ncert book themes in indian history part iii class xii

PART III

THEME TEN 257COLONIALISM AND THE COUNTRYSIDEExploring Official Archives

THEME ELEVEN 288

REBELS AND THE RAJThe Revolt of1857 and Its Representations

THEME TWELVE 316

COLONIAL CITIESUrbanisation, Planningand Architecture

THEME THIRTEEN 346

MAHATMA GANDHI AND THENATIONALIST MOVEMENTCivil Disobedience and Beyond

THEME FOURTEEN 376

UNDERSTANDING PARTITIONPolitics, Memories, Experiences

THEME FIFTEEN 405

FRAMING THE CONSTITUTIONThe Beginning of a New Era

CONTENTS

Foreword iiiDefining the Focus of Study vHow to Use This Book xi

/book_publishing/NEW BOOK 2007/class12/Themes in Indian History Part III/10.pdf






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In this chapter you will see whatcolonial rule meant to those who livedin the countryside. You will meet thezamindars of Bengal, travel to theRajmahal hills where the Pahariasand the Santhals lived, and then movewest to the Deccan. You will look atthe way the English East IndiaCompany (E.I.C.) established its raj inthe countryside, implemented itsrevenue policies, what these policiesmeant to different sections of people,and how they changed everyday lives.

Laws introduced by the statehave consequences for people: theydetermine to an extent who growsricher and who poorer, who acquiresnew land and who loses the land theyhave lived on, where peasants gowhen they need money. As you will see,however, people were not only subjectto the working of laws, they alsoresisted the law by acting according towhat they believed to be just. In doingso people defined the way in whichlaws operated, thereby modifying theirconsequences.

You will also come to know aboutthe sources that tell us about thesehistories, and the problems historiansface in interpreting them. You will readabout revenue records and surveys,journals and accounts left by surveyorsand travellers, and reports producedby enquiry commissions.

Fig. 10.1Cotton being carried from the village to the mandi,Illustrated London News, 20 April 1861

Colonialism and theCountryside

ExplorExplorExplorExplorExploring Ofing Ofing Ofing Ofing Offfffficial Aricial Aricial Aricial Aricial Arccccchivhivhivhivhiveseseseses

THEME

TEN

THEMES IN INDIAN HISTORY – PART III258

1. Bengal and the ZamindarsAs you know, colonial rule was first established inBengal. It is here that the earliest attempts weremade to reorder rural society and establish a newregime of land rights and a new revenue system. Letus see what happened in Bengal in the early yearsof Company (E.I.C.) rule.

1.1 An auction in BurdwanIn 1797 there was an auction in Burdwan (present-day Bardhaman). It was a big public event. A numberof mahals (estates) held by the Raja of Burdwanwere being sold. The Permanent Settlement hadcome into operation in 1793. The East IndiaCompany had fixed the revenue that each zamindarhad to pay. The estates of those who failed to paywere to be auctioned to recover the revenue. Sincethe raja had accumulated huge arrears, his estateshad been put up for auction.

Numerous purchasers came to the auction andthe estates were sold to the highest bidder. But theCollector soon discovered a strange twist to the tale.Many of the purchasers turned out to be servantsand agents of the raja who had bought the landson behalf of their master. Over 95 per cent of thesale at the auction was fictitious. The raja’s estateshad been publicly sold, but he remained in controlof his zamindari.

Why had the raja failed to pay the revenue? Whowere the purchasers at the auction? What does thestory tell us about what was happening in the ruralareas of eastern India at that time?

1.2 The problem of unpaid revenueThe estates of the Burdwan raj were not the onlyones sold during the closing years of the eighteenthcentury. Over 75 per cent of the zamindaris changedhands after the Permanent Settlement.

In introducing the Permanent Settlement, Britishofficials hoped to resolve the problems they hadbeen facing since the conquest of Bengal. Bythe 1770s, the rural economy in Bengal was incrisis, with recurrent famines and decliningagricultural output. Officials felt that agriculture,trade and the revenue resources of the state couldall be developed by encouraging investment inagriculture. This could be done by securing rightsof property and permanently fixing the rates of

Raja (literally king) was a termthat was often used to designatepowerful zamindars.

Fig. 10.2Burdwan raja’s City Palace onDiamond Harbour Road, CalcuttaBy the late nineteenth centurymany rich zamindars of Bengalhad city palaces with ballrooms,large grounds, entrance porchessupported by Corinthian columnslike these.

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revenue demand. If the revenue demand of the statewas permanently fixed, then the Company couldlook forward to a regular flow of revenue, whileentrepreneurs could feel sure of earning a profitfrom their investment, since the state would notsiphon it off by increasing its claim. The process,officials hoped, would lead to the emergence of aclass of yeomen farmers and rich landowners whowould have the capital and enterprise to improveagriculture. Nurtured by the British, this classwould also be loyal to the Company.

The problem, however, lay in identifyingindividuals who could both improve agriculture andcontract to pay the fixed revenue to the state. Aftera prolonged debate amongst Company officials, thePermanent Settlement was made with the rajasand taluqdars of Bengal. They were now classifiedas zamindars, and they had to pay the revenuedemand that was fixed in perpetuity. In terms ofthis definition, the zamindar was not a landownerin the village, but a revenue Collector of the state.

Zamindars had several (sometimes as many as 400)villages under them. In Company calculations thevillages within one zamindari formed one revenueestate. The Company fixed the total demand over theentire estate whose revenue the zamindar contractedto pay. The zamindar collected rent from the differentvillages, paid the revenue to the Company, andretained the difference as his income. He was expectedto pay the Company regularly, failing which his estatecould be auctioned.

1.3 Why zamindars defaulted on paymentsCompany officials felt that a fixed revenue demandwould give zamindars a sense of security and,assured of returns on their investment, encouragethem to improve their estates. In the early decadesafter the Permanent Settlement, however, zamindarsregularly failed to pay the revenue demand andunpaid balances accumulated.

The reasons for this failure were various. First: theinitial demands were very high. This was because itwas felt that if the demand was fixed for all time tocome, the Company would never be able to claim ashare of increased income from land when pricesrose and cultivation expanded. To minimise thisanticipated loss, the Company pegged the revenue

Taluqdar literally means “onewho holds a taluq” or aconnection. Taluq came to referto a territorial unit.

COLONIALISM AND THE COUNTRYSIDE

Fig. 10.3Charles Cornwallis (1738-1805),painted by Thomas Gainsborough,1785He was the commander of theBritish forces during the AmericanWar of Independence and theGovernor General of Bengal whenthe Permanent Settlement wasintroduced there in 1793.


demand high, arguing that the burden on zamindarswould gradually decline as agricultural productionexpanded and prices rose.

Second: this high demand was imposed in the1790s, a time when the prices of agricultural producewere depressed, making it difficult for the ryots topay their dues to the zamindar. If the zamindar couldnot collect the rent, how could he pay the Company?Third: the revenue was invariable, regardless of theharvest, and had to be paid punctually. In fact,according to the Sunset Law, if payment did not comein by sunset of the specified date, the zamindari wasliable to be auctioned. Fourth: the PermanentSettlement initially limited the power of the zamindarto collect rent from the ryot and manage his zamindari.

The Company had recognised the zamindars asimportant, but it wanted to control and regulate them,subdue their authority and restrict their autonomy.The zamindars’ troops were disbanded, customsduties abolished, and their “cutcheries” (courts)brought under the supervision of a Collector appointedby the Company. Zamindars lost their power toorganise local justice and the local police. Over timethe collectorate emerged as an alternative centre ofauthority, severely restricting what the zamindarcould do. In one case, when a raja failed to pay therevenue, a Company official was speedily dispatchedto his zamindari with explicit instructions “to takecharge of the District and to use the most effectualmeans to destroy all the influence and the authorityof the raja and his officers”.

At the time of rent collection, an officer of thezamindar, usually the amlah, came around to thevillage. But rent collection was a perennial problem.Sometimes bad harvests and low prices madepayment of dues difficult for the ryots. At other timesryots deliberately delayed payment. Rich ryots andvillage headmen – jotedars and mandals – were onlytoo happy to see the zamindar in trouble. Thezamindar could therefore not easily assert his powerover them. Zamindars could prosecute defaulters,but the judicial process was long drawn. In Burdwanalone there were over 30,000 pending suits forarrears of rent payment in 1798.

Ryot is the way the term raiyat,used to designate peasants(Chapter 8), was spelt in Britishrecords. Ryots in Bengal didnot always cultivate the landdirectly, but leased it out tounder-ryots.

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1.4 The rise of the jotedarsWhile many zamindars were facing a crisis at theend of the eighteenth century, a group of richpeasants were consolidating their position in thevillages. In Francis Buchanan’s survey of theDinajpur district in North Bengal we have a vividdescription of this class of rich peasants known asjotedars. By the early nineteenth century, jotedarshad acquired vast areas of land – sometimes as muchas several thousand acres. They controlled local tradeas well as moneylending, exercising immense powerover the poorer cultivators of the region. A large partof their land was cultivated through sharecroppers(adhiyars or bargadars) who brought their ownploughs, laboured in the field, and handed over halfthe produce to the jotedars after the harvest.

Within the villages, the power of jotedars was moreeffective than that of zamindars. Unlike zamindarswho often lived in urban areas, jotedars were locatedin the villages and exercised direct control over aconsiderable section of poor villagers. They fiercelyresisted efforts by zamindars to increase the jama ofthe village, prevented zamindari officials fromexecuting their duties, mobilised ryots who weredependent on them, and deliberately delayedpayments of revenue to the zamindar. In fact,when the estates ofthe zamindars wereauctioned for failure tomake revenue payment,jotedars were oftenamongst the purchasers.

The jotedars weremost powerful in NorthBengal, although richpeasants and villageheadmen were emergingas commanding figuresin the countryside inother parts of Bengal aswell. In some places theywere called haoladars,elsewhere they wereknown as gantidarsor mandals. Their riseinevitably weakenedzamindari authority.

Fig. 10.4Bengal village scene, paintedby George Chinnery, 1820Chinnery stayed in India for23 years (1802-25), paintingportraits, landscapes andscenes of the everyday life ofthe common people. Jotedars andmoneylenders in rural Bengallived in houses like the one yousee on the right.



The jotedars of Dinajpur

Buchanan described the ways inwhich the jotedars of Dinajpurin North Bengal resisted beingdisciplined by the zamindar andundermined his power:

Landlords do not like thisclass of men, but it is evidentthat they are absolutelynecessary, unless thelandlords themselves wouldadvance money to theirnecessitous tenantry …

The jotedars who cultivatelarge portions of lands arevery refractory, and knowthat the zamindars have nopower over them. They payonly a few rupees on accountof their revenue and then fallin balance almost every kist(instalment), they hold morelands than they are entitledto by their pottahs (deedsof contract). Should thezamindar’s officers, inconsequence, summon themto the cutcherry, and detainthem for one or two hourswith a view to reprimandthem, they immediately goand complain at theFouzdarry Thanna (policestation) for imprisonment andat the munsiff ’s (a judicialofficer at the lower court)cutcherry for beingdishonoured and whilst thecauses continue unsettled,they instigate the petty ryotsnot to pay their revenueconsequently …

1.5 The zamindars resistThe authority of the zamindars in rural areas,however, did not collapse. Faced with an exorbitantlyhigh revenue demand and possible auction of theirestates, they devised ways of surviving the pressures.New contexts produced new strategies.

Fictitious sale was one such strategy. It involved aseries of manoeuvres. The Raja of Burdwan, forinstance, first transferred some of his zamindari tohis mother, since the Company had decreed that theproperty of women would not be taken over. Then, asa second move, his agents manipulated the auctions.The revenue demand of the Company was deliberatelywithheld, and unpaid balances were allowed toaccumulate. When a part of the estate was auctioned,the zamindar’s men bought the property, outbiddingother purchasers. Subsequently they refused to payup the purchase money, so that the estate had to beresold. Once again it was bought by the zamindar’sagents, once again the purchase money was not paid,and once again there was an auction. This processwas repeated endlessly, exhausting the state, andthe other bidders at the auction. At last the estatewas sold at a low price back to the zamindar. The

Source 1

Describe the ways inwhich the jotedarsresisted the authority ofthe zamindars.

Read the text accompanying Fig.10.5 carefully andinsert the following terms in appropriate places alongthe arrows: rent, revenue, interest, loan, produce

Fig.10.5Power in rural Bengal

Zamindars wereresponsible for:(a) paying revenue tothe company(b) distributing therevenue demand(jama) over villages.

Each village ryot, bigor small, paid rent tothe zamindar. Jotedars gave out

loans to other ryots andsold their produce.

Ryots cultivatedsome land and gave outthe rest to under-ryotson rent.

Under- ryots paidrent to the ryots.

COMPANY

UNDER-RYOTUNDER-RYOT

RYOTJOTEDAR(a rich ryot, alsoa trader andmoneylender)

ZAMINDAR(controls numerousvillages)

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zamindar never paid the full revenue demand; theCompany rarely recovered the unpaid balances thathad piled up.

Such transactions happened on a grand scale.Between 1793 and 1801 four big zamindarisof Bengal, including Burdwan, made benamipurchases that collectively yielded as much asRs 30 lakh. Of the total sales at the auctions,over 15 per cent were fictitious.

There were other ways in which zamindarscircumvented displacement. When people fromoutside the zamindari bought an estate at anauction, they could not always take possession. Attimes their agents would be attacked by lathyals ofthe former zamindar. Sometimes even the ryotsresisted the entry of outsiders. They felt bound totheir own zamindar through a sense of loyalty andperceived him as a figure of authority and themselvesas his proja (subjects). The sale of the zamindaridisturbed their sense of identity, their pride. Thezamindars therefore were not easily displaced.

By the beginning of the nineteenth century thedepression in prices was over. Thus those who hadsurvived the troubles of the 1790s consolidated theirpower. Rules of revenue payment were also madesomewhat flexible. As a result, the zamindar’s powerover the villages was strengthened. It was only duringthe Great Depression of the 1930s that they finallycollapsed and the jotedars consolidated their powerin the countryside.

1.6 The Fifth ReportMany of the changes we are discussing weredocumented in detail in a report that was submittedto the British Parliament in 1813. It was the fifth of aseries of reports on the administration and activitiesof the East India Company in India. Often referred toas the Fifth Report, it ran into 1002 pages, of whichover 800 pages were appendices that reproducedpetitions of zamindars and ryots, reports of collectorsfrom different districts, statistical tables on revenuereturns, and notes on the revenue and judicialadministration of Bengal and Madras (present-dayTamil Nadu) written by officials.

From the time the Company established its rulein Bengal in the mid-1760s, its activities were closelywatched and debated in England. There were many

Lathyal, literally one who wieldsthe lathi or stick, functioned asa strongman of the zamindar.


Benami, literally anonymous,is a term used in Hindi andseveral other Indian languagesfor transactions made in thename of a fictitious or relativelyinsignificant person, whereasthe real beneficiary remainsunnamed.

Fig. 10.6Maharaja Mehtab Chand (1820-79)When the Permanent Settlementwas imposed, Tejchand was theRaja of Burdwan. Subsequentlyunder Mehtab Chand the estateprospered. Mehtab Chand helpedthe British during the Santhalrebellion and the 1857 revolt.


groups in Britain who were opposed to the monopolythat the East India Company had over trade withIndia and China. These groups wanted a revocationof the Royal Charter that gave the Company thismonopoly. An increasing number of private traderswanted a share in the India trade, and theindustrialists of Britain were keen to open up theIndian market for British manufactures. Manypolitical groups argued that the conquest of Bengalwas benefiting only the East India Company but notthe British nation as a whole. Information aboutCompany misrule and maladministration was hotlydebated in Britain and incidents of the greed andcorruption of Company officials were widelypublicised in the press. The British Parliamentpassed a series of Acts in the late eighteenth centuryto regulate and control Company rule in India. Itforced the Company to produce regular reports onthe administration of India and appointedcommittees to enquire into the affairs of theCompany. The Fifth Report was one such reportproduced by a Select Committee. It became the basisof intense parliamentary debates on the nature ofthe East India Company’s rule in India.

Fig. 10.7Andul Raj PalaceThe ruins of palaces are a visiblesign of the end of an era. SatyajitRay’s famous film Jalshaghar, onthe decline of the aristocraticzamindari style of living,was shot in Andul Raj Palace.

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Source 2

Discuss...Compare the account of thezamindars you have just readwith that in Chapter 8.

From the tone in whichevidence is recorded, what doyou think is the attitude of thereport to the facts narrated?What is the Report trying to saythrough the figures? Can youthink of any problem in makinglong-term generalisations fromthese figures of two years?


For over a century and a half, the Fifth Reporthas shaped our conception of what happened in ruralBengal in the late eighteenth century. The evidencecontained in the Fifth Report is invaluable. Butofficial reports like this have to be read carefully.We need to know who wrote the reports and whythey were written. In fact, recent researches showthat the arguments and evidence offered by the FifthReport cannot be accepted uncritically.

Researchers have carefully examined thearchives of various Bengal zamindars and the localrecords of the districts to write about the historyof colonial rule in rural Bengal. They indicate that,intent on criticising the maladministration ofthe company, the Fifth Report exaggerated thecollapse of traditional zamindari power, as alsooverestimated the scale on which zamindars werelosing their land. As we have seen, even whenzamindaris were auctioned, zamindars were notalways displaced, given the ingenious methodsthey used to retain their zamindaris.

From the Fifth Report

Referring to the condition of zamindars and the auctionof lands, the Fifth Report stated:

The revenue was not realised with punctuality, andlands to a considerable extent were periodicallyexposed to sale by auction. In the native year 1203,corresponding with 1796-97, the land advertised forsale comprehended a jumma or assessment of siccarupees 28,70,061, the extent of land actually sold borea jumma or assessment of 14,18,756, and the amountof purchase money sicca rupees 17,90,416. In 1204,corresponding with 1797-98, the land advertised wasfor sicca rupees 26,66,191, the quantity sold was forsicca rupees 22,74,076, and the purchase moneysicca rupees 21,47,580. Among the defaulters weresome of the oldest families of the country. Such werethe rajahs of Nuddea, Rajeshaye, Bishenpore(a l l d i s t r ic t s o f Bengal ) , … and others , thedismemberment of whose estates at the end of eachsucceeding year, threatened them with poverty andruin, and in some instances presented difficulties tothe revenue officers, in their efforts to preserveundiminished the amount of public assessment.


2. The Hoe and the PloughLet us now shift our focus from the wetlands of Bengalto drier zones, from a region of settled cultivation toone where shifting agriculture was practised. Youwill see the changes that came about when thefrontiers of the peasant economy expanded outwards,swallowing up pastures and forests in the Rajmahalhills. You will also see how these changes created avariety of conflicts within the region.

2.1 In the hills of RajmahalIn the early nineteenth century, Buchanan travelledthrough the Rajmahal hills. From his description,the hills appeared impenetrable, a zone where fewtravellers ventured, an area that signified danger.Wherever he went, people were hostile, apprehensiveof officials and unwilling to talk to them. In manyinstances they deserted their villages and absconded.

Who were these hill folk? Why were they soapprehensive of Buchanan’s visit? Buchanan’sjournal gives us tantalising glimpses of these hillfolk in the early nineteenth century. His journal waswritten as a diary of places he visited, people heencountered, and practices he saw. It raisesquestions in our mind, but does not always help usanswer them. It tells us about a moment in time,but not about the longer history of people and places.For that historians have to turn to other records.

If we look at late-eighteenth-century revenuerecords, we learn that these hill folk were known asPaharias. They lived around the Rajmahal hills,subsisting on forest produce and practising shiftingcultivation. They cleared patches of forest by cuttingbushes and burning the undergrowth. On thesepatches, enriched by the potash from the ash, thePaharias grew a variety of pulses and millets forconsumption. They scratched the ground lightlywith hoes, cultivated the cleared land for a few years,then left it fallow so that it could recover its fertility,and moved to a new area.

From the forests they collected mahua (a flower)for food, silk cocoons and resin for sale, and woodfor charcoal production. The undergrowth thatspread like a mat below the trees and the patches ofgrass that covered the lands left fallow providedpasture for cattle.

Who was Buchanan?Francis Buchanan was aphysician who came to India andserved in the Bengal MedicalService (from 1794 to 1815).For a few years he was surgeonto the Governor-General ofIndia, Lord Wellesley. During hisstay in Calcutta (present-dayKolkata), he organised a zoo thatbecame the Calcutta AliporeZoo; he was also in charge of theBotanical Gardens for a shortperiod. On the request of theGovernment of Bengal, heundertook detailed surveys ofthe areas under the jurisdictionof the Brit ish East IndiaCompany. In 1815 he fell ill andreturned to England. Upon hismother’s death, he inherited herproperty and assumed her familyname Hamilton. So he is oftencalled Buchanan-Hamilton.

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The life of the Paharias – as hunters, shiftingcultivators, food gatherers, charcoal producers,silkworm rearers – was thus intimately connected tothe forest. They lived in hutments within tamarindgroves, and rested in the shade of mango trees. Theyconsidered the entire region as their land, the basis

Fig. 10.8A view of a hill village in Rajmahal, painted by William Hodges, 1782William Hodges was a British artist who accompanied Captain Cook on his second voyageto the Pacific (1772-75), and then came to India. In 1781 he became a friend of AugustusCleveland, the Collector of Bhagalpur. On the invitation of Cleveland, Hodges accompaniedhim to the Jangal Mahals in 1782, and painted a set of aquatints. Like many otherBritish painters of the time, Hodges searched for the picturesque. Artists in search of thepicturesque were inspired by the ideals of Romanticism, a tradition of thought thatcelebrated nature and admired its magnificence and power. Romantics felt that to communewith nature the artist had to represent nature as an idyll, uncorrupted by moderncivilisation, discover unknown landscapes, and appreciate the sublime play of light andshade. It is in search of this unknown that Hodges went to the Rajmahal hills. He foundflat landscapes monotonous, and discovered beauty in roughness, irregularity and variety.A landscape that colonial officials found dangerous and wild, peopled by turbulent tribes,appears in the paintings of Hodges as exotic and idyllic.

Look at the painting and identify the ways in which it represents the traditions of the picturesque.


Aquatint is a picture producedby cutting into a copper sheetwith acid and then printing it.


of their identity as well as survival; and they resistedthe intrusion of outsiders. Their chiefs maintainedthe unity of the group, settled disputes, and led thetribe in battles with other tribes and plainspeople.

With their base in the hills, the Paharias regularlyraided the plains where settled agriculturists lived.These raids were necessary for survival, particularlyin years of scarcity; they were a way of assertingpower over settled communities; and they were ameans of negotiating political relations withoutsiders. The zamindars on the plains had to oftenpurchase peace by paying a regular tribute to thehill chiefs. Traders similarly gave a small amountto the hill folk for permission to use the passescontrolled by them. Once the toll was paid, thePaharia chiefs protected the traders, ensuring thattheir goods were not plundered by anyone.

This negotiated peace was somewhat fragile. Itbroke down in the last decades of the eighteenthcentury when the frontiers of settled agriculture werebeing aggressively extended in eastern India. TheBritish encouraged forest clearance, and zamindarsand jotedars turned uncultivated lands into ricefields. To the British, extension of settled agriculturewas necessary to enlarge the sources of landrevenue, produce crops for export, and establishthe basis of a settled, ordered society. They alsoassociated forests with wildness, and saw forestpeople as savage, unruly, primitive, and difficult togovern. So they felt that forests had to be cleared,

Fig. 10.9A view of Jangal territory,painted by William HodgesHere you can see the forestedlow hills and the rocky upperranges, nowhere actually above2,000 feet. By centring the hillsand viewing them from below,Hodges emphasises theirinaccessibility.

Look at Figs. 10.8 and10.9. Describe how thepictures represent therelationship between tribalpeople and nature.

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settled agriculture established, and forest peopletamed, civilised and persuaded to give up huntingand take to plough agriculture.

As settled agriculture expanded, the area underforests and pastures contracted. This sharpened theconflict between hill folk and settled cultivators. Theformer began to raid settled villages with increasingregularity, carrying away food grains and cattle.Exasperated colonial officials tried desperately tocontrol and subdue the Paharias. But they foundthe task difficult.

In the 1770s the British embarked on a brutalpolicy of extermination, hunting the Paharias downand killing them. Then, by the 1780s, AugustusCleveland, the Collector of Bhagalpur, proposed apolicy of pacification. Paharia chiefs were given anannual allowance and made responsible for theproper conduct of their men. They were expected tomaintain order in their localities and discipline theirown people. Many Paharia chiefs refused theallowances. Those who accepted, most often lostauthority within the community. Being in the pay ofthe colonial government, they came to be perceivedas subordinate employees or stipendiary chiefs.

As the pacification campaigns continued, thePaharias withdrew deep into the mountains,insulating themselves from hostile forces, andcarrying on a war with outsiders. So when Buchanantravelled through the region in the winter of1810 -11 the Paharias naturally viewed him withsuspicion and distrust. The experience of pacificationcampaigns and memories of brutal repressionshaped their perception of British infiltration intothe area. Every white man appeared to represent apower that was destroying their way of life and meansof survival, snatching away their control over theirforests and lands.

By this time in fact there were newer intimationsof danger. Santhals were pouring into the area,clearing forests, cutting down timber, ploughing landand growing rice and cotton. As the lower hills weretaken over by Santhal settlers, the Paharias recededdeeper into the Rajmahal hills. If Paharia life wassymbolised by the hoe, which they used for shiftingcultivation, the settlers came to represent the powerof the plough. The battle between the hoe and theplough was a long one.



2.2 The Santhals: Pioneer settlersAt the end of 1810, Buchanan crossed Ganjuria Pahar,which was part of the Rajmahal ranges, passedthrough the rocky country beyond, and reached avillage. It was an old village but the land around hadbeen recently cleared to extend cultivation. Lookingat the landscape, Buchanan found evidence of theregion having been transformed through “properapplication of human labour”. He wrote: “Gunjuriyais just sufficiently cultivated to show what a gloriouscountry this might be made. I think its beauty andriches might be made equal to almost any in theuniverse.” The soil here was rocky but “uncommonlyfine”, and nowhere had Buchanan seen finer tobaccoand mustard. On enquiry he discovered that thefrontiers of cultivation here had been extended bythe Santhals. They had moved into this area around1800, displaced the hill folk who lived on these lowerslopes, cleared the forests and settled the land.

How did the Santhals reach the Rajmahal hills?The Santhals had begun to come into Bengal aroundthe 1780s. Zamindars hired them to reclaim landand expand cultivation, and British officials invitedthem to settle in the Jangal Mahals. Having failedto subdue the Paharias and transform them intosettled agriculturists, the British turned to theSanthals. The Paharias refused to cut forests,resisted touching the plough, and continued to be

Fig. 10.10Hill village in Santhal country,Illustrated London News,23 February 1856This village in the lower Rajmahalhills was sketched by WalterSherwill in the early 1850s.The village appears to be peaceful,calm and idyllic. Life seemsunaffected by the outside world.

Contrast this image of theSanthal village with Fig. 10.12.

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turbulent. The Santhals, by contrast, appeared tobe ideal settlers, clearing forests and ploughing theland with vigour.

The Santhals were given land and persuaded tosettle in the foothills of Rajmahal. By 1832 a largearea of land was demarcated as Damin-i-Koh. Thiswas declared to be the land of the Santhals. Theywere to live within it, practise plough agriculture,and become settled peasants. The land grant to theSanthals stipulated that at least one-tenth of the areawas to be cleared and cultivated within the first tenyears. The territory was surveyed and mapped.Enclosed with boundary pillars, it was separated fromboth the world of the settled agriculturists of theplains and the Paharias of the hills.

After the demarcation of Damin-i-Koh, Santhalsettlements expanded rapidly. From 40 Santhal villagesin the area in 1838, as many as 1,473 villages hadcome up by 1851. Over the same period, the Santhalpopulation increased from a mere 3,000 to over 82,000.As cultivation expanded, an increased volume ofrevenue flowed into the Company’s coffers.

Santhal myths and songs of the nineteenth centuryrefer very frequently to a long history of travel: theyrepresent the Santhal past as one of continuousmobility, a tireless search for a place to settle. Herein the Damin-i-Koh their journey seemed to have cometo an end.

When the Santhals settled on the peripheries ofthe Rajmahal hills, the Paharias resisted but wereultimately forced to withdraw deeper into the hills.Restricted from moving down to the lower hills andvalleys, they were confined to the dry interior andto the more barren and rocky upper hills. Thisseverely affected their lives, impoverishing themin the long term. Shifting agriculture depended onthe ability to move to newer and newer land andutilisation of the natural fertility of the soil. Whenthe most fertile soils became inaccessible to them,being part of the Damin, the Paharias could noteffectively sustain their mode of cultivation. Whenthe forests of the region were cleared for cultivationthe hunters amongst them also faced problems. TheSanthals, by contrast, gave up their earlier life ofmobility and settled down, cultivating a range ofcommercial crops for the market, and dealing withtraders and moneylenders.



The Santhals, however, soon found that the landthey had brought under cultivation was slippingaway from their hands. The state was levying heavytaxes on the land that the Santhals had cleared,moneylenders (dikus) were charging them high ratesof interest and taking over the land when debtsremained unpaid, and zamindars were assertingcontrol over the Damin area.

By the 1850s, the Santhals felt that the time hadcome to rebel against zamindars, moneylenders andthe colonial state, in order to create an ideal worldfor themselves where they would rule. It was afterthe Santhal Revolt (1855-56 ) that the SanthalPargana was created, carving out 5,500 square milesfrom the districts of Bhagalpur and Birbhum. Thecolonial state hoped that by creating a new territoryfor the Santhals and imposing some special lawswithin it, the Santhals could be conciliated.

Fig. 10.11Sidhu Manjhi, the leader of theSanthal rebellion

Fig. 10.12Santhals fight the sepoys of the British Raj, Illustrated London News, 23 February 1856The rebellion changed the British perception of the Santhals. Villages that had earlier seemedcalm and peaceful (Fig. 10.10) now appeared to have become places of violent and savage deeds.

273COLONIALISM AND THE COUNTRYSIDE

Fig. 10.14Santhal prisoners being taken away, Illustrated London News, 1856Notice how images like this one seek to convey political messages. At the centre youcan see British officials triumphantly riding on an elephant. One officer on a horse issmoking a hookah: a picture that emphasises that the time of trouble was over, therebellion had been crushed. The rebels are now in chains, being taken away to jailescorted and surrounded by soldiers of the Company.

Fig. 10.13Burning of Santhal villages, Illustrated London News, 23 February 1856After the rebellion was crushed, the region was searched, suspects were picked up, andvillages set on fire. Images of the burning villages were shown to the public in England –once again as a demonstration of the might of the British and their ability to crushrebellion and impose colonial order.

Imagine youare a reader ofthe IllustratedLondon News inEngland. How willyou react to theimages depicted inFigs. 10.12, 10.13and 10.14?What image of theSanthals wouldthese pictures createin your mind?


2.3 The accounts of BuchananWe have been drawing on Buchanan’s account,but while reading his reports we should not forgetthat he was an employee of the British East IndiaCompany. His journeys were not simply inspiredby the love of landscape and the desire to discoverthe unknown. He marched everywhere with alarge army of people – draughtsmen, surveyors,palanquin bearers, coolies. The costs of thetravels were borne by the East India Companysince it needed the information that Buchananwas expected to collect. Buchanan had specificinstructions about what he had to look for andwhat he had to record. When he arrived at avillage with his army of people, he wasimmediately perceived as an agent of the sarkar.

As the Company consolidated its power andexpanded its commerce, it looked for naturalresources it could control and exploit. It surveyedlandscapes and revenue sources, organisedvoyages of discovery, and sent its geologists andgeographers, its botanists and medical men tocollect information. Buchanan, undoubtedly anextraordinary observer, was one such individual.Everywhere Buchanan went, he obsessivelyobserved the stones and rocks and the differentstrata and layers of soil. He searched forminerals and stones that were commerciallyvaluable, he recorded all signs of iron ore andmica, granite and saltpetre. He carefullyobserved local practices of salt-making and iron-ore-mining.

When Buchanan wrote about a landscape, hemost often described not just what he saw, whatthe landscape was like, but also how it could betransformed and made more productive – whatcrops could be cultivated, which trees cut down,and which ones grown. And we must rememberthat his vision and his priorities were differentfrom those of the local inhabitants: hisassessment of what was necessary was shapedby the commercial concerns of the Company andmodern Western notions of what constitutedprogress. He was inevitably critical of thelifestyles of forest dwellers and felt that forestshad to be turned into agricultural lands.

The rocks near Kaduya

Buchanan’s journal is packedwith observations l ike thefollowing:

About a mile farther on, ( I)came to a low ledge of rockswithout any evident strata;it is a small grained granitewith reddish feldspar, withquartz and black mica …More than half a mile fromthence, I came to anotherrock not stratif ied, andconsisting of very fine-grained granite withyellowish feldspar, whitishquartz and black mica.

Source 4

Buchanan on theSanthals

Buchanan wrote:

They are very clever in clearingnew lands, but live meanly.Their huts have no fence, andthe walls are made of smallsticks placed upright, closetogether and plastered withinwith clay. They are small andslovenly, and too flat-roofed,with very little arch.

Source 3

275

On clearance and settled cultivation

Passing through one village in the lower Rajmahal hills,Buchanan wrote:

The view of the country is exceedingly fine, thecultivation, especially the narrow valleys of ricewinding in all directions, the cleared lands withscattered trees, and the rocky hills are in perfection;all that is wanted is some appearance of progress inthe area and a vastly extended and improvedcultivation, of which the country is highly susceptible.Plantations of Asan and Palas, for Tessar (Tassar silkworms) and Lac, should occupy the place of woodsto as great an extent as the demand will admit; theremainder might be all cleared, and the greater partcultivated, while what is not fit for the purpose, mightrear Plamira (palmyra) and Mowa (mahua).

3. A Revolt in the CountrysideThe Bombay Deccan

You have read about how the lives of peasants andzamindars of colonial Bengal and the Pahariasand Santhals of the Rajmahal hills were changing.Now let us move across to western India, and to alater period, and explore what was happening in thecountryside in the Bombay Deccan.

One way of exploring such changes is by focusingon a peasant revolt. In such climactic times rebelsexpress their anger and fury; they rise against whatthey perceive to be injustice and the causes of theirsuffering. If we try to understand the premises oftheir resentment, and peel the layers of their anger,we get a glimpse of their life and experience that isotherwise hidden from us. Revolts also producerecords that historians can look at. Alarmed by theactions of rebels and keen on restoring order, stateauthorities do not simply repress a rebellion. Theytry and understand it, enquire into its causes sothat policies can be formulated and peaceestablished. These enquiries produce evidence thathistorians can explore.

Through the nineteenth century, peasants invarious parts of India rose in revolt against

Discuss...What does Buchanan’sdescription tell us about hisideas of development?Illustrate your argument byquoting from the excerpts.If you were a Paharia forestdweller how would you havereacted to these ideas?

Source 5



Source 7

The words and terms usedby a writer often tell ussomething about his or herprejudices. Read Source 7carefully and pick out the termsthat indicate any prejudices ofthe writer. Discuss how a ryot ofthe area would have describedthe same situation.

On that day in Supa

On 16 May 1875, the DistrictMagistrate of Poona wrote tothe Police Commissioner:

On arrival at Supa onSaturday 15 May I learntof the disturbance.

One house of amoneylender was burntdown; about a dozen wereforcibly broken into andcompletely gutted of theircontent. Account papers,bonds, grains, countrycloth were burnt in thestreet where heaps of ashesare still to be seen.

The chie f constableapprehended 50 persons.Sto len property worthRs 2000 was recovered.The estimated loss is overRs 25,000. Moneylendersclaim it is over 1 lakh.

DECCAN RIOTS COMMISSION

Source 6

A sahukar was someone whoacted as both a moneylenderand a trader.

moneylenders and grain dealers. One such revoltoccurred in 1875 in the Deccan.

3.1 Account books are burntThe movement began at Supa, a large village in Poona(present-day Pune) district. It was a market centrewhere many shopkeepers and moneylenders lived.On 12 May1875, ryots from surrounding rural areasgathered and attacked the shopkeepers, demandingtheir bahi khatas (account books) and debt bonds.They burnt the khatas, looted grain shops, and insome cases set fire to the houses of sahukars.

From Poona the revolt spread to Ahmednagar.Then over the next two months it spread even further,over an area of 6,500 square km. More than thirtyvillages were affected. Everywhere the pattern wasthe same: sahukars were attacked, account booksburnt and debt bonds destroyed. Terrified of peasantattacks, the sahukars fled the villages, very oftenleaving their property and belongings behind.

As the revolt spread, British officials saw thespectre of 1857 (see Chapter 11). Police posts wereestablished in villages to frighten rebellious peasantsinto submission. Troops were quickly called in; 951people were arrested, and many convicted. Butit took several months to bring the countrysideunder control.

A newspaper report

The fol lowing report, t i t led ‘The ryot and themoneylender’, appeared in the Native Opinion (6 June1876), and was quoted in Report of the NativeNewspapers of Bombay:

They (the ryots) first place spies on the boundariesof their villages to see if any Government officerscome, and to give timely intimation of their arrivalto the offenders. They then assemble in a body andgo to the houses of their creditors, and demandfrom them a surrender of their bonds and otherdocuments, and threaten them in case of refusal withassault and plunder. If any Government officerhappens to approach the villages where the above istaking place, the spies give intimation to the offendersand the latter disperse in time.

277

Why the burning of bonds and deeds? Why thisrevolt? What does it tell us about the Deccancountryside and about agrarian changes undercolonial rule? Let us look at this longer history ofchanges over the nineteenth century.

3.2 A new revenue systemAs British rule expanded from Bengal to other partsof India, new systems of revenue were imposed. ThePermanent Settlement was rarely extended to anyregion beyond Bengal.

Why was this so? One reason was that after 1810,agricultural prices rose, increasing the value ofharvest produce, and enlarging the income of theBengal zamindars. Since the revenue demand wasfixed under the Permanent Settlement, the colonialstate could not claim any share of this enhancedincome. Keen on expanding its financial resources,the colonial government had to think of ways tomaximise its land revenue. So in territories annexedin the nineteenth century, temporary revenuesettlements were made.

There were other reasons too. When officials devisepolicies, their thinking is deeply shaped by economictheories they are familiar with. By the 1820s, theeconomist David Ricardo was a celebrated figure inEngland. Colonial officials had learnt Ricardian ideasduring their college years. In Maharashtra whenBritish officials set about formulating the terms ofthe early settlement in the 1820s, they operated withsome of these ideas.

According to Ricardian ideas, a landowner shouldhave a claim only to the “average rent” that prevailedat a given time. When the land yielded more thanthis “average rent”, the landowner had a surplusthat the state needed to tax. If tax was not levied,cultivators were likely to turn into rentiers, and theirsurplus income was unlikely to be productivelyinvested in the improvement of the land. ManyBritish officials in India thought that the history ofBengal confirmed Ricardo’s theory. There thezamindars seemed to have turned into rentiers,leasing out land and living on the rental incomes. Itwas therefore necessary, the British officials nowfelt, to have a different system.

The revenue system that was introduced in theBombay Deccan came to be known as the ryotwari

Rentier is a term used todesignate people who live onrental income from property.



settlement. Unlike the Bengal system, the revenuewas directly settled with the ryot. The averageincome from different types of soil was estimated,the revenue-paying capacity of the ryot was assessedand a proportion of it fixed as the share of the state.The lands were resurveyed every 30 years andthe revenue rates increased. Therefore the revenuedemand was no longer permanent.

3.3 Revenue demand and peasant debtThe first revenue settlement in the Bombay Deccanwas made in the 1820s. The revenue that wasdemanded was so high that in many places peasantsdeserted their villages and migrated to new regions.In areas of poor soil and fluctuating rainfall theproblem was particularly acute. When rains failedand harvests were poor, peasants found it impossibleto pay the revenue. However, the collectors in chargeof revenue collection were keen on demonstratingtheir efficiency and pleasing their superiors. So theywent about extracting payment with utmost severity.When someone failed to pay, his crops were seizedand a fine was imposed on the whole village.

By the 1830s the problem became more severe.Prices of agricultural products fell sharply after 1832and did not recover for over a decade and a half.This meant a further decline in peasants’ income.At the same time the countryside was devastated bya famine that struck in the years 1832-34. One-third of the cattle of the Deccan were killed, andhalf the human population died. Those who survivedhad no agricultural stocks to see them through thecrisis. Unpaid balances of revenue mounted.

How did cultivators live through such years?How did they pay the revenue, procure theirconsumption needs, purchase their ploughs andcattle, or get their children married?

Inevitably, they borrowed. Revenue could rarelybe paid without a loan from a moneylender. Butonce a loan was taken, the ryot found it difficult topay it back. As debt mounted, and loans remainedunpaid, peasants’ dependence on moneylendersincreased. They now needed loans even to buy theireveryday needs and meet their productionexpenditure. By the 1840s, officials were findingevidence of alarming levels of peasant indebtednesseverywhere.

279

By the mid-1840s there were signs of an economicrecovery of sorts. Many British officials had begunto realise that the settlements of the 1820s had beenharsh. The revenue demanded was exorbitant, thesystem rigid, and the peasant economy on the vergeof collapse. So the revenue demand was moderatedto encourage peasants to expand cultivation.After 1845 agricultural prices recovered steadily.Cultivators were now extending their acreage, movinginto new areas, and transforming pastureland intocultivated fields. But to expand cultivation peasantsneeded more ploughs and cattle. They needed moneyto buy seeds and land. For all this they had to turnonce again to moneylenders for loans.

3.4 Then came the cotton boomBefore the 1860s, three-fourths of raw cotton importsinto Britain came from America. British cottonmanufacturers had for long been worried aboutthis dependence on American supplies. What wouldhappen if this source was cut off? Troubled by thisquestion, they eagerly looked for alternative sourcesof supply.

In 1857 the Cotton Supply Association was foundedin Britain, and in 1859 the Manchester CottonCompany was formed. Their objective was “toencourage cotton production in every part of the world


Fig. 10.16Carts transporting cotton haltingunder a banyan tree,Illustrated London News,13 December 1862

Fig. 10.15The cotton boomThe line in the graph indicatesthe rise and fall in cotton prices.

0

100

200

300

400

500

IND

EX

Y E A R S1860 1862 1864 1866 1868


suited for its growth”. India was seen as a countrythat could supply cotton to Lancashire if the Americansupply dried up. It possessed suitable soil, a climatefavourable to cotton cultivation, and cheap labour.

When the American Civil War broke out in 1861,a wave of panic spread through cotton circles inBritain. Raw cotton imports from America fell to lessthan three per cent of the normal: from over 2,000,000bales (of 400 lbs each) in 1861 to 55,000 bales in1862. Frantic messages were sent to India andelsewhere to increase cotton exports to Britain. InBombay, cotton merchants visited the cottondistricts to assess supplies and encouragecultivation. As cotton prices soared (see Fig. 10.15),export merchants in Bombay were keen to secureas much cotton as possible to meet the Britishdemand. So they gave advances to urban sahukarswho in turn extended credit to those ruralmoneylenders who promised to secure the produce.When there is a boom in the market credit flowseasily, for those who give out loans feel secure aboutrecovering their money.

The three panels inFig. 10.17 depict differentmodes of transportingcotton. Notice the bullockscollapsing under the weightof the cotton, the boulderson the road, and the hugepile of bales on the boat.What is the artist suggestingthrough these images?

Fig. 10.17Transporting cotton before the railway era, Illustrated London News, 20 April 1861When cotton supplies from America were cut off during the Civil War, Britain hoped thatIndia would supply all the cotton that British industries needed. It began assessing thesupply, examining the quality of cotton and studying the methods of production andmarketing. This interest was reflected in the pages of the Illustrated London News.

281

These developments had aprofound impact on the Deccancountryside. The ryots in theDeccan villages suddenly foundaccess to seemingly limitlesscredit. They were being givenRs 100 as advance for every acrethey planted with cotton. Sahukarswere more than willing to extendlong-term loans.

While the American crisiscontinued, cotton production inthe Bombay Deccan expanded.Between 1860 and 1864 cotton acreage doubled.By 1862 over 90 per cent of cotton imports intoBritain were coming from India.

But these boom years did not bring prosperity toall cotton producers. Some rich peasants did gain,but for the large majority, cotton expansion meantheavier debt.


Fig. 10.19Cotton bales lying at the Bombay terminus of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway ready forshipment to England, Illustrated London News, 23 August 1862Once the railways came up cotton supplies were not carried only on carts and boats. River trafficdeclined over time. But older modes of transport were not fully displaced. The loaded bullock cartin the foreground on the right is waiting to carry cotton bales from the railway station to the port.

Fig. 10.18A fleet of boats carrying cotton balesdown the Ganges from Mirzapur,Illustrated London News,13 December 1862Before the railway age, the town ofMirzapur was a collection centrefor cotton from the Deccan.


3.5 Credit dries upWhile the boom lasted, cotton merchants in Indiahad visions of capturing the world market in rawcotton, permanently displacing America. The editorof the Bombay Gazette had asked in 1861, “What canprevent India from supplanting the Slave States (ofU.S.A.) as the feeder of Lancashire?” By 1865 thesedreams were over. As the Civil War ended, cottonproduction in America revived and Indian cottonexports to Britain steadily declined.

Export merchants and sahukars in Maharashtrawere no longer keen on extending long-term credit.They could see the demand for Indian cotton falland cotton prices slide downwards. So they decidedto close down their operations, restrict theiradvances to peasants, and demand repayment ofoutstanding debts.

While credit dried up, the revenue demandincreased. The first revenue settlement, as we haveseen, was in the 1820s and 1830s. Now it was timefor the next. And in the new settlement, the demandwas increased dramatically: from 50 to 100 per cent.How could ryots pay this inflated demand at a timewhen prices were falling and cotton fieldsdisappearing? Yet again they had to turn to themoneylender. But the moneylender now refusedloans. He no longer had confidence in the ryots’capacity to repay.

3.6 The experience of injusticeThe refusal of moneylenders to extend loans enragedthe ryots. What infuriated them was not simply thatthey had got deeper and deeper into debt, or thatthey were utterly dependent on the moneylenderfor survival, but that moneylenders were beinginsensitive to their plight. The moneylenders wereviolating the customary norms of the countryside.

Moneylending was certainly widespread beforecolonial rule and moneylenders were often powerful

Source 8

Explain the complaints that the ryot is making in thepetition. Why was the harvest taken by themoneylenders not credited to the peasants’ account?Why were peasants not given any receipts? If youwere a moneylender what reasons would you give forthese practices?

A ryot petitions

This is an example of a petitionfrom a ryot of the village ofMirajgaon, Taluka Karjat, to theCollector, Ahmednagar, DeccanRiots Commission:

The sowkars (sahukars ) …have of late begun tooppress us. As we cannotearn enough to defray ourhousehold expenses, we areactually forced to beg ofthem to provide us withmoney, clothes and grain,which we obtain fromthem not without greatdifficulty, nor without theircompelling us to enter intohard conditions in the bond.Moreover the necessaryclothes and grain are notsold to us at cash rates. Theprices asked from us aregenerally twenty-five orfifty per cent more thandemanded from customersmaking ready moneypayments … The produce ofour fields is also taken by thesowkars, who at the timeof removing it assure usthat it will be credited toour account, but they do notactually make any mentionof it in the accounts. Theyalso refuse to pass us anyreceipts for the produce soremoved by them.

283

Source 9

figures. A variety of customary norms regulated therelationship between the moneylender and the ryot.One general norm was that the interest chargedcould not be more than the principal. This was meantto limit the moneylender’s exactions and defined whatcould be counted as “fair interest”. Under colonialrule this norm broke down. In one of the many casesinvestigated by the Deccan Riots Commission, themoneylender had charged over Rs 2,000 as intereston a loan of Rs 100. In petition after petition, ryotscomplained of the injustice of such exactions andthe violation of custom.

Deeds of hire

When debts mounted the peasant was unable to payback the loan to the moneylender. He had no optionbut to give over all his possessions – land, carts, andanimals – to the moneylender. But without animals hecould not continue to cultivate. So he took land on rentand animals on hire. He now had to pay for the animalswhich had originally belonged to him. He had to sign adeed of hire stating very clearly that these animals andcarts did not belong to him. In cases of conflict, thesedeeds could be enforced through the court.

The following is the text of a deed that a peasant signedin November 1873, from the records of the Deccan RiotsCommission:

I have sold to you, on account of the debt due to you,my two carriages having iron axles, with theirappurtenances and four bullocks … I have taken fromyou on hire under (this) deed the very same twocarriages and four bullocks. I shall pay every monththe hire thereof at Rupees four a month, and obtain areceipt in your own handwriting. In the absence of areceipt I shall not contend that the hire had been paid.

The ryots came to see the moneylender as deviousand deceitful. They complained of moneylendersmanipulating laws and forging accounts. In 1859the British passed a Limitation Law that statedthat the loan bonds signed between moneylendersand ryots would have validity for only three years.This law was meant to check the accumulation ofinterest over time. The moneylender, however, turned

List all the commitments thatthe peasant is making in thisdeed. What does such a deedof hire tell us about therelationship between thepeasant and the moneylender?How would it change therelationship between thepeasant and the bullocks hepreviously owned?



Source 10

the law around, forcing the ryot to sign a new bondevery three years. When a new bond was signed, theunpaid balance – that is, the original loan and theaccumulated interest – was entered as the principalon which a new set of interest charges was calculated.In petitions that the Deccan Riots Commissioncollected, ryots described how this process worked(see Source 10) and how moneylenders used a varietyof other means to short-change the ryot: they refusedto give receipts when loans were repaid, enteredfictitious figures in bonds, acquired the peasants’harvest at low prices, and ultimately took overpeasants’ property.

Deeds and bonds appeared as symbols of the newoppressive system. In the past such deeds had beenrare. The British, however, were suspicious oftransactions based on informal understanding, aswas common in the past. The terms of transactions,they believed, had to be clearly, unambiguously andcategorically stated in contracts, deeds and bonds,and regulated by law. Unless the deed or contractwas legally enforceable, it had no value.

Over time, peasants came to associate the miseryof their lives with the new regime of bonds and deeds.They were made to sign and put thumb impressionson documents, but they did not know what they wereactually signing. They had no idea of the clausesthat moneylenders inserted in the bonds. They fearedthe written word. But they had no choice because tosurvive they needed loans, and moneylenders wereunwilling to give loans without legal bonds.

How debts mounted

In a petition to the Deccan Riots Commission a ryot explained how thesystem of loans worked:

A sowkar lends his debtor Rs 100 on bond at Rs 3-2 annas per centper mensem. The latter agrees to pay the amount within eight daysfrom the passing of the bond. Three years after the stipulated time forrepaying the amount, the sowkar takes from his debtor another bondfor the principal and interest together at the same rate of interest,and allows him 125 days’ time to liquidate the debt. After the lapse of3 years and 15 days a third bond is passed by the debtor … (this processis repeated) at the end of 12 years … his interest on Rs 1000 amountsto Rs 2028 -10 annas -3 paise.

Calculate the rateof interest that theryot was payingover the years.

285

4. The Deccan Riots CommissionWhen the revolt spread in the Deccan, theGovernment of Bombay was initially unwilling tosee it as anything serious. But the Government ofIndia, worried by the memory of 1857, pressurisedthe Government of Bombay to set up a commissionof enquiry to investigate into the causes of the riots.The commission produced a report that waspresented to the British Parliament in 1878.

This report, referred to as the Deccan Riots Report,provides historians with a range of sources for thestudy of the riot. The commission held enquiriesin the districts where the riots spread, recordedstatements of ryots, sahukars and eyewitnesses,compiled statistical data on revenue rates, pricesand interest rates in different regions, and collatedthe reports sent by district collectors.

In looking at such sources we have to againremember that they are official sources and reflectofficial concerns and interpretations of events. TheDeccan Riots Commission, for instance, wasspecifically asked to judge whether the level ofgovernment revenue demand was the cause of therevolt. And after presenting all the evidence, thecommission reported that the government demandwas not the cause of peasant anger. It was themoneylenders who were to blame. This argument isfound very frequently in colonial records. This showsthat there was a persistent reluctance on the partof the colonial government to admit that populardiscontent was ever on account of government action.

Official reports, thus, are invaluable sources forthe reconstruction of history. But they have to bealways read with care and juxtaposed with evidenceculled from newspapers, unofficial accounts, legalrecords and, where possible, oral sources.

Discuss...Check what rates of interestare charged in the regionwhere you live at present.Find out whether these rateshave changed over the last50 years. Is there a variationin the rates paid by differentgroups of people? What arethe reasons for thedifferences?



TIMELINE

1765 English East India Company acquires Diwani of Bengal

1773 Regulating Act passed by the British Parliament toregulate the activities of the East India Company

1793 Permanent Settlement in Bengal

1800s Santhals begin to come to the Rajmahal hills andsettle there

1818 First revenue settlement in the Bombay Deccan

1820s Agricultural prices begin to fall

1840s-50s A slow process of agrarian expansion in the Bombay Deccan

1855-56 Santhal rebellion

1861 Cotton boom begins

1875 Ryots in Deccan villages rebel

ANSWER IN 100 -150 WORDS

1. Why was the jotedar a powerful figure in many areasof rural Bengal?

2. How did zamindars manage to retain control overtheir zamindaris?

3. How did the Paharias respond to the coming ofoutsiders?

4. Why did the Santhals rebel against British rule?

5. What explains the anger of the Deccan ryots againstthe moneylenders?Fig. 10.20

A rural scene, painted by WilliamPrinsep, 1820

287

Write a short essay(250 -300 words) on the following:

6. Why were many zamindaris auctioned after thePermanent Settlement?

7. In what way was the livelihood of the Pahariasdifferent from that of the Santhals?

8. How did the American Civil War affect the livesof ryots in India?

9. What are the problems of using official sourcesin writing about the history of peasants?

Map work

10. On an outline map of the subcontinent, mark outthe areas described in this chapter. Find outwhether there were other areas where thePermanent Settlement and the ryotwari systemwere prevalent and plot these on the map as well.

Projects (choose one)

11. Francis Buchanan published reports on severaldistricts of eastern India. Read one report andcollate the information available about ruralsociety, focusing on the themes discussed in thischapter. Highlight the ways in which historianscan use such texts.

12. In the region where you live, talk to the olderpeople within a rural community and visit thefields they now cultivate. Find out what theyproduce, how they earn their livelihoods, whattheir parents did, what their sons anddaughters do now, and how their lives havechanged over the last 75 years. Write a reportbased on your findings.

If you would like to knowmore, read:

Sugata Bose. 1986.Agrarian Bengal.Cambridge University Press,Cambridge.

Francis Buchanan.1930.Journal of Francis BuchananKept During the Survey of theDistrict of Bhagalpur.Superintendent, GovernmentPrinting, Bihar and Orissa, Patna.

Ramachandra Guha. 1989.The Unquiet Woods: EcologicalChange and Peasant Resistancein the Himalayas.Oxford University Press,New Delhi.

Sumit Guha. 1985.The Agrarian Economy of theBombay Deccan, 1818-1941.Oxford University Press,New Delhi.

Ravinder Kumar. 1968.Western India in the NineteenthCentury: A Study in the SocialHistory of Maharashtra.Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

Ratnalekha Ray. 1979.Change in Bengal AgrarianSociety, c. 1760-1850.Manohar, New Delhi.

Kumar Suresh Singh. 1966.Dust-storm and the HangingMist: A Study of Birsa Mundaand His Movement inChhotanagpur (1874-1901).Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay,Calcutta.



Late in the afternoon of 10 May 1857, the sepoys in the cantonmentof Meerut broke out in mutiny. It began in the lines of the nativeinfantry, spread very swiftly to the cavalry and then to the city.The ordinary people of the town and surrounding villages joinedthe sepoys. The sepoys captured the bell of arms where the armsand ammunition were kept and proceeded to attack white people,and to ransack and burn their bungalows and property.Government buildings – the record office, jail, court, post office,treasury, etc. – were destroyed and plundered. The telegraph lineto Delhi was cut. As darkness descended, a group of sepoys rodeoff towards Delhi.

The sepoys arrived at the gates of the RedFort early in the morning on 11 May. It wasthe month of Ramzan, the Muslim holy monthof prayer and fasting. The old Mughal emperor,Bahadur Shah, had just finished his prayersand meal before the sun rose and the fastbegan. He heard the commotion at the gates.The sepoys who had gathered under his windowtold him: “We have come from Meerut afterkilling all the Englishmen there, because theyasked us to bite bullets that were coated withthe fat of cows and pigs with our teeth. Thishas corrupted the faith of Hindus and Muslimsalike.’’ Another group of sepoys also enteredDelhi, and the ordinary people of the city joinedthem. Europeans were killed in large numbers;the rich of Delhi were attacked and looted. Itwas clear that Delhi had gone out of Britishcontrol. Some sepoys rode into the Red Fort,without observing the elaborate court etiquetteexpected of them. They demanded that theemperor give them his blessings. Surroundedby the sepoys, Bahadur Shah had no otheroption but to comply. The revolt thus acquireda kind of legitimacy because it could now becarried on in the name of the Mughal emperor.Fig. 11.1

Portrait of Bahadur Shah

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Through 12 and 13 May, North India remained quiet. Onceword spread that Delhi had fallen to the rebels and BahadurShah had blessed the rebellion, events moved swiftly.Cantonment after cantonment in the Gangetic valley and someto the west of Delhi rose in mutiny.

1. Pattern of the RebellionIf one were to place the dates of these mutinies inchronological order, it would appear that as the newsof the mutiny in one town travelled to the next thesepoys there took up arms. The sequence of eventsin every cantonment followed a similar pattern.

1.1 How the mutinies beganThe sepoys began their action with a signal: in manyplaces it was the firing of the evening gun or thesounding of the bugle. They first seized the bellof arms and plundered the treasury. They thenattacked government buildings – the jail, treasury,telegraph office, record room, bungalows – burningall records. Everything and everybody connectedwith the white man became a target. Proclamationsin Hindi, Urdu and Persian were put up in the citiescalling upon the population, both Hindus andMuslims, to unite, rise and exterminate the firangis.

When ordinary people began joining the revolt,the targets of attackwidened. In major townslike Lucknow, Kanpurand Bareilly, money-lenders and the richalso became the objectsof rebel wrath. Peasantsnot only saw themas oppressors but alsoas allies of the British.In most places theirhouses were looted anddestroyed. The mutinyin the sepoy ranks quicklybecame a rebellion.There was a generaldefiance of all kinds ofauthority and hierarchy.

Firangi, a term of Persian origin,possibly derived from Frank(from which France gets itsname), is used in Urdu andHindi, often in a derogatorysense, to designate foreigners.

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Fig. 11.2Ordinary people join the sepoys inattacking the British in Lucknow.

Bell of arms is a storeroom inwhich weapons are kept.


In the months of May and June, the British had noanswer to the actions of the rebels. Individual Britonstried to save their own lives and the lives of theirfamilies. British rule, as one British officer noted,“collapsed like a house made of cards’’.

Source 1

Ordinary life in extraordinary times

What happened in the cities during the months of the revolt?How did people live through those months of tumult? Howwas normal life affected? Reports from different cities tell usabout the breakdown in routine activities. Read thesereports from the Delhi Urdu Akhbar, 14 June 1857:

The same thing is true for vegetables and saag (spinach).People have been found to complain that even kaddu(pumpkin) and baingan (brinjal) cannot be found in thebazaars. Potatoes and arvi (yam) when available are ofstale and rotten variety, stored from before by farsightedkunjras (vegetable growers). From the gardens inside thecity some produce does reach a few places but the poorand the middle class can only lick their lips and watchthem (as they are earmarked for the select).

... There is something else that needs attention which iscausing a lot of damage to the people which is that thewater-carriers have stopped filling water. Poor Shurfas(gentility) are seen carrying water in pails on their shouldersand only then the necessary household tasks such ascooking, etc. can take place. The halalkhors (righteous)have become haramkhors (corrupt), many mohallas havenot been able to earn for several days and if this situationcontinues then decay, death and disease will combinetogether to spoil the city’s air and an epidemic will spreadall over the city and even to areas adjacent and around.

1.2 Lines of communicationThe reason for the similarity in the pattern of the revoltin different places lay partly in its planning andcoordination. It is clear that there was communicationbetween the sepoy lines of various cantonments. Afterthe 7th Awadh Irregular Cavalry had refused to acceptthe new cartridges in early May, they wrote to the 48thNative Infantry that “they had acted for the faith andawaited the 48th’s orders”. Sepoys or their emissariesmoved from one station to another. People were thusplanning and talking about the rebellion.

Read the two reportsand the descriptions ofwhat was happening inDelhi provided in thechapter. Remember thatnewspaper reports oftenexpress the prejudices ofthe reporter. How didDelhi Urdu Akhbar viewthe actions of the people?

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Sisten and the tahsildar

In the context of the communication of the message ofrevolt and mutiny, the experience of François Sisten, anative Christian police inspector in Sitapur, is telling.He had gone to Saharanpur to pay his respects to themagistrate. Sisten was dressed in Indian clothes andsitting cross-legged. A Muslim tahsildar from Bijnorentered the room; upon learning that Sisten was fromAwadh, he enquired, “What news from Awadh? Howdoes the work progress, brother?” Playing safe, Sistenreplied, “If we have work in Awadh, your highness willknow it.” The tahsildar said, “Depend upon it, we willsucceed this time. The direction of the business is inable hands.” The tahsildar was later identified as theprincipal rebel leader of Bijnor.

The pattern of the mutinies and the pieces ofevidence that suggest some sort of planning andcoordination raise certain crucial questions. Howwere the plans made? Who were the planners? It isdifficult on the basis of the available documents toprovide direct answers to such questions. But oneincident provides clues as to how the mutinies cameto be so organised. Captain Hearsey of the AwadhMilitary Police had been given protection by hisIndian subordinates during the mutiny. The 41stNative Infantry, which was stationed in the sameplace, insisted that since they had killed all theirwhite officers, the Military Police should also killHearsey or deliver him as prisoner to the 41st. TheMilitary Police refused to do either, and it wasdecided that the matter would be settled by apanchayat composed of native officers drawn fromeach regiment. Charles Ball, who wrote one of theearliest histories of the uprising, noted thatpanchayats were a nightly occurrence in the Kanpursepoy lines. What this suggests is that some of thedecisions were taken collectively. Given the fact thatthe sepoys lived in lines and shared a commonlifestyle and that many of them came from the samecaste, it is not difficult to imagine them sittingtogether to decide their own future. The sepoys werethe makers of their own rebellion.

What does this conversationsuggest about the ways inwhich plans were communicatedand discussed by the rebels?Why did the tahsildar regardSisten as a potential rebel?

Source 2

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Mutiny – a collective disobedienceof rules and regulations withinthe armed forcesRevolt – a rebellion of peopleagainst established authorityand power. The terms ‘revolt’and ‘rebellion’ can be usedsynonymously.

In the context of the revolt of1857 the term revolt refersprimarily to the uprising of thecivilian population (peasants,zamindars, rajas, jagirdars)while the mutiny was of thesepoys.


1.3 Leaders and followersTo fight the British, leadership and organisationwere required. For these the rebels sometimesturned to those who had been leaders before theBritish conquest. One of the first acts of thesepoys of Meerut, as we saw, was to rush to Delhiand appeal to the old Mughal emperor to acceptthe leadership of the revolt. This acceptance ofleadership took its time in coming. BahadurShah’s first reaction was one of horror andrejection. It was only when some sepoys hadmoved into the Mughal court within the Red Fort,in defiance of normal court etiquette, that theold emperor, realising he had very few options,agreed to be the nominal leader of the rebellion.

Elsewhere, similar scenes were enactedthough on a minor scale. In Kanpur, the sepoysand the people of the town gave Nana Sahib,the successor to Peshwa Baji Rao II, no choicesave to join the revolt as their leader. In Jhansi,the rani was forced by the popular pressurearound her to assume the leadership of theuprising. So was Kunwar Singh, a localzamindar in Arrah in Bihar. In Awadh, wherethe displacement of the popular Nawab WajidAli Shah and the annexation of the state werestill very fresh in the memory of the people,the populace in Lucknow celebrated the fall ofBritish rule by hailing Birjis Qadr, the youngson of the Nawab, as their leader.

Not everywhere were the leaders people of thecourt – ranis, rajas, nawabs and taluqdars.Often the message of rebellion was carried byordinary men and women and in places byreligious men too. From Meerut, there werereports that a fakir had appeared riding on anelephant and that the sepoys were visiting himfrequently. In Lucknow, after the annexation ofAwadh, there were many religious leaders andself-styled prophets who preached thedestruction of British rule.

Elsewhere, local leaders emerged, urgingpeasants, zamindars and tribals to revolt. ShahMal mobilised the villagers of pargana Barout inUttar Pradesh; Gonoo, a tribal cultivator ofSinghbhum in Chotanagpur, became a rebelleader of the Kol tribals of the region.

Fig. 11.3Rani Lakshmi Bai, a popular image

Fig. 11.4Nana SahibAt the end of 1858, when therebellion collapsed, Nana Sahibescaped to Nepal. The story of hisescape added to the legend ofNana Sahib’s courage and valour.

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Two rebels of 1857

Shah MalShah Mal lived in a large village in pargana Barout in Uttar Pradesh. He belongedto a clan of Jat cultivators whose kinship ties extended over chaurasee des(eighty-four villages). The lands in the region were irrigated and fertile, withrich dark loam soil. Many of the villagers were prosperous and saw the Britishland revenue system as oppressive: the revenue demand was high and itscollection inflexible. Consequently cultivators were losing land to outsiders, totraders and moneylenders who were coming into the area.

Shah Mal mobilised the headmen and cultivators of chaurasee des, movingat night from village to village, urging people to rebel against the British. Asin many other places, the revolt against the British turned into a generalrebellion against all signs of oppression and injustice. Cultivators left theirfields and plundered the houses of moneylenders and traders. Displacedproprietors took possession of the lands they had lost. Shah Mal’s menattacked government buildings, destroyed the bridge over the river, anddug up metalled roads – partly to prevent government forces from cominginto the area, and partly because bridges and roads were seen as symbolsof British rule. They sent supplies to the sepoys who had mutinied in Delhiand stopped all official communication between British headquarters andMeerut. Locally acknowledged as the Raja, Shah Mal took over the bungalowof an English officer, turned it into a “hall of justice”, settling disputes anddispensing judgments. He also set up an amazingly effective network ofintelligence. For a period the people of the area felt that firangi raj wasover, and their raj had come.

Shah Mal was killed in battle in July 1857.

Maulvi Ahmadullah ShahMaulvi Ahmadullah Shah was one of the many maulvis who played animportant part in the revolt of 1857. Educated in Hyderabad, he became apreacher when young. In 1856, he was seen moving from village to villagepreaching jehad (religious war) against the British and urging people torebel. He moved in a palanquin, with drumbeaters in front and followers atthe rear. He was therefore popularly called Danka Shah – the maulvi withthe drum (danka). British officials panicked as thousands began followingthe maulvi and many Muslims began seeing him as an inspired prophet.When he reached Lucknow in 1856, he was stopped by the police frompreaching in the city. Subsequently, in 1857, he was jailed in Faizabad.When released, he was elected by the mutinous 22nd Native Infantry astheir leader. He fought in the famous Battle of Chinhat in which the Britishforces under Henry Lawrence were defeated. He came to be known for hiscourage and power. Many people in fact believed that he was invincible,had magical powers, and could not be killed by the British. It was this beliefthat partly formed the basis of his authority.

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1.4 Rumours and propheciesRumours and prophecies played a part in movingpeople to action. As we saw, the sepoys who hadarrived in Delhi from Meerut had told Bahadur Shahabout bullets coated with the fat of cows and pigsand that biting those bullets would corrupt theircaste and religion. They were referring to thecartridges of the Enfield rifles which had just beengiven to them. The British tried to explain to thesepoys that this was not the case but the rumourthat the new cartridges were greased with the fat ofcows and pigs spread like wildfire across the sepoylines of North India.

This is one rumour whose origin can be traced.Captain Wright, commandant of the Rifle InstructionDepot, reported that in the third week of January1857 a “low-caste” khalasi who worked in themagazine in Dum Dum had asked a Brahmin sepoyfor a drink of water from his lota. The sepoy hadrefused saying that the “lower caste’s” touch woulddefile the lota. The khalasi had reportedly retorted,“You will soon lose your caste, as ere long you willhave to bite cartridges covered with the fat of cowsand pigs.” We do not know the veracity of the report,but once this rumour started no amount ofassurances from British officers could stop itscirculation and the fear it spread among the sepoys.

This was not the only rumour that was circulatingin North India at the beginning of 1857. There wasthe rumour that the British government had hatcheda gigantic conspiracy to destroy the caste and religionof Hindus and Muslims. To this end, the rumourssaid, the British had mixed the bone dust of cowsand pigs into the flour that was sold in the market.In towns and cantonments, sepoys and the commonpeople refused to touch the atta. There was fear andsuspicion that the British wanted to convert Indiansto Christianity. Panic spread fast. British officerstried to allay their fears, but in vain. These fearsstirred men to action. The response to the call foraction was reinforced by the prophecy that Britishrule would come to an end on the centenary of theBattle of Plassey, on 23 June 1857.

Rumours were not the only thing circulating atthe time. Reports came from various parts of NorthIndia that chapattis were being distributed fromvillage to village. A person would come at night and

Fig. 11.5Henry Hardinge, by Francis Grant,1849As Governor General, Hardingeattempted to modernise theequipment of the army. The Enfieldrifles that were introduced initiallyused the greased cartridges thesepoys rebelled against.

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give a chapatti to the watchman of the village and askhim to make five more and distribute to the next village,and so on. The meaning and purpose of the distributionof the chapattis was not clear and is not clear eventoday. But there is no doubt that people read it as anomen of an upheaval.

1.5 Why did people believe in the rumours?We cannot understand the power of rumours andprophecies in history by checking whether they arefactually correct or not. We need to see what they reflectabout the minds of people who believed them – theirfears and apprehensions, their faiths and convictions.Rumours circulate only when they resonate with thedeeper fears and suspicions of people.

The rumours in 1857 begin to make sense when seenin the context of the policies the British pursued fromthe late 1820s. As you know, from that time, under theleadership of Governor General Lord William Bentinck,the British adopted policies aimed at “reforming” Indiansociety by introducing Western education, Western ideasand Western institutions. With the cooperation ofsections of Indian society they set up English-mediumschools, colleges and universities which taught Westernsciences and the liberal arts. The British establishedlaws to abolish customs like sati (1829) and to permitthe remarriage of Hindu widows.

On a variety of pleas, like misgovernment and therefusal to recognise adoption, the British annexednot only Awadh, but many other kingdoms andprincipalities like Jhansi and Satara. Once theseterritories were annexed, the British introduced theirown system of administration, their own laws and theirown methods of land settlement and land revenuecollection. The cumulative impact of all this on thepeople of North India was profound.

It seemed to the people that all that they cherishedand held sacred – from kings and socio-religious customsto patterns of landholding and revenue payment – wasbeing destroyed and replaced by a system that wasmore impersonal, alien and oppressive. This perceptionwas aggravated by the activities of Christianmissionaries. In such a situation of uncertainty,rumours spread with remarkable swiftness.

To explore the basis of the revolt of 1857 in somedetail, let us look at Awadh – one of the major centreswhere the drama of 1857 unfolded.

REBELS AND THE RAJ

Discuss...Read the section oncemore and explain thesimilarities anddifferences you noticein the ways in whichleaders emerged duringthe revolt. For any twoleaders, discuss whyordinary people weredrawn to them.


2. Awadh in Revolt2.1 “A cherry that will drop into our mouth

one day”In 1851 Governor General Lord Dalhousie describedthe kingdom of Awadh as “a cherry that will drop intoour mouth one day”. Five years later, in 1856, thekingdom was formally annexed to the British Empire.

The conquest happened in stages. The SubsidiaryAlliance had been imposed on Awadh in 1801. Bythe terms of this alliance the Nawab had to disbandhis military force, allow the British to position theirtroops within the kingdom, and act in accordancewith the advice of the British Resident who was nowto be attached to the court. Deprived of his armedforces, the Nawab became increasingly dependenton the British to maintain law and order within thekingdom. He could no longer assert control over therebellious chiefs and taluqdars.

In the meantime the British became increasinglyinterested in acquiring the territory of Awadh. Theyfelt that the soil there was good for producing indigoand cotton, and the region was ideally located to bedeveloped into the principal market of Upper India.By the early 1850s, moreover, all the major areas ofIndia had been conquered: the Maratha lands, theDoab, the Carnatic, the Punjab and Bengal. Thetakeover of Awadh in 1856 was expected to completea process of territorial annexation that had begunwith the conquest of Bengal almost a century earlier.

2.2 “The life was gone out of the body”Lord Dalhousie’s annexations created disaffectionin all the areas and principalities that were annexedbut nowhere more so than in the kingdom of Awadhin the heart of North India. Here, Nawab Wajid AliShah was dethroned and exiled to Calcutta on theplea that the region was being misgoverned. TheBritish government also wrongly assumed that WajidAli Shah was an unpopular ruler. On the contrary,he was widely loved, and when he left his belovedLucknow, there were many who followed him all theway to Kanpur singing songs of lament.

The widespread sense of grief and loss at theNawab’s exile was recorded by many contemporaryobservers. One of them wrote: “The life was gone outof the body, and the body of this town had been leftlifeless … there was no street or market and house

Subsidiary AllianceSubsidiary Alliance was asys tem devised by LordWellesley in 1798. All thosewho entered into such analliance with the British hadto accept certain terms andconditions:

(a) The British would beresponsible for protecting theirally from external and internalthreats to their power.

(b) In the territory of theally, a British armed contingentwould be stationed.

(c) The ally would haveto provide the resources formaintaining this contingent.

(d) The ally could enterinto agreements with otherrulers or engage in warfareonly with the permission ofthe British.

Resident was the designationof a representative of theGovernor General who lived ina state which was not underdirect British rule.

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which did not wail out the cry of agony in separationof Jan-i-Alam.” One folk song bemoaned that “thehonourable English came and took the country’’(Angrez Bahadur ain, mulk lai linho ).

This emotional upheaval was aggravated byimmediate material losses. The removal of the Nawabled to the dissolution of the court and its culture.Thus a whole range of people – musicians, dancers,poets, artisans, cooks, retainers, administrativeofficials and so on – lost their livelihood.

2.3 Firangi raj and the end of a worldA chain of grievances in Awadh linked prince,taluqdar, peasant and sepoy. In different ways theycame to identify firangi raj with the end of theirworld – the breakdown of things they valued,respected and held dear. A whole complex of emotions

Map 1Territories under Britishcontrol in 1857

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The Nawab has left

Another song mourned theplight of the ruler who had toleave his motherland:

Noble and peasant all wepttogether

and all the world wept andwailed

Alas! The chief has biddenadieu to

his country and goneabroad.

Source 3

Read the entire sectionand discuss why peoplemourned the departure ofWajid Ali Shah.

Sketch map not to scale


and issues, traditions and loyalties workedthemselves out in the revolt of 1857. In Awadh, morethan anywhere else, the revolt became an expressionof popular resistance to an alien order.

The annexation displaced not just the Nawab. Italso dispossessed the taluqdars of the region. Thecountryside of Awadh was dotted with the estatesand forts of taluqdars who for many generations hadcontrolled land and power in the countryside. Beforethe coming of the British, taluqdars maintained armedretainers, built forts, and enjoyed a degree ofautonomy, as long as they accepted the suzerainty ofthe Nawab and paid the revenue of their taluqs. Someof the bigger taluqdars had as many as 12,000 foot-soldiers and even the smaller ones had about 200.The British were unwilling to tolerate the power ofthe taluqdars. Immediately after the annexation, thetaluqdars were disarmed and their forts destroyed.

The British land revenue policy further underminedthe position and authority of the taluqdars. Afterannexation, the first British revenue settlement,known as the Summary Settlement of 1856, was basedon the assumption that the taluqdars were interloperswith no permanent stakes in land: they hadestablished their hold over land through force andfraud. The Summary Settlement proceeded to removethe taluqdars wherever possible. Figures show thatin pre-British times, taluqdars had held 67 per centof the total number of villages in Awadh; by theSummary Settlement this number had come down to38 per cent. The taluqdars of southern Awadh werethe hardest hit and some lost more than half of thetotal number of villages they had previously held.

British land revenue officers believed that byremoving taluqdars they would be able to settle theland with the actual owners of the soil and thusreduce the level of exploitation of peasants whileincreasing revenue returns for the state. But thisdid not happen in practice: revenue flows for thestate increased but the burden of demand on thepeasants did not decline. Officials soon found thatlarge areas of Awadh were actually heavilyoverassessed: the increase of revenue demand insome places was from 30 to 70 per cent. Thus neithertaluqdars nor peasants had any reasons to be happywith the annexation.

Fig. 11.6A zamindar from Awadh, 1880

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The dispossession of taluqdars meant thebreakdown of an entire social order. The ties of loyaltyand patronage that had bound the peasant to thetaluqdar were disrupted. In pre-British times, thetaluqdars were oppressors but many of them alsoappeared to be generous father figures: they exacteda variety of dues from the peasant but were oftenconsiderate in times of need. Now, under the British,the peasant was directly exposed to overassessmentof revenue and inflexible methods of collection. Therewas no longer any guarantee that in times of hardshipor crop failure the revenue demand of the state wouldbe reduced or collection postponed; or that in timesof festivities the peasant would get the loan andsupport that the taluqdar had earlier provided.

In areas like Awadh where resistance during 1857was intense and long lasting, the fighting was carriedout by taluqdars and their peasants. Many of thesetaluqdars were loyal to the Nawab of Awadh, andthey joined Begum Hazrat Mahal (the wife of theNawab) in Lucknow to fight the British; some evenremained with her in defeat.

The grievances of the peasants were carried overinto the sepoy lines since a vast majority of thesepoys were recruited from the villages of Awadh.For decades the sepoys had complained of low levelsof pay and the difficulty of getting leave. By the 1850sthere were other reasons for their discontent.

The relationship of the sepoys with their superiorwhite officers underwent a significant change inthe years preceding the uprising of 1857. In the1820s, white officers made it a point to maintainfriendly relations with the sepoys. They would takepart in their leisure activities – they wrestled withthem, fenced with them and went out hawking withthem. Many of them were fluent in Hindustani andwere familiar with the customs and culture of thecountry. These officers were disciplinarian andfather figure rolled into one.

In the 1840s, this began to change. The officersdeveloped a sense of superiority and startedtreating the sepoys as their racial inferiors, ridingroughshod over their sensibilities. Abuse andphysical violence became common and thus thedistance between sepoys and officers grew. Trustwas replaced by suspicion. The episode of thegreased cartridges was a classic example of this.

REBELS AND THE RAJ

Source 4

What taluqdars thought

The attitude of the taluqdars wasbest expressed by HanwantSingh, the Raja of Kalakankar,near Rae Bareli. During themutiny, Hanwant Singh hadgiven shelter to a British officer,and conveyed him to safety.While taking leave of the officer,Hanwant Singh told him:

Sahib, your countrymencame into this country anddrove out our King. Yousent your officers round thedistricts to examine thetitles to the estates. At oneblow you took from melands which from t imeimmemorial had been inmy family. I submit ted.Suddenly misfortune fellupon you. The people ofthe land rose against you.You came to me whom youhad despoiled. I have savedyou. But now – now I marchat the head of my retainersto Lucknow to try and driveyou from the country.

What does this excerpttell you about the attitudeof the taluqdars? Who didHanwant Singh mean bythe people of the land?What reason doesHanwant Singh give forthe anger of the people?


It is also important toremember that close links existedbetween the sepoys and the ruralworld of North India. The largemajority of the sepoys of theBengal Army were recruited fromthe villages of Awadh and easternUttar Pradesh. Many of them wereBrahmins or from the “upper”castes. Awadh was, in fact, calledthe “nursery of the Bengal Army’’.The changes that the families ofthe sepoys saw around them and

the threats they perceived were quickly transmittedto the sepoy lines. In turn, the fears of the sepoysabout the new cartridge, their grievances aboutleave, their grouse about the increasingmisbehaviour and racial abuse on the part of theirwhite officers were communicated back to thevillages. This link between the sepoys and the ruralworld had important implications in the course ofthe uprising. When the sepoys defied their superiorofficers and took up arms they were joined veryswiftly by their brethren in the villages. Everywhere,peasants poured into towns and joined the soldiersand the ordinary people of the towns in collectiveacts of rebellion.

3. What the Rebels WantedAs victors, the British recorded their own trials andtribulations as well as their heroism. They dismissedthe rebels as a bunch of ungrateful and barbaricpeople. The repression of the rebels also meantsilencing of their voice. Few rebels had theopportunity of recording their version of events.Moreover, most of them were sepoys and ordinarypeople who were not literate. Thus, other than a fewproclamations and ishtahars (notifications) issuedby rebel leaders to propagate their ideas andpersuade people to join the revolt, we do not havemuch that throws light on the perspective of therebels. Attempts to reconstruct what happened in1857 are thus heavily and inevitably dependent onwhat the British wrote. While these sources revealthe minds of officials, they tell us very little aboutwhat the rebels wanted.

Discuss...Find out whether people inyour state participated in therevolt of 1857. If they did, findout why they did so. If theydid not, try and explain this.

Fig. 11.7Bengal sepoys in European-styleuniform

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3.1 The vision of unityThe rebel proclamations in 1857 repeatedly appealedto all sections of the population, irrespective of theircaste and creed. Many of the proclamations wereissued by Muslim princes or in their names buteven these took care to address the sentiments ofHindus. The rebellion was seen as a war in whichboth Hindus and Muslims had equally to lose orgain. The ishtahars harked back to the pre-BritishHindu-Muslim past and glorified the coexistence ofdifferent communities under the Mughal Empire.The proclamation that was issued under the nameof Bahadur Shah appealed to the people to join thefight under the standards of both Muhammad andMahavir. It was remarkable that during the uprisingreligious divisions between Hindus and Muslimwere hardly noticeable despite British attempts tocreate such divisions. In Bareilly in western UttarPradesh, in December 1857, the British spentRs 50,000 to incite the Hindu population againstthe Muslims. The attempt failed.

REBELS AND THE RAJ

The Azamgarh Proclamation, 25 August 1857

This is one of the main sources of our knowledge about what the rebels wanted:

It is well known to all, that in this age the people of Hindostan, both Hindoos andMohammedans, are being ruined under the tyranny and the oppression of the infidel andtreacherous English. It is therefore the bounden duty of all the wealthy people of India,especially those who have any sort of connection with the Mohammedan royal families,and are considered the pastors and masters of their people, to stake their lives and propertyfor the well-being of the public. …

Several of the Hindoo and Mussalman Chiefs, who have long since quitted their homesfor the preservation of their religion, and have been trying their best to root out the Englishin India, have presented themselves to me, and taken part in the reigning Indian crusade,and it is more than probable that I shall very shortly receive succours from the West. Thereforefor the information of the public, the present Ishtahar, consisting of several sections, is put incirculation and it is the imperative duty of all to take into their careful consideration, andabide by it. Parties anxious to participate in the common cause, but having no means toprovide for themselves, shall receive their daily subsistence from me; and be it known to all,that the ancient works, both of the Hindoos and Mohammedans, the writings of miracleworkers, and the calculation of the astrologers, pundits, … all agree in asserting that theEnglish will no longer have any footing in India or elsewhere. Therefore it is incumbent onall to give up the hope of the continuation of the British sway, side with me, and deserve theconsideration of the Badshahi, or imperial government, by their individual exertion in

Source 5

contd


promoting the common good, and thus attain their respective ends; otherwise if thisgolden opportunity slips away, they will have to repent for their folly, … .

Section I – Regarding Zemindars. It is evident, that the British Government in makingzemindary settlements have imposed exorbitant Jumas (revenue demand) and havedisgraced and ruined several zemindars, by putting up their estates for public auction forarrears of rent, in so much, in the institution of a suit by a common Ryot, a maid servant, ora slave, the respectable zemindars are summoned into court, arrested, put in goal anddisgraced. In litigation regarding zemindaries, the immense value of stamps, and otherunnecessary expenses of the civil courts, … are all calculated to impoverish the litigants.Besides this, the coffers of the zemindars are annually taxed with the subscription for schools,hospitals, roads, etc. Such extortions will have no manner of existence in the BadshahiGovernment; but on the contrary the Jumas will be light, the dignity and honour of thezemindars safe, and every zemindar will have absolute rule in his own zemindary …

Section II – Regarding Merchants. It is plain that the infidel and treacherous BritishGovernment have monopolised the trade of all the fine and valuable merchandise, such asindigo, cloth, and other articles of shipping, leaving only the trade of trifles to the people, …Besides this, the profits of the traders are taxed, with postages, tolls and subscriptions forschools, etc. Notwithstanding all these concessions, the merchants are liable toimprisonment and disgrace at the instance or complaint of a worthless man. When theBadshahi Government is established all these aforesaid fraudulent practices shall bedispensed with, and the trade of every article, without exception, both by land and waterwill be opened to the native merchants of India, … It is therefore the duty of every merchantto take part in the war, and aid the Badshahi Government with his men and money, … .

Section III – Regarding Public Servants. It is not a secret thing, that under the BritishGovernment, natives employed in the civil and military services have little respect, low pay,and no manner of influence; and all the posts of dignity and emolument in both thedepartments are exclusively bestowed on Englishmen, … Therefore, all the natives in theBritish service ought to be alive to their religion and interest, and abjuring their loyalty tothe English, side with the Badshahi Government, and obtain salaries of 200 and 300 rupeesa month for the present, and be entitled to high posts in the future. …

Section IV – Regarding Artisans. It is evident that the Europeans, by the introduction ofEnglish articles into India, have thrown the weavers, the cotton dressers, the carpenters,the blacksmiths, and the shoemakers, etc., out of employ, and have engrossed theiroccupations, so that every description of native artisan has been reduced to beggary. Butunder the Badshahi Government the native artisans will exclusively be employed in theservice of the kings, the rajahs, and the rich; and this will no doubt ensure their prosperity.Therefore these artisans ought to renounce the English services, … .

Section V – Regarding Pundits, Fakirs and Other Learned Persons. The pundits andfakirs being the guardians of the Hindoo and Mohammadan religions respectively, andthe Europeans being the enemies of both the religions, and as at present a war is ragingagainst the English on account of religion, the pundits and fakirs are bound to presentthemselves to me, and take their share in the holy war… .

What are the issues against British rule highlighted in this proclamation?Read the section on each social group carefully. Notice the language in whichthe proclamation is formulated and the variety of sentiments it appeals to.

Source 5 (contd)

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What the sepoys thought

This is one of the arzis (petition or application) of rebel sepoys that have survived:

A century ago the British arrived in Hindostan and gradually entertained troops intheir service, and became masters of every state. Our forefathers have always servedthem, and we also entered their service … By the mercy of God and with our assistancethe British also conquered every place they liked, in which thousands of us, Hindostanimen were sacrificed, but we never made any excuses or pretences nor revolted …

But in the year eighteen fifty seven the British issued an order that new cartridgesand muskets which had arrived from England were to be issued; in the former ofwhich the fats of cows and pigs were mixed; and also that attah of wheat mixedwith powdered bones was to be eaten; and even distributed them in everyRegiment of infantry, cavalry and artillery …

They gave these cartridges to the sowars (mounted soldiers) of the 3rd LightCavalry, and ordered them to bite them; the troopers objected to it, and said thatthey would never bite them, for if they did, their religion and faith would bedestroyed … upon this the British officers paraded the men of the 3 Regimentsand having prepared 1,400 English soldiers, and other Battalions of Europeantroops and Horse Artillery, surrounded them, and placing six guns before each ofthe infantry regiments, loaded the guns with grape and made 84 new troopersprisoners, and put them in jail with irons on them … The reason that the sowars ofthe Cantonment were put into jail was that we should be frightened into biting thenew cartridges. On this account we and all our country-men having unitedtogether, have fought the British for the preservation of our faith … we have beencompelled to make war for two years and the Rajahs and Chiefs who are with us infaith and religion, are still so, and have undergone all sorts of trouble; we havefought for two years in order that our faith and religion may not be polluted. If thereligion of a Hindoo or Mussalman is lost, what remains in the world?

Compare the reasons for the mutiny as stated in the arzi with thosementioned by the taluqdar (Source 3).

Source 6

3.2 Against the symbols of oppressionThe proclamations completely rejected everythingassociated with British rule or firangi raj as they calledit. They condemned the British for the annexations theyhad carried out and the treaties they had broken. TheBritish, the rebel leaders said, could not be trusted.

What enraged the people was how British landrevenue settlements had dispossessed landholders, bothbig and small, and foreign commerce had driven artisansand weavers to ruin. Every aspect of British rule wasattacked and the firangi accused of destroying a way oflife that was familiar and cherished. The rebels wantedto restore that world.


The proclamations expressed the widespread fearthat the British were bent on destroying the casteand religions of Hindus and Muslims and convertingthem to Christianity – a fear that led people tobelieve many of the rumours that circulated at thetime. People were urged to come together and fightto save their livelihood, their faith, their honour,their identity – a fight which was for the “greaterpublic good”.

As noted earlier, in many places the rebellionagainst the British widened into an attack on all thosewho were seen as allies of the British or localoppressors. Often the rebels deliberately sought tohumiliate the elites of a city. In the villages they burntaccount books and ransacked moneylenders’ houses.This reflected an attempt to overturn traditionalhierarchies, rebel against all oppressors. It presentsa glimpse of an alternative vision, perhaps of a moreegalitarian society. Such visions were not articulatedin the proclamations which sought to unify all socialgroups in the fight against firangi raj.

3.3 The search for alternative powerOnce British rule had collapsed, the rebels in placeslike Delhi, Lucknow and Kanpur tried to establishsome kind of structure of authority andadministration. This was, of course, short-lived butthe attempts show that the rebel leadership wantedto restore the pre-British world of the eighteenthcentury. The leaders went back to the culture of thecourt. Appointments were made to various posts,arrangements made for the collection of land revenueand the payment of troops, orders issued to stop lootand plunder. Side by side plans were made to fightbattles against the British. Chains of command werelaid down in the army. In all this the rebels harkedback to the eighteenth-century Mughal world – aworld that became a symbol of all that had been lost.

The administrative structures established by therebels were primarily aimed at meeting the demandsof war. However, in most cases these structurescould not survive the British onslaught. But inAwadh, where resistance to the British lastedlongest, plans of counter-attack were being drawnup by the Lucknow court and hierarchies ofcommand were in place as late as the last monthsof 1857 and the early part of 1858.

Discuss...What do you think are themajor problems faced byhistorians in reconstructingthe point of view of the rebels?

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4. RepressionIt is clear from all accounts that we have of 1857that the British did not have an easy time in puttingdown the rebellion.

Before sending out troops to reconquer NorthIndia, the British passed a series of laws to helpthem quell the insurgency. By a number of Acts,passed in May and June 1857, not only was thewhole of North India put under martial law butmilitary officers and even ordinary Britons weregiven the power to try and punish Indianssuspected of rebellion. In other words, the ordinaryprocesses of law and trial were suspended and itwas put out that rebellion would have only onepunishment – death.

Armed with these newly enacted special lawsand the reinforcements brought in from Britain, theBritish began the task of suppressing the revolt.They, like the rebels, recognised the symbolic valueof Delhi. The British thus mounted a two-prongedattack. One force moved from Calcutta into NorthIndia and the other from the Punjab – whichwas largely peaceful – to reconquer Delhi. British

REBELS AND THE RAJ

Map 2The map showsthe importantcentres of revoltand the lines ofBritish attackagainst the rebels.

Villagers as rebels

An officer reporting from ruralAwadh (spelt as Oude in thefollowing account) noted:

The Oude people aregradually pressing down onthe line of communicationfrom the North … the Oudepeople are vi l lagers …these villagers are nearlyintangible to Europeansmelting away before themand collecting again. TheCivi l Authori t ies reportthese villagers to amountto a very large number ofmen, with a number of guns.

Source 7

What, according tothis account, were theproblems faced by theBritish in dealing withthese villagers?



attempts to recover Delhi began in earnest in earlyJune 1857 but it was only in late September thatthe city was finally captured. The fighting and losseson both sides were heavy. One reason for this wasthe fact that rebels from all over North India hadcome to Delhi to defend the capital.

In the Ganegtic plain too the progress of Britishreconquest was slow. The forces had to reconquerthe area village by village. The countryside and thepeople around were entirely hostile. As soon as theybegan their counter-insurgency operations, theBritish realised that they were not dealing with amere mutiny but an uprising that had huge popularsupport. In Awadh, for example, a British officialcalled Forsyth estimated that three-fourths of theadult male population was in rebellion. The areawas brought under control only in March 1858 afterprotracted fighting.

The British used military power on a giganticscale. But this was not the only instrument theyused. In large parts of present-day Uttar Pradesh,where big landholders and peasants had offeredunited resistance, the British tried to break up theunity by promising to give back to the big landholderstheir estates. Rebel landholders were dispossessedand the loyal rewarded. Many landholders diedfighting the British or they escaped into Nepal wherethey died of illness or starvation.

Fig. 11.8A mosque on the Delhi Ridge,photograph by Felice Beato, 1857-58After 1857, British photographersrecorded innumerable images ofdesolation and ruin.

Fig. 11.9Secundrah Bagh, Lucknow,photograph by Felice Beato,1858Here we see four solitaryfigures within a desolateplace that was once thepleasure garden built byNawab Wajid Ali Shah.British forces led byCampbell killed over 2000rebel sepoys who held theplace in 1857. The skeletonsstrewn on the ground aremeant to be a cold warningof the futility of rebellion.

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5. Images of the RevoltHow do we know about the revolt, about the activitiesof the rebels and the measures of repression thatwe have been discussing?

As we have seen, we have very few records onthe rebels’ point of view. There are a few rebelproclamations and notifications, as also someletters that rebel leaders wrote. But historians tillnow have continued to discuss rebel actionsprimarily through accounts written by the British.

Official accounts, of course, abound: colonialadministrators and military men left their versionsin letters and diaries, autobiographies and officialhistories. We can also gauge the official mindsetand the changing British attitudes through theinnumerable memos and notes, assessments ofsituations, and reports that were produced. Manyof these have now been collected in a set of volumeson mutiny records. These tell us about the fearsand anxieties of officials and their perception ofthe rebels. The stories of the revolt that werepublished in British newspapers and magazinesnarrated in gory detail the violence of the mutineers– and these stories inflamed public feelings andprovoked demands of retribution and revenge.

One important record of the mutiny is the pictorialimages produced by the British and Indians:paintings, pencil drawings, etchings, posters,cartoons, bazaar prints. Let us look at some of themand see what they tell us.

5.1 Celebrating the savioursBritish pictures offer a variety of images that weremeant to provoke a range of different emotions andreactions. Some of them commemorate the Britishheroes who saved the English and repressed therebels. “Relief of Lucknow”, painted by Thomas JonesBarker in 1859, is an example of this type. Whenthe rebel forces besieged Lucknow, Henry Lawrence,the Commissioner of Lucknow, collected theChristian population and took refuge in the heavilyfortified Residency. Lawrence was killed but theResidency continued to be defended under thecommand of Colonel Inglis. On 25 September JamesOutram and Henry Havelock arrived, cut throughthe rebel forces, and reinforced the Britishgarrisons. Twenty days later Colin Campbell, who

REBELS AND THE RAJ


was appointed as the new Commander of Britishforces in India, came with his forces and rescuedthe besieged British garrison. In British accountsthe siege of Lucknow became a story of survival,heroic resistance and the ultimate triumph ofBritish power.

Barker’s painting celebrates the moment ofCampbell’s entry. At the centre of the canvas arethe British heroes – Campbell, Outram and Havelock.The gestures of the hands of those around lead thespectator’s eyes towards the centre. The heroes standon a ground that is well lit, with shadows in theforeground and the damaged Residency in thebackground. The dead and injured in the foregroundare testimony to the suffering during the siege, whilethe triumphant figures of horses in the middle groundemphasise the fact that British power and controlhad been re-established. To the British public suchpaintings were reassuring. They created a sense thatthe time of trouble was past and the rebellion wasover; the British were the victors.

5.2 English women and the honour of BritainNewspaper reports have a power over publicimagination; they shape feelings and attitudes toevents. Inflamed particularly by tales of violence

Fig. 11.10“Relief of Lucknow”, painted byThomas Jones Barker, 1859

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against women and children, there were publicdemands in Britain for revenge and retribution. TheBritish government was asked to protect the honourof innocent women and ensure the safety of helplesschildren. Artists expressed as well as shaped thesesentiments through their visual representations oftrauma and suffering.

“In Memoriam” (Fig. 11.11) was painted by JosephNoel Paton two years after the mutiny. You can seeEnglish women and children huddled in a circle,looking helpless and innocent, seemingly waitingfor the inevitable – dishonour, violence and death.“In Memoriam” does not show gory violence; it onlysuggests it. It stirs up the spectator’s imagination,and seeks to provoke anger and fury. It representsthe rebels as violent and brutish, even thoughthey remain invisible in the picture. In the backgroundyou can see the British rescue forces arrivingas saviours.

REBELS AND THE RAJ

Fig. 11.11“In Memoriam”,by Joseph Noel Paton, 1859


In another set of sketches and paintings we seewomen in a different light. They appear heroic,defending themselves against the attack of rebels.Miss Wheeler in Figure 11.12 stands firmly at thecentre, defending her honour, single-handedlykilling the attacking rebels. As in all such Britishrepresentations, the rebels are demonised. Here,four burly males with swords and guns are shownattacking a woman. The woman’s struggle to saveher honour and her life, in fact, is represented ashaving a deeper religious connotation: it is a battleto save the honour of Christianity. The book lyingon the floor is the Bible.

5.3 Vengeance and retributionAs waves of anger and shock spread in Britain,demands for retribution grew louder. Visualrepresentations and news about the revolt created amilieu in which violent repression and vengeance wereseen as both necessary and just. It was as if justicedemanded that the challenge to British honour andpower be met ruthlessly. Threatened by the rebellion,the British felt that they had to demonstrate theirinvincibility. In one such image (Fig. 11.13) we seean allegorical female figure of justice with a sword inone hand and a shield in the other. Her posture isaggressive; her face expresses rage and the desire forrevenge. She is trampling sepoys under her feet whilea mass of Indian women with children cower with fear.

There were innumerable other pictures andcartoons in the British press that sanctioned brutalrepression and violent reprisal.

Fig. 11.12Miss Wheeler defending herselfagainst sepoys in Kanpur

Fig. 11.13Justice, Punch, 12 September 1857The caption at the bottom reads“The news of the terrible massacreat Cawnpore (Kanpur) producedan outburst of fiery indignationand wild desire for revengethroughout the whole of England.”

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5.4 The performance of terrorThe urge for vengeance and retribution was expressedin the brutal way in which the rebels were executed.They were blown from guns, or hanged from thegallows. Images of these executions were widelycirculated through popular journals.

REBELS AND THE RAJ

Fig. 11.14The caption at the bottom reads“The British Lion’s Vengeance onthe Bengal Tiger”, Punch, 1857.

What idea is the pictureprojecting? What is beingexpressed through the imagesof the lion and the tiger? Whatdo the figures of the womanand the child depict?

Fig. 11.15Execution of mutineers in Peshawar: Blowing from the guns,Illustrated London News, 3 October 1857The scene of execution here appears to be a stage where a drama is being performed – an enactmentof brutal power. Mounted soldiers and sepoys in uniform dominate the scene. They have to watch theexecution of their fellow sepoys, and experience the chilling consequences of rebellion.


5.5 No time for clemencyAt a time when the clamour was for vengeance, pleasfor moderation were ridiculed. When GovernorGeneral Canning declared that a gesture of leniencyand a show of mercy would help in winning backthe loyalty of the sepoys, he was mocked in theBritish press.

In one of the cartoons published in the pages ofPunch, a British journal of comic satire, Canning isshown as a looming father figure, with his protectivehand over the head of a sepoy who still holds anunsheathed sword in one hand and a dagger in theother, both dripping with blood (Fig.11.17) – animagery that recurs in a number of British picturesof the time.

Fig. 11.17“The Clemency of Canning”, Punch, 24 October 1857The caption at the bottom of the cartoon reads: “GovernorGeneral: ‘Well, then they shan’t blow him from nasty guns;but he must promise to be a good little sepoy’.”

Fig. 11.16Execution of mutinous sepoys in Peshawar, Illustrated London News, 3 October 1857In this scene of execution 12 rebels hang in a row, with cannons all around them.What you see is not routine punishment: it is the performance of terror. For it to instilfear among people, punishment could not be discreetly meted out in enclosed spaces.It had to be theatrically performed in the open.

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5.6 Nationalist imageriesThe national movement in the twentieth century drewits inspiration from the events of 1857. A whole worldof nationalist imagination was woven aroundthe revolt. It was celebrated as the First War ofIndependence in which all sections of the people ofIndia came together to fight against imperial rule.

Art and literature, as much as the writing of history,have helped in keeping alive the memory of 1857.The leaders of the revolt were presented as heroicfigures leading the country into battle, rousing thepeople to righteous indignation against oppressiveimperial rule. Heroic poems were written about thevalour of the queen who, with a sword in one handand the reins of her horse in the other, fought for thefreedom of her motherland. Rani of Jhansi wasrepresented as a masculine figure chasing the enemy,slaying British soldiers and valiantly fighting till herlast. Children in many parts of India grow up readingthe lines of Subhadra Kumari Chauhan: “Khoob larimardani woh to Jhansi wali rani thi” (Like a man shefought, she was the Rani of Jhansi). In popular printsRani Lakshmi Bai is usually portrayed in battlearmour, with a sword in hand and riding a horse – asymbol of the determination to resist injustice andalien rule.

The images indicate how the painters who producedthem perceived those events, what they felt, and whatthey sought to convey. Through the paintings andcartoons we know about the public that looked atthe paintings, appreciated or criticised the images,and bought copies and reproductions to put up intheir homes.

These images did not only reflect the emotionsand feelings of the times in which they wereproduced. They also shaped sensibilities. Fed by theimages that circulated in Britain, the publicsanctioned the most brutal forms of repression ofthe rebels. On the other hand, nationalist imageriesof the revolt helped shape the nationalist imagination.

REBELS AND THE RAJ

Discuss...Examine the elements in eachof the visuals in this sectionand discuss how they allowyou to identify the perspectiveof the artist.

Fig. 11.18Films and posters have helpedcreate the image of Rani LakshmiBai as a masculine warrior


TIMELINE

1801 Subsidiary Alliance introduced by Wellesley in Awadh

1856 Nawab Wajid Ali Shah deposed; Awadh annexed

1856-57 Summary revenue settlements introduced in Awadhby the British

1857

10 May Mutiny starts in Meerut

11-12 May Delhi garrisons revolt; Bahadur Shah accepts nominalleadership

20-27 May Sepoys mutiny in Aligarh, Etawah, Mainpuri, Etah

30 May Rising in Lucknow

May-June Mutiny turns into a general revolt of the people

30 June British suffer defeat in the battle of Chinhat

25 Sept British forces under Havelock and Outram enter theResidency in Lucknow

July Shah Mal killed in battle

1858

June Rani Jhansi killed in battle


1. Why did the mutinous sepoys in many places turn toerstwhile rulers to provide leadership to the revolt?

2. Discuss the evidence that indicates planning andcoordination on the part of the rebels.

3. Discuss the extent to which religious beliefs shapedthe events of 1857.

4. What were the measures taken to ensure unity amongthe rebels?

5. What steps did the British take to quell the uprising?

Fig. 11.19Faces of rebels

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Gautam Bhadra. 1987.‘Four Rebels of Eighteen-Fifty-Seven’, Subaltern Studies, IV.Oxford University Press, Delhi.

Rudrangshu Mukherjee. 1984.Awadh in Revolt, 1857-58.Oxford University Press, Delhi.

Tapti Roy. 2006.Raj of the Rani.Penguin, New Delhi.

Eric Stokes. 1980.Peasants and the Raj.Oxford University Press, Delhi.

REBELS AND THE RAJ

Write a short essay(250-300 words) on the following:

6. Why was the revolt particularly widespread inAwadh? What prompted the peasants, taluqdarsand zamindars to join the revolt?

7. What did the rebels want? To what extent did thevision of different social groups differ?

8. What do visual representations tell us about therevolt of 1857? How do historians analyse theserepresentations?

9. Examine any two sources presented in thechapter, choosing one visual and one text, anddiscuss how these represent the point of view ofthe victor and the vanquished.

Map work

10. On an outline map of India, mark Calcutta(Kolkata), Bombay (Mumbai) and Madras(Chennai), three major centres of British power in1857. Refer to Maps 1 and 2 and plot the areaswhere the revolt was most widespread. How closeor far were these areas from the colonial cities?

Projects (choose one)

11. Read a biography of any one of the leaders of therevolt of 1857. Check the sources used by thebiographer. Do these include government reports,newspaper accounts, stories in regionallanguages, visual material, anything else? Doall the sources say the same thing, or are theredifferences? Prepare a report on your findings.

12. See a film made on the revolt of 1857 and writeabout the way it represents the revolt. How doesit depict the British, the rebels, and thosewho remained loyal to the British? What does itsay about peasants, city dwellers, tribals,zamindars and taluqdars? What kind of aresponse does the film seek to evoke?

You could visit:http://books.google.com

(for accounts of 1857 by British officials)

www.copsey-family.org/allenc/lakshmibai/links.html(for letters of Rani Lakshmibai)


In this chapter we will discuss the process of urbanisation incolonial India, explore the distinguishing characteristics ofcolonial cities and track social changes within them. We willlook closely at developments in three big cities – Madras(Chennai), Calcutta (Kolkata) and Bombay (Mumbai).

All three were originally fishing and weaving villages. Theybecame important centres of trade due to the economicactivities of the English East India Company. Company agentssettled in Madras in 1639 and in Calcutta in 1690. Bombaywas given to the Company in 1661 by the English king, whohad got it as part of his wife’s dowry from the king of Portugal.The Company established trading and administrative officesin each of these settlements.

Colonial CitiesUrbanisation, PlanningUrbanisation, PlanningUrbanisation, PlanningUrbanisation, PlanningUrbanisation, Planning

and Arand Arand Arand Arand Arccccchithithithithitecturecturecturecturectureeeee

THEME

TWELVE

Fig. 12.1South-east view of Fort St George, Madras, by Thomas and William Daniell,based on a drawing by Daniell published in Oriental Scenery, 1798European ships carrying cargo dot the horizon. Country boats can be seen in the foreground.

317

By the middle of the nineteenth century theseseltlements had become big cities from where thenew rulers controlled the country. Institutions wereset up to regulate economic activity and demonstratethe authority of the new rulers. Indians experiencedpolitical domination in new ways in these cities. Thelayouts of Madras, Bombay and Calcutta were quitedifferent from older Indian towns, and the buildingsthat were built in these cities bore the marks of theircolonial origin. What do buildings express and whatcan architecture convey? This is a question thatstudents of history need to ask.

Remember that architecture helps in giving ideasa shape in stone, brick, wood or plaster. From thebungalow of the government officer, the palatialhouse of the rich merchant to the humble hut of thelabourer, buildings reflect social relations andidentities in many ways.

1. Towns and Cities in Pre-colonialTimes

Before we explore the growth of cities in the colonialperiod, let us look at urban centres during the centuriespreceding British rule.

1.1 What gave towns their character?Towns were often defined in opposition to rural areas.They came to represent specific forms of economicactivities and cultures. In the countryside peoplesubsisted by cultivating land, foraging in the forest, orrearing animals. Towns by contrast were peopledwith artisans, traders, administrators and rulers. Townsdominated over the rural population, thriving on thesurplus and taxes derived from agriculture. Towns andcities were often fortified by walls which symbolised theirseparation from the countryside.

However, the separation between town and countrywas fluid. Peasants travelled long distances onpilgrimage, passing through towns; they also flockedto towns during times of famine. Besides, there was areverse flow of humans and goods from towns to villages.When towns were attacked, people often sought shelterin the countryside. Traders and pedlars took goods fromthe towns to sell in the villages, extending marketsand creating new patterns of consumption.

Source 1

Escaping to thecountryside

This is how the famous poetMirza Ghalib describedwhat the people of Delhi didwhen the Brit ish forcesoccupied the city in 1857:

Smiting the enemy anddriving him before them,the v ic tors ( i .e . , theBritish) overran the cityin a l l d i rect ions . Al lwhom they found in thestreet they cut down …For two to three daysevery road in the city,from the Kashmiri Gateto Chandni Chowk, wasa bat t le f ie ld . Threegates – the Ajmeri, theTurcoman and theDelhi – were still held bythe rebels … At thenaked spectacle of thisvengefu l wrath andmalevolent hatred thecolour f led f rommen’s faces, and a vastconcourse o f menand women … tookto prec ip i ta te f l ightthrough these threegates. Seeking the littlev i l lages and shr inesoutside the city, theydrew breath to wait untilsuch t ime as mightfavour their return.

COLONIAL CITIES


During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the townsbuilt by the Mughals were famous for their concentrationof populations, their monumental buildings and theirimperial grandeur and wealth. Agra, Delhi and Lahore wereimportant centres of imperial administration and control.Mansabdars and jagirdars who were assigned territories indifferent parts of the empire usually maintained houses inthese cities: residence in these centres of power wassymbolic of the status and prestige of a noble.

The presence of the emperor and noblemen in thesecentres meant that a wide variety of services had to beprovided. Artisans produced exclusive handicrafts for thehouseholds of nobles. Grain from the countryside wasbrought into urban markets for the town dwellers and thearmy. The treasury was also located in the imperial capital.Thus the revenues of the kingdom flowed into the capitalregularly. The emperor lived in a fortified palace and thetown was enclosed by a wall, with entry and exit beingregulated by different gates. Within these towns weregardens, mosques, temples, tombs, colleges, bazaars andcaravanserais. The focus of the town was oriented towardsthe palace and the principal mosque.

In the towns of South India such as Madurai andKanchipuram the principal focus was the temple. Thesetowns were also important commercial centres. Religiousfestivals often coincided with fairs, linking pilgrimagewith trade. Generally, the ruler was the highest authorityand the principal patron of religious institutions. Therelationship that he had with other groups and classesdetermined their place in society and in the town.

Fig. 12.2Shahjahanabad in 1857The walls that surroundedthe city were demolishedafter 1857. The Red Fortis on the river side.At a distance on the ridgeto the right, you can seethe British settlementsand the cantonment.

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Medieval towns were places where everybody wasexpected to know their position in the social orderdominated by the ruling elite. In North India,maintaining this order was the work of the imperialofficer called the kotwal who oversaw the internalaffairs and policing of the town.

1.2 Changes in the eighteenth centuryAll this started changing in the eighteenth century.With political and commercial realignments, oldtowns went into decline and new towns developed.The gradual erosion of Mughal power led to thedemise of towns associated with their rule. TheMughal capitals, Delhi and Agra, lost their politicalauthority. The growth of new regional powers wasreflected in the increasing importance of regionalcapitals – Lucknow, Hyderabad, Seringapatam,Poona (present-day Pune), Nagpur, Baroda (present-day Vadodara) and Tanjore (present-day Thanjavur).Traders, administrators, artisans and othersmigrated from the old Mughal centres to thesenew capitals in search of work and patronage.Continuous warfare between the new kingdomsmeant that mercenaries too found ready employmentthere. Some local notables and officials associatedwith Mughal rule in North India also used thisopportunity to create new urban settlements suchas the qasbah and ganj. However, the effects ofpolitical decentralisation were uneven. In someplaces there was renewed economic activity, inother places war, plunder and political uncertaintyled to economic decline.

Changes in the networks of trade were reflected inthe history of urban centres. The European commercialCompanies had set up base in different places earlyduring the Mughal era: thePortuguese in Panaji in 1510, theDutch in Masulipatnam in 1605,the British in Madras in 1639and the French in Pondicherry(present-day Puducherry) in1673. With the expansion ofcommercial activity, towns grewaround these trading centres. Bythe end of the eighteenth centurythe land-based empires in Asiawere replaced by the powerful

Qasbah is a small town in thecountryside, often the seat ofa local notable.Ganj refers to a small fixedmarket.Both qasbah and ganj dealt incloth, fruit, vegetables and milkproducts. They provided fornoble families and the army.

The kotwal of DelhiDid you know that the first PrimeMinister of India, JawaharlalNehru’s grandfather, GangaDhar Nehru, was the kotwal ofDelhi before the Revolt of 1857?Read Jawaharlal Nehru,Autobiography, for more details.

COLONIAL CITIES

Fig. 12.3A view of the city of Goa fromthe river, by J. Greig, 1812


sea-based European empires. Forces of internationaltrade, mercantilism and capitalism now came to definethe nature of society.

From the mid-eighteenth century, there was a newphase of change. Commercial centres such as Surat,Masulipatnam and Dhaka, which had grown inthe seventeenth century, declined when trade shiftedto other places. As the British gradually acquiredpolitical control after the Battle of Plassey in 1757,and the trade of the English East India Companyexpanded, colonial port cities such as Madras, Calcuttaand Bombay rapidly emerged as the new economiccapitals. They also became centres of colonialadministration and political power. New buildings andinstitutions developed, and urban spaces were orderedin new ways. New occupations developed and peopleflocked to these colonial cities. By about 1800, theywere the biggest cities in India in terms of population.

2. Finding Out about Colonial Cities2.1 Colonial records and urban historyColonial rule was based on the production of enormousamounts of data. The British kept detailed records oftheir trading activities in order to regulate theircommercial affairs. To keep track of life in the growingcities, they carried out regular surveys, gatheredstatistical data, and published various official reports.

From the early years, the colonial government waskeen on mapping. It felt that good maps were necessaryto understand the landscape and know the topography.This knowledge would allow better control over theregion. When towns began to grow, maps were preparednot only to plan the development of these towns butalso to develop commerce and consolidate power. Thetown maps give information regarding the location ofhills, rivers and vegetation, all important for planningstructures for defence purposes. They also show thelocation of ghats, density and quality of houses andalignment of roads, used to gauge commercialpossibilities and plan strategies of taxation.

From the late nineteenth century the British triedto raise money for administering towns through thesystematic annual collection of municipal taxes. Toavoid conflict they handed over some responsibilitiesto elected Indian representatives. Institutions likethe municipal corporation with some popular

Names of citiesMadras, Bombay andCalcutta were the Anglicisednames of villages where theBritish first set up tradingposts. They are now knownas Chennai, Mumbai andKolkata respectively.

Discuss...Which building, institutionor place is the principalfocus of the town, city orvillage in which you live?Explore its history. Findout when it was built, whobuilt it, why it was built,what functions it servedand whether thesefunctions have changed.

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representation were meant to administer essential servicessuch as water supply, sewerage, road building and publichealth. The activities of municipal corporations in turngenerated a whole new set of records maintained inmunicipal record rooms.

The growth of cities was monitored through regular head-counts. By the mid-nineteenth century several local censuseshad been carried out in different regions. The first all-Indiacensus was attempted in 1872. Thereafter, from 1881,decennial (conducted every ten years) censuses became aregular feature. This collection of data is an invaluable sourcefor studying urbanisation in India.

When we look at these reports it appears that we havehard data to measure historical change. The endless pagesof tables on disease and death, or the enumeration of peopleaccording their age, sex, caste andoccupation, provide a vast mass offigures that creates an illusion ofconcreteness. Historians have,however, found that the figures canbe misleading. Before we use thesefigures we need to understand whocollected the data, and why andhow they were gathered. We alsoneed to know what was measuredand what was not.

The census operation, forinstance, was a means by whichsocial data were converted intoconvenient statistics about thepopulation. But this process wasriddled with ambiguity. The censuscommissioners devised categoriesfor classifying different sections ofthe population. This classificationwas often arbitrary and failed tocapture the fluid and overlappingidentities of people. How was aperson who was both an artisan anda trader to be classified? How wasa person who cultivated his landand carted produce to the town tobe enumerated? Was he a cultivatoror a trader?

Often people themselves refusedto cooperate or gave evasiveanswers to the census officials.

Fig. 12.4An old map of BombayThe encircled areamarked “castle” waspart of the fortifiedsettlement. The dottedareas show the sevenislands that weregradually joinedthrough projects ofreclamation.

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What maps revealand conceal

The development of surveymethods, accurate scientificinstruments and British imperialneeds meant that maps wereprepared with great care. TheSurvey of India was establishedin 1878. While the maps thatwere prepared give us a lot ofinformation, they also reflectthe bias of the British rulers.Large settlements of the poorin towns went unmarked onmaps because they seemedunimportant to the rulers. As aresult it was assumed that theseblank spaces on the map wereavailable for other developmentschemes. When these schemeswere undertaken, the poorwere evicted.

For a long while they were suspicious of censusoperations and believed that enquiries were beingconducted to impose new taxes. Upper-caste peoplewere also unwill ing to give any informationregarding the women of their household: womenwere supposed to remain secluded within theinterior of the household and not subjected topublic gaze or public enquiry.

Census officials also found that people wereclaiming identities that they associated with higherstatus. For instance there were people in towns whowere hawkers and went selling small articles duringsome seasons, while in other seasons they earnedtheir livelihood through manual labour. Such peopleoften told the census enumerators that they weretraders, not labourers, for they regarded trade as amore respectable activity.

Similarly, the figures of mortality and disease weredifficult to collect, for all deaths were not registered,and illness was not always reported, nor treated bylicensed doctors. How then could cases of illness ordeath be accurately calculated?

Thus historians have to use sources like thecensus with great caution, keeping in mind theirpossible biases, recalculating figures andunderstanding what the figures do not tell. However,census, survey maps and records of institutions likethe municipality help us to study colonial cities ingreater detail than is possible for pre-colonial cities.

2.2 Trends of changeA careful study of censuses reveals some fascinatingtrends. After 1800, urbanisation in India wassluggish. All through the nineteenth century up tothe first two decades of the twentieth, the proportionof the urban population to the total population inIndia was extremely low and had remained stagnant.This is clear from Figure 12.5. In the forty yearsbetween 1900 and 1940 the urban populationincreased from about 10 per cent of the totalpopulation to about 13 per cent.

Beneath this picture of changelessness, there weresignificant variations in the patterns of urbandevelopment in different regions. The smaller townshad little opportunity to grow economically. Calcutta,Bombay and Madras on the other hand grewrapidly and soon became sprawling cities. In other

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words, the growth of these three cities as the newcommercial and administrative centres was at theexpense of other existing urban centres.

As the hub of the colonial economy, they functionedas collection depots for the export of Indianmanufactures such as cotton textiles in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries. After theIndustrial Revolution in England, this trend wasreversed and these cities instead became the entrypoint for British-manufactured goods and for theexport of Indian raw materials. The nature of thiseconomic activity sharply differentiated thesecolonial cities from India’s traditional towns andurban settlements.

The introduction of railways in 1853 meant achange in the fortunes of towns. Economic activitygradually shifted away from traditional townswhich were located along old routes and rivers.Every railway station became a collection depotfor raw materials and a distribution point forimported goods. For instance, Mirzapur on theGanges, which specialised in collecting cotton andcotton goods from the Deccan, declined when arailway link was made to Bombay (see Chapter 10,Figs. 10.18 and 10.19). With the expansion of therailway network, railway workshops and railwaycolonies were established. Railway towns likeJamalpur, Waltair and Bareilly developed.

Discuss...Study either some statisticaldata or maps of a city. Checkwho collected the data andwhy they were collected. Whatare the possible biases insuch collections? What kindof information is excluded?For the maps, find out whythey were drawn and whetherthey are equally detailed forall parts of the city.

Urbanisation in India1891-1941

Year Percentage ofurban populationto total population

1891 9.4

1901 10.0

1911 9.4

1921 10.2

1931 11.1

1941 12.8

Fig. 12.5

Fig. 12.6The Borah Bazaar in the Fort area,Bombay, 1885As Bombay grew, even the fortarea became congested. Traders,shopkeepers and service groupsflowed into the area, numerousbazaars were established, andlofty structures came up.Worried by the congestion, theBritish made several attempts topush Indians out of the northernpart of the Fort where the localcommunities had settled.

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3. What Were the New Towns Like?3.1 Ports, forts and centres for services

By the eighteenth centuryMadras, Calcutta andBombay had becomeimportant ports. Thesettlements that came uphere were convenient pointsfor collecting goods. TheEnglish East India Companybuilt its factories (i.e.,mercantile offices) there andbecause of competitionamong the Europeancompanies, fortified thesesettlements for protection. In

Madras, Fort St George, in Calcutta Fort William and inBombay the Fort marked out the areas of Britishsettlement. Indian merchants, artisans and otherworkers who had economic dealings with Europeanmerchants lived outside these forts in settlements oftheir own. Thus, from the beginning there were separatequarters for Europeans and Indians, which came to belabelled in contemporary writings as the “White Town”and “Black Town” respectively. Once the British capturedpolitical power these racial distinctions became sharper.

From the mid-nineteenth century the expandingnetwork of railways linked these cities to the restof the country. As a result the hinterland – thecountryside from where raw materials and labour weredrawn – became more closely linked to these portcities. Since raw material was transported to thesecities for export and there was plentiful cheap labouravailable, it was convenient to set up modern factoriesthere. After the 1850s, cotton mills were set up byIndian merchants and entrepreneurs in Bombay, andEuropean-owned jute mills were established on theoutskirts of Calcutta. This was the beginning ofmodern industrial development in India.

Although Calcutta, Bombay and Madras suppliedraw materials for industry in England, and hademerged because of modern economic forces likecapitalism, their economies were not primarily basedon factory production. The majority of the workingpopulation in these cities belonged to what economistsclassify as the tertiary sector. There were only two

Fig. 12.7The Old Fort Ghat inCalcutta, engraving byThomas and WilliamDaniell, 1787The Old Fort was on thewater-front. The Company’sgoods were received here.The ghat continued to beused for bathing purposesby the local people.

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proper “industrial cities”: Kanpur, specialising inleather, woollen and cotton textiles, andJamshedpur, specialising in steel. India neverbecame a modern industrialised country, sincediscriminatory colonial policies limited the levelsof industrial development. Calcutta, Bombay andMadras grew into large cities, but this did not signifyany dramatic economic growth for colonial Indiaas a whole.

3.2 A new urban milieuColonial cities reflected the mercantile culture of thenew rulers. Political power and patronage shifted fromIndian rulers to the merchants of the East IndiaCompany. Indians who worked as interpreters,middlemen, traders and suppliers of goods alsohad an important place in these new cities. Economicactivity near the river or the sea led to the developmentof docks and ghats. Along the shore were godowns,mercantile offices, insurance agencies for shipping,transport depots, banking establishments. Furtherinland were the chief administrative offices of theCompany. The Writers’ Building in Calcutta was onesuch office. Around the periphery of the Fort, Europeanmerchants and agents built palatial houses inEuropean styles. Some built garden houses in thesuburbs. Racially exclusive clubs, racecourses andtheatres were also built for the ruling elite.

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Fig. 12.8The Old Court House and Writers’ Building, engraving by Thomas and William Daniell, 1786The Court House on the right, with an open arcaded veranda and Ionic columns, was pulleddown in 1792. Next to it is the Writers’ Building where the East India Company servants in India(known as Writers) stayed on arrival in the country. Later this building became a government office.

Ionic was one of the three orders(organisational systems) ofAncient Greek architecture, theother two being Doric, andCorinthian. One feature thatdistinguished each order wasthe style of the capital at thehead of the columns. Theseforms were re-adapted in theRenaissance and Neo-classicalforms of architecture.

Doric capital

Ionic capital

Corinthiancapital


The rich Indian agents and middlemen built largetraditional courtyard houses in the Black Town inthe vicinity of the bazaars. They bought up largetracts of land in the city as future investment. Toimpress their English masters they threw lavishparties during festivals. They also built temples toestablish their status in society. The labouring poorprovided a variety of services to their Europeanand Indian masters as cooks, palanquin bearers,coachmen, guards, porters and construction anddock workers. They lived in makeshift huts indifferent parts of the city.

The nature of the colonial city changed further inthe mid-nineteenth century. After the Revolt of 1857British attitudes in India were shaped by a constantfear of rebellion. They felt that towns needed to bebetter defended, and white people had to live in moresecure and segregated enclaves, away from thethreat of the “natives”. Pasturelands and agriculturalfields around the older towns were cleared, and newurban spaces called “Civil Lines” were set up. Whitepeople began to live in the Civil Lines. Cantonments–places where Indian troops under Europeancommand were stationed – were also developed assafe enclaves. These areas were separate from butattached to the Indian towns. With broad streets,bungalows set amidst large gardens, barracks,parade ground and church, they were meant as a

Fig. 12.9The New Buildings at Chourangee(Chowringhee), engraving byThomas and William Daniell, 1787Along the eastern side of theMaidan private houses of theBritish began coming up in thelate eighteenth century. Most werein a Palladian style with pillaredverandas that were meant tokeep off the summer heat.

Fig. 12.10The Marble Palace, CalcuttaThis is one of the most elaboratestructures built by an Indian familybelonging to the new urban elite.

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safe haven for Europeans as well as a model ofordered urban life in contrast to the densely built-up Indian towns.

For the British, the “Black” areas came tosymbolise not only chaos and anarchy, but also filthand disease. For a long while the British wereinterested primarily in the cleanliness and hygieneof the “White” areas. But as epidemics of choleraand plague spread, killing thousands, colonialofficials felt the need for more stringent measuresof sanitation and public health. They feared thatdisease would spread from the “Black” to the “White”areas. From the 1860s and 1870s, stringentadministrative measures regarding sanitation wereimplemented and building activity in the Indiantowns was regulated. Underground piped watersupply and sewerage and drainage systems were alsoput in place around this time. Sanitary vigilancethus became another way of regulating Indian towns.

3.3 The first hill stationsAs in the case of cantonments, hill stations were adistinctive feature of colonial urban development.The founding and settling of hill stations was initiallyconnected with the needs of the British army. Simla(present-day Shimla) was founded during the courseof the Gurkha War (1815-16); the Anglo-MarathaWar of 1818 led to British interest in Mount Abu;and Darjeeling was wrested from the rulers of Sikkimin 1835. Hill stations became strategic places forbilleting troops, guarding frontiers and launchingcampaigns against enemy rulers.

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Fig. 12.11Chitpore Bazaar by Charles D’OylyChitpore Bazaar was at the borderof the Black Town and White Townin Calcutta. Notice the differenttypes of houses here: the brickbuilding of the wealthy landlordand the thatched huts of the poor.The temple in the picture, referredto by the British as the BlackPagoda, was built by a landlord,Govinda Ram Mitter, who livedhere. Shaped by the language ofrace, even names were oftencoloured with blackness.

Look at Figures 12.8, 12.9and 12.11. Notice the varietyof activities on the streets.What do the activities tell usabout the social life on thestreets of Calcutta in the lateeighteenth century?


The temperate and cool climate of the Indian hillswas seen as an advantage, particularly since theBritish associated hot weather with epidemics.Cholera and malaria were particularly feared andattempts were made to protect the army from thesediseases. The overwhelming presence of the armymade these stations a new kind of cantonment inthe hills. These hill stations were also developed assanitariums, i.e., places where soldiers could be sentfor rest and recovery from illnesses.

Because the hill stations approximated the coldclimates of Europe, they became an attractivedestination for the new rulers. It became a practicefor viceroys to move to hill stations during thesummer months. In 1864 the Viceroy John Lawrenceofficially moved his council to Simla, setting sealto the practice of shifting capitals during the hotseason. Simla also became the official residence ofthe commander-in-chief of the Indian army.

In the hill stations the British and other Europeanssought to recreate settlements that were reminiscentof home. The buildings were deliberately built inthe European style. Individual houses followed thepattern of detached villas and cottages set amidstgardens.The Anglican Church and educationalinstitutions represented British ideals. Evenrecreation activities came to be shaped by Britishcultural traditions. Thus social calls, teas, picnics,fetes, races and visits to the theatre became commonamong colonial officials in the hill stations.

The introduction of the railways made hillstations more accessible to a wide range of peopleincluding Indians. Upper-and middle-class Indians

such as maharajas, lawyers andmerchants were drawn to thesestations because they afforded thema close proximity to the rulingBritish elite.

Hill stations were important forthe colonial economy. With thesetting up of tea and coffeeplantations in the adjoining areas,an influx of immigrant labour fromthe plains began. This meant thathill stations no longer remainedexclusive racial enclaves forEuropeans in India.

Fig. 12.13A village near Manali, HimachalPradeshWhile the British introducedcolonial architectural styles in thehill stations, the local populationoften continued to live as before.

Fig. 12.12A typical colonial house in Simla,an early-twentieth-centuryphotographMost probably it was theresidence of Sir John Marshall.

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3.4 Social life in the new citiesFor the Indian population, the new cities werebewildering places where life seemed always in aflux. There was a dramatic contrast betweenextreme wealth and poverty.

New transport facilities such as horse-drawncarriages and, subsequently, trams and busesmeant that people could live at a distance fromthe city centre. Over time there was a gradualseparation of the place of work from the place ofresidence. Travelling from home to office or thefactory was a completely new kind of experience.

Also, though the sense of coherence andfamiliarity of the old towns was no longer there,the creation of public places – for example, publicparks, theatres and, from the twentieth century,cinema halls – provided exciting new forms ofentertainment and social interaction.

Within the cities new social groups were formedand the old identities of people were no longerimportant. All classes of people were migratingto the big cities. There was an increasing demandfor clerks, teachers, lawyers, doctors, engineersand accountants. As a result the “middle classes”increased. They had access to new educationalinstitutions such as schools, colleges andlibraries. As educated people, they could putforward their opinions on society and governmentin newspapers, journals and public meetings. Anew public sphere of debate and discussionemerged. Social customs, norms and practicescame to be questioned.

Social changes did not happen with ease.Cities, for instance, offered new opportunities forwomen. Middle-class women sought to expressthemselves through the medium of journals,autobiographies and books. But many peopleresented these attempts to change traditionalpatriarchal norms. Conservatives feared that theeducation of women would turn the world upsidedown, and threaten the basis of the entire socialorder. Even reformers who supported women’seducation saw women primarily as mothers andwives, and wanted them to remain within theenclosed spaces of the household. Over time,women became more visible in public, as theyentered new professions in the city as domestic

Amar Katha (My Story)Binodini Dasi (1863-1941) was apioneering figure in Bengali theatrein the late nineteenth and earlytwentieth centuries and workedclosely with the dramatist anddirector Girish Chandra Ghosh(1844-1912). She was one of theprime movers behind the setting upof the Star Theatre (1883) inCalcutta which became a centre forfamous productions. Between 1910and 1913 she serial ised herautobiography, Amar Katha (MyStory). A remarkable personality,she exemplif ied the problemwomen faced in recasting theirroles in society. She was aprofessional in the city, working inmultiple spheres – as an actress,institution builder and author – butthe patriarchal society of thetime scorned her assertive publicpresence.

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Fig. 12.14Trams on a road in Calcutta


and factory workers, teachers, and theatre and filmactresses. But for a long time women who movedout of the household into public spaces remainedthe objects of social censure.

Another new class within the cities was thelabouring poor or the working class. Paupers fromrural areas flocked to the cities in the hope ofemployment. Some saw cities as places ofopportunity; others were attracted by the allure of adifferent way of life, by the desire to see things theyhad never seen before. To minimise costs of living inthe city, most male migrants left their familiesbehind in their village homes. Life in the city was astruggle: jobs were uncertain, food was expensive,and places to stay were difficult to afford. Yet thepoor often created a lively urban culture of theirown. They were enthusiastic participants inreligious festivals, tamashas (folk theatre) andswangs (satires) which often mocked thepretensions of their masters, Indian and European.

Discuss...Which is the railway station closest to yourresidence? Find out when it was built and whetherit was built to transport goods or people.Ask older people what they know about the station.How often do you go to the station and why?

Source 2

Through the eyes of poor migrants

This is a swang that was popular amongst the inhabitants of Jelepara (Fishermen’squarter), Calcutta, in the early twentieth century:

Dil-me ek bhavna se Kalkatta-me aya

Kaisan kaisan maja ham hiya dekhne paya

Ari-samaj, Brahma-samaj, girja, mahjid

Ek lota-me milta – dudh, pani, sab chij

Chhota bara admi sab, bahar kar ke dat

Jhapat mar ke bolta hai, Angreji-me bat.

With anticipation in my heart I came to Calcutta

And what entertaining things I could see here!

The Arya Samaj, Brahmo Samaj, church and mosque –

In one vessel you get everything – milk, water and all

All men big and small show their teeth,

And with a flourish they speak in English.

Fig. 12.15A late-nineteenth-century KalighatpaintingMale anxiety about female powerwas often expressed through thefigure of the woman as a charmerwho transformed men into sheep.As women began to be educatedand moved out of the seclusionof their homes, such images ofwomen began to proliferate inpopular prints.

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4. Segregation, Town Planning andArchitectureMadras, Calcutta and Bombay

Madras, Calcutta and Bombay gradually developed intothe biggest cities of colonial India. We have beenexamining some of the distinctive features of thesecities in the preceding sections. Now we will look indetail at one characteristic for each city.

4.1 Settlement and segregation in MadrasThe Company had first set up its trading activities inthe well-established port of Surat on the west coast.Subsequently the search for textiles brought Britishmerchants to the east coast. In 1639 they constructeda trading post in Madraspatam. This settlement waslocally known as Chenapattanam. The Company hadpurchased the right of settlement from the local Telugulords, the Nayaks of Kalahasti, who were eager tosupport trading activity in the region. Rivalry (1746-63)with the French East India Company led the British tofortify Madras and give their representatives increasedpolitical and administrative functions. With the defeatof the French in 1761, Madras became more secureand began to grow into an important commercial town.It was here that the superiority of the British andthe subordinate position of the Indian merchants wasmost apparent.

Fort St George became the nucleus of the White Townwhere most of the Europeans lived. Walls and bastionsmade this a distinct enclave. Colour and religiondetermined who was allowed to live within the Fort.The Company did not permit any marriages withIndians. Other than the English, the Dutch andPortuguese were allowed to stay here because they wereEuropean and Christian. The administrative andjudicial systems also favoured the white population.Despite being few in number the Europeans were therulers and the development of Madras followed the needsand convenience of the minority whites in the town.

The Black Town developed outside the Fort. It waslaid out in straight lines, a characteristic of colonialtowns. It was, however, demolished in the mid-1700sand the area was cleared for a security zone around theFort. A new Black Town developed further to the north.This housed weavers, artisans, middlemen andinterpreters who played a vital role in the Company trade.

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Fig. 12.17Part of the Black Town, Madras, by Thomas and William Daniell, based on a drawing by Daniellpublished in Oriental Scenery, 1798The old Black Town was demolished to create the open space you see in this picture. Originallycleared as a line of fire, the open ground was later maintained as a green area. On the horizonyou can see part of the new Black Town that came up at a distance from the Fort.

Fig. 12.16A map of MadrasThe White Town around Fort St George is on the left, and the Old Black Town is on theright. Fort St George is marked with a circle. Notice how the Black Town was laid out.

333

The new Black Town resembled traditional Indiantowns, with living quarters built around its own templeand bazaar. On the narrow lanes that criss-crossedthe township, there were distinct caste-specificneighbourhoods. Chintadripet was an area meant forweavers. Washermanpet was a colony of dyers andbleachers of cloth. Royapuram was a settlement forChristian boatmen who worked for the Company.

Madras developed by incorporating innumerablesurrounding villages and by creating opportunities andspaces for a variety of communities. Several differentcommunities came and settled in Madras, performinga range of economic functions. The dubashes wereIndians who could speak two languages – the locallanguage and English. They worked as agents andmerchants, acting as intermediaries between Indiansociety and the British. They used their privilegedposition in government to acquire wealth. Theirpowerful position in society was established by theircharitable works and patronage of temples in theBlack Town.

Initially jobs with the Company were monopolisedby the Vellalars, a rural caste who took advantage ofthe new opportunities provided by British rule. Withthe spread of English education in the nineteenthcentury, Brahmins started competing for similarpositions in the administration. Telugu Komatis werea powerful commercial group that controlled the graintrade in the city. Gujarati bankers had also beenpresent since the eighteenth century. Paraiyars andVanniyars formed the labouring poor. The Nawab ofArcot settled in nearby Triplicane which became thenucleus of a substantial Muslim settlement. Mylaporeand Triplicane were earlierHindu religious centres thatsupported a large group ofBrahmins. San Thome with itscathedral was the centre forRoman Catholics. All thesesettlements became partof Madras city. Thus theincorporation of many villagesmade Madras a city of wideexpanse and low density. Thiswas noticed by Europeantravellers and commented onby officials.

Pet is a Tamil wordmeaning settlement, whilepuram is used for a village.

Fig. 12.18A garden house on PoonamaleeRoad

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Source 3 As the British consolidated their power, residentEuropeans began to move out of the Fort. Gardenhouses first started coming up along the two mainarteries – Mount Road and Poonamalee Road –leading from the Fort to the cantonment. WealthyIndians too started to live like the English. As aresult many new suburbs were created from existingvillages around the core of Madras. This was ofcourse possible because the wealthy could affordtransport. The poor settled in villages that were closeto their place of work. The gradual urbanisation ofMadras meant that the areas between these villageswere brought within the city. As a result Madrashad a semi-rural air about it.

4.2 Town planning in CalcuttaModern town planning began in the colonial cities.This required preparation of a layout of the entireurban space and regulation of urban land use.Planning was usually inspired by a vision of whatthe city should look like, how it would be developedand the way in which spaces would be organisedand ordered. The ideology of “development” that thisvision reflected presumed exercise of state powerover urban lives and urban spaces.

There were many reasons why the British tookupon themselves the task of town planning from theearly years of their rule in Bengal. One immediatereason was defence. In 1756, Sirajudaula, the Nawabof Bengal, attacked Calcutta and sacked the smallfort which the British traders had built as their depotfor goods. The English East India Company tradershad been continuously questioning the sovereigntyof the Nawab. They were reluctant to pay customsduties, and refused to comply with the terms onwhich they were expected to operate. So Sirajudaulawanted to assert his authority.

Subsequently, in 1757, when Sirajudaula wasdefeated in the Battle of Plassey, the East IndiaCompany decided to build a new fort, one that couldnot be easily attacked. Calcutta had grown from threevillages called Sutanati, Kolkata and Govindapur.The Company cleared a site in the southernmostvillage of Govindapur and the traders and weaversliving there were asked to move out. Around the newFort William they left a vast open space which cameto be locally known as the Maidan or garer-math.

A rural city?

Read this excerpt on Madrasfrom the Imperial Gazetteer,1908:

… the better Europeanresidences are built in themidst of compounds whichalmost attain the dignity ofparks; and rice-f ieldsfrequently wind in and outbetween these in almostrural fashion. Even in themost thickly peopled nativequarters such as Black Townand Triplicane, there is littleof the crowding found inmany other towns …

Statements in reportsoften express the ideas ofthe reporter. What kindof an urban space is thereporter celebrating inthe statement and whatkind is he demeaning?Would you agree withthese ideas?

335

This was done so that there would be no obstructionsto a straight line of fire from the Fort against anadvancing enemy army. Once the British becamemore confident about their permanent presence inCalcutta, they started moving out of the Fort andbuilding residences along the periphery of theMaidan. That was how the English settlement inCalcutta gradually started taking shape. The vastopen space around the Fort (which still exists)became a landmark, Calcutta’s first significant townplanning measure.

The history of town planning in Calcutta of coursedid not end with the building of Fort William andthe Maidan. In 1798, Lord Wellesley became theGovernor General. He built a massive palace,Government House, for himself in Calcutta, abuilding that was expected to convey the authorityof the British. He became concerned about thecondition of the Indian part of the city – the crowding,the excessive vegetation, the dirty tanks, the smellsand poor drainage. These conditions worried theBritish because they believed at the time thatpoisonous gases from marshlands and pools ofstagnant water were the cause of most diseases.The tropical climate itself was seen as unhealthy

The line of fireInterestingly, the pattern devisedfor Calcutta was replicated inmany other towns. During theRevolt of 1857 many townsbecame rebel strongholds.After their victory the Britishproceeded to make these placessafe for themselves. In Delhifor instance they took over theRed Fort and stationed an armythere. Then they destroyedbuildings close to the Fortcreating a substantial emptyspace between the Indianneighbourhoods and the Fort.The logic was the same as inCalcutta a hundred years ago:a direct l ine of f i re wasconsidered essential, just in casethe town rose up against firangiraj once again.

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Fig. 12.19Government House, Calcutta, by Charles D’Oyly, 1848The residence of the Governor General, the Government House, built by Wellesley, was meantto symbolise the grandeur of the Raj.


and enervating. Creating open places in the city wasone way of making the city healthier. Wellesley wrotea Minute (an administrative order) in 1803 on theneed for town planning, and set up variouscommittees for the purpose. Many bazaars, ghats,burial grounds, and tanneries were cleared orremoved. From then on the notion of “public health”became an idea that was proclaimed in projects oftown clearance and town planning.

After Wellesley’s departure the work of townplanning was carried on by the Lottery Committee(1817) with the help of the government. The LotteryCommittee was so named because funds for townimprovement were raised through public lotteries.In other words, in the early decades of thenineteenth century raising funds for the city wasstill thought to be the responsibility of public-minded citizens and not exclusively that of thegovernment. The Lottery Committee commissioneda new map of the city so as to get a comprehensivepicture of Calcutta. Among the Committee’s majoractivities was road building in the Indian partof the city and clearing the river bank of“encroachments”. In its drive to make the Indianareas of Calcutta cleaner, the committee removedmany huts and displaced the labouring poor, whowere now pushed to the outskirts of Calcutta.

The threat of epidemics gave a further impetus totown planning in the next few decades. Cholerastarted spreading from 1817 and in 1896 plague madeits appearance. The cause of these diseases had not

“For the regulation ofnuisances of every

description”

By the early nineteenth centurythe British felt that permanentand public rules had to beformulated for regulating allaspects of social life. Even theconstruction of private buildingsand public roads ought toconform to standardised rulesthat were clearly codified. Inhis Minute on Calcutta (1803)Wellesley wrote:

It is a primary duty ofGovernment to providefor the health, safety andconvenience of theinhabitants of this greattown, by establishing acomprehensive system forthe improvement of roads,streets, public drains, andwater courses, and byfixing permanent rules forthe construction anddistribution of the housesand public edifices, and forthe regulation of nuisancesof every description.

Fig. 12.20A bazaar leading to Chitpore Roadin CalcuttaFor local communities in the towns,the bazaar was a place of bothcommercial and social exchange.Europeans were fascinated by thebazaar but also saw it as anovercrowded and dirty place.

Source 4

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yet been established firmly by medical science.The government proceeded on the basis of theaccepted theory of the time: that there was a directcorrelation between living conditions and thespread of disease. Such views were supported byprominent Indian merchants in the city, such asDwarkanath Tagore and Rustomjee Cowasjee, whofelt that Calcutta needed to be made more healthy.Densely built-up areas were seen as insanitarysince they obstructed direct sunlight andcirculation of air. That was why working people’shuts or “bustis” became the target of demolition.The poor in the city – workers, hawkers, artisans,porters and the unemployed – were once againforced to move to distant parts of the city. Frequentfires also led to stricter building regulations – forinstance, thatched huts were banned in 1836 andtiled roofs made mandatory.

By the late nineteenth century, official interventionin the city became more stringent.Gone were the days when townplanning was seen as a task to beshared by inhabitants and thegovernment. Instead, the governmenttook over all the initiatives for townplanning including funding. Thisopportunity was used to clear morehuts and develop the British portionsof the town at the expense of otherareas. The existing racial divide of the“White Town” and “Black Town” wasreinforced by the new divide of “healthy”and “unhealthy”. Indian representativesin the municipality protested againstthis unfair bias towards thedevelopment of the European parts ofthe town. Public protests againstthese government policies strengthenedthe feeling of anti-colonialism andnationalism among Indians.

How does Wellesley definethe duty of the government?Read this section and discusswhat impact these ideas, ifimplemented, would have hadon the Indians living in the city.

Fig. 12.21A part of the European town in Calcuttaafter the Lottery Committee improvements,from the plan by J.A. Schalch (1825)You can see the European houses withcompounds.

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Busti (in Bengali and Hindi)originally meant neighbourhoodor settlement. However, theBritish narrowed the sense ofthe word to mean makeshifthuts built by the poor. In the latenineteenth century “bustis”and insanitary slums becamesynonymous in British records.


With the growth of their empire,the British became increasinglyinclined to make cities like Calcutta,Bombay and Madras into impressiveimperial capitals. It was as if thegrandeur of the cities had to reflectthe authority of imperial power. Townplanning had to represent everythingthat the British claimed to standfor: rational ordering, meticulousexecution, and Western aestheticideals. Cities had to be cleaned andordered, planned and beautified.

4.3 Architecture in BombayIf one way of realising this imperial vision was throughtown planning, the other was through embellishingcities with monumental buildings. Buildings in citiescould include forts, government offices, educationalinstitutions, religious structures, commemorativetowers, commercial depots, or even docks and bridges.Although primarily serving functional needs likedefence, administration and commerce these wererarely simple structures. They were often meant torepresent ideas such as imperial power, nationalismand religious glory. Let us see how this is exemplifiedin the case of Bombay.

Bombay was initially seven islands. As thepopulation grew, the islands were joined to create morespace and they gradually fused into one big city.Bombay was the commercial capital of colonial India.As the premier port on the western coast it was thecentre of international trade. By the end of thenineteenth century, half the imports and exports ofIndia passed through Bombay. One important item ofthis trade was opium that the East India Companyexported to China. Indian merchants and middlemensupplied and participated in this trade and they helpedintegrate Bombay’s economy directly to Malwa,Rajasthan and Sind where opium was grown. Thiscollaboration with the Company was profitable andled to the growth of an Indian capitalist class.Bombay’s capitalists came from diverse communitiessuch as Parsi, Marwari, Konkani Muslim, GujaratiBania, Bohra, Jew and Armenian.

As you have read (Chapter 10), when the AmericanCivil War started in 1861 cotton from the American South

Fig. 12.22A busti in Calcutta

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stopped coming into the international market. This led toan upsurge of demand for Indian cotton, grown primarilyin the Deccan. Once again Indian merchants andmiddlemen found an opportunity for earning huge profits.In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and this furtherstrengthened Bombay’s links with the world economy.The Bombay government and Indian merchants used thisopportunity to declare Bombay Urbs Prima in Indis, a Latinphrase meaning the most important city of India. By thelate nineteenth century Indian merchants in Bombay wereinvesting their wealth in new ventures such as cottonmills. They also patronised building activity in the city.

As Bombay’s economy grew, from the mid-nineteenthcentury there was a need to expand railways andshipping and develop the administrative structure.Many new buildings were constructed at this time.These buildings reflected the culture and confidenceof the rulers. The architectural style was usuallyEuropean. This importation of European stylesreflected the imperial vision in several ways. First, itexpressed the British desire to create a familiarlandscape in an alien country, and thus to feel athome in the colony. Second, the British felt thatEuropean styles would best symbolise their superiority,authority and power. Third, they thought thatbuildings that looked European would mark out thedifference and distance between the colonial mastersand their Indian subjects.

Initially, these buildings were at odds with thetraditional Indian buildings. Gradually, Indians too gotused to European architecture and made it theirown. The British in turn adapted someIndian styles to suit their needs.One example is the bungalow whichwas used by government officers inBombay and all over India. The namebungalow was derived from bangla,a traditional thatched Bengali hut.The colonial bungalow was seton extensive grounds which ensuredprivacy and marked a distance fromthe Indian world around. Thetraditional pitched roof andsurrounding veranda kept thebungalow cool in the summer months.The compound had separate quartersfor a retinue of domestic servants. The

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Fig. 12.23A bungalow in Bombay,nineteenth century


bungalows in the Civil Lines thus became a raciallyexclusive enclave in which the ruling classes couldlive self-sufficient lives without daily social contactwith Indians.

For pubic buildings three broad architecturalstyles were used. Two of these were direct importsfrom fashions prevalent in England. The first wascalled neo-classical or the new classical. Itscharacteristics included construction of geometricalstructures fronted with lofty pillars It was derivedfrom a style that was originally typical of buildingsin ancient Rome, and was subsequently revived,re-adapted and made popular during theEuropean Renaissance. It was considered particularlyappropriate for the British Empire in India. TheBritish imagined that a style that embodied thegrandeur of imperial Rome could now be made toexpress the glory of imperial India. The Mediterraneanorigins of this architecture were also thought to besuitable for tropical weather. The Town Hall in Bombay(Fig. 12.24) was built in this style in 1833. Anothergroup of commercial buildings, built during thecotton boom of the 1860s, was the Elphinstone Circle.Subsequently named Horniman Circle after anEnglish editor who courageously supported Indiannationalists, this building was inspired from modelsin Italy. It made innovative use of covered arcades atground level to shield the shopper and pedestrianfrom the fierce sun and rain of Bombay.

Pitched roof is a term used byarchitects to describe a slopingroof. By the early twentiethcentury pitched roofs becameless common in bungalows,although the general planremained the same.

Fig. 12.25The Elphinstone CircleNote the pillars and arches,derived from Graeco-Romanarchitecture.

Fig. 12.24The Town Hall in Bombay, whichnow houses the Asiatic Society ofBombay

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Another style that was extensively used was the neo-Gothic,characterised by high-pitched roofs, pointed arches anddetailed decoration. The Gothic style had its roots inbuildings, especially churches, built in northern Europeduring the medieval period. The neo-Gothic or new Gothicstyle was revived in the mid-nineteenth century in England.This was the time when the government in Bombay wasbuilding its infrastructure and this style was adapted forBombay. An impressive group of buildings facing the seafrontincluding the Secretariat, University of Bombay and HighCourt were all built in this style.

Indians gave money for some of these buildings. TheUniversity Hall was made with money donated by Sir CowasjeeJehangir Readymoney, a rich Parsi merchant. The UniversityLibrary clock tower was similarly funded by the bankerPremchand Roychand and was named after his mother asRajabai Tower. Indian merchants were happy to adopt theneo-Gothic style since they believed that building styles, likemany ideas brought in by the English, were progressive andwould help make Bombay into a modern city.

However, the most spectacular example of the neo-Gothicstyle is the Victoria Terminus, the station and headquartersof the Great Indian Peninsular Railway Company. The British

Fig. 12.26Bombay Secretariat, designed byH. St Clair WilkinsDrawing from The Builder,20 November 1875

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invested a lot in the designand construction of railwaystations in cities, since theywere proud of havingsuccessfully built an all-India railway network. Asa group these buildingsdominated the centralBombay skyline and theiruniform neo-Gothic stylegave a distinctive characterto the city.

Towards the beginning ofthe twentieth century a

new hybrid architectural style developed whichcombined the Indian with the European. This wascalled Indo-Saracenic. “Indo” was shorthand forHindu and “Saracen” was a term Europeans usedto designate Muslim. The inspiration for this stylewas medieval buildings in India with their domes,chhatris, jalis, arches. By integrating Indian andEuropean styles in public architecture the Britishwanted to prove that they were legitimate rulers ofIndia. The Gateway of India, built in the traditionalGujarati style to welcome King George V and QueenMary to India in 1911, is the most famous exampleof this style. The industrialist Jamsetji Tata builtthe Taj Mahal Hotel in a similar style. Besides beinga symbol of Indian enterprise, this building became

Fig. 12.27Victoria Terminus RailwayStation, designed byF.W. Stevens

Fig. 12.28Madras law courtsWhile Bombay remained themain centre of Gothic revival,Indo-Saracenic flourished inMadras. The design of the lawcourts combined Pathanelements with Gothic ones.

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a challenge to the racially exclusive clubs and hotelsmaintained by the British.

In the more “Indian” localities of Bombaytraditional styles of decoration and buildingpredominated. The lack of space in the city andcrowding led to a type of building unique to Bombay,the chawl, the multi-storeyed single-room apartmentswith long open corridors built around a courtyard.Such buildings which housed many familiessharing common spaces helped in the growth ofneighbourhood identity and solidarity.

5. What Buildings andArchitectural Styles Tell Us

Architecture reflects the aesthetic ideals prevalentat a time, and variations within those ideals. But,as we have seen, buildings also express the visionof those who build them. Rulers everywhere seekto express their power through buildings. So bylooking at the architecture of a particular time, wecan understand how power was conceived of andhow it was expressed through structures and theirattributes – bricks and stones, pillars and arches,soaring domes or vaulted roofs.

Architectural styles do not only reflect prevalenttastes. They mould tastes, popularise styles and shapethe contours of culture. As we have seen, many Indianscame to regard European styles of architecture assymbols of modernity and civilisation, and beganadopting these styles. But not all Indians thoughtalike: many rejected European ideals and tried toretain indigenous styles; others accepted certainelements from the West that they saw as modern andcombined these with elements drawn from localtraditions. From the late nineteenth century we seeefforts to define regional and national tastes thatwere different from the colonial ideal. Styles thuschanged and developed through wider processes ofcultural conflict. By looking at architecture thereforewe can also understand the variety of forms in whichcultural conflicts unfolded and political conflicts –between the imperial and the national, the nationaland the regional/local – were played out.

Fig. 12.30A Bombay chawl

Fig. 12.29The Municipal Corporation Building,Bombay, designed by F. W. Stevensin 1888Notice the fusion of Oriental andGothic designs.

Discuss...Choose a historical buildingthat you admire. List itsarchitectural attributes andfind out about its style andwhy that particular style wasadopted.

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Timeline

1500-1700 European trading companies establish bases in India: thePortuguese in Panaji in 1510; the Dutch in Masulipatnam,1605; the British in Madras in 1639, in Bombay in 1661, andin Calcutta in 1690; the French in Pondicherry in 1673

1757 Decisive victory of the British in the Battle of Plassey;the British become rulers of Bengal

1773 Supreme Court set up in Calcutta by the East India Company

1803 Lord Wellesley’s Minute on Calcutta town improvement

1818 British takeover of the Deccan; Bombay becomes thecapital of the new province

1853 Railway from Bombay to Thane

1857 First spinning and weaving mill in Bombay

1857 Universities in Bombay, Madras and Calcutta

1870s Beginning of elected representatives in municipalities

1881 Madras harbour completed

1896 First screening of a film at Watson’s Hotel, Bombay

1896 Plague starts spreading to major cities

1911 Transfer of capital from Calcutta to Delhi


1. To what extent are census data useful inreconstructing patterns of urbanisation in thecolonial context?

2. What do the terms “White” and “Black” Town signify?

3. How did prominent Indian merchants establishthemselves in the colonial city?

4. Examine how concerns of defence and health gaveshape to Calcutta.

5. What are the different colonial architectural styleswhich can be seen in Bombay city?

345COLONIAL CITIES


6. How were urban centres transformed duringthe eighteenth century?

7. What were the new kinds of public places thatemerged in the colonial city? What functionsdid they serve?

8. What were the concerns that influenced townplanning in the nineteenth century?

9. To what extent were social relations transformedin the new cities?

Map work

10. On an outline map of India, trace the majorrivers and hill ranges. Plot ten cities mentionedin the chapter, including Bombay, Calcuttaand Madras, and prepare a brief note on whythe importance of any two cities that you havemarked (one colonial and one pre-colonial)changed in the nineteenth century.

Project (choose one)

11. You have been reading about big colonialcities. Choose any small town with a longhistory. It could be a temple town, market town,administrative centre, a pilgrimage centre or acombination of these. Find out how the townwas established, when it developed, and howits history changed during modern times.

12. Choose five different types of buildings in yourtown or village. For each of these, find out whenit was built, how it was planned, how resourceswere obtained for its construction, and how longit took to build it. What do the architecturalfeatures of the buildings express?


Sabyasachi Bhattacharya.1990.Adhunik Bharat Ka Aarthik Itihas.Rajkamal Prakashan, Delhi.

Norma Evenson. 1989.The Indian Metropolis:A View Toward the West .Oxford University Press, Delhi.

Narayani Gupta. 1981.Delhi between Two Empires1803-1931.Oxford University Press, Delhi.

Gavin Hambly and Burton Stein.“Towns and Cities”, in TapanRaychaudhuri and Irfan Habibedited, The CambridgeEconomic History of India,(Volume I ), 1984.Orient Longman and CambridgeUniversity Press, Delhi.

Anthony King. 1976.Colonial Urban Development:Culture, Social Power andEnvironmentRoutledge and Kegan Paul,London.

Thomas R. Metcalf. 1989. An Imperial Vision: IndianArchitecture and Britain’s RajFaber and Faber, London.

Lewis Mumford. 1961.The City in History: Its Origins, ItsTransformations and Its Prospects.Secker and Warburg, London.


Mahatma Gandhi andthe Nationalist MovementCivil Disobedience and BeCivil Disobedience and BeCivil Disobedience and BeCivil Disobedience and BeCivil Disobedience and Beyyyyyondondondondond

THEME

THIRTEEN

Fig. 13.1People gather on the banks of the Sabarmati River to hear Mahatma Gandhi speak before startingout on the Salt March in 1930

In the history of nationalism a single individual is often identified withthe making of a nation. Thus, for example, we associate Garibaldiwith the making of Italy, George Washington with the American Warof Independence, and Ho Chi Minh with the struggle to free Vietnamfrom colonial rule. In the same manner, Mahatma Gandhi has beenregarded as the ‘Father’ of the Indian nation. In so far as Gandhiji was the most influential and revered of all theleaders who participated in the freedom struggle, that characterisationis not misplaced. However, like Washington or Ho Chi-Minh, MahatmaGandhi’s political career was shaped and constrained by the societyin which he lived. For individuals, even great ones, are made by historyeven as they make history. This chapter analyses Gandhiji’s activities in India during thecrucial period 1915-1948. It explores his interactions with differentsections of the Indian society and the popular struggles that heinspired and led. It introduces the student to the different kinds ofsources that historians use in reconstructing the career of a leaderand of the social movements that he was associated with.

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1. A Leader Announces HimselfIn January 1915, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhireturned to his homeland after two decades ofresidence abroad. These years had been spent forthe most part in South Africa, where he went as alawyer, and in time became a leader of the Indiancommunity in that territory. As the historianChandran Devanesan has remarked, South Africa was“the making of the Mahatma”. It was in South Africathat Mahatma Gandhi first forged the distinctivetechniques of non-violent protest known assatyagraha, first promoted harmony between religions,and first alerted upper -caste Indians to theirdiscriminatory treatment of low castes and women.

The India that Mahatma Gandhi came back to in1915 was rather different from the one that he hadleft in 1893. Although still a colony of the British,it was far more active in a political sense. The IndianNational Congress now had branches in most majorcities and towns. Through the Swadeshi movementof 1905-07 it had greatly broadened its appealamong the middle classes. That movement hadthrown up some towering leaders – among themBal Gangadhar T ilak of Maharashtra, BipinChandra Pal of Bengal, and Lala Lajpat Rai ofPunjab. The three were known as “Lal, Bal and Pal”,the alliteration conveying the all-India characterof their struggle, since their native provinces werevery distant from one another. Wherethese leaders advocated militantopposition to colonial rule, there wasa group of “Moderates” who preferreda more gradual and persuasiveapproach. Among these Moderateswas Gandhiji’s acknowledged politicalmentor, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, aswell as Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who,like Gandhiji, was a lawyer of Gujaratiextraction trained in London.

On Gokhale’s advice, Gandhiji spenta year travelling around British India,getting to know the land and itspeoples. His first major publicappearance was at the opening of theBanaras Hindu University (BHU) inFebruary 1916. Among the invitees to

Fig. 13.2Mahatma Gandhi in Johannesburg,South Africa, February 1908

MAHATMA GANDHI AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT


this event were the princes and philanthropists whosedonations had contributed to the founding of theBHU. Also present were important leaders of theCongress, such as Annie Besant. Compared to thesedignitaries, Gandhiji was relatively unknown. He hadbeen invited on account of his work in South Africa,rather than his status within India.

When his turn came to speak, Gandhiji chargedthe Indian elite with a lack of concern for thelabouring poor. The opening of the BHU, he said,was “certainly a most gorgeous show”. But he worriedabout the contrast between the “richly bedeckednoblemen” present and “millions of the poor” Indianswho were absent. Gandhiji told the privileged inviteesthat “there is no salvation for India unless you stripyourself of this jewellery and hold it in trust for yourcountrymen in India”. “There can be no spirit of self-government about us,” he went on, “if we take awayor allow others to take away from the peasants almostthe whole of the results of their labour. Our salvationcan only come through the farmer. Neither thelawyers, nor the doctors, nor the rich landlords aregoing to secure it.”

The opening of the BHU was an occasion forcelebration, marking as it did the opening of anationalist university, sustained by Indian moneyand Indian initiative. But rather than adopt a toneof self-congratulation, Gandhiji chose instead toremind those present of the peasants and workers

who constituted a majorityof the Indian population,yet were unrepresented inthe audience.

Gandhiji’s speech atBanaras in February 1916was, at one level, merely astatement of fact – namely,that Indian nationalismwas an elite phenomenon,a creation of lawyers anddoctors and landlords.But, at another level, itwas also a statement ofintent – the first publicannouncement of Gandhiji’sown desire to make Indiannationalism more properly

Fig. 13.3Mahatma Gandhi in Karachi,March 1916

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representative of the Indian people as a whole. In thelast month of that year, Gandhiji was presented withan opportunity to put his precepts into practice. At theannual Congress, held in Lucknow in December 1916,he was approached by a peasant from Champaran inBihar, who told him about the harsh treatment ofpeasants by British indigo planters.

2. The Making and Unmaking ofNon-cooperation

Mahatma Gandhi was to spend much of 1917 inChamparan, seeking to obtain for the peasants securityof tenure as well as the freedom to cultivate the cropsof their choice. The following year, 1918, Gandhiji wasinvolved in two campaigns in his home state ofGujarat. First, he intervened in a labour dispute inAhmedabad, demanding better working conditions forthe textile mill workers. Then he joined peasants inKheda in asking the state for the remission of taxesfollowing the failure of their harvest.

These initiatives in Champaran, Ahmedabad andKheda marked Gandhiji out as a nationalist witha deep sympathy for the poor. At the same time,these were all localised struggles. Then, in 1919,the colonial rulers delivered into Gandhiji’s lapan issue from which he could construct a muchwider movement. During the Great War of 1914-18,the British had instituted censorship of the pressand permitted detention without trial. Now, onthe recommendation of a committee chaired bySir Sidney Rowlatt, these tough measures werecontinued. In response, Gandhiji called for acountrywide campaign against the “Rowlatt Act”.In towns across North and West India, life came toa standstill, as shops shut down and schools closedin response to the bandh call. The protests wereparticularly intense in the Punjab, where many menhad served on the British side in the War –expecting to be rewarded for their service. Insteadthey were given the Rowlatt Act. Gandhiji wasdetained while proceeding to the Punjab, even asprominent local Congressmen were arrested. Thesituation in the province grew progressively moretense, reaching a bloody climax in Amritsar inApril 1919, when a British Brigadier ordered histroops to open fire on a nationalist meeting. More


Discuss...Find out more about thenational movement in Indiabefore 1915 and see whetherMahatma Gandhi’s commentsare justified.


than four hundred people were killed in what isknown as the Jallianwala Bagh massacre.

It was the Rowlatt satyagraha that made Gandhijia truly national leader. Emboldened by its success,Gandhiji called for a campaign of “non-cooperation”with British rule. Indians who wished colonialism toend were asked to stop attending schools, collegesand law courts, and not pay taxes. In sum, they wereasked to adhere to a “renunciation of (all) voluntaryassociation with the (British) Government”. If non-cooperation was effectively carried out, said Gandhiji,India would win swaraj within a year. To furtherbroaden the struggle he had joined hands with theKhilafat Movement that sought to restore theCaliphate, a symbol of Pan-Islamism which hadrecently been abolished by the Turkish rulerKemal Attaturk.

2.1 Knitting a popular movementGandhiji hoped that by coupling non-cooperation withKhilafat, India’s two major religious communities,Hindus and Muslims, could collectively bring anend to colonial rule. These movements certainlyunleashed a surge of popular action that wasaltogether unprecedented in colonial India.

Students stopped going to schools and collegesrun by the government. Lawyers refused to attendcourt. The working class went on strike in manytowns and cities: according to official figures, therewere 396 strikes in 1921, involving 600,000workers and a loss of seven million workdays. Thecountryside was seething with discontent too. Hilltribes in northern Andhra violated the forest laws.Farmers in Awadh did not pay taxes. Peasants inKumaun refused to carry loads for colonial officials.These protest movements were sometimes carriedout in defiance of the local nationalist leadership.Peasants, workers, and others interpreted and actedupon the call to “non-cooperate” with colonial rulein ways that best suited their interests, rather thanconform to the dictates laid down from above.

“Non-cooperation,” wrote Mahatma Gandhi’sAmerican biographer Louis Fischer, “became the nameof an epoch in the life of India and of Gandhiji.Non-cooperation was negative enough to be peacefulbut positive enough to be effective. It entailed denial,renunciation, and self-discipline. It was training for

What was theKhilafat Movement?

The Khi la fa t Movement ,(1919-1920) was a movementof Indian Muslims, led byMuhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali,that demanded the following:The Turkish Sultan or Khalifamust retain control over theMuslim sacred places in theerstwhile Ottoman empire; thejazirat-ul-Arab (Arabia, Syria,Iraq, Palestine) must remainunder Muslim sovereignty; andthe Khalifa must be left withsufficient territory to enablehim to defend the Islamic faith.The Congress supported themovement and Mahatma Gandhisought to conjoin it to theNon-cooperation Movement.

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self-rule.” As a consequence of theNon-Cooperation Movement theBritish Raj was shaken to itsfoundations for the first timesince the Revolt of 1857. Then,in February 1922, a group ofpeasants attacked and torched apolice station in the hamlet ofChauri Chaura, in the UnitedProvinces (now, Uttar Pradesh andUttaranchal). Several constablesperished in the conflagration. Thisact of violence prompted Gandhijito call off the movement altogether.“No provocation,” he insisted,“can possibly justify (the) brutalmurder of men who had been rendered defencelessand who had virtually thrown themselves on themercy of the mob.”

During the Non-Cooperation Movement thousandsof Indians were put in jail. Gandhiji himselfwas arrested in March 1922, and charged withsedition. The judge who presided over his trial,Justice C.N. Broomfield, made a remarkable speechwhile pronouncing his sentence. “It would beimpossible to ignore the fact,” remarked the judge,“that you are in a different category from any personI have ever tried or am likely to try. It would beimpossible to ignore the fact that, in the eyes ofmillions of your countrymen, you are a great patriotand a leader. Even those who differ from you in politicslook upon you as a man of high ideals and of evensaintly life.” Since Gandhiji had violated the law itwas obligatory for the Bench to sentence him to sixyears’ imprisonment, but, said Judge Broomfield, “Ifthe course of events in India should make it possiblefor the Government to reduce the period and releaseyou, no one will be better pleased than I”.

2.2 A people’s leaderBy 1922, Gandhiji had transformed Indiannationalism, thereby redeeming the promise he madein his BHU speech of February 1916. It was no longera movement of professionals and intellectuals; now,hundreds of thousands of peasants, workers andartisans also participated in it. Many of themvenerated Gandhiji, referring to him as their

Fig. 13.4Non-cooperation Movement,July 1922Foreign cloth being collected tobe burnt in bonfires.



“Mahatma”. They appreciated the fact that hedressed like them, lived like them, and spoke theirlanguage. Unlike other leaders he did not stand apartfrom the common folk, but empathised and evenidentified with them.

This identification was strikingly reflected in hisdress: while other nationalist leaders dressedformally, wearing a Western suit or an Indianbandgala, Gandhiji went among the people in asimple dhoti or loincloth. Meanwhile, he spent partof each day working on the charkha (spinning wheel),and encouraged other nationalists to do likewise.The act of spinning allowed Gandhiji to break theboundaries that prevailed within the traditional castesystem, between mental labour and manual labour.

In a fascinating study, the historian Shahid Aminhas traced the image of Mahatma Gandhi amongthe peasants of eastern Uttar Pradesh, as conveyedby reports and rumours in the local press. When hetravelled through the region in February 1921,Gandhiji was received by adoring crowds everywhere.

Charkha

Fig. 13.5Mahatma Gandhi with the charkhahas become the most abiding imageof Indian nationalism.In 1921, during a tour of SouthIndia, Gandhiji shaved his headand began wearing a loinclothin order to identify with the poor.His new appearance also cameto symbolise asceticism andabstinence – qualities hecelebrated in opposition to theconsumerist culture of themodern world.

Source 1

Mahatma Gandhi was profoundly critical of the modern age in which machinesenslaved humans and displaced labour. He saw the charkha as a symbol of ahuman society that would not glorify machines and technology. The spinningwheel, moreover, could provide the poor with supplementary income andmake them self-reliant.

What I object to, is the craze for machinery assuch. The craze is for what they call labour-saving machinery. Men go on “saving labour”,till thousands are without work and thrownon the open streets to die of starvation. I wantto save time and labour, not for a fraction ofmankind, but for all; I want the concentrationof wealth, not in the hands of few, but inthe hands of all.

YOUNG INDIA, I3 NOVEMBER 1924

Khaddar does not seek to destroy al lmachinery but it does regulate its use andcheck its weedy growth. It uses machineryfor the service of the poorest in their owncottages. The wheel is itself an exquisitepiece of machinery.

YOUNG INDIA, 17 MARCH 1927Fig. 13.5

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Local newspapers in the UnitedProvinces recorded many of therumours that circulated at thattime. There were rumours thatevery person who wanted to testthe power of the Mahatma hadbeen surprised:

1. Sikandar Sahu from avil lage in Bast i said on15 February that he wouldbelieve in the Mahatmajiwhen the karah (boilingpan) full of sugar cane juicein his karkhana (where gurwas produced) split intotwo. Immediately the karahactually split into two fromthe middle.

2. A cultivator in Azamgarhsaid that he wouldbelieve in the Mahatmaji’sauthenticity i f sesamumsprouted on his field plantedwith wheat. Next day allthe wheat in that f ieldbecame sesamum.

This is how a Hindi newspaper in Gorakhpurreported the atmosphere during his speeches:

At Bhatni Gandhiji addressed the local publicand then the train started for Gorakhpur. Therewere not less than 15,000 to 20,000 people atNunkhar, Deoria, Gauri Bazar, Chauri Chauraand Kusmhi (stations) … Mahatmaji was verypleased to witness the scene at Kusmhi, asdespite the fact that the station is in the middleof a jungle there were not less than 10,000people here. Some, overcome with their love,were seen to be crying. At Deoria people wantedto give bhent (donations) to Gandhiji, but heasked them to give these at Gorakhpur. Butat Chauri Chaura one Marwari gentlemanmanaged to hand over something to him. Thenthere was no stopping. A sheet was spread andcurrency notes and coins started raining. Itwas a sight … Outside the Gorakhpur stationthe Mahatma was stood on a high carriageand people had a good darshan of him for acouple of minutes.

Wherever Gandhiji went, rumours spread of hismiraculous powers. In some places it was said thathe had been sent by the King to redress thegrievances of the farmers, and that he had the powerto overrule all local officials. In other places it wasclaimed that Gandhiji’s power was superior to thatof the English monarch, and that with his arrivalthe colonial rulers would flee the district. There werealso stories reporting dire consequences for thosewho opposed him; rumours spread of how villagerswho criticised Gandhiji found their housesmysteriously falling apart or their crops failing.

Known variously as “Gandhi baba”, “GandhiMaharaj”, or simply as “Mahatma”, Gandhiji appearedto the Indian peasant as a saviour, who would rescuethem from high taxes and oppressive officials andrestore dignity and autonomy to their lives. Gandhiji’sappeal among the poor, and peasants in particular,was enhanced by his ascetic lifestyle, and by hisshrewd use of symbols such as the dhoti and thecharkha. Mahatma Gandhi was by caste a merchant,and by profession a lawyer; but his simple lifestyleand love of working with his hands allowed him toempathise more fully with the labouring poor and forthem, in turn, to empathise with him. Where most

Source 2


The miraculous andthe unbelievable

contd


other politicians talked down to them, Gandhijiappeared not just to look like them, but tounderstand them and relate to their lives.

While Mahatma Gandhi’s mass appeal wasundoubtedly genuine – and in the context of Indianpolitics, without precedent – it must also be stressedthat his success in broadening the basis of nationalismwas based on careful organisation. New branches ofthe Congress were set up in various parts of India.A series of “Praja Mandals” were established to promotethe nationalist creed in the princely states. Gandhijiencouraged the communication of the nationalistmessage in the mother tongue, rather than in thelanguage of the rulers, English. Thus the provincialcommittees of the Congress were based on linguisticregions, rather than on the artificial boundaries ofBritish India. In these different ways nationalism wastaken to the farthest corners of the country andembraced by social groups previously untouched by it.

By now, among the supporters of the Congresswere some very prosperous businessmen andindustrialists. Indian entrepreneurs were quick torecognise that, in a free India, the favours enjoyedby their British competitors would come to an end.Some of these entrepreneurs, such as G.D. Birla,supported the national movement openly; others didso tacitly. Thus, among Gandhiji’s admirers wereboth poor peasants and rich industrialists, althoughthe reasons why peasants followed Gandhiji weresomewhat different from, and perhaps opposed to,the reasons of the industrialists.

While Mahatma Gandhi’s own role was vital, thegrowth of what we might call “Gandhian nationalism”also depended to a very substantial extent on hisfollowers. Between 1917 and 1922, a group of highlytalented Indians attached themselves to Gandhiji.They included Mahadev Desai, Vallabh Bhai Patel,J.B. Kripalani, Subhas Chandra Bose, Abul KalamAzad, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sarojini Naidu, GovindBallabh Pant and C. Rajagopalachari. Notably, theseclose associates of Gandhiji came from differentregions as well as different religious traditions. Inturn, they inspired countless other Indians to jointhe Congress and work for it.

Mahatma Gandhi was released from prison inFebruary 1924, and now chose to devote his attentionto the promotion of home-spun cloth (khadi ), and

There were rumoursthat those who opposedMahatma Gandhi invariablymet with some tragedy.

1. A gentleman fromGorakhpur city questionedthe need to ply the charkha.His house caught fire.

2. In Apri l 1921 somepeople were gambling in avillage of Uttar Pradesh.Someone told them to stop.Only one from amongst thegroup refused to stop andabused Gandhiji. The nextday his goat was bitten byfour of his own dogs.

3. In a village in Gorakhpur,the peasants resolved to giveup drinking l iquor. Oneperson did not keep hispromise. As soon as hestarted for the liquor shopbrickbats started to rain in hispath. When he spoke thename of Gandhiji the brick-bats stopped flying.

FROM SHAHID AMIN, “GANDHI AS

MAHATMA”, SUBALTERN STUDIES III,OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, DELHI.

You have read aboutrumours in Chapter 11 andseen that the circulation ofrumours tells us about thestructure of the belief of atime: they tell us about themind of the people whobelieve in the rumours andthe circumstances thatmake this belief possible.What do you think theserumours about Gandhijireflect?

Source 2 (contd)

355

the abolition of untouchability. For, Gandhiji was asmuch a social reformer as he was a politician. Hebelieved that in order to be worthy of freedom, Indianshad to get rid of social evils such as child marriageand untouchability. Indians of one faith had also tocultivate a genuine tolerance for Indians of another –hence his emphasis on Hindu-Muslim harmony.Meanwhile, on the economic front Indians had to learnto become self-reliant – hence his stress on thesignificance of wearing khadi rather than mill-madecloth imported from overseas.

3. The Salt SatyagrahaA Case Study

For several years after the Non-cooperation Movementended, Mahatma Gandhi focused on his social reformwork. In 1928, however, he began to think of re-enteringpolitics. That year there was an all-India campaign inopposition to the all-White Simon Commission, sentfrom England to enquire into conditions in the colony.Gandhiji did not himself participate in this movement,although he gave it his blessings, as he also did to apeasant satyagraha in Bardoli in the same year.

In the end of December 1929, the Congress held itsannual session in the city of Lahore. The meeting wassignificant for two things: the election of JawaharlalNehru as President, signifying the passing of the batonof leadership to the younger generation; and theproclamation of commitment to “Purna Swaraj”, orcomplete independence. Now the pace of politics pickedup once more. On 26 January 1930, “IndependenceDay” was observed, with the national flag being hoistedin different venues, and patriotic songs being sung.Gandhiji himself issued precise instructions as to howthe day should be observed. “It would be good,” hesaid, “if the declaration [of Independence] is made bywhole villages, whole cities even ... It would be well ifall the meetings were held at the identical minute inall the places.”

Gandhiji suggested that the time of the meeting beadvertised in the traditional way, by the beating ofdrums. The celebrations would begin with the hoistingof the national flag. The rest of the day would be spent“in doing some constructive work, whether it is spinning,or service of ‘untouchables’, or reunion of Hindus andMussalmans, or prohibition work, or even all these


Discuss...What was Non-cooperation?Find out about the varietyof ways in which differentsocial groups participatedin the movement.


together, which is not impossible”. Participants wouldtake a pledge affirming that it was “the inalienable rightof the Indian people, as of any other people, to havefreedom and to enjoy the fruits of their toil”, and that “ifany government deprives a people of these rights andoppresses them, the people have a further right to alterit or abolish it”.

3.1 DandiSoon after the observance of this “Independence Day”,Mahatma Gandhi announced that he would lead amarch to break one of the most widely disliked laws inBritish India, which gave the state a monopoly in themanufacture and sale of salt. His picking on the saltmonopoly was another illustration of Gandhiji’s tacticalwisdom. For in every Indian household, salt wasindispensable; yet people were forbidden from makingsalt even for domestic use, compelling them to buy itfrom shops at a high price. The state monopoly oversalt was deeply unpopular; by making it his target,Gandhiji hoped to mobilise a wider discontent againstBritish rule.Fig. 13.6

On the Dandi March,March 1930

357

Where most Indians understood thesignificance of Gandhiji’s challenge,the British Raj apparently did not.Although Gandhiji had given advancenotice of his “Salt March” to theViceroy Lord Irwin, Irwin failed to graspthe significance of the action. On 12March 1930, Gandhiji began walkingfrom his ashram at Sabarmati towardsthe ocean. He reached his destinationthree weeks later, making a fistful ofsalt as he did and thereby makinghimself a criminal in the eyes of thelaw. Meanwhile, parallel salt marcheswere being conducted in other parts ofthe country.

Source 3

Fig. 13.7Satyagrahis picking up natural salt at the endof the Dandi March, 6 April 1930


Why the Salt Satyagraha?

Why was salt the symbol of protest? This is what Mahatma Gandhi wrote:

The volume of information being gained daily shows how wickedly the salt tax hasbeen designed. In order to prevent the use of salt that has not paid the tax which is attimes even fourteen times its value, the Government destroys the salt it cannot sellprofitably. Thus it taxes the nation’s vital necessity; it prevents the public frommanufacturing it and destroys what nature manufactures without effort. No adjectiveis strong enough for characterising this wicked dog-in-the-manger policy. Fromvarious sources I hear tales of such wanton destruction of the nation’s property in allparts of India. Maunds if not tons of salt are said to be destroyed on the Konkan coast.The same tale comes from Dandi. Wherever there is likelihood of natural salt beingtaken away by the people living in the neighbourhood of such areas for their personaluse, salt officers are posted for the sole purpose of carrying on destruction. Thusvaluable national property is destroyed at national expense and salt taken out of themouths of the people.

The salt monopoly is thus a fourfold curse. It deprives the people of a valuable easyvillage industry, involves wanton destruction of property that nature produces inabundance, the destruction itself means more national expenditure, and fourthly, tocrown this folly, an unheard-of tax of more than 1,000 per cent is exacted from astarving people.

This tax has remained so long because of the apathy of the general public. Now thatit is sufficiently roused, the tax has to go. How soon it will be abolished depends uponthe strength the people.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI (CWMG), VOL. 49

Why was salt destroyed by the colonial government? Why did Mahatma Gandhiconsider the salt tax more oppressive than other taxes?


As with Non-cooperation, apart from the officiallysanctioned nationalist campaign, there were numerousother streams of protest. Across large parts of India,peasants breached the hated colonial forest laws that keptthem and their cattle out of the woods in which they hadonce roamed freely. In some towns, factory workers wenton strike while lawyers boycotted British courts andstudents refused to attend government-run educationalinstitutions. As in 1920-22, now too Gandhiji’s call hadencouraged Indians of all classes to make manifest theirown discontent with colonial rule. The rulers respondedby detaining the dissenters. In the wake of the Salt March,nearly 60,000 Indians were arrested, among them, ofcourse, Gandhiji himself.

The progress of Gandhiji’s march to the seashore canbe traced from the secret reports filed by the police officialsdeputed to monitor his movements. These reproduce thespeeches he gave at the villages en route, in which hecalled upon local officials to renounce governmentemployment and join the freedom struggle. In one village,

“Tomorrow we shall break the salt tax law”

On 5 April 1930, Mahatma Gandhi spoke at Dandi:

When I left Sabarmati with my companions for this seaside hamlet of Dandi, Iwas not certain in my mind that we would be allowed to reach this place. Evenwhile I was at Sabarmati there was a rumour that I might be arrested. I hadthought that the Government might perhaps let my party come as far as Dandi,but not me certainly. If someone says that this betrays imperfect faith on mypart, I shall not deny the charge. That I have reached here is in no small measuredue to the power of peace and non-violence: that power is universally felt. TheGovernment may, if it wishes, congratulate itself on acting as it has done, for itcould have arrested every one of us. In saying that it did not have the courageto arrest this army of peace, we praise it. It felt ashamed to arrest such an army.He is a civilised man who feels ashamed to do anything which his neighbourswould disapprove. The Government deserves to be congratulated on notarresting us, even if it desisted only from fear of world opinion.

Tomorrow we shall break the salt tax law. Whether the Government will toleratethat is a different question. It may not tolerate it, but it deserves congratulations onthe patience and forbearance it has displayed in regard to this party. …

What if I and all the eminent leaders in Gujarat and in the rest of the countryare arrested? This movement is based on the faith that when a whole nation isroused and on the march no leader is necessary.

CWMG, VOL. 49

Source 4

What does thespeech tell us abouthow Gandhiji saw thecolonial state?

359

Wasna, Gandhiji told the upper castes that “if you areout for Swaraj you must serve untouchables. You won’tget Swaraj merely by the repeal of the salt taxes orother taxes. For Swaraj you must make amends for thewrongs which you did to the untouchables. For Swaraj,Hindus, Muslims, Parsis and Sikhs will have to unite.These are the steps towards Swaraj.” The police spiesreported that Gandhiji’s meetings were very wellattended, by villagers of all castes, and by women aswell as men. They observed that thousands of volunteerswere flocking to the nationalist cause. Among themwere many officials, who had resigned from their postswith the colonial government. Writing to thegovernment, the District Superintendent of Policeremarked, “Mr Gandhi appeared calm and collected.He is gathering more strength as he proceeds.”

The progress of the Salt March can also be tracedfrom another source: the American newsmagazine,Time. This, to begin with, scorned at Gandhiji’s looks,writing with disdain of his “spindly frame” and his“spidery loins”. Thus in its first report on the march,Time was deeply sceptical of the Salt March reachingits destination. It claimed that Gandhiji “sank tothe ground” at the end of the second day’s walking;the magazine did not believe that “the emaciatedsaint would be physically able to go much further”.But within a week it had changed its mind. Themassive popular following that the march hadgarnered, wrote T ime, had made the British rulers“desperately anxious”. Gandhiji himself they now

Fig. 13.8After Mahatma Gandhi’srelease from prison in January1931, Congress leaders met atAllahabad to plan the futurecourse of action.You can see (from right to left)Jawaharlal Nehru, JamnalalBajaj, Subhas Chandra Bose,Gandhiji, Mahadev Desai(in front), Sardar VallabhBhai Patel.



saluted as a “Saint” and “Statesman”, who was using“Christian acts as a weapon against men withChristian beliefs”.

3.2 DialoguesThe Salt March was notable for at least three reasons.First, it was this event that first brought MahatmaGandhi to world attention. The march was widely coveredby the European and American press. Second, it wasthe first nationalist activity in which womenparticipated in large numbers. The socialist activistKamaladevi Chattopadhyay had persuaded Gandhiji notto restrict the protests to men alone. Kamaladevi washerself one of numerous women who courted arrest bybreaking the salt or liquor laws. Third, and perhapsmost significant, it was the Salt March which forcedupon the British the realisation that their Raj wouldnot last forever, and that they would have to devolvesome power to the Indians.

To that end, the British government convened a seriesof “Round Table Conferences” in London. The first meetingwas held in November 1930, but without the pre-eminentpolitical leader in India, thus rendering it an exercise infutility. Gandhiji was released from jail in January 1931and the following month had several long meetings withthe Viceroy. These culminated in what was calledthe “Gandhi-Irwin Pact’, by the terms of which civildisobedience would be called off, all prisoners released,and salt manufacture allowed along the coast. The pactwas criticised by radical nationalists, for Gandhiji wasunable to obtain from the Viceroy a commitment topolitical independence for Indians; he could obtain merelyan assurance of talks towards that possible end.

A second Round Table Conference was held in Londonin the latter part of 1931. Here, Gandhiji represented theCongress. However, his claims that his party representedall of India came under challenge from three parties:from the Muslim League, which claimed to stand for theinterests of the Muslim minority; from the Princes, whoclaimed that the Congress had no stake in their territories;and from the brilliant lawyer and thinker B.R. Ambedkar,who argued that Gandhiji and the Congress did not reallyrepresent the lowest castes.

The Conference in London was inconclusive, soGandhiji returned to India and resumed civildisobedience. The new Viceroy, Lord Willingdon, wasdeeply unsympathetic to the Indian leader. In a private

The problem withseparate electorates

At the Round TableConference Mahatma Gandhistated his arguments againstseparate electorates forthe Depressed Classes:

Separate electoratesto the “Untouchables”will ensure thembondage in perpetuity… Do you want the“Untouchables” toremain “Untouchables”for ever? Well, theseparate electorateswould perpetuatethe stigma. What isneeded is destructionof “Untouchability”,and when you havedone i t , the bar-s inis ter, which hasbeen imposed by aninsolent “superior”class upon an “inferior”class will be destroyed.When you havedestroyed the bar-sinister to whom willyou give the separateelectorates?

Source 5

361

letter to his sister, Willingdon wrote: “It’s a beautifulworld if it wasn’t for Gandhi ... At the bottom ofevery move he makes which he always says isinspired by God, one discovers the politicalmanouevre. I see the American Press is saying whata wonderful man he is ... But the fact is that welive in the midst of very unpractical, mystical, andsuperstitious folk who look upon Gandhi assomething holy, ...”

In 1935, however, a new Government of India Actpromised some form of representative government.Two years later, in an election held on the basisof a restricted franchise, the Congress won acomprehensive victory. Now eight out of 11 provinceshad a Congress “Prime Minister”, working under thesupervision of a British Governor.

In September 1939, two years after the Congressministries assumed office, the Second World Warbroke out. Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehruhad both been strongly critical of Hitler and theNazis. Accordingly, they promised Congress supportto the war effort if the British, in return, promisedto grant India independence once hostilities ended.

Ambedkar on separateelectorates

Fig. 13.9At the Second Round Table Conference, London, November 1931Mahatma Gandhi opposed the demand for separateelectorates for “lower castes”. He believed that this wouldprevent their integration into mainstream society andpermanently segregate them from other caste Hindus.

In response to MahatmaGandhi’s opposit ion to thedemand for separate electoratesfor the Depressed Classes,Ambedkar wrote:

Here is a class which isundoubtedly not in aposition to sustain itself inthe struggle for existence.The religion, to which theyare tied, instead of providingthem an honourable place,brands them as lepers, notfit for ordinary intercourse.Economically, it is a classentirely dependent uponthe high-caste Hindus forearning its daily bread withno independent way of livingopen to it. Nor are all waysclosed by reason of the socialprejudices of the Hindus butthere is a definite attemptal l through our HinduSociety to bolt every possibledoor so as not to allow theDepressed Classes anyopportunity to rise in thescale of life.

In these circumstances, itwould be granted by all fair-minded persons that as theonly path for a communityso handicapped to succeedin the struggle for life againstorganised tyranny, someshare of political power inorder that it may protect itselfis a paramount necessity …

FROM DR BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR,“WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI

HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES”,WRITINGS AND SPEECHES, VOL. 9, P. 312

Source 6MAHATMA GANDHI AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT


The offer was refused. In protest, the Congressministries resigned in October 1939. Through 1940and 1941, the Congress organised a series ofindividual satyagrahas to pressure the rulers topromise freedom once the war had ended.

Meanwhile, in March 1940, the Muslim Leaguepassed a resolution committing itself to the creationof a separate nation called “Pakistan”. The politicallandscape was now complicated: it was no longerIndians versus the British; rather, it had become athree-way struggle between the Congress, the MuslimLeague, and the British. At this time Britain had anall-party government, whose Labour members weresympathetic to Indian aspirations, but whoseConservative Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, wasa diehard imperialist who insisted that he had notbeen appointed the King’s First Minister in order topreside over the liquidation of the British Empire.In the spring of 1942, Churchill was persuaded tosend one of his ministers, Sir Stafford Cripps, toIndia to try and forge a compromise with Gandhijiand the Congress. Talks broke down, however, afterthe Congress insisted that if it was to help the Britishdefend India from the Axis powers, then the Viceroyhad first to appoint an Indian as the Defence Memberof his Executive Council.

Fig. 13.11Mahatma Gandhi with StaffordCripps, March 1942

Fig. 13.10Mahatma Gandhi and RajendraPrasad on their way to a meetingwith the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow,13 October 1939In the meeting the nature ofIndia’s involvement in the Warwas discussed. When negotiationswith the Viceroy broke down, theCongress ministries resigned.

Discuss...Read Sources 5 and 6. Write an imaginary dialoguebetween Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi on theissue of separate electorates for the Depressed Classes.

363

4. Quit IndiaAfter the failure of the Cripps Mission, MahatmaGandhi decided to launch his third major movementagainst British rule. This was the “Quit India”campaign, which began in August 1942. AlthoughGandhiji was jailed at once, younger activistsorganised strikes and acts of sabotage all over thecountry. Particularly active in the undergroundresistance were socialist members of the Congress,such as Jayaprakash Narayan. In several districts,such as Satara in the west and Medinipur in theeast, “independent” governments were proclaimed.The British responded with much force, yet it tookmore than a year to suppress the rebellion.

“Quit India” was genuinely a mass movement,bringing into its ambit hundreds of thousands ofordinary Indians. It especially energised the youngwho, in very large numbers, left their colleges to goto jail. However, while the Congress leaderslanguished in jail, Jinnah and his colleagues in theMuslim League worked patiently at expanding theirinfluence. It was in these years that the League beganto make a mark in the Punjab and Sind, provinceswhere it had previously had scarcely any presence.

In June 1944, with the end of the war in sight,Gandhiji was released from prison. Later that year

Satara, 1943

Fig. 13.12Women’s procession inBombay during theQuit India Movement


From the late nineteenthcentury, a non-Brahmanmovement, which opposed thecaste system and landlordism,had developed in Maharashtra.This movement establishedlinks with the nationalmovement by the 1930s.

In 1943, some of theyounger leaders in the Sataradistrict of Maharashtra set upa parallel government ( pratisarkar), with volunteer corps(seba dals) and vi l lageunits (tufan dals ). They ranpeople’s courts and organisedconstructive work. Dominatedby kunbi peasants andsupported by dalits, the Sataraprati sarkar functioned tillthe elections of 1946, despitegovernment repression and,in the later stages, Congressdisapproval.


he held a series of meetings with Jinnah, seeking tobridge the gap between the Congress and the League.In 1945, a Labour government came to power inBritain and committed itself to grantingindependence to India. Meanwhile, back in India,the Viceroy, Lord Wavell, brought the Congress andthe League together for a series of talks.

Early in 1946 fresh elections were held to theprovincial legislatures. The Congress swept the“General” category, but in the seats specificallyreserved for Muslims the League won anoverwhelming majority. The political polarisationwas complete. A Cabinet Mission sent in the summerof 1946 failed to get the Congress and the League toagree on a federal system that would keep Indiatogether while allowing the provinces a degree ofautonomy. After the talks broke down, Jinnahcalled for a “Direct Action Day” to press the League’sdemand for Pakistan. On the designated day,16 August 1946, bloody riots broke out in Calcutta.The violence spread to rural Bengal, then to Bihar,and then across the country to the United Provincesand the Punjab. In some places, Muslims were themain sufferers, in other places, Hindus.

In February 1947, Wavell was replaced asViceroy by Lord Mountbatten. Mountbatten calledonelast round of talks, but when these too

proved inconclusive heannounced that BritishIndia would be freed, butalso divided. The formaltransfer of power wasfixed for 15 August.When that day came, itwas celebrated withgusto in different parts ofIndia. In Delhi, therewas “prolonged applause”when the President of theConstituent Assemblybegan the meeting byinvoking the Father ofthe Nation – MohandasKaramchand Gandhi.Outside the Assembly,the crowds shouted“Mahatma Gandhi ki jai”.

Fig. 13.13Mahatma Gandhi conferring withJawaharlal Nehru (on his right) andSardar Vallabh Bhai Patel (on his left)Nehru and Patel represented twodistinct political tendencies withinthe Congress – the socialist andthe conservative. MahatmaGandhi had to often mediatebetween these groups.

365

5. The Last Heroic DaysAs it happened, Mahatma Gandhi was not present atthe festivities in the capital on 15 August 1947. Hewas in Calcutta, but he did not attend any function orhoist a flag there either. Gandhiji marked the day witha 24-hour fast. The freedom he had struggled so longfor had come at an unacceptable price, with a nationdivided and Hindus and Muslims at each other’s throats.

Through September and October, writes hisbiographer D.G. Tendulkar, Gandhiji “went roundhospitals and refugee camps giving consolation todistressed people”. He “appealed to the Sikhs, theHindus and the Muslims to forget the past and notto dwell on their sufferings but to extend the righthand of fellowship to each other, and to determineto live in peace ...”

At the initiative of Gandhiji and Nehru, the Congressnow passed a resolution on “the rights of minorities”.The party had never accepted the “two-nation theory”:forced against its will to accept Partition, it still believedthat “India is a land of many religions and many races,and must remain so”. Whatever be the situation inPakistan, India would be “a democratic secular Statewhere all citizens enjoy full rights and are equallyentitled to the protection of the State, irrespective ofthe religion to which they belong”. The Congress wishedto “assure the minorities in India that it will continueto protect, to the best of its ability, their citizen rightsagainst aggression”.

Many scholars have written of the months afterIndependence as being Gandhiji’s “finest hour”. Afterworking to bring peace to Bengal,Gandhiji now shifted to Delhi, fromwhere he hoped to move on to the riot-torn districts of Punjab. While in thecapital, his meetings were disruptedby refugees who objected to readingsfrom the Koran, or shouted slogansasking why he did not speak of thesufferings of those Hindus and Sikhsstill living in Pakistan. In fact, asD.G. Tendulkar writes, Gandhiji “wasequally concerned with the sufferingsof the minority community inPakistan. He would have liked to beable to go to their succour. But with

Fig. 13.14On the way to a riot-tornvillage,1947



what face could he now go there, when he could notguarantee full redress to the Muslims in Delhi?”

There was an attempt on Gandhiji’s life on20 January 1948, but he carried on undaunted.On 26 January, he spoke at his prayer meeting ofhow that day had been celebrated in the past asIndependence Day. Now freedom had come, but itsfirst few months had been deeply disillusioning.However, he trusted that “the worst is over”, thatIndians would henceforth work collectively for the“equality of all classes and creeds, never thedomination and superiority of the major communityover a minor, however insignificant it may be innumbers or influence”. He also permitted himselfthe hope “that though geographically and politicallyIndia is divided into two, at heart we shall ever befriends and brothers helping and respecting oneanother and be one for the outside world”.

Gandhiji had fought a lifelong battle for a freeand united India; and yet, when the country wasdivided, he urged that the two parts respect andbefriend one another.

Other Indians were less forgiving. At his dailyprayer meeting on the evening of 30 January,Gandhiji was shot dead by a young man. Theassassin, who surrendered afterwards, was aBrahmin from Pune named Nathuram Godse, theeditor of an extremist Hindu newspaper who haddenounced Gandhiji as “an appeaser of Muslims”.

Gandhiji’s death led to an extraordinaryoutpouring of grief, with rich tributes being paid tohim from across the political spectrum in India,and moving appreciations coming from suchinternational figures as George Orwell and AlbertEinstein. Time magazine, which had once mockedGandhiji’s physical size and seemingly non-rationalideas, now compared his martyrdom to that ofAbraham Lincoln: it was a bigoted American whohad killed Lincoln for believing that human beingswere equal regardless of their race or skin colour;and it was a bigoted Hindu who had killed Gandhijifor believing that friendship was possible, indeednecessary, between Indians of different faiths. Inthis respect, as Time wrote, “The world knew that ithad, in a sense too deep, too simple for the world tounderstand, connived at his (Gandhiji’s) death as ithad connived at Lincoln’s.”

Fig. 13.15The death of the Mahatma,a popular printIn popular representations,Mahatma Gandhi was deified,and shown as the unifying forcewithin the national movement.Here you can see JawaharlalNehru and Sardar Patel,representing two strands withinthe Congress, standing on twosides of Gandhiji’s pyre. Blessingthem both from a heavenly realm,is Mahatma Gandhi, at the centre.

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6. Knowing GandhiThere are many different kinds of sources from which we canreconstruct the political career of Gandhiji and the history ofthe nationalist movement.

6.1 Public voice and private scriptsOne important source is the writings and speeches of MahatmaGandhi and his contemporaries, including both his associatesand his political adversaries. Within these writings we needto distinguish between those that were meant for the publicand those that were not. Speeches, for instance, allow us tohear the public voice of an individual, while private lettersgive us a glimpse of his or her private thoughts. In letters wesee people expressing their anger and pain, their dismay andanxiety, their hopes and frustrations in ways in which theymay not express themselves in public statements. But we mustremember that this private-public distinction often breaksdown. Many letters are written to individuals, and are thereforepersonal, but they are also meant for the public. The languageof the letters is often shaped by the awareness that they mayone day be published. Conversely, the fear that a letter mayget into print often prevents people from expressing theiropinion freely in personal letters. Mahatma Gandhi regularlypublished in his journal, Harijan, letters that others wrote tohim. Nehru edited a collection of letters written to him duringthe national movement and published A Bunch of Old Letters.

Source 7


One event through letters

In the 1920s, Jawaharlal Nehru was increasingly influenced by socialism, and he returnedfrom Europe in 1928 deeply impressed with the Soviet Union. As he began workingclosely with the socialists (Jayaprakash Narayan, Narendra Dev, N.G. Ranga and others),a rift developed between the socialists and the conservatives within the Congress. Afterbecoming the Congress President in 1936, Nehru spoke passionately against fascism,and upheld the demands of workers and peasants.

Worried by Nehru’s socialist rhetoric, the conservatives, led by Rajendra Prasad andSardar Patel, threatened to resign from the Working Committee, and some prominentindustrialists in Bombay issued a statement attacking Nehru. Both Prasad and Nehru turnedto Mahatma Gandhi and met him at his ashram at Wardha. The latter acted as the mediator,as he often did, restraining Nehru’s radicalism and persuading Prasad and others to see thesignificance of Nehru’s leadership.

In A Bunch of Old Letters, 1958, Nehru reprinted many of the letters that were exchangedat the time.

Read the extracts in the following pages.


My Dear Bapu,

I arrived here last night. Ever since I left Wardha I have been feeling weak in body and troubled in mind.… Since my return from Europe, I found that meetings of the Working Committee exhaust me

greatly; they have a devitalising effect on me and I have almost the feeling of being older in years afterevery fresh experience …

I am grateful to you for all the trouble you took in smoothing over matters and in helping toavoid a crisis.

I read again Rajendra Babu’s letter to me (the second one) and his formidable indictment of me ...For however tenderly the fact may be stated, it amounts to this that I am an intolerable nuisance and

the very qualities I possess – a measure of ability, energy, earnestness, some personality which has avague appeal – become dangerous for they are harnessed to the wrong chariot (socialism). Theconclusion from all this is obvious.

I have written at length, both in my book and subsequently, about my present ideas. There is no lackof material for me to be judged. Those views are not casual. They are part of me, and though I mightchange them or vary them in future, so long as I hold them I must give expression to them. Because Iattached importance to a larger unity I tried to express them in the mildest way possible and more as aninvitation to thought than as fixed conclusions. I saw no conflict in this approach and in anythingthat the Congress was doing. So far as the elections were concerned I felt that my approach was adefinite asset to us as it enthused the masses. But my approach, mild and vague as it was, is considereddangerous and harmful by my colleagues. I was even told that my laying stress always on thepoverty and unemployment in India was unwise, or at any rate the way I did it was wrong …

You told me that you intended issuing some kind of a statement. I shall welcome this for I believe inevery viewpoint being placed before the country.

Yours affectionatelyJawaharlal

Allahabad, July 5, 1936

My dear Jawaharlalji,

Since we parted yesterday we have had a long conversation with Mahatmaji and a prolonged consultationamong ourselves. We understand that you have felt much hurt by the course of action taken by us andparticularly the tone of our letter has caused you much pain. It was never our intention either to embarrassyou or to hurt you and if you had suggested or indictated that it hurt you we would have without theleast hesitation amended or altered the letter. But we have decided to withdraw it and our resignationon a reconsideration of the whole situation.

We have felt that in all your utterances as published in the Press you have been speaking not so muchon the general Congress programme as on a topic which has not been accepted by the Congress and indoing so you have been acting more as the mouthpiece of the minority of our colleagues on the WorkingCommittee as also on the Congress than the mouthpiece of the majority which we expected you asCongress President to do.

There is regular continuous campaign against us treating us as persons whose time is over, whorepresent and stand for ideas that are worn out and that have no present value, who are only obstructingthe progress of the country and who deserve to be cast out of the positions which they undeservedlyhold … we have felt that a great injustice has been and is being done to us by others, and we are notreceiving the protection we are entitled from you as our colleague and as our President …

Yours sincerelyRajendra Prasad

Source 7 (contd)

Wardha, July 1, 1936

From A Bunch of Old Letters

369

Dear Jawaharlal,

Your letter is touching. You feel the most injured party. The fact is that your colleagues havelacked your courage and frankness. The result has been disastrous. I have always pleadedwith them to speak to you freely and fearlessly. But having lacked the courage, whenever theyhave spoken they have done it clumsily and you have felt irritated. I tell you they have dreadedyou, because of your irritability and impatience with them. They have chafed under yourrebukes and magisterial manner and above all your arrogation of what has appeared to themyour infallibility and superior knowledge. They feel you have treated them with scant courtesyand never defended them from socialist ridicule and even misrepresentation.

I have looked at the whole affair as a tragi-comedy. I would therefore like you to look atthe whole thing in a lighter vein.

I suggested your name for the crown of thorns (Presidentship of the Congress). Keep iton, though the head be bruised. Resume your humour at the committee meetings. That is yourmost usual role, not that of care-worn, irritable man ready to burst on the slightest occasion.

How I wish you could telegraph me that on finishing my letter you felt as merry as youwere on that new year’s day in Lahore when you were reported to have danced around thetricolour flag.

You must give your throat a chance.LoveBapu

Segaon, July 15, 1936

(a) What do the letters tell usabout the way Congress idealsdeveloped over time?(b) What do they reveal about therole of Mahatma Gandhi withinthe national movement?(c) Do such letters give us anyspecial insight into the working ofthe Congress, and into the natureof the national movement?


Source 7 (contd)


6.2 Framing a pictureAutobiographies similarly give us an account of thepast that is often rich in human detail. But hereagain we have to be careful of the way we read andinterpret autobiographies. We need to remember thatthey are retrospective accounts written very oftenfrom memory. They tell us what the author couldrecollect, what he or she saw as important, or waskeen on recounting, or how a person wanted hisor her life to be viewed by others. Writing anautobiography is a way of framing a picture ofyourself. So in reading these accounts we have totry and see what the author does not tell us; weneed to understand the reasons for that silence –those wilful or unwitting acts of forgetting.

6.3 Through police eyesAnother vital source is government records, for thecolonial rulers kept close tabs on those they regardedas critical of the government. The letters and reportswritten by policemen and other officials were secretat the time; but now can be accessed in archives.

Let us look at one such source: the fortnightlyreports that were prepared by the Home Departmentfrom the early twentieth century. These reports werebased on police information from the localities,but often expressed what the higher officials saw,or wanted to believe. While noticing the possibilityof sedition and rebellion, they liked to assurethemselves that these fears were unwarranted.

If you see the FortnightlyReports for the period ofthe Salt March you willnotice that the HomeDepartment was unwillingto accept that MahatmaGandhi’s actions hadevoked any enthusiasticresponse from the masses.The march was seen asa drama, an antic, adesperate effort tomobilise people who wereunwilling to rise againstthe British and were busywith their daily schedules,happy under the Raj.

Fig. 13.16Police clash with Congressvolunteers in Bombay during theCivil Disobedience Movement.

Can you see any conflictbetween this image and whatwas reported in the FortnightlyReports of the police?

371

FOR THE FIRST HALF OF MARCH 1930

The rapid political developments in Gujarat arebeing closely watched here. To what extent andin what directions they will affect politicalcondition in this province, it is difficult to surmiseat present. The peasantry is for the momentengaged in harvesting a good rabi; students arepre-occupied with their impending examinations.

Central Provinces and BerarThe arrest of Mr. Vallabh Bhai Patel caused littleexcitement, except in Congress circles, but ameeting organised by the Nagpur NagarCongress Committee to congratulate Gandhi onthe start of his march was attended by a crowdof over 3000 people at Nagpur.

BengalThe outstanding event of the past fortnight hasbeen the start of Gandhi’s campaign of civildisobedience. Mr. J.M. Sengupta has formed anAll-Bengal Civil Disobedience Council, and theBengal Provincial Congress Committee hasformed an All Bengal Council of Disobedience.But beyond forming councils no active steps haveyet been taken in the matter of civil disobediencein Bengal.

The reports from the districts show that themeetings that have been held excite little or nointerest and leave no profound impression onthe general population. It is noticeable, however,that ladies are attending these meetings inincreasing numbers.

Bihar and Orissa

There is still little to report regarding Congressactivity. There is a good deal of talk about acampaign to withhold payment of the chaukidaritax, but no area has yet been selected forexperiment. The arrest of Gandhi is being

foretold freely but it seems quite possiblethat nonfulfilment of the forecast isupsetting plans.

MadrasThe opening of Gandhi’s civil disobediencecampaign has completely overshadowed allother issues. General opinion inclines toregard his march as theatrical and hisprogramme as impracticable, but as he isheld in such personal reverence by the Hindupublic generally, the possibility of arrestwhich he seems deliberately to be courtingand its effect on the political situation areviewed with considerable misgiving.

The 12th of March was celebrated as theday of inaugurating the civil disobediencecampaign. In Bombay the celebrations tookthe form of saluting the national flag inthe morning.

BombayPress Kesari indulged in offensive languageand in its usual attitude of blowing hot andcold wrote: “If the Government wants totest the power of Satyagraha, both its actionand inaction will cause injury to it. If itarrests Gandhi it will incur the discontentof the nation; if it does not do that, themovement of civil disobedience will go onspreading. We therefore say that if theGovernment punishes Mr. Gandhi the nationwill have won a victory, and if it lets himalone it will have won a still greater victory.”

On the other hand the moderate paperVividh Vritt pointed out the futility of themovement and opined that it could notachieve the end in view. It, however,reminded the government that repressionwould defeat its purpose.


Source 8

contd

Fortnightly Reports of the Home Department(Confidential)


FOR THE SECOND HALF OF MARCH 1930

BengalInterest has continued to centre round Gandhi’smarch to the sea and the arrangements whichhe is making to initiate a campaign of civildisobedience. The extremist papers report hisdoings and speeches at great length and make agreat display of the various meetings that arebeing held throughout Bengal and the resolutionspassed thereat. But there is little enthusiasmfor the form of civil disobedience favoured byGandhi …

Generally people are waiting to see whathappens to Gandhi and the probability is that ifany action is taken against him, a spark will beset to much inflammable material in Bengal. Butthe prospect of any serious conflagration is atpresent slight.

Central Provinces and BerarIn Nagpur these meetings were well attendedand most of the schools and colleges weredeserted on the 12th March to mark theinauguration of Gandhi’s march.

The boycott of l iquor shops and theinfringement of forest laws appear to be themost probable line of attack.

PunjabIt seems not improbable that organised attemptswill be made to break the Salt Law in theJhelum district; that the agitation relating to thenon-payment of the water-tax in Multan willbe revived; and that some movement inconnection with the National Flag will be startedprobably at Gujranwala.

United ProvincesPolitical activity has undoubtedly intensifiedduring the last fortnight. The Congress party feelsthat it must do something spectacular to sustainpublic interest. Enrolment of volunteers,propaganda in villages, preparations for breaking

the salt laws on receipt of Mr. Gandhi’s orders arereported from a number of districts.

FOR THE FIRST HALF OF APRIL 1930

United ProvincesEvents have moved rapidly during the fortnight.Apart from political meetings, processions andthe enrolment of volunteers, the Salt Act hasbeen openly defied at Agra, Cawnpore, Benaras,Allahabad, Lucknow, Meerut, Rae Bareli,Farukhabad, Etawah, Ballia and Mainpuri.

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru was arrested at Cheoki railwaystation early on the morning of April 14 as he wasproceeding to the Central Provinces to attend ameeting of Youth League. He was at once takendirect to Naini Central Jail, where he was triedand sentenced to six months simple imprisonment.

Bihar and OrissaThere have been, or are now materialising,spectacular, but small-scale, attempts at illicitsalt manufacture in a few places …

Central ProvincesIn Jubbalpore Seth Govinddass has attemptedto manufacture chemical salt at a cost many timesin excess of the market price of clean salt.

MadrasConsiderable opposition was shown atVizagapatam to the Police when they attemptedto seize salt made by boiling sea water, butelsewhere resistance to the seizure of illicit salthas been half hearted.

BengalIn the mufassal efforts have been made tomanufacture illicit salt, the main operationareas being the districts of 24-Parganas andMidnapore.

Very little salt has actually been manufacturedand most of it has been confiscated and theutensils in which it was manufactured destroyed.

Source 8 (contd)

373

6.4 From newspapersOne more important source is contemporarynewspapers, published in English as wellas in the different Indian languages, whichtracked Mahatma Gandhi’s movements andreported on his activities, and also representedwhat ordinary Indians thought of him.Newspaper accounts, however, should not beseen as unprejudiced. They were published bypeople who had their own political opinionsand world views. These ideas shaped what waspublished and the way events were reported.The accounts that were published in a Londonnewspaper would be different from the reportin an Indian nationalist paper.

We need to look at these reports but shouldbe careful while interpreting them. Everystatement made in these cannot be acceptedliterally as representing what was happeningon the ground. They often reflect the fears andanxieties of officials who were unable to controla movement and were anxious about itsspread. They did not know whether to arrestMahatma Gandhi or what an arrest wouldmean. The more the colonial state kept a watchon the public and its activities, the more itworried about the basis of its rule.

Read the Fortnightly Reports carefully. Remember they are extracts fromconfidential reports of the colonial Home Department. These reports did not alwaysaccept what the police reported from different localities.

(1) How do you think the nature of the source affects what is being said in thesereports? Write a short note illustrating your argument with quotations from theabove text.

(2) Why do you think the Home Department was continuously reporting on whatpeople thought about the possibility of Mahatma Gandhi’s arrest? Reread whatGandhiji said about the question of arrests in his speech on 5 April 1930 at Dandi.

(3) Why do you think Mahatma Gandhi was not arrested?

(4) Why do you think the Home Department continued to say that the march was notevoking any response?

Fig. 13.17Pictures like this reveal how MahatmaGandhi was perceived by people andrepresented in popular printsWithin the tree of nationalism, MahatmaGandhi appears as the looming centralfigure surrounded by small images ofother leaders and sages.



Timeline

1915 Mahatma Gandhi returns from South Africa

1917 Champaran movement

1918 Peasant movements in Kheda (Gujarat), and workers’ movementin Ahmedabad

1919 Rowlatt Satyagraha (March-April)

1919 Jallianwala Bagh massacre (April)

1921 Non-cooperation and Khilafat Movements

1928 Peasant movement in Bardoli

1929 “Purna Swaraj” accepted as Congress goal at the LahoreCongress (December)

1930 Civil Disobedience Movement begins; Dandi March (March-April)

1931 Gandhi-Irwin Pact (March); Second Round Table Conference(December)

1935 Government of India Act promises some form of representativegovernment

1939 Congress ministries resign

1942 Quit India Movement begins (August)

1946 Mahatma Gandhi visits Noakhali and other riot-torn areas to stopcommunal violence

1. How did Mahatma Gandhi seek to identify with thecommon people?

2. How was Mahatma Gandhi perceived by the peasants?

3. Why did the salt laws become an important issue ofstruggle?

4. Why are newspapers an important source for the studyof the national movement?

5. Why was the charkha chosen as a symbol ofnationalism?

ANSWER IN 100-150 WORDS

375


Sekhar Bandyopadhyay. 2004.From Plassey to Partition:A History of Modern India.Orient Longman, New Delhi.

Sarvepalli Gopal. 1975.Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography,Volume I, 1889-1947.Oxford University Press, Delhi.

David Hardiman. 2003.Gandhi in His Time and Ours.Permanent Black, New Delhi.

Gyanendra Pandey. 1978.The Ascendancy of theCongress in Uttar Pradesh.1926-34.Oxford University Press, Delhi.

Sumit Sarkar. 1983.Modern India, 1885-1947.Macmillan, New Delhi.

6. How was non-cooperation a form of protest?

7. Why were the dialogues at the Round TableConference inconclusive?

8. In what way did Mahatma Gandhi transform thenature of the national movement?

9. What do private letters and autobiographies tellus about an individual? How are these sourcesdifferent from official accounts?

11. Read any two autobiographies of nationalistleaders. Look at the different ways in which theauthors represent their own life and times, andinterpret the national movement. See how theirviews differ. Write an account based on yourstudies.

12. Choose any event that took place during thenational movement. Try and read the letters andspeeches of the leaders of the time. Some of theseare now published. He could be a local leader fromthe region where you live. Try and see how thelocal leaders viewed the activities of the nationalleadership at the top. Write about the movementbased on your reading.



Map work


You could visit:http:/www.gandhiserve.org/cwmg/cwmg.html(for Collected Works of MahatmaGandhi)

10. Find out about the route of the Dandi March. Ona map of Gujarat plot the line of the march andmark the major towns and villages that it passedalong the route.


We know that the joy of our country’s independence fromcolonial rule in 1947 was tarnished by the violence andbrutality of Partition. The Partition of British India into thesovereign states of India and Pakistan (with its western andeastern wings) led to many sudden developments. Thousandsof lives were snuffed out, many others changed dramatically,cities changed, India changed, a new country was born, andthere was unprecedented genocidal violence and migration.

This chapter will examine the history of Partition: why andhow it happened as well as the harrowing experiences ofordinary people during the period 1946-50 and beyond. It will

Understanding PartitionPolitics, Memories, ExperiencesPolitics, Memories, ExperiencesPolitics, Memories, ExperiencesPolitics, Memories, ExperiencesPolitics, Memories, Experiences

Fig. 14.1Partition uprooted millions, transforming them into refugees, forcing them to beginlife from scratch in new lands.

THEME

FOURTEEN

377

also discuss how the history of theseexperiences can be reconstructed by talking topeople and interviewing them, that is, throughthe use of oral history. At the same time, it willpoint out the strengths and limitations of oralhistory. Interviews can tell us about certainaspects of a society’s past of which we may knowvery little or nothing from other types of sources.But they may not reveal very much about manymatters whose history we would then need tobuild from other materials. We will return tothis issue towards the end of the chapter.

1. Some Partition ExperiencesHere are three incidents narrated by people whoexperienced those trying times to a researcherin 1993. The informants were Pakistanis, theresearcher Indian. The job of this researcher wasto understand how those who had lived more orless harmoniously for generations inflicted somuch violence on each other in 1947.

“I am simply returning my father’s karz, his debt”

This is what the researcher recorded:

During my visits to the History Department Library of PunjabUniversity, Lahore, in the winter of 1992, the librarian, Abdul Latif, apious middle-aged man, would help me a lot. He would go out of hisway, well beyond the call of duty, to provide me with relevant material,meticulously keeping photocopies requested by me ready before myarrival the following morning. I found his attitude to my work soextraordinary that one day I could not help asking him, “Latif Sahib,why do you go out of your way to help me so much?” Latif Sahibglanced at his watch, grabbed his namazi topi and said, “I must go fornamaz right now but I will answer your question on my return.”Stepping into his office half an hour later, he continued:

“Yes, your question. I … I mean, my father belonged to Jammu, toa small village in Jammu district. This was a Hindu-dominated villageand Hindu ruffians of the area massacred the hamlet’s Muslimpopulation in August 1947. One late afternoon, when the Hindumob had been at its furious worst, my father discovered he wasperhaps the only Muslim youth of the village left alive. He had alreadylost his entire family in the butchery and was looking for ways of

Source 1

Fig. 14.2Photographs give us a glimpse ofthe violence of that time.

UNDERSTANDING PARTITION


escaping. Remembering a kind, elderly Hindu lady, a neighbour, he imploredher to save him by offering him shelter at her place. The lady agreed to helpfather but said, ‘Son, if you hide here, they will get both of us. This is of nouse. You follow me to the spot where they have piled up the dead. You liedown there as if dead and I will dump a few dead-bodies on you. Lie thereamong the dead, son, as if dead through the night and run for your lifetowards Sialkot at the break of dawn tomorrow.’

“My father agreed to the proposal. Off they went to that spot, father lay onthe ground and the old lady dumped a number of bodies on him. An houror so later a group of armed Hindu hoodlums appeared. One of them yelled,‘Any life left in anybody?’ and the others started, with their crude staffs andguns, to feel for any trace of life in that heap. Somebody shouted, ‘There isa wrist watch on that body!’ and hit my father’s fingers with the butt of hisrifle. Father used to tell us how difficult it was for him to keep his outstretchedpalm, beneath the watch he was wearing, so utterly still. Somehow hesucceeded for a few seconds until one of them said ‘Oh, it’s only a watch.Come let us leave, it is getting dark.’ Fortunately, for Abbaji, they left and myfather lay there in that wretchedness the whole night, literally running for his lifeat the first hint of light. He did not stop until he reached Sialkot.

“I help you because that Hindu mai helped my father. I am simply returningmy father’s karz, his debt.”

“But I am not a Hindu,” I said. “Mine is a Sikh family, at best a mixed Hindu-Sikh one.”

“I do not know what your religion is with any surety. You do not wearuncut hair and you are not a Muslim. So, for me you are a Hindu and I do mylittle bit for you because a Hindu mai saved my father.”

“For quite a few years now, I have notmet a Punjabi Musalman”

The researcher’s second story is about the manager of a youth hostel in Lahore.

I had gone to the hostel looking for accommodation and had promptlydeclared my citizenship. “You are Indian, so I cannot allot you a room but Ican offer you tea and a story,” said the Manager. I couldn’t have refused sucha tempting offer. “In the early 1950s I was posted at Delhi,” the Manager began.I was all ears:

“I was working as a clerk at the Pakistani High Commission there and Ihad been asked by a Lahori friend to deliver a rukka (a short handwrittennote) to his erstwhile neighbour who now resided at Paharganj in Delhi.One day I rode out on my bicycle towards Paharganj and just as I crossedthe cathedral at the Central Secretariat, spotting a Sikh cyclist I asked himin Punjabi, ‘Sardarji, the way to Paharganj, please?’

Source 2

379

(1) What do each of thesesources show about theattitudes of the men whowere talking with each other?

(2) What do you think thesestories reveal about thedifferent memories that peoplecarried about Partition?

(3) How did the men identifythemselves and one another?

Discuss...Assess the value of suchstories in writing aboutPartition.

‘Are you a refugee?’ he asked.‘No, I come from Lahore. I am Iqbal Ahmed.’‘Iqbal Ahmed … from Lahore? Stop!’“That ‘Stop!’ sounded like a brute order to me and I instantly

thought now I’ll be gone. This Sikh will finish me off. But there wasno escaping the situation, so I stopped. The burly Sikh came runningto me and gave me a mighty hug. Eyes moist, he said, ‘For quite afew years now, I have not met a Punjabi Musalman. I have beenlonging to meet one but you cannot f ind Punjabi-speakingMusalmans here.’”

Source 3

“No, no! You can never be ours”

This is the third story the researcher related:

I still vividly remember a man I met in Lahore in 1992.He mistook me to be a Pakistani studying abroad. Forsome reason he liked me. He urged me to return homeafter completing my studies to serve the qaum (nation).I told him I shall do so but, at some stage in theconversation, I added that my citizenship happens tobe Indian. All of a sudden his tone changed, and muchas he was restraining himself, he blurted out,

“Oh Indian! I had thought you were Pakistani.”I tried my best to impress upon him that I always seemyself as South Asian. “No, no! You can never be ours.Your people wiped out my entire village in 1947, weare sworn enemies and shall always remain so.”

Fig. 14.3Over 10 million peoplewere uprooted fromtheir homelands andforced to migrate.



2. A Momentous Marker2.1 Partition or holocaust?The narratives just presented point to the pervasiveviolence that characterised Partition. Severalhundred thousand people were killed andinnumerable women raped and abducted. Millionswere uprooted, transformed into refugees in alienlands. It is impossible to arrive at any accurateestimate of casualties: informed and scholarlyguesses vary from 200,000 to 500,000 people. In allprobability, some 15 million had to move acrosshastily constructed frontiers separating Indiaand Pakistan. As they stumbled across these“shadow lines” – the boundaries between the twonew states were not officially known until two daysafter formal independence – they were renderedhomeless, having suddenly lost all their immovableproperty and most of their movable assets, separatedfrom many of their relatives and friends as well,torn asunder from their moorings, from their houses,fields and fortunes, from their childhood memories.Thus stripped of their local or regional cultures, theywere forced to begin picking up their life from scratch.

Fig. 14.4On carts with families andbelongings, 1947

381

Was this simply a partition, a more or less orderlyconstitutional arrangement, an agreed-upon divisionof territories and assets? Or should it be called a sixteen-month civil war, recognising that there were well-organised forces on both sides and concerted attemptsto wipe out entire populations as enemies? The survivorsthemselves have often spoken of 1947 through otherwords: “maashal-la” (martial law), “mara-mari’ (killings),and “raula”, or “hullar” (disturbance, tumult, uproar).Speaking of the killings, rape, arson, and loot thatconstituted Partition, contemporary observers andscholars have sometimes used the expression“holocaust” as well, primarily meaning destruction orslaughter on a mass scale.

Is this usage appropriate?You would have read about the German Holocaust

under the Nazis in Class IX. The term “holocaust” in asense captures the gravity of what happened in thesubcontinent in 1947, something that the mild term“partition” hides. It also helps to focus on why Partition,like the Holocaust in Germany, is remembered andreferred to in our contemporary concerns so much. Yet,differences between the two events should not beoverlooked. In 1947-48, the subcontinent did not witnessany state-driven extermination as was the case withNazi Germany where various modern techniques ofcontrol and organisation had been used. The “ethniccleansing” that characterised the partition of India wascarried out by self-styled representatives of religiouscommunities rather than by state agencies.

2.2 The power of stereotypesIndia-haters in Pakistan and Pakistan-haters in Indiaare both products of Partition. At times, some peoplemistakenly believe that the loyalties of Indian Muslimslie with Pakistan. The stereotype of extra-territorial,pan-Islamic loyalties comes fused with other highlyobjectionable ideas: Muslims are cruel, bigoted,unclean, descendants of invaders, while Hindus arekind, liberal, pure, children of the invaded. Thejournalist R.M. Murphy has shown that similarstereotypes proliferate in Pakistan. According to him,some Pakistanis feel that Muslims are fair, brave,monotheists and meat-eaters, while Hindus are dark,cowardly, polytheists and vegetarian. Some of thesestereotypes pre-date Partition but there is no



doubt that they were immensely strengthenedbecause of 1947. Every myth in these constructionshas been systematically critiqued by historians. Butin both countries voices of hatred do not mellow.

Partition generated memories, hatreds,stereotypes and identities that still continue to shapethe history of people on both sides of the border.These hatreds have manifested themselves duringinter-community conflicts, and communal clashesin turn have kept alive the memories of past violence.Stories of Partition violence are recounted bycommunal groups to deepen the divide betweencommunities: creating in people’s minds feelingsof suspicion and distrust, consolidating the powerof communal stereotypes, creating the deeplyproblematic notion that Hindus, Sikhs and Muslimsare communities with sharply defined boundaries,and fundamentally opposed interests.

The relationship between Pakistan and India hasbeen profoundly shaped by this legacy of Partition.Perceptions of communities on both sides have beenstructured by the conflicting memories of thosemomentous times.

Discuss...Recall some stories ofPartition you may have heard.Think of the way these haveshaped your conception aboutdifferent communities.Try and imagine how the samestories would be narrated bydifferent communities.

Fig. 14.5People took with them only whatthey could physically carry.Uprooting meant an immense senseof loss, a rupture with the placethey had lived in for generations.

383

3. Why and How Did PartitionHappen?

3.1 Culminating point of a long history?Some historians, both Indian and Pakistani, suggestthat Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s theory that the Hindusand Muslims in colonial India constituted twoseparate nations can be projected back into medievalhistory. They emphasise that the events of 1947were intimately connected to the long history ofHindu-Muslim conflict throughout medieval andmodern times. Such an argument does not recognisethat the history of conflict between communities hascoexisted with a long history of sharing, and ofmutual cultural exchange. It also does not take intoaccount the changing circumstances that shapepeople’s thinking.

Some scholars see Partition as a culmination ofa communal politics that started developing in theopening decades of the twentieth century. Theysuggest that separate electorates for Muslims,created by the colonial government in 1909 andexpanded in 1919, crucially shaped the nature ofcommunal politics. Separate electorates meant thatMuslims could now elect their own representatives indesignated constituencies. This created a temptationfor politicians working within this system to usesectarian slogans and gather a following by distributingfavours to their own religious groups. Religiousidentities thus acquired a functional use within amodern political system; and the logic of electoralpolitics deepened and hardened these identities.Community identities no longer indicated simpledifference in faith and belief; they came to mean activeopposition and hostility between communities.However, while separate electorates did have aprofound impact on Indian politics, we should becareful not to over-emphasise their significance or tosee Partition as a logical outcome of their working.

Communal identities were consolidated by a hostof other developments in the early twentieth century.During the 1920s and early 1930s tension grewaround a number of issues. Muslims were angeredby “music-before-mosque”, by the cow protectionmovement, and by the efforts of the Arya Samajto bring back to the Hindu fold (shuddhi ) thosewho had recently converted to Islam. Hindus were

The Lucknow PactThe Lucknow Pact of December1916 was an understandingbetween the Congress and theMuslim League (controlled bythe UP-based “Young Party”)whereby the Congress acceptedseparate electorates. Thepact provided a joint politicalplatform for the Moderates,Extremists and the MuslimLeague.

Arya SamajA North Indian Hindu reformorganisation of the latenineteenth and early twentiethcenturies, particularly activein the Punjab, which soughtto revive Vedic learningand combine it with moderneducation in the sciences.


Music-before-mosque : Theplaying of music by a religiousprocession outside a mosqueat the time of namaz could leadto Hindu-Muslim violence.Orthodox Muslims saw this asan interference in their peacefulcommunion with God.


angered by the rapid spread of tabligh (propaganda)and tanzim (organisation) after 1923. As middle classpublicists and communal activists sought to buildgreater solidarity within their communities, mobilisingpeople against the other community, riots spread indifferent parts of the country. Every communal riotdeepened differences between communities, creatingdisturbing memories of violence.

Yet it would be incorrect to see Partition as theoutcome of a simple unfolding of communal tensions.As the protagonist of Garm Hawa, a film on Partition,puts it, “Communal discord happened even before1947 but it had never led to the uprooting of millionsfrom their homes” Partition was a qualitativelydifferent phenomenon from earlier communal politics,and to understand it we need to look carefully at theevents of the last decade of British rule.

What is communalism?There are many aspects to our identity. You are a girl or a boy, all of you are youngpersons, you belong to a certain village, city, district or state and speak certainlanguages. You are Indians but you are also world citizens. Income levels differfrom family to family, hence all of us belong to some social class or the other. Mostof us have a religion, and caste may play an important role in our lives. In otherwords, our identities have numerous features, they are complex. There are times,however, when people attach greater significance to certain chosen aspects oftheir identity such as religion. This in itself cannot be described as communal.

Communalism refers to a politics that seeks to unify one community around areligious identity in hostile opposition to another community. It seeks to define thiscommunity identity as fundamental and fixed. It attempts to consolidate this identityand present it as natural – as if people were born into the identity, as if the identitiesdo not evolve through history over time. In order to unify the community,communalism suppresses distinctions within the community and emphasises theessential unity of the community against other communities.

One could say communalism nurtures a politics of hatred for an identified “other”–“Hindus” in the case of Muslim communalism, and “Muslims” in the case of Hinducommunalism. This hatred feeds a politics of violence.

Communalism, then, is a particular kind of politicisation of religious identity, anideology that seeks to promote conflict between religious communities. In thecontext of a multi-religious country, the phrase “religious nationalism” can cometo acquire a similar meaning. In such a country, any attempt to see a religiouscommunity as a nation would mean sowing the seeds of antagonism against someother religion/s. M.A. Jinnah saw the Muslims of British India as a nation and desiredthat they obtain a nation-state for themselves.

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3.2 The provincial elections of 1937 andthe Congress ministries

In 1937, elections to the provincial legislatures wereheld for the first time. Only about 10 to 12 per centof the population enjoyed the right to vote. TheCongress did well in the elections, winning anabsolute majority in five out of eleven provinces andforming governments in seven of them. It did badlyin the constituencies reserved for Muslims, but theMuslim League also fared poorly, polling only 4.4per cent of the total Muslim vote cast in this election.The League failed to win a single seat in the NorthWest Frontier Province (NWFP) and could captureonly two out of 84 reserved constituencies in thePunjab and three out of 33 in Sind.

In the United Provinces, the Muslim Leaguewanted to form a joint government with the Congress.The Congress had won an absolute majority in theprovince, so it rejected the offer. Some scholars arguethat this rejection convinced the League that if Indiaremained united, then Muslims would find it difficultto gain political power because they would remain aminority. The League assumed, of course, that onlya Muslim party could represent Muslim interests,and that the Congress was essentially a Hindu party.But Jinnah’s insistence that the League berecognised as the “sole spokesman” of Muslims couldconvince few at the time. Though popular in theUnited Provinces, Bombay and Madras, socialsupport for the League was still fairly weak in threeof the provinces from which Pakistan was to be carvedout just ten years later – Bengal, the NWFP and thePunjab. Even in Sind it failed to form a government.It was from this point onwards that the Leaguedoubled its efforts at expanding its social support.

The Congress ministries also contributed to thewidening rift. In the United Provinces, the party hadrejected the Muslim League proposal for a coalitiongovernment partly because the League tended tosupport landlordism, which the Congress wishedto abolish, although the party had not yet taken anyconcrete steps in that direction. Nor did the Congressachieve any substantial gains in the “Muslim masscontact” programme it launched. In the end, thesecular and radical rhetoric of the Congress merelyalarmed conservative Muslims and the Muslim landedelite, without winning over the Muslim masses.

The Muslim LeagueInitially floated in Dhaka in1906, the Muslim Leaguewas quickly taken over bythe U.P.-based Muslim elite.The party began to makedemands for autonomy forthe Muslim-majority areas ofthe subcontinent and/orPakistan in the 1940s.

Hindu MahasabhaFounded in 1915, the HinduMahasabha was a Hindu partythat remained confined to NorthIndia. It aimed to unite Hindusociety by encouraging theHindus to transcend the divisionsof caste and sect. It soughtto define Hindu identity inopposition to Muslim identity.



Moreover, while the leading Congress leaders inthe late 1930s insisted more than ever before onthe need for secularism, these ideas were by nomeans universally shared lower down in the partyhierarchy, or even by all Congress ministers.Maulana Azad, an important Congress leader,pointed out in 1937 that members of the Congresswere not allowed to join the League, yetCongressmen were active in the Hindu Mahasabha–at least in the Central Provinces (present-dayMadhya Pradesh). Only in December 1938 did theCongress Working Committee declare that Congressmembers could not be members of the Mahasabha.Incidentally, this was also the period when theHindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya SwayamsevakSangh (RSS) were gaining strength. The latterspread from its Nagpur base to the United Provinces,the Punjab, and other parts of the country in the1930s. By 1940, the RSS had over 100,000 trainedand highly disciplined cadres pledged to an ideologyof Hindu nationalism, convinced that India was aland of the Hindus.

3.3 The “Pakistan” ResolutionThe Pakistan demand was formalised gradually.On 23 March 1940, the League moved a resolutiondemanding a measure of autonomy for the Muslim-majority areas of the subcontinent. This ambiguousresolution never mentioned partition or Pakistan.In fact Sikandar Hayat Khan, Punjab Premier andleader of the Unionist Party, who had drafted theresolution, declared in a Punjab assembly speechon 1 March 1941 that he was opposed to a Pakistanthat would mean “Muslim Raj here and Hindu Rajelsewhere ... If Pakistan means unalloyed MuslimRaj in the Punjab then I will have nothing to do withit.” He reiterated his plea for a loose (united),confederation with considerable autonomy for theconfederating units.

The origins of the Pakistan demand have alsobeen traced back to the Urdu poet Mohammad Iqbal,the writer of “Sare Jahan Se Achha HindustanHamara”. In his presidential address to the MuslimLeague in 1930, the poet spoke of a need for a “North-West Indian Muslim state”. Iqbal, however, was notvisualising the emergence of a new country in thatspeech but a reorganisation of Muslim-majority

Confederation – in modernpolitical language it refers to aunion of fairly autonomous andsovereign states with a centralgovernment with delimitedpowers

The name “Pakistan”The name Pakistan or Pak-stan(from Punjab, Afghan, Kashmir,S ind and Baluchistan) wascoined by a Punjabi Muslimstudent at Cambridge, ChoudhryRehmat Ali, who, in pamphletswritten in 1933 and 1935,desired a separate nationalstatus for this new entity. No onetook Rehmat Ali seriously inthe 1930s, least of all the Leagueand other Muslim leaders whodismissed his idea merely as astudent’s dream.

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areas in north-western India into an autonomousunit within a single, loosely structured Indianfederation.

3.4 The suddenness of PartitionWe have seen that the League itself was vagueabout its demand in 1940. There was a very shorttime – just seven years – between the first formalarticulation of the demand for a measure of autonomyfor the Muslim-majority areas of the subcontinentand Partition. No one knew what the creation ofPakistan meant, and how it might shape people’slives in the future. Many who migrated from theirhomelands in 1947 thought they would return assoon as peace prevailed again.

Initially even Muslim leaders did not seriouslyraise the demand for Pakistan as a sovereign state.In the beginning Jinnah himself may have seenthe Pakistan idea as a bargaining counter, usefulfor blocking possible British concessions to theCongress and gaining additional favours for theMuslims. The pressure of the Second World War onthe British delayed negotiations for independencefor some time. Nonetheless, it was the massive QuitIndia Movement which started in 1942, and persisteddespite intense repression, that brought the BritishRaj to its knees and compelled its officials to open adialogue with Indian parties regarding a possibletransfer of power.

3.5 Post-War developmentsWhen negotiations were begun again in l945, theBritish agreed to create an entirely Indian centralExecutive Council, except for the Viceroy and theCommander-in-Chief of the armed forces, as apreliminary step towards full independence.Discussions about the transfer of power broke downdue to Jinnah’s unrelenting demand that the Leaguehad an absolute right to choose all the Muslimmembers of the Executive Council and that thereshould be a kind of communal veto in the Council,with decisions opposed by Muslims needing a two-thirds majority. Given the existing political situation,the League’s first demand was quite extraordinary,for a large section of the nationalist Muslimssupported the Congress (its delegation for thesediscussions was headed by Maulana Azad), and inWest Punjab members of the Unionist Party were

The Muslim Leagueresolution of 1940

The League’s resolution of1940 demanded:

that geographically contiguousunits are demarcated intoregions, which should beso constituted, with suchterritorial readjustments asmay be necessary, that theareas in which the Muslims arenumerically in a majority asin the north-western andeastern zones of India shouldbe grouped to constitute“Independent States”, in whichthe constituent units shallbe autonomous and sovereign.

What was the Leaguedemanding? Was itdemanding Pakistan aswe know it today?

Source 4



largely Muslims. The British had no intention ofannoying the Unionists who still controlled thePunjab government and had been consistently loyalto the British.

Provincial elections were again held in 1946. TheCongress swept the general constituencies, capturing91.3 per cent of the non-Muslim vote. The League’ssuccess in the seats reserved for Muslims was equallyspectacular: it won all 30 reserved constituencies inthe Centre with 86.6 per cent of the Muslim vote and442 out of 509 seats in the provinces. Only as late as1946, therefore, did the League establish itself as thedominant party among Muslim voters, seeking tovindicate its claim to be the “sole spokesman” ofIndia’s Muslims. You will, however, recall that thefranchise was extremely limited. About 10 to 12 percent of the population enjoyed the right to vote in theprovincial elections and a mere one per cent in theelections for the Central Assembly.

Fig. 14.6Mahatma Gandhi with MohammadAli Jinnah before a meeting with theViceroy in November 1939

Unionist PartyA political party representingthe interests of landholders –Hindu, Muslim and Sikh – inthe Punjab. The party wasparticularly powerful duringthe period 1923-47.

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3.6 A possible alternative to PartitionIn March 1946 the British Cabinet sent a three-member mission to Delhi to examine the League’sdemand and to suggest a suitable political frameworkfor a free India. The Cabinet Mission toured thecountry for three months and recommended a loosethree-tier confederation. India was to remain united.It was to have a weak central government controllingonly foreign affairs, defence and communicationswith the existing provincial assemblies beinggrouped into three sections while electing theconstituent assembly: Section A for the Hindu-majority provinces, and Sections B and C for theMuslim-majority provinces of the north-west and thenorth-east (including Assam) respectively. Thesections or groups of provinces would comprisevarious regional units. They would have thepower to set up intermediate-level executives andlegislatures of their own.

Initially all the major parties accepted this plan.But the agreement was short-lived because it wasbased on mutually opposed interpretations of theplan. The League wanted the grouping to becompulsory, with Sections B and C developing intostrong entities with the right to secede from theUnion in the future. The Congress wanted thatprovinces be given the right to join a group. It wasnot satisfied with the Mission’s clarification thatgrouping would be compulsory at first, but provinceswould have the right to optout after the constitution hadbeen finalised and newelections held in accordancewith it. Ultimately, therefore,neither the League nor theCongress agreed to the CabinetMission’s proposal. This wasa most crucial juncture,because after this partitionbecame more or less inevitable,with most of the Congressleaders agreeing to it, seeingit as tragic but unavoidable.Only Mahatma Gandhi andKhan Abdul Ghaffar Khan ofthe NWFP continued to firmlyoppose the idea of partition.

Secede means to withdrawformally from an associationor organisation.

Fig. 14.7Mahatma Gandhi in the NWFP,October 1938 with Khan AbdulGhaffar Khan (who came to beknown as Frontier Gandhi),Sushila Nayar and Amtus Salem



“A voice in the wilderness”

Mahatma Gandhi knew that his was “a voice in thewilderness” but he nevertheless continued to oppose theidea of Partition:

But what a tragic change we see today. I wish the daymay come again when Hindus and Muslims will donothing without mutual consultation. I am day and nighttormented by the question what I can do to hasten thecoming of that day. I appeal to the League not to regardany Indian as its enemy … Hindus and Muslims are bornof the same soil. They have the same blood, eat the samefood, drink the same water and speak the same language.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING, 7 SEPTEMBER 1946,CWMG, VOL. 92, P.139

But I am firmly convinced that the Pakistan demand asput forward by the Muslim League is un-Islamic and Ihave not hesitated to call it sinful. Islam stands for theunity and brotherhood of mankind, not for disruptingthe oneness of the human family. Therefore, those whowant to divide India into possible warring groups areenemies alike of Islam and India. They may cut me topieces but they cannot make me subscribe to somethingwhich I consider to be wrong.

HARIJAN, 26 SEPTEMBER 1946, CWMG, VOL. 92, P.229

Source 5

Map 1The Cabinet Mission proposal for anIndian federation with three sections

Muslim-majority areas of 1941

Hindu-majority areas of 1941

Princely states not specificallyprovided for in the proposal


What are the argumentsthat Mahatma Gandhi offers inopposing the idea of Pakistan?

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3.7 Towards PartitionAfter withdrawing its support to the Cabinet Missionplan, the Muslim League decided on “Direct Action”for winning its Pakistan demand. It announced16 August 1946 as “Direct Action Day”. On this day,riots broke out in Calcutta, lasting several days andleaving several thousand people dead. By March 1947violence spread to many parts of northern India.

It was in March 1947 that the Congress highcommand voted for dividing the Punjab into twohalves, one with Muslim majority and the otherwith Hindu/Sikh majority; and it asked for theapplication of a similar principle to Bengal. By thistime, given the numbers game, many Sikh leadersand Congressmen in the Punjab were convinced thatPartition was a necessary evil, otherwise they wouldbe swamped by Muslim majorities and Muslimleaders would dictate terms. In Bengal too a sectionof bhadralok Bengali Hindus, who wanted politicalpower to remain with them, began to fear the“permanent tutelage of Muslims” (as one of theirleaders put it). Since they were in a numericalminority, they felt that only a division of theprovince could ensure their political dominance.

Discuss...It is evident from a readingof section 3 that a number offactors led to Partition. Whichof these do you think were themost important and why?

Fig. 14.8Rioters armed with iron rods andlathis on the streets of Calcutta,August 1946



4. The Withdrawal of Law andOrder

The bloodbath continued for about a year fromMarch 1947 onwards. One main reason for thiswas the collapse of the institutions of governance.Penderel Moon, an administrator serving inBahawalpur (in present-day Pakistan) at the time,noted how the police failed to fire even a singleshot when arson and killings were taking place inAmritsar in March 1947.

Amritsar district became the scene of bloodshedlater in the year when there was a completebreakdown of authority in the city. British officialsdid not know how to handle the situation: they wereunwilling to take decisions, and hesitant tointervene. When panic-stricken people appealed forhelp, British officials asked them to contactMahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabh BhaiPatel or M.A. Jinnah. Nobody knew who couldexercise authority and power. The top leadership ofthe Indian parties, barring Mahatma Gandhi, wereinvolved in negotiations regarding independencewhile many Indian civil servants in the affectedprovinces feared for their own lives and property.The British were busy preparing to quit India.

Problems were compounded because Indiansoldiers and policemen came to act as Hindus,Muslims or Sikhs. As communal tension mounted,

“Without a shotbeing fired”

This is what Moon wrote:

For over twenty-fourhours riotous mobs wereallowed to rage throughthis great commercialcity unchallenged andunchecked. The f inestbazaars were burnt to theground without a shotbeing f ired to dispersethe incendiaries (i.e. thosewho stirred up conflict). The… Distr ict Magistratemarched his (large police)force into the city andmarched it out againwithout making anyeffective use of it at all …

Fig. 14.9Through those blood-soaked monthsof 1946, violence and arson spread,killing thousands.

Source 6

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the professional commitment of those in uniformcould not be relied upon. In many places not onlydid policemen help their co-religionists but they alsoattacked members of other communities.

4.1 The one-man armyAmidst all this turmoil, one man’s valiant effortsat restoring communal harmony bore fruit. The77-year-old Gandhiji decided to stake his all in abid to vindicate his lifelong principle of non-violence,and his conviction that people’s hearts could bechanged. He moved from the villages of Noakhali inEast Bengal (present-day Bangladesh) to the villagesof Bihar and then to the riot-torn slums of Calcuttaand Delhi, in a heroic effort to stop Hindus andMuslims kill each other, careful everywhere toreassure the minority community. In October 1946,Muslims in East Bengal targeted Hindus. Gandhijivisited the area, toured the villages on foot, andpersuaded the local Muslims to guarantee the safetyof Hindus. Similarly, in other places such as Delhihe tried to build a spirit of mutual trust and

Fig. 14.10Villagers of Noakhali hope for aglimpse of Mahatma Gandhi



confidence between the twocommunities. A Delhi Muslim,Shahid Ahmad Dehlavi, compelledto flee to a dirty, overcrowdedcamp in Purana Qila, likenedGandhiji’s arrival in Delhi on9 September 1947 to “the arrivalof the rains after a particularlylong and harsh summer”. Dehlavirecalled in his memoir howMuslims said to one another:“Delhi will now be saved”.

On 28 November 1947, onthe occasion of Guru Nanak’sbirthday, when Gandhiji went toaddress a meeting of Sikhs at

Gurdwara Sisganj, he noticed that there was noMuslim on the Chandni Chowk road, the heart ofold Delhi. “What could be more shameful for us,”he asked during a speech that evening, “than thefact that not a single Muslim could be found inChandni Chowk?” Gandhiji continued to be in Delhi,fighting the mentality of those who wished to driveout every Muslim from the city, seeing them asPakistani. When he began a fast to bring about achange of heart, amazingly, many Hindu and Sikhmigrants fasted with him.

The effect of the fast was “electric”, wrote MaulanaAzad. People began realising the folly of the pogromthey had unleashed on the city’s Muslims but it wasonly Gandhiji’s martyrdom that finally ended thismacabre drama of violence. “The world veritablychanged,” many Delhi Muslims of the time recalled later.

5. Gendering Partition5.1 “Recovering” womenIn the last decade and a half, historians have beenexamining the experiences of ordinary people duringthe Partition. Scholars have written about theharrowing experiences of women in those violenttimes. Women were raped, abducted, sold, often manytimes over, forced to settle down to a new lifewith strangers in unknown circumstances. Deeplytraumatised by all that they had undergone, somebegan to develop new family bonds in their changed

Fig. 14.11Villagers of a riot-torn villageawaiting the arrival of MahatmaGandhi

Discuss...What did the British do tomaintain peace when theywere quitting India? Andwhat did Mahatma Gandhi doin those trying times?

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circumstances. But the Indian and Pakistanigovernments were insensitive to the complexities ofhuman relationships. Believing the women to be onthe wrong side of the border, they now tore themaway from their new relatives, and sent them backto their earlier families or locations. They did notconsult the concerned women, undermining theirright to take decisions regarding their own lives.According to one estimate, 30,000 women were“recovered” overall, 22,000 Muslim women in Indiaand 800 Hindu and Sikh women in Pakistan, in anoperation that ended as late as 1954.

What “recovering” women meant

Here is the experience of a couple, recounted by PrakashTandon in his Punjabi Century, an autobiographical socialhistory of colonial Punjab:

In one instance, a Sikh youth who had run amuckduring the Partition persuaded a massacring crowdto let him take away a young, beautiful Muslim girl.They got married, and slowly fell in love with eachother. Gradually memories of her parents, who hadbeen killed, and her former life faded. They werehappy together, and a little boy was born. Soon,however, social workers and the police, labouringassiduously to recover abducted women, began totrack down the couple. They made inquiries in theSikh’s home-district of Jalandhar; he got scent of itand the family ran away to Calcutta. The socialworkers reached Calcutta. Meanwhile, the couple’sfriends tried to obtain a stay-order from the courtbut the law was taking its ponderous course. FromCalcutta the couple escaped to some obscure Punjabvillage, hoping that the police would fail to shadowthem. But the police caught up with them and beganto question them. His wife was expecting again andnow nearing her time. The Sikh sent the little boy tohis mother and took his wife to a sugar-cane field. Hemade her as comfortable as he could in a pit while helay with a gun, waiting for the police, determined notto lose her while he was alive. In the pit he deliveredher with his own hands. The next day she ran highfever, and in three days she was dead. He had notdared to take her to the hospital. He was so afraid thesocial workers and the police would take her away.

Source 7

Fig. 14.12Women console each other as theyhear of the death of their familymembers.Males died in larger numbersin the violence of rioting.



5.2 Preserving “honour”Scholars have also shown how ideas of preservingcommunity honour came into play in this period ofextreme physical and psychological danger. This notionof honour drew upon a conception of masculinitydefined as ownership of zan (women) and zamin (land),a notion of considerable antiquity in North Indianpeasant societies. Virility, it was believed, lay in theability to protect your possessions – zan and zamin –from being appropriated by outsiders. And quitefrequently, conflict ensued over these two prime“possessions”. Often enough, women internalised thesame values.

At times, therefore, when the men feared that“their” women – wives, daughters, sisters – wouldbe violated by the “enemy”, they killed the womenthemselves. Urvashi Butalia in her book, The OtherSide of Silence, narrates one such gruesome incidentin the village of Thoa Khalsa, Rawalpindi district.During Partition, in this Sikh village, ninety womenare said to have “voluntarily” jumped into a wellrather than fall into “enemy” hands. The migrantrefugees from this village still commemorate theevent at a gurdwara in Delhi, referring to the deathsas martyrdom, not suicide. They believe that menat that time had to courageously accept the decisionof women, and in some cases even persuade thewomen to kill themselves. On 13 March every year,when their “martyrdom” is celebrated, the incidentis recounted to an audience of men, women andchildren. Women are exhorted to remember thesacrifice and bravery of their sisters and to castthemselves in the same mould.

For the community of survivors, the remembranceritual helps keep the memory alive. What such ritualsdo not seek to remember, however, are the stories ofall those who did not wish to die, and had to endtheir lives against their will.

Discuss...What ideas led to the death and suffering of somany innocent women during the Partition?Why did the Indian and Pakistani governmentsagree to exchange “their” women?Do you think they were right in doing so?

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6. Regional VariationsThe experiences of ordinary people we have beendiscussing so far relate to the north-western partof the subcontinent. What was the Partition like inBengal, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Central India and theDeccan? While carnages occurred in Calcutta andNoakhali in 1946, the Partition was most bloodyand destructive in the Punjab. The near -totaldisplacement of Hindus and Sikhs eastwards into Indiafrom West Punjab and of almost all Punjabi-speakingMuslims to Pakistan happened in a relatively shortperiod of two years between 1946 and 1948.

Many Muslim families of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,Madhya Pradesh and Hyderabad in Andhra Pradeshcontinued to migrate to Pakistan through the 1950sand early 1960s, although many chose to remain inIndia. Most of these Urdu-speaking people, known asmuhajirs (migrants) in Pakistan moved to the Karachi-Hyderabad region in Sind.

In Bengal the migration was even more protracted,with people moving across a porous border. This alsomeant that the Bengali division produced a process ofsuffering that may have been less concentrated butwas as agonising. Furthermore, unlike the Punjab, theexchange of population in Bengal was not near-total.Many Bengali Hindus remained in East Pakistan whilemany Bengali Muslims continued to live in West Bengal.Finally, Bengali Muslims (East Pakistanis) rejectedJinnah’s two-nation theory through political action,breaking away from Pakistan and creating Bangladeshin 1971-72. Religious unitycould not hold East andWest Pakistan together.

There is, however, a hugesimilarity between the Punjaband Bengal experiences. Inboth these states, women andgirls became prime targetsof persecution. Attackerstreated women’s bodies asterritory to be conquered.Dishonouring women ofa community was seen asdishonouring the communityitself, and a mode of takingrevenge.

Fig. 14.13Faces of despairA massive refugee camp wasset up in Purana Qila in 1947as migrants came pouring infrom different places.



Fiction, Poetry, FilmsAre you familiar with any short stories, novels, poems or filmsabout Partition? More often than not, Partition literature andfilms represent this cataclysmic event in more insightful waysthan do the works of historians. They seek to understand masssuffering and pain by focusing on an individual protagonist orsmall groups of ordinary people whose destinies were shapedby a big event over which they seemed to have no control.They record the anguish and the ambiguities of the times, theincomprehensible choices that many were confronted with.They register a sense of shock and bewilderment at the scaleand magnitude of the violence, at human debasement anddepravity. They also speak of hope and of the ways in whichpeople overcame adversity.

Saadat Hasan Manto, a particularly gifted Urdu short-storywriter, has this to say about his work:

For a long time I refused to accept the consequences ofthe revolution which was set off by the partition of thecountry. I still feel the same way; but I suppose, in the end,I came to accept this nightmarish reality without self-pityor despair. In the process I tried to retrieve from this man-made sea of blood, pearls of a rare hue, by writing aboutthe single-minded dedication with which men had killedmen, about the remorse felt by some of them, about thetears shed by murderers who could not understand whythey still had some human feelings left. All this and more, Iput in my book, Siyah Hashiye (Black Margins).

Partition literature and films exist in many languages, notablyin Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi, Sindhi, Bengali, Assamese andEnglish. You may want to read writers such as Manto,Rajinder Singh Bedi (Urdu), Intizar Husain (Urdu), BhishamSahni (Hindi), Kamaleshwar (Hindi), Rahi Masoom Raza(Hindi), Narain Bharati (Sindhi), Sant Singh Sikhon(Punjabi), Narendranath Mitra (Bengali), Syed Waliullah(Bengali), Lalithambika Antharjanam (Malayalam), AmitavGhosh (English) and Bapsi Sidhwa (English). Amrita Pritam,Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Dinesh Das have written memorablepoems on Partition in Punjabi, Urdu and Bengali respectively.You may also want to see films directed by Ritwik Ghatak(Meghe Dhaka Tara and Subarnarekha), M.S. Sathyu (GaramHawa), Govind Nihalani (Tamas ), and a play, Jis LahoreNahin Vekhya O Jamya-e-nai (He Who Has Not SeenLahore, Has Not Been Born) directed by Habib Tanvir.

Discuss...Was your state or anyneighbouring stateaffected by Partition?Find out how itaffected the lives ofmen and women inthe region and howthey coped with thesituation.

399

A small basket of grapes

This is what Khushdeva Singhwrites about his experienceduring one of his visits to Karachiin 1949:

My friends took me to aroom at the airport wherewe all sat down and talked… (and) had lunchtogether. I had to travelfrom Karachi to London …at 2.30 a.m. … At 5.00 p.m.… I told my friends that theyhad given me so generouslyof their time, I thought itwould be too much forthem to wait the wholenight and suggested theymust spare themselves thetrouble. But nobody leftuntil it was dinner time …Then they said they wereleaving and that I musthave a litt le rest beforeemplaning. … I got up atabout 1.45 a.m. and, whenI opened the door, I saw thatall of them were still there …They all accompanied meto the plane, and, beforeparting, presented me witha small basket of grapes. Ihad no words to expressmy gratitude for theoverwhelming affectionwith which I was treatedand the happiness thisstopover had given me.

7. Help, Humanity, HarmonyBuried under the debris of the violence and pain ofPartition is an enormous history of help, humanityand harmony. Many narratives such as Abdul Latif’spoignant testimony, with which we began, revealthis. Historians have discovered numerous storiesof how people helped each other during the Partitionperiod, stories of caring and sharing, of the openingof new opportunities, and of triumph over trauma.

Consider, for instance, the work of KhushdevaSingh, a Sikh doctor specialising in the treatmentof tuberculosis, posted at Dharampur in present-day Himachal Pradesh. Immersing himself in hiswork day and night, the doctor provided that rarehealing touch, food, shelter, love and security tonumerous migrants, Muslim, Sikh, Hindu alike. Theresidents of Dharampur developed the kind of faithand confidence in his humanity and generosity thatthe Delhi Muslims and others had in Gandhiji. Oneof them, Muhammad Umar, wrote to KhushdevaSingh: “With great humility I beg to state that I donot feel myself safe except under your protection.Therefore, in all kindness, be good enough to grantme a seat in your hospital.”

We know about the gruelling relief work of thisdoctor from a memoir he entitled Love is Strongerthan Hate: A Remembrance of 1947. Here, Singhdescribes his work as “humble efforts I made todischarge my duty as a human being to fellow humanbeings”. He speaks most warmly of two short visitsto Karachi in 1949. Old friends and those whom he

Source 8

Fig. 14.14The refugee camps everywhereoverflowed with people who needednot just food and shelter, but alsolove and compassion.



had helped at Dharampur spent a few memorablehours with him at Karachi airport. Six policeconstables, earlier acquaintances, walked him to theplane, saluting him as he entered it. “I acknowledged(the salute) with folded hands and tears in my eyes.”

8. Oral Testimonies and HistoryHave you taken note of the materials from which thehistory of Partition has been constructed in thischapter? Oral narratives, memoirs, diaries, familyhistories, first-hand written accounts – all these helpus understand the trials and tribulations of ordinarypeople during the partition of the country. Millionsof people viewed Partition in terms of the sufferingand the challenges of the times. For them, it was nomere constitutional division or just the party politicsof the Muslim League, Congress and others. For them,it meant the unexpected alterations in life as itunfolded between 1946 and 1950 and beyond,requiring psychological, emotional and socialadjustments. As with the Holocaust in Germany, weshould understand Partition not simply as a politicalevent, but also through the meanings attached to itby those who lived it. Memories and experiencesshape the reality of an event.

One of the strengths of personal reminiscence –one type of oral source – is that it helps us graspexperiences and memories in detail. It enableshistorