adopted by the government have disproportionately affected the poorer sections of the society due to rising prices and increases in the cost of production. This again points towards targeting intervention to the poor so long as the effect of such measures are not normalised, yielding a positive return. While seasonal migration has alleviated the problem of unemployment to a great extent, there are pros and cons to migration. The major consequence is the drain of young male population out of the country, which therefore increases the feminisation of agriculture. Although quantitative data does not find much difference between the proportion of families of food secure and insecure groups whose members are working outside their communities, the effect of the unemployment problem is severe for the poorest of the poor as they lack alternative employment opportunities. Those who are literate and somewhat better off, go to third countries for higher wage rates. This, together with low wage rates in the agriculture sector, and higher number of dependants in the food insecure families (see annex 4, Table 1) keep the poor in debt and poverty traps. Compared to Hill and Mountain areas a larger proportion of the population in the Terai is landless. Thus, human labour becomes the main source of income for the landless households, especially in the Terai. Had there not been easy access to India or easy availability of employment in agriculture in the Terai, it would have been even more difficult for the poor to save their lives. The problem in the Hill and Mountain is the lack of arable and productive


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land, and therefore, agricultural production and productivity is low there. This together with the lack of manure and litter has also aggravated the problem of constant productivity in the agriculture sector in the Hill and Mountain areas. The food security ranking exercise performed at the community level demonstrated that 63 percent of the households in aggregate is food insecure in the 65 vulnerable communities. The proportion of food insecure people ranges from 25 percent to more than 90 percent. Majority of the households in most of the communities is food insecure. This exercise basically focuses on the access dimension of food security to distinguish household level of food security. Relating to the access dimension, different criteria were used by the communities to distinguish between food secure and food insecure households. They include: i) lack of able-bodied labour, ii) small land or animal holding, iii) reliance on tenancy arrangements, iv) poor quality of land, v) lack of access to service/pension income or foreign remittances, and vi) working as wage labour, semi-skilled or unskilled labour (see Table 4.1). These indicators show that asset poverty is the main reason why households are food insecure. As the households are landless, have small land holding and/or poor fertility land holding, and have no animals or small animal holding, they are not fully employed from the assets that they have, and therefore, they need employment opportunities outside their homes. The most important employment opportunity available in the rural parts of the country is to work as casual wage labourers, mainly as agriculture wage labourers or as porters in Mountains. This employment opportunity is generally seasonal, and therefore, food insecure people lack employment opportunities throughout the year. As a result, there is mass exodus of population for seeking employment either in urban areas of the country or foreign countries, especially in India. This is the reason why surveyed communities have pointed out unemployment as their major constraint. One important criterion of food insecure households is lack of able-bodied members, which implies a large number of dependants in the households in relation to their labour resources. This requires for an enhanced implementation of family planning programme covering a large proportion of families in the remote and rural parts of the country, creating awareness among people, and providing provision of services at the community level. In order to alleviate poverty and food insecurity, provision for employment is necessary. Under RCIW, WFP has been providing employment opportunities. It is said that RCIW is self-targeting as it pays in-kind wage which is again coarse rice, and therefore, poorer sections of the society benefit from the project by working as wage labourers in the construction of infrastructure, especially roads. However, there is lack of employment in the rural parts of the country during the agriculture off season when there is no alternative employment opportunities, and therefore, the opportunity cost of labour is near zero in rural Nepal during this period. The construction of roads under the RCIW is undertaken generally during the agriculture off-season, and therefore, it is very likely that those who are not most food insecure could also work under RCIW. It is noted that local-level targeting attempts to reduce this possible effect. However, RCIW has both a short-term consumption effect and long term effects in terms of leaving behind physical assets. If these physical assets are made long lasting and more useful for the poor, it will certainly help in alleviating poverty and food insecurity in the country. In view of this, it is necessary that there should be some built-in mechanism, which maintains sustainability for project benefit and services. Thus, group formation and undertaking micro-initiatives under RCIW is justifiable, which not only helps in sustaining through repair and maintenance of the created infrastructure, but also making households food secure.


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Implications for WFP Nepal • RCIW has been addressing the problem of unemployment and improving the food

security in rural areas of the country, provided that most of the households who work under the project are food insecure households. In view of this, there is a need for improved geographic targeting.

• In order to make sustainable livelihoods for the poor after the project is phased out,

formation of groups undertaking micro-initiatives under RCIW should be further expanded with improved provision for financial as well as technical supports. The support should be in the form of capacity building.

• The formed user groups should be linked with other organisations, such as the community

forestry committee, VDC and other CBOs and NGOs in the community, so that they can benefit from partnering with them. One option is to involve these user groups in income generating activities under community forestry programmes of the government.

• The main reason reported for a household being food insecure is the lack of able-bodied

members or larger number of dependants in the household. Therefore, this requires for creating awareness and enhanced implementation of family planning programmes in the rural, food insecure areas of the country.

• Since poverty and food insecurity has multiple dimensions, it requires implementation of

different interventions simultaneously, which could be possible through partnering with other organisations.

Vulnerability While food security is a static concept, vulnerability is a dynamic concept which works through the other three dimensions of food security with time. Various risks and hazards were noted under the rapid assessment of 65 communities. These range from natural hazards to diseases relating to human, animal and plants, to policy or other manmade risks. Important natural hazards pointed out by the communities are hailstorms, floods, excessive rainfall, droughts, earthquakes, rainstorms, changes in the courses of rivers, and snowfall. Hailstorms, floods, and excessive rainfall were reported in all the three ecological regions; earthquakes generally in Mountain and Hills; storms generally in Hills and Terai; changes in the courses of river in Terai; landslides in Hills and Mountain; and snowfall in the Mountain regions of the country. Among the human diseases, diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera, measles and fever were commonly reported. Similarly, a number of animal and plant diseases were also noted across all the survey communities. Some policy risks such as increase in the price of food grains, and lack of free access to forest resources due to implementation of community forestry programmes were also reported. Risks such as loss of crops from wild animals, closure of an airport, and lack of employment opportunities were also pointed out by some communities that show how fragile these communities are where even a small event could have a great shock on their livelihoods, and smash their fragile economy. Although social unrest is growing with time, these have not been reported during the field survey. Communities reported a significant amount of crop loss, ranging from a quarter to 95 percent, from natural hazards. The severe impact was caused by the floods and droughts that were intense and covered a large area. Compared to these natural disasters, the effect of hailstorms is less severe since it is more localised, but as it is more frequent its effects also become higher during the crop calendar. When droughts are extended for a longer period of time starting from March to July, then it has significant impact as it will affect both the winter and


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summer crops. Similalrly, the impact was found higher when natural disasters were followed with some diseases relating to animal or plants. The amount of loss from a disaster differs by regions. For example, hailstorms have a greater impact in Hills and Mountains compared to Terai since it is less frequent in Terai. However, floods have a greater impact in Terai due to the plain land, and therefore, there is a higher possibility of change in the courses of rivers and water logging prohibiting crop cultivation. Animal diseases have a larger effect in Mountain areas, as animal husbandry is widely practised there, but there is lack of accessibility of the livestock services compared to the Terai. Thus, exposure to risks differs by types of disasters and by region, and within region by socio-economic groups. There are also indirect effects of disasters on other sections of the society and such effects are higher when there is lack of infrastructure, such as roads, marketing facilities, and other services. Examples abound which show that people in remote districts have to devote a considerable amount of time to buy foodgrains due to lack of roads or when trails are washed away due to landslides. Compared to the past, the physical accessibility of food grain has been improved due to the opening up of new roads and market centres. However, there are still some very remote communities today which have to spend a significant amount of time to buy foodgrains. This means that coping capacity also depends on the level and condition of infrastructure. Broadly, it depends on: i) level of income and consumption, ii) level of assets, iii) ability to diversify sources of income and consumption, iv) access to resources, services and infrastructure, and v) access to public and community support services. A detail exposition on the exposure to risk and coping capacity appeared in chapters Five and Six. The problem of soil erosion, lack of forest-based litters for manuring fields, the consequent low agricultural production, low level of income, the inability of the food insecure groups to feed their family members throughout normal year from their income sources, the distress sale of livestock and other assets, and the larger proportion of resources used for food consumption, limit the possibility of accumulating assets by poor households. The most common option for accumulating assets is through raising animals, but it has been found in Chapter Four that compared to food secure households, a smaller proportion of food insecure households have livestock, and again these households have generally smaller livestock. As raising bigger livestock requires a high initial investment for the poor people, they adopt share cropping. But decrease of forest resources and lack of free access to forest resources for fodder has limited the capacity of the poor to mitigate risks through self insurance, such as from raising animals. For those poor households who have some land are bound to invest in draft power for cultivation. These households suffer from hazards, mainly due to vagaries of monsoon, and therefore, could not get a proper return on their investment. Their draft power also died due to animal epidemic, leaving them again in a debt trap and destitution. The government’s livestock service centres could be more effective to control animal epidemic if they are linked with roads. Thus, disasters hardly allow for people who are just below the poverty line to come above the poverty line. Thus, in view of the lack of animals and crop insurance, and in the face of frequent disasters and lack of alternative income earning options, it is very likely that larger and larger proportion of the households of the most vulnerable areas would become food insecure in the days that are to come. Under the rapid assessment of the 65 vulnerable communities, a significant change in the range of sources of income of the vulnerable communities has not been noticed between normal and abnormal years. In fact, the coping behaviours are typically the extensions and


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intensification of economic activities undertaken during normal years. For example, in the Mountains, slightly more households engage in portering and other wage labour, the sale of animals for income, migration outside the community, the sale of firewood, food and herbs collected in the forests, and borrowing. In the Hill communities, the only changes between normal and abnormal years appears to be a slight increase in households migrating outside the community to look for work and small trading activities and borrowing. For households in Terai, migration seems to be the primary source of income among households, in addition to greater recourse to local wage labour, the sale of firewood and herbs collected in the forests, and borrowing. Of course, out of all the coping responses, there is significant change in the proportion of households who are borrowing during the abnormal years. However, there has not been much addition to the proportion of the other coping responses. This suggests there are limited coping options available to the community, but most people in vulnerable communities are chronically food insecure. Moreover, continuous borrowing means impoverishing their future generation, and therefore pushing a larger and larger chunk of the population into a trap of the chronic food insecurity in the future. Thus, the one main concern is how to take these people out of the chronic food insecurity situation. There are limited coping measures adopted by the poor and food insecure people. These range from working as labourers in the country or going to India, to collection and sale of forest-based products, to sale of household properties, and ultimately the sale of fixed properties and migration. Since there is lack of diversification of income sources, and low insurance mechanism due to the lack of savings, animals serve as the main cushion to cope with disasters, apart from the forest-based resources and basic assets of human labour of the poor and food insecure households. The informal insurance mechanisms are on a decreasing trend because of the modernisation. Apart from informal coping measures, some formal coping measures are also under operation in Nepal. These include assistance extended by the Home Ministry through the Chief District Office or through the DDC and VDC offices. Additional support from WFP, Nepal Red Cross Society, Leo and Lions Clubs are also provided whenever there are major shocks such as earthquakes, floods and fire. It seems that there is limited government resources, and therefore, there are some formal supports after the shocks. There is lack of emphasis by the government on risk reduction and mitigation measures in the vulnerable areas. Different forms of user groups were found existing in the survey communities, such as those belonging to community forestry, drinking water and other infrastructures. Such formed groups are not sustainable because once the programme is phased out, they disappear or become inactive. In view of this, there is a need for forming and sustaining groups and running some income generating activities or the activities which will build the productive capacity of the communities. Under RCIW, WFP/Nepal forms groups and implements some micro initiatives which could help communities to mitigate the effects of such shocks. However, there is a need for further enhanced implementation of these activities. This calls for partnering with other organisations, such as GTZ, at the moment for the effective implementation of such initiatives and for sustaining groups. Relating to the vulnerability dimension of the food insecurity, the problems that were identified by the people are floods and changes in the course of river, crop loss by wild animals, excess rainfall, droughts, and human and animal diseases (Table 8.1). The reason behind a lower proportion of communities referring these as problems is because some of these problems are due to natural hazards and some of the problems such as loss of crops from wild animals are localised problems, mainly in the communities adjoining to the protected areas of the government. Hailstorms and other natural disasters were not reported as the problems which may be due to the fact that these problems are out of human control. This


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points to the fact that there is a need to improve the coping capacity of people either by controlling the exposure to risks or by improving the coping capacity of the people. However, none of the household level criteria mentioned that the differences between food secure and food insecure households are directly related to the vulnerability dimension of food security (see Table 4.1). This could be due to the fact that risks are generally of covariant type, and therefore, is a community level concern. However, there are some risks, which are of idiosyncratic type, but detailed investigation was not carried out for these types of events during the course of the fields assessment. Human diseases were reported as risks in all the survey communities. The most common human diseases are diarrhoea, dysentery, ARI and measles, which claim the lives of many children. These diseases, which are more frequent, have further aggravated the problem of malnutrition among the children, especially in food insecure households. Lack of micro-nutrients have resulted in poor nutritional status of children, as well as poor health of women, contributing to high child and maternal mortality in the country. The death of children and members of families leads to borrowing by families for cremation and other ceremonies, which incur huge costs in relation to their resources. This requires implementing awareness measures, and measures which improve the health of children, pregnant women, and nursing mothers. The MCHC project of WFP focuses on high risk individuals, such as children aged 6 to 36 months, and pregnant and nursing mothers. In order to make this project further effective, it has to put further emphasis on the ‘software’ by creating awareness and imparting knowledge to the communities about the health of the children and mothers. Implications for WFP Nepal • In order to improve the utilisation of livestock service centres, public health centres, and

thereby improve the coping capacity of the people, the road construction under RCIW of WFP be given a greater emphasis in remote Hill and Mountain districts. However, such provision of infrastructure should also take into account their cost effectiveness.

• In order to effectively utilise the created infrastructure and government services available

in the communities, some technical and financial services should be made available to the communities. This can be done through the enhanced implementation of group approach under the RCIW.

• In order to improve the coping capacity of people, income earning options should be

enlarged through the provision of enhanced human resource development by conducting food for training programmes related to skills.

• The preceding analysis also suggests for the intervention framework of the WFP. While

the existing framework is good, there needs to be some other additions made, such as provision for community grain banks/reserves in remote Hill and Mountain districts and support to community forestry programmes, linking community forestry with poverty alleviation programmes of the government. This will help household come out of the chronic food insecurity and poverty trap.

• The disaster mitigation measures such as control of floods and gully control, control of

water logging through construction of catchment ponds, and forestry measures should be further expanded under the RCIW intervention.


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• In order to improve the coping capacity of the people, formal and informal insurance mechanisms should be expanded. Under formal mechanism, insurance against animal diseases is a viable option since animals are also raised by landless households. Among informal insurance mechanism, the formation of users groups, support to the informal groups, and community based organisations for micro-initiatives should be promoted.

• Since poor people cannot fully manage risks on their own, any food insecurity reduction

strategy needs to improve risk management for the poor through reducing and mitigating risks and coping with shocks. HMGN has some provisions for the coping with shock measures, but there is a lack of consistent policy on risk reduction and mitigation measures. Therefore, it is recommended that emphasis should be placed on risk reduction and mitigation in the areas prone to risks and disasters. In view of resource constraints, partnership between agencies is a viable option for risk reduction and mitigation.

• The risk reduction and mitigation measures should concentrate on reducing the effect of

floods in Terai, and droughts, hailstorms and landslides in the Hills and Mountains. Such measures should not have a narrow focus, such as controlling the changes in the courses of rivers, but also develop and propagate crops that are drought- or flood-resistant or crops which can be planted in such a way that make it possible to avoid the effect of frequent hailstorms. This should be accompanied by creation of alternative employment opportunities so that communities could mitigate the effects of disasters in long run.

• Since diarrhoea and dysentery, and ARI are most common, claiming lives of people,

especially children, it is suggested that awareness measures be launched under the MCHC programme focusing on the health and nutrition of children, pregnant and nursing mothers. This can be done partnering with other organisations, including UNICEF, and INGOs.

Intra-household Food Insecurity Women, especially the ones who look after kitchen, are food insecure because they eat last, and generally eat the leftovers. Many of them have to limit their portion size during food shortage periods, extending generally from February/March to July/August, in order to feed their children adequately. These women are generally from Indo-Aryan families. Pregnant and nursing/lactating mothers who are in the dire need of additional nutritious foods are at higher risk as they are not given adequate food during such critical stages of their lives. Compared to pregnant women, nursing mothers are in better situation as they are given special foods, such as chicken curry, ghee and rice, just after delivery for a period of 3 to 11 days, depending on the economic condition of the families and the prevailing tradition. As for the children, school children generally eat two meals a day, which is less frequently than children out of school in the same family. The above findings provide a clear implication that WFP/Nepal should extend its School Feeding and Maternal and Child Health projects with increased emphasis on the creation of awareness. 8.4 TARGETING CRITERIA FOR WFP INTERVENTIONS Improved targeting is a prerequisite for all the WFP interventions. This has clearly appeared to be an issue in the above discussions. In fact, it is difficult to separate concerns for improved targeting from those for improved overall programme design. The criteria used by district level stakeholders for the identification of vulnerable and food insecure settlements, the problems and constraints outlined by the communities, and the criteria used by a community


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in order to distinguish between food secure and food insecure households are somewhat different. In particular, while the criteria undertaken for the selection of the vulnerable settlements and the development constraints revolve around the four dimensions of food insecurity, the household level criteria are mainly related to the access dimension of the food insecurity. This is because the use of criteria at a larger area level rules out its prevalence at a lower level. Moreover, the availability and vulnerability dimensions of food insecurity are community level concerns, and the access and utilisation dimensions are household and intra-household level concerns. The preceding explanation indicates that WFP interventions can be targeted through multiple channels, multiple levels, and on the basis of multiple selection criteria. The difference between the indicators at different levels suggests that the geographic targeting undertaken at WFP Nepal can be combined with community, household or individual targeting mechanisms based on related, but separate selection criteria at each level. In essence, there could be two types of targeting; one is geographic targeting and the other is household level targeting. For the geographic level of targeting there could be different tiers, such as the regional level targeting down to the VDC, or settlement/community level targeting. For each level of targeting, the indicators identified for the regional level or district level targeting could be tailored to take into account a specific situation of a settlement. At a regional level or district level targeting, the following indicators could be used: • Annual per capita cereal production • Per capita availability of basic infrastructures, such as road density • Proportion of population consuming less than 2,250 kcal per person per day • Proportion of population below national poverty line • Proportion of underweight children under five years • Proportion of adult illiterate women • Proportion of anaemic pregnant women • Proportion of population affected by recurrent natural disasters. The above criteria represent the four dimensions of food insecurity, which can be used to identify and rank food insecure areas. A geographical area which is poor in all dimensions of food insecurity is the most vulnerable, and therefore, should be accorded topmost priority compared to others. After targeting regional or district levels, targeting at VDC level or down to the settlement level could be done by sharing the criteria related to following features with a participatory discussions with stake holders at the district level. • Environmental features • Social characteristics • Access to infrastructures • Access to services • Economic characteristics • Natural and manmade hazards • Health patterns While the geographic targeting done at the district level defines the population at high risks, the prioritisation of VDC or settlements within the districts produces the target population. Once the areas are identified, the following indicators with some modifications as per the


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specific features of a settlement/community, could be used for screening beneficiary households within that settlement. • Proportion of able-bodied labour • Size of land holding • Quality of land holding • Size of animal holding • Access to service or pension income • Access to foreign remittances • Working as wage labour or not • Working as unskilled or semi-skilled labour or not • Reliance on tenancy arrangement or not • Having trade as occupation or not. Given the nature of the WFP activities, such as creation of community assets, their coverage and their current implementation arrangement, it may be difficult to apply targeting at the household level by the existing administrative means, and therefore, a recourse should be taken to self-targeting and community targeting mechanism using participatory approaches. If the geographical targeting down to the community level is efficient or if the target population is properly defined, and if measures are adopted to reduce leakage, i.e., the difference between the target population and beneficiary population, then even random distribution of benefits at settlement level could result into higher coverage and higher social impact of the WFP intervention with improved targeting from the same amount of cost (Riely: 2000). Pregnant women, nursing and lactating mothers, young children, old, sick and disabled are more food insecure generally than other members of households. Because those who are the most food insecure in food insecure families are already known, there is no need to develop any criteria for their identification. What is more important is how to reach the food benefits to these individuals. The current practice of onsite feeding or wet feeding under SFP Nepal is effective in targeting children directly; more so than it would be if a dry ration were provided instead. The Girls’ Incentive Programme has certainly reduced the problem of preventing girl children going to school. Under the MCHC the provision of take home rations for expectant and nursing mothers, and their children considers blended and fortified food so that such ration may not be used by other members of the family. Besides, as it is fortified it supplements micro-nutrient deficiencies, which is widely rampant in the country. 8.5 PROSPECTS AND NEW PROPOSALS FOR INTERVENTIONS The Planning Mission study pointed out skill training as one of the higher priorities of the communities. The study infers that provision of drinking water and enhanced conservation of forest resources can release some time for women, which can be used in productive activities through providing skill to these women. Apart from skill training and vocational training, infrastructure development has been of high priority of the communities. Moreover, production of medicinal herbs was found to be an important development potential in the vulnerable areas of the Hills and Mountains (Konold et al.: 2000).


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Among the mountain districts, some districts have specific opportunities, such as production of handmade paper from Lokta, production of clothes from Allo in the Sankhuwasabha and Solukhumbu; production of blanket, medicines, fruits in Humla and Jumla. Besides, production of vegetables is feasible in Sindhupalchok. Promotion of tourism and herbs processing is feasible in most of the mountainous districts.

The field observation by FSVP study teams found many opportunities for the development of the community people. Some of these opportunities differ across the regions. There is prospect of developing the Mountain areas since it is not over populated compared to the existing natural resources. However, whatever development opportunities there are in the Mountain, all communities ask for markets, and therefore, creation of infrastructure such as transportation and electricity. The opportunity of horticulture is also very high in the Hills. Compared to the Mountain and Hills, the opportunities in the Terai are few. In view of the growing problems of floods and river cutting in the Terai, embankment and other flood control measures can significantly enhance foodgrain production in this part of the country. Because of the wide difference in topography and climate, the three regions of the country have comparative advantage in different commodities. The conventional thought is that the Mountain should specialise in animal husbandry, Hill in horticulture, and Terai in grains. However, due to the problem of not being able to export commodities easily because Nepal is landlocked, it is desirable to focus on the light but high value commodities. It has been referred earlier that most the population of the surveyed communities is chronically food insecure, with some people just above the food security line who can become vulnerable when there is a shock. The targeted interventions of WFP are mainly related to public works and direct food transfers. These interventions will help protect vulnerable groups until they are in a position to benefit from the improved economic opportunities that macroeconomic reforms could present. This suggests that WFP interventions should also be followed with macro-economic policy reforms so that the chronically food insecure and transitorily food insecure people become food secure. In order to remove transitory food insecurity the government has to place emphasis on risk reduction and risk mitigation measures. Coping with shocks should be taken as a residual measure. Thus, groups formed and supported under the WFP projects should be supported and benefited by the government policy reforms after the projects are phased out. Further emphasis should be given on the human resource development and creating an environment for the use of skills so that the very poor can earn a livelihood. 8.6 PARTNERSHIPS Poverty and food insecurity have many dimensions. Again, for each dimension, there are several factors at work, and therefore, it becomes a difficult exercise to make a food insecure person food secure all the time. However, the efforts should be directed to make all people food secure for most of their life time so that they can enjoy the basic human right to food security. Achieving this aim requires a major feat, a feat which is not possible within the confines of a single agency, and therefore, partnering between organisations is the necessity of the hour to achieve the common goal of eradicating food insecurity and poverty in the country. Towards this end, the drafting of UNDAF is a commendable step in the right direction. What now has become more important is to implement the UNDAF by the UN system, putting their heads together, pulling on their limited resources, and working jointly with the government in order to attack the multiple dimensions of food insecurity and poverty.


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There is also a need for partnership with bilateral organisations, such as GTZ, SNV, DANIDA, SDC, DIFID, and Asian Development Bank. These organisations have different agendas and foci, but under the common theme of development. Partnership with these organisations is not a remote possibility. Moreover, these organisations have been operating in some of the districts where WFP has been operating which gives further leeway for partnership. The partnership with the government is also equally important. WFP has been working in partnership with District Soil Conservation Offices of Siraha, Saptari and Udayapur, and this effort could be extended to other districts along the inner Terai and Churia Hill and flood-prone eastern Terai districts. The partnership with the Ministry of Health could help MCHC/WFP achieve raising awareness of the most food insecure population, and pregnant women and children. The partnership should extend to the community level where the programmes of the INGOs and NGOs are implemented. In fact, WFP has been working with some NGOs such as SAPPROS, Manushi and New ERA, under different projects. There are further possibilities of involving these NGOs and some other local NGOs in empowering, creating awareness, and building capacity of groups and people at large. However, before selecting partners, a thorough investigation of the needs and demands of the bilateral organisation and INGOs should be carried out so that problems do not evolve mid-way through the implementation, hampering the success of programmes.


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Cope, Delhi: Adroit Publishers. Anderson, Kym (1999), Economic reform in Nepal and WTO Accession, Center for

International Economic Studies, University of Adelaide. Bajracharya, D.(1983a), "Deforestation in the Fuel/ Food Context: Historical and Political

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Bajracharya, D.(1983b), "Fuel, Food or Forest? Dilemmas in Nepali Village", World

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Kathmandu: Institute for Integrated Development Studies. Carson, Brian (1992), The Land, The Farmer, and The Future: A Soil Fertility Management

Strategy for Nepal, ICIMOD Occasional Paper No. 21, ICIMOD, Kathmandu. Carson, Brian(1985), Erosion and Sedimentation Process in the Nepalese Himalaya, ICIMOD

Occasional Paper No. 1, ICIMOD, Kathmandu. DFAMS(1986), Main Report on National Farm Management Study, Nepal 1983 -1985,

Department of Food and Agricultural Marketing Services, Kathmandu. Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1999), Hunger and Public Action, Seventh Impression, Oxford

India Paperbacks. ERL(1988), Natural Resource Management for Sustainable Development: A Study of Feasible

policies, Institutions and investment Activities in Nepal with Special Emphasis on the Hills, A Study for the World Bank, Environmental Resource in Association with MacDonald Agricultural Services Limited, London.

George, P. S. (1999), Some Reflections on Food Security in India (presidential Address),

Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. 54, No. 4, Oct.-Dec, 1999, pp. 465-489. Haq, Mahabub Ul (1997), Human Development in South Asia, 1997, Oxford University Press. HMGN, MOFASC(1988), Master Plan for the Forestry Sector Nepal, Ministry of Forest and

Soil Conservation, Kathmandu. HMGN\NPC\CBS (1997), Nepal Living Standards Survey Reports 1996, Main Findings, Two

Volumes, Central Bureau of Statistics, Kathmandu, Nepal. HMGN\NPC\CBS (1995), Population Monographs of Nepal, Central Bureau of Statistics,

Kathmandu, Nepal. HMGN\NPC\CBS (1994), A Compendium on the Environmental Statistics of Nepal: Issues

and Facts, Central Bureau of Statistics, Kathmandu, Nepal.


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HMGN\UNDP (1994), Parks and People: Project Document, United Nations Development Programme, Kathmandu.

IIDS (1996), Impact of Economic Liberalization in Nepal, Institute for Integrated Development

Studies, Kathmandu. Konold, F. et al. (2000), Food Security and Vulnerability Assessment in Selected Districts of

Nepal, World Food Programme/Nepal. (Planning Mission Study) Mahabub ul Haq Human Development Centre (2000), Human Development in South Asia,

Oxford University Press. Mahat, T. B. S.(1987), Forest Farming Linkages in the Mountains, ICIMOD Occasional Paper

No. 7, Kathmandu. MPFS(1988), Master Plan for Forestry Sector Nepal, Jaakko, Poyry Oy, Madecor

(Consultants), HMGN/ADB/FINNIDA, Ministry of Soil Conservation, Kathmandu. Nepal South Asia Centre (1998), Nepal Human Development Report, 1998, Nepal South Asia

Center, Kathmandu. New ERA (2001), Rapid Appraisal of the Girls Incentive Schemes Implemented in Doti and

Dadeldhura Districts, Kathmandu. Pearce et al(1990), Sustainable Development: Economics and Environment in the Third World,

Earthscan Publication Ltd, London. Perry, Steve (2000), Enabling Development: Food Assistance in Nepal, Final Revised Draft for

WFP Nepal. Pradhan, Ajit, R.H. Aryal, Gokarna Regmi, Bharat Ban and P. Govindasamy (1997), Nepal

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S.C., ed., Nepal Himalaya: Geo-Ecological Perspectives, Himalayan Research Group, India, pp. 359 - 395.

Riely, Frank (2000), Targeting of Activities to Improve Food Security and Nutrition: A Manual for Planners and Policy Makers, Prepared for FAO.

Shakya, P.B. and P.B. Singh (2000), Food Security and Vulnerability: An Issue Paper, World

Food Programme, Nepal (Issue Paper) Sharma, Shankar (1994), Economic Liberalization and Agricultural Development in Nepal,

Research report Series No. 26, HMGN/Ministry of Agriculture/Winrock International, Kathmandu.

Thapa, Ganesh B and Mark W. Rosegrant (1995), Projections and Policy Implications of Food

Supply and Demand in Nepal to the Year 2020, Research Report Series No 30, Policy Analysis in Agriculture and Related Resource Management, Winrock International, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Tiwari, B N (1993), "A Note on the Difference Between Optimal Growth and

Sustainable Development", The Economic Journal of Nepal, Vol. 16, No. 3.


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Tiwari, B N (1988), "Productivity Trends in Nepalese Agriculture (1965/66 -

1986/87), The Economic Journal of Nepal, Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 30-47. UN/Nepal (1999), Nepal Common Country Assessment, United Nations Office,

Lalitpur, Nepal. UNDP (2000), Human Development Report, 2000, Oxford University Press. WECS(1986), Land Use in Nepal: A Summary of the Land Resource Mapping Project Results

(with emphasis on forest and land use), Water and Energy Commission Secretariat, Kathmandu.

World Bank (2001), World Development Report 2000/2001: Attacking Poverty, Oxford University Press.

World Bank (1999), Country Assistance Strategy, 1999-2001, the World Bank, Kathmandu. World Bank (1992a), World Development Report,1992, Washington, DC. World Bank (1990b), Nepal: Maintaining Structural Reforms and Managing Public

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8635-NEP, Washington, DC. WFP (2001), Enabling Development: Food Assistance in South Asia, Oxford University Press,

New Delhi. WFP (2000), Enabling Development: WFP Policy on Food Aid and Development, World Food

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to Forest Land and the Problem of Animal Fodder, Agricultural Projects services Center.


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ANNEX 1 FIELD SURVEY TEAMS

Principal Investigator Mr Bishwa Nath Tiwari

Team A

Mr Padam B. Shakya - Team Leader Ms Charu Koirala - Research Assistant

Mr Dhirendra Prasai - Research Assistant

Team B Mr Bishwa N Tiwari - Team Leader

Ms Devi Maharjan - Research Assistant Mr Dilli R. Sharma - Research Assistant

Team C

Mr Tej p. Subedi - Team Leader Ms Rupa Lamichhane - Research Assistant

Mr Ishwar C. Shivakoti - Research Assistant

Team D Mr Bishnu D. Awasthi - Team Leader

Mr Manik R. Maharjan - Research Assistant Mr Digambar Dutta Dahal - Research Assistant

Fieldwork Organisation and Supervision

Mr Umesh Ghimire

Report Write-up Mr Bishwa Nath Tiwari

Technical Support

Mr Frank Riely, Consultant, WFP/Rome


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ANNEX 2

FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY RAPID ASSESSMENT OF SINDHUPALCHOK DISTRICT (September 2000)

INTRODUCTION Sindhupalchok is a mountain district in central development region of Nepal, and is divided into 78 village development committees and one municipality. The district falls within the zones of subtropical, temperate and alpine types of climate, with an elevation ranging from 850 meters to 7,080 meters above the mean sea level. Total projected population of the district in 1998 was 283,213 with an average household size of 5.09 persons. About 17 percent of the total area of the district is cultivated, and a large part of the district is under forest cover. The average per capita kilo calorie supply of cereals and potato in this district is less than the average calorie requirement of a Nepalese. The unequal access of food to the people of the district is always a problem. Therefore, an assessment of relative difference in food security conditions is necessary. Against this background, a rapid assessment has been conducted in September 2000, with a view to identifying and prioritizing food insecure VDCs of the district so as to help WFP at intra-district level targeting. The details of the method of the assessment follows. METHODS VDC Ranking Exercise This exercise was performed by conducting a district level key informants’ meeting at Chautra, the district headquarters, in co-ordination with the DDC office of Sindhupalchok. The participants were the DDC members and the knowledgeable persons from different line agencies. The participants were briefed about the food security from the WFP’s perspective and then were divided into groups in order to group, identify and prioritize VDCs in terms of the status of food security. With the use of group exercise, the VDCs of the district were grouped into different categories of food security conditions. These categories were made keeping in view of the following criteria. • Environmental features (elevation, soils, erosion, rainfall levels etc.) • Natural or man made hazards (drought, floods, landslides, crop disease/pests,

livestock disease, market instability, social conflict etc.) • Social characteristics (ethnicity, caste, role of women, role of children, social

organization, land tenure etc. • Access to infrastructures (roads, markets, sanitation, water, irrigation, etc.) • Access to services (formal credit, health, agricultural extension, social welfare, etc.) • Economic organization (land use pattern, cropping pattern, sources of livelihoods,

sources of food) • Health patterns Finally, the identification and prioritization of the VDCs as worked by each team was shared and discussed in the plenary session and then ultimately the most food insecure VDCs were arrived at with the consensus of the participants. The top 20 food insecure VDCs are given in the Table and of them top ten are shown in the Map. VDC Level Key Informants’ Meeting This meeting was especially designed for determining the type of intervention in the most food insecure and vulnerable VDC. This meeting included the VDC chairman, Ilaka member


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and some other local persons. In this meeting, a set of questions was asked. One of the VDCs from the group of the most food insecure and vulnerable VDCs had already been visited and information was collected from a focus group discussion during the Food Security and Vulnerability Profiling (FSVP) fieldwork in May 2000. This survey was good enough to determine the type of intervention. ANALYSIS In the workshop, the participants analyzed the factors which cause food insecurity and vulnerability in the VDCs. These factors were compared among the VDCs which were grouped into different classes indicating the relative levels of food insecurity and vulnerability. The workshop found mainly the following factors which are responsible for VDCs being more food insecure and vulnerable. • Lack of education • Difficult geography • Less productivity of land • Lack of awareness • Inaccessibility • Suffering from conservation area • Recurrent natural calamities RESULTS VDC Ranking Based on the district level workshop, the meeting concluded that there are 20 most food insecure and vulnerable VDCs in the district. These VDCs were again ranked starting from the highest level of food insecurity and vulnerability. S.No. Level of food insecurity and

vulnerability Name of the VDCs

1 Highest Hagam 2 Gumba 3 Golche 4 Marming 5 Piskar 6 Gati 7 Baruwa 8 Chokati 9 Simpal kavre 10 Pangtang 11 Bhotang 12 Haibung 13 Ghorthali 14 Bhimtar 15 Thampalkot 16 Selang 17 Tauthali 18 Gunsa 19 Qul 20 Lowest Helambu

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96

District meeting concluded that the most food insecure and vulnerable VDC of the district is Hagam which is at about 4-5 hours walking distance from the road head in Jalbire. In Hagam, the most common source of income is farming and livestock keeping. Besides, people also make their living from daily wages and temporary migration to Kathmandu. This VDC is mainly suffering from the problems of sanitation and lack of education. According to the report of the Local Governance Programme, about 50 percent of the people are illiterate and food self-sufficient up to 6 months only, and about two third of the total households are suffering from the malnutrition problem. Problems of malnutrition could be due to lack of awareness and some epidemics caused by poor sanitation. It was found that girl children are busy in day to day household works such as to look after the youngsters at home, to assist parents in cooking food and farming activities. This causes them to out of school. Very few numbers of children go to primary or pre primary school in this VDC. The VDC is time to time hit by the natural and man made hazards. In natural hazards, hailstorms seems to be the most recurrent while in man made hazards, human and livestock epidemics seem to be the most recurrent. People in the VDC were found to be suffered time to time from different kind of diseases. CONCLUSIONS • Hagam was found to be the most food insecure and vulnerable VDC of the district. • Sanitation and lack of education are the main problems of the people of the VDC. • The VDC is mainly suffered from human and livestock epidemics, and hailstorms. • Female education is very poor in the VDC. RECOMMENDATIONS • A programme has to be designed to improve health and education status of female of the area. • A food for training programme could be useful to improve the sanitation problem of the VDC. • A detailed need assessment study has to be done for preparing detailed project proposal LIMITATION OF THE STUDY • District level key informants did not have quantitative records to compare between the VDCs of

the district.


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ANNEX 3

Preliminary Analysis

PROGRAMME-LEVEL TARGETING ON FOOD SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY OUTCOMES

Introduction Appropriate geographic targeting remains one of the largest concerns of most WFP Country Offices. Methods to identify priority regions for intervention typically involve the identification of a range of indicators that are considered relevant to, or proxies of, food insecurity and vulnerability and the construction of a targeting index. The difficulty of this approach is in determining which indicators to include and how to weight them in the index. The end product is very often difficult to understand or justify, an analysis that appears more to jump out of a “black box” than one where the conclusions follow a logical progression. Simplified Approach to Geographic Targeting The following is a preliminary analysis that is intended to outline a method for updating the Nepal Vulnerability Index. The method illustrated here focuses on a small number of key food security and vulnerability outcomes, rather than a series of proxies. These indicators have been selected according to their relationship to the primary dimensions of food insecurity—food availability, food access, and food utilization—and vulnerability to disasters.1 The indicators selected for this analysis include: • Availability: Average per capita calorie availability from local cereal production; • Access: Percent of the population below the poverty line; • Utilization: Percent of children considered stunted; and • Vulnerability: Percent of households affected by flood and landslides. In addition, rather than create a weighted index, the approach defines “clusters” of districts that share similar characteristics defined by these simple outcome indicators. For example, districts with high risk, high food deficits, high poverty, and high malnutrition will all be grouped into a single cluster. Similarly, districts with low risk, low food deficits, low poverty, and low malnutrition will all be grouped into a single cluster. The advantage to this approach is that, with the construction of district clusters, the selection of priority districts for intervention should be obvious, without the confusion that often accompanies the use of proxies and indices. This approach gives decision-makers a simple, logical framework on which to base their targeting decisions, rather than ceding control over that decision to the analysts who construct an impenetrable index. Preliminary Results Maps 1-4 (attached below) present the district-level distribution of per capita food availability, poverty, malnutrition, and risk. Map 5 presents the district clusters created—16 original clusters, as described in Table 1, which have been further reduced to 14—when information from each of these indicators is combined. Map 6 presents a purely subjective interpretation of the implications of those cluster definitions for defining WFP/Nepal 1 The selection of these indicators follows closely that defined in the “WFP/South Asia Food Security Book”.


98

geographic priorities. Note that the priorities defined in Map 6 vary only slightly from the original map that presents the WFP/Nepal Vulnerability Index. The best feature of Map 6 is that, while it presents a purely subjective interpretation, that interpretation can be easily assessed from a brief analysis of both Table 1 and Map 5. Again, decision-makers do not have to take the word of the analyst in determining priority districts. The entire country team can be brought into the analysis. Table 1—District Cluster Definitions Average Indicator Values Cluster

Risk

Availability

Poverty

Stunting

Description

1 0 858 41 45 Low risk/very high deficit/high poverty/moderate malnutrition 2 3 981 41 59 Low risk/very high deficit/high poverty/very high malnutrition 3 8 831 56 66 Low risk/very high deficit/very high poverty/very high malnutrition 4 5 1976 41 43 Low risk/high deficit/high poverty/moderate malnutrition 5 6 2354 56 44 Low risk/moderate deficit/very high poverty/moderate malnutrition 6 6 1862 41 51 Low risk/high deficit/high poverty/high malnutrition 7 8 1669 56 53 Low risk/very high deficit/very high poverty/high malnutrition 8 6 1831 41 59 Low risk/high deficit/high poverty/very high malnutrition 9 3 1680 56 66 Low risk/very high deficit/very high poverty/very high malnutrition 10 3 2914 41 45 Low risk/low deficit/high poverty/moderate malnutrition 11 5 3354 56 53 Low risk/low deficit/very high poverty/high malnutrition 12 18 4051 41 42 Moderate risk/low deficit/high poverty/moderate malnutrition 13 11 5964 56 66 Moderate risk/low deficit/very high poverty/very high malnutrition 14 37 2074 42 35 High risk/high deficit/high poverty/moderate malnutrition 15 50 1549 42 55 High risk/very high deficit/high poverty/high malnutrition 16 102 1600 42 53 Very high risk/very high deficit/high poverty/high

malnutrition Caveats Again, this is just a preliminary analysis for illustrative purposes. A number of issues remain to be resolved concerning the development of district clusters in Nepal that could change these preliminary results somewhat. Specifically, the analysis was based on a very crude clustering method that requires the definition of fairly arbitrary cut-off points and categories for each of the indicators: • For the food availability indicator, districts were categorized according to those that fell

within +/- 1 standard deviation of the national average and beyond +/- 2 standard deviations from the national average.

• For the poverty measure, the categories were much clearer, since the sample frame used

in the collection of that data divided the country into only three sections, with very clear differences in poverty rates across the mountains, hills, and Terai.

• For the malnutrition measure, where statistically valid data were available for 13 separate

regions, cut-offs were defined by “relatively” large breaks in the data across those regions.

• For the risk measure, again, cut-offs were defined by relatively large breaks in the data

across those regions.


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With each of these indicators, 3-4 other cut-off values were tested. Overall, the results were not significantly different, with the exception of 2-3 districts in each case. Next Steps To produce a final targeting tool based on the definition of district clusters, it would be necessary to use more sophisticated clustering methods that do not require the definition of cut-off points. Statistical software is readily available to allow for that more rigorous approach, although time constraints on the current mission prevented their use. Better data are also required for the analysis. It may be more useful to include the more general measure of underweight (weight-for-age), rather than stunting (height-for-age), as an indicator of utilization. In addition, the risk indicator includes only the impact of floods and landslides. Other risk factors have been identified in the VAM Issues Paper and Vulnerability Profile, such as hailstorms and drought, for example, that might slightly alter the final analysis. There also appear to be a number of problems with the data on food availability that should be noted and corrected in a final analysis. First, the data represent cereal availability only for 1997/8. A three or five-year average would be more appropriate. Second, the distribution of production across districts appears counter-intuitive. Some cross-checking of the original data should be done. Third, to the extent they are consumed locally, it may be instructive to include other food crops, like pulses, in the overall calculation of total food energy availability. Fourth, and a problem that is less easily resolved, since the availability figure is production-based, it doesn’t reflect the cross-district flow of food through market channels and, therefore, is only a partial reflection of total availability. Data on poverty and malnutrition are also fairly lumpy, with estimates for large groups of districts, rather than the individual districts themselves. In some cases the data are simply confusing. In the case of the poverty data, although reported at lower levels of disaggregation, the sampling methodology supports the development of three statistically valid poverty rates for the Mountains, Hills, and Terai. That approach smoothes over any differences in poverty rates within each of those strata, which are likely to be quite large. In addition, the lumpiness of the data can lead to very different conclusions about conditions within districts. For example, when the data are stratified by the three main agro-ecologies, Sankhuwasabha district is assigned a poverty rate of 56 percent. But, when the data are re-stratified by development regions, Sankhuwasabha receives a poverty rate of only 28 percent. While the reasons for this huge disparity are obvious—since, in the latter stratification, Sankhuwasabha is included among more densely-populated and better-off districts in the Eastern Terai—the result is still utter confusion regarding the actual rate of poverty in that district. Similar disparities emerge for other districts using different stratifications of both the poverty and malnutrition indicators. Given the extreme cost of sample surveys that could produce valid estimates of poverty and malnutrition in each district, a reasonable alternative is the use of “small area estimation” (SAE) techniques, which essentially use a statistical model based on a national household survey to predict local poverty and malnutrition rates. SAE methods are used by the U.S. Census Bureau to predict poverty levels at the county, municipality, and school district levels and, in 1993, provided the basis for the allocation of US$103 billion in federal aid.


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The WFP/VAM Unit has recently completed a small area estimation analysis in Cambodia, in collaboration with the World Bank. Given local data availability, it should be possible to produce similar small area estimates of both poverty and malnutrition in Nepal as well (perhaps under a Phase II of the VAM/Nepal Pilot). Geographic Targeting at the Activity-Level Finally, the geographic targeting of the WFP country programme should not rely solely on an analysis of food insecurity and vulnerability. Operational concerns such as partner’s complementary priorities and concerns regarding technical feasibility and cost effectiveness, for example, should all enter into final targeting decisions. The transparency of this approach to targeting should significantly support WFP in its advocacy efforts with its partners to focus on regions with the highest concentration of food insecure and vulnerable populations. In addition, since WFP typically operates in a limited number of sectors (FFW for natural resource rehabilitation, road construction and other asset creation; MCH, and School Feeding), geographic priorities for those specific activities should also be identified, within the food insecure and vulnerable districts defined in the analysis above. As a second step in programme targeting, separate maps are required that provide information on both the level of need within each sector (for example, the degree of deforestation, levels of morbidity and mortality, or school enrollment levels by gender), and measures of institutional capacity to carry out activities in each sector (schools per 1,000 children, average distance to health center, etc.). These activity needs/resource maps can be used to highlight those districts where opportunities are greatest for action and, in particular, programme synergies: (i.e. where a high level of needs/capacity converge across the various WFP sectoral priorities).


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KAVRE

RAMECHHAP

SANKHUWASABHASOLUKHUMBU

TEHRATHUM

UDAYAPUR DHANKUTA

SINDHULI

MAHOTTARISARLAHI

RAUTAHAT

KATHMANDU

PANCHTHAR

PARSA

MUGUBAJURA


ACHHAM

DAILEKH JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM

BARDIYA SALYANBAGLUNGROLPA


DHADINGDANG

GULMISYANGJA

SINDHUPALCHOKDOLAKHA

ARGHAKHANCHITANAHU NUWAKOT

PALPA

NAWALPARASIKAPILBASTURUPANDEHI

BHAKTAPUR

MAKWANPUR

LALITPUR

OKHALDHUNGA

KHOTANGBARA

ILAMDHANUSA

MORANGSUNSARIJHAPA

HUMLADARCHULA

BAJHANG

BAITADI

DADELDHURA

KANCHANPUR

KAILALI

GORKHA

MUSTANG

MANANG

MYAGDI

KASKILAMJUNG

TAPLEJUNG

BHOJPUR

SIRAHASAPTARI

LegendFood Availability

Very LowLowMediumHigh

SAPTARI

BAJURA

DARCHULA

NAWALPARASI

CHITWAN

ILAM

PANCHTHAR

DHANKUTARAUTAHAT

MAHOTTARI

KAVRE

KATHMANDU

PARBAT

MYAGDI

MUGU


ACHHAM

DAILEKH JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM


BANKE PYUTHAN RASUWA

DHADINGDANG

GULMISYANGJA


ARGHAKHANCHITANAHU

SOLUKHUMBU

NUWAKOTPALPA

KAPILBASTURUPANDEHI

RAMECHHAP

BHAKTAPUR

MAKWANPUR

LALITPUR

OKHALDHUNGAPARSA

SINDHULI KHOTANGBARA

DHANUSA

MORANGSUNSARIJHAPA

HUMLA

BAJHANG

BAITADI

DADELDHURA

KANCHANPUR

KAILALI

GORKHA

MUSTANG

MANANG

KASKILAMJUNG

SANKHUWASABHATAPLEJUNG

BHOJPURTEHRATHUM

UDAYAPUR

SIRAHA

LegendDisaster Risk

HighMediumLow

MUGU

DARCHULA

PANCHTHAR

DHANKUTA

NAWALPARASICHITWAN

PARSA

MAHOTTARI

RAUTAHAT

SIRAHA

SAPTARISUNSARI

MORANG

BHOJPUR


ACHHAM

DAILEKH JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM



DHADINGDANG

GULMISYANGJA


ARGHAKHANCHITANAHU

SOLUKHUMBU

NUWAKOTPALPA

KAPILBASTURUPANDEHI

RAMECHHAP

KATHMANDU

KAVRE

MAKWANPUR

LALITPUR

OKHALDHUNGA


SARLAHIILAM

DHANUSA

JHAPA

HUMLA

BAJHANG

BAJURABAITADI

DADELDHURA

KANCHANPUR

KAILALI

GORKHA

MUSTANG

MANANG

MYAGDI

KASKILAMJUNG


UDAYAPUR

LegendMalnutrition

Very HighHighMediumLowVery Low

TAPLEJUNG

SANKHUWASABHA

SOLUKHUMBU

RASUWA

MUGU

BAJURA

BAJHANG

DARCHULA

MAHOTTARISARLAHI

RAUTAHAT

SINDHULI

KAVRE

UDAYAPUR

SAPTARI

PARSA

BARA

NAWALPARASI

CHITWAN

KATHMANDU

TEHRATHUM

PANCHTHARBHOJPUR

DHANKUTA ILAM


ACHHAM

DAILEKH JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM


PARBATBANKE PYUTHAN

DHADINGDANG

GULMISYANGJA


ARGHAKHANCHITANAHU NUWAKOT

PALPA

KAPILBASTURUPANDEHI

RAMECHHAP

BHAKTAPUR

MAKWANPUR

LALITPUR

OKHALDHUNGA

KHOTANG

DHANUSA

MORANGSUNSARIJHAPA

HUMLA

BAITADI

DADELDHURA

KANCHANPUR

KAILALI

GORKHA

MUSTANG

MANANG

MYAGDI

KASKILAMJUNG

SIRAHA

LegendPoverty

HighLow

Map 1 Map 2

Map 3 Map 4


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NAWALPARASICHITWAN

SARLAHI

MAHOTTARI

DHANUSA UDAYAPURDHANKUTA

PANCHTHARTEHRATHUM

SANKHUWASABHA

DARCHULA

BAJHANG

BAJURAMUGU


ACHHAM

DAILEKH JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM



DHADINGDANG

GULMISYANGJA


ARGHAKHANCHITANAHU

SOLUKHUMBU

NUWAKOTPALPA

KAPILBASTURUPANDEHI

RAMECHHAP

KATHMANDU

KAVRE

MAKWANPUR

LALITPUR

OKHALDHUNGAPARSA


RAUTAHAT

ILAM

MORANGSUNSARIJHAPA

HUMLA

BAITADI

DADELDHURA

KANCHANPUR

KAILALI

GORKHA

MUSTANG

MANANG

MYAGDI

KASKILAMJUNG

TAPLEJUNG

BHOJPUR

SIRAHASAPTARI

LegendTypology

HIGH RISK/HIGH DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/MODERATE MALNUTRITIONHIGH RISK/VERY HIGH DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/HIGH MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/HIGH DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/HIGH MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/HIGH DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/MODERATE MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/HIGH DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/VERY HIGH MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/LOW DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/MODERATE MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/LOW DEFICIT/VERY HIGH POVERTY/HIGH MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/MODERATE DEFICIT/VERY HIGH POVERTY/MODERATE MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/VERY HIGH DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/VERY HIGH MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/VERY HIGH DEFICIT/VERY HIGH POVERTY/HIGH MALNUTRITIONLOW RISK/VERY HIGH DEFICIT/VERY HIGH POVERTY/VERY HIGH MALNUTRITIONMODERATE RISK/LOW DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/MODERATE MALNUTRITIONMODERATE RISK/LOW DEFICIT/VERY HIGH POVERTY/VERY HIGH MALNUTRITIONVERY HIGH RISK/VERY HIGH DEFICIT/HIGH POVERTY/HIGH MALNUTRITION

Map 5


103

SAPTARI

UDAYAPUR

RAMECHHAP

DOLAKHA

RASUWA

MUGU

BAJURA

SALYAN

ARGHAKHANCHISYANGJA

NAWALPARASICHITWAN

RAUTAHAT

PARSA

MAHOTTARIDHANUSA

DHANKUTAPANCHTHAR

TEHRATHUM


ACHHAM

DAILEKH JAJARKOT

SURKHET RUKUM

BARDIYABAGLUNGROLPA

PARBATBANKE PYUTHAN

DHADINGDANGGULMI

SINDHUPALCHOKTANAHU

SOLUKHUMBU

NUWAKOTPALPA

KAPILBASTURUPANDEHI

KATHMANDU

KAVRE

MAKWANPUR

LALITPUR

OKHALDHUNGA

SINDHULI KHOTANG

SARLAHIILAM

MORANGSUNSARIJHAPA

HUMLADARCHULA

BAJHANG

BAITADI

DADELDHURA

KANCHANPUR

KAILALI

GORKHA

MUSTANG

MANANG

MYAGDI

KASKILAMJUNG


BHOJPUR

SIRAHA

LegendPriorityVery HighHighModerate

Map 6


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ANNEX 4 Table 1: Annex 4

Table 2: Major Castes and Ethnic Groups in the Vulnerable Communities by Districts

Region/District Major Castes/Ethnic Groups Mountain Sankhuwasabha Solukhumbu Sindhupalchok Manang Jumla Humla Darchula

Rai, Tamang and Gurung. Tamang, Rai, Sherpa and Kami (blacksmith). Tamang, Thami and Danuwar. Gurung and Sherpa. Kami (blacksmith), Chhetri/Brahmin and Damai (tailor). Kami (blacksmith), Damai (tailor), Chhetri, Tamang and Byansi. Kami (blacksmith), Badi (dancer), Bhand and Chhetri/Brahmin

Hill Panchthar Udayapur Parbat Arghakhanchi Surkhet Baitadi

Magar, Majhi, Bote, Chhetri, Tamang, Limbu, Rai, Kami and Damai. Tharu/Rajbansi, Rai, Brahmin/Chhetri, Kami and Damai. Gurung, Kami (blacksmith), Magar and Sarki. Kami, Damai, Gaine (singer), Magar, Giri, Puri, Suri and Chhetri. Kami (blacksmith), Magar, Damai (tailor), Chhetri and Thakuri. Kami (blacksmith), Chhetri/Brahmin and Kumal.

Terai Morang Sarlahi Parsa Nawalparasi Banke Kailali

Bhand, Satar, Tatmas, Musahar, Rai, Magar, Tamang, Limbu and Teli. Bhand, Chamar, Tatmas, Musahar, Gupta, Teli, Gaine, and Dhobi. Chamar, Chhetri, Newar, Tatmas, Musahar, Pode, Sarki and Tamang. Kumal, Koiri/Kurmi, Chamar/Kami, Dhnakar, Sahani, Kewat, Magar, Kami, Damai, Tharu, Gupta and Teli. Tharu, Kohar, Chamar, Chhetri, Giri, Puri, kalawar, Sahani and Kewat. Chaudhari, Kami, Magar, Damai, Sarki and Chhetri.


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ANNEX 5 RISK AND HAZARDS

Table 1 Frequency of Some Hazards during 1975-2000, by Community and District, Nepal, 2000

Community 1 Community 2 Community 3 Community 4 Region/District Risk F Risk F Risk F Risk F

Mountain Sankhuwasabha Hailstorm 2 - - Hailstorm 2 Drought 3 Solukhumbu Hailstorm 2 Drought 3 Hailstorm

Measles 4 2

NA

Sindhupalchok River cutting EY Excess rain 2 Hailstorm Animal epidemic

5 2

NA

Manang Snowfall 3 - - NA Jumla - - - Flood 2 NA Humla - - Measles 2 Drought 2 Drought

Human epidemic

2 2

Darchula - - Flood 2 Flood 2 NA Hill

Panchthar Drought 3 - Animal disease 2 NA Udayapur - - - - NA Parbat - - - Hailstorm 2 NA Arghakhanchi - - Famine 3 - Surkhet - - Storm 2 - Storm EY Baitadi - Excess rain 2 Animal epidemic 3 -

Terai Morang Flood 2 Storm 2 Flood 4 Animal

disease 2

Sarlahi - Flood 2 Flood 2 Flood 2 Parsa Flood

Snake bite Crop damage by

animal Chicken epidemic

3 EY EY

EY

Stomach upset & Fever

EY Flood 2 NA

Nawalparasi River cutting Animal disease

Paddy insect

EY EY

EY

Flood EY Flood Encephalitis

2 EY

Livestock diseases

2

Banke Fire Animal disease

2 EY

River cutting EY - NA

Kailali Storm 2 Paddy insect 2 - NA

Note: EY refers to every year. F refers to frequency of a disaster. NA refers to not available or not applicable; NA placed in the fourth community refers to not applicable in those districts where only three vulnerable communities have been selected for the survey.


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Annex 5 Table 2

Correspondence of Frequent Risks and the Most Severe Risks during 1975-2000, by Community and District, Nepal

Community 1 Community 2 Community 3 Community 4 Region/District Risk Severe Risk Severe Risk Severe Risk Severe

Mountain Sankhuwasabha Hailstorm Drought - Hailstorm Hailstorm Drought Drought Drought

Solukhumbu Hailstorm Hailstorm Drought Drought Hailstorm Measles

Hailstorm NA

Sindhupalchok River cutting - Excess rain Excess rain Hailstorm Animal

epidemic

Hailstorm

NA

Manang Snowfall Snowfall - Animal disease

Animal disease

Excess rain NA

Jumla - Flood - Hail storm Flood Flood NA Humla - Excess rain Measles Drought Drought Drought Drought

Human epidemic

Drought

Darchula - Excess rain Flood Flood Flood Flood NA Hill

Panchthar drought Drought - Paddy diseases

Animal disease

Drought NA

Udayapur - Flood - Hailstorm - Flood NA Parbat - Drought - Hailstorm Hailstorm Hailstorm NA

Arghakhanchi - Drought - Fire - - - Drought Surkhet - Flood Storm Drought - Drought Storm EY Baitadi - Excess rain Land

slide/excess rain

Landslide Animal epidemic

Animal epidemic

- Flood/land slide

Terai Morang Flood Flood Storm Drought Flood Flood - Hailstor

m Sarlahi - Flood Flood Cholera Flood Flood Flood Flood Parsa Flood

Snake bite Crop damage

by animal Chicken epidemic

Flood EY EY

EY

Stomach upset & Fever

Flood Flood Flood NA

Nawalparasi River cutting Animal disease

Paddy insect

River cutting

Flood Flood Flood Encephalitis

Flood EY

Livestock disease

Drought

Banke Fire Animal disease

Fire River cutting

Fire - Fire NA

Kailali Storm Hailstorm Paddy insect

Paddy insect

- Hailstorm NA

Note: EY refers to every year. NA refers not available or not applicable; NA placed in the fourth community refers to not applicable in those districts where only three vulnerable communities have been selected for the survey.

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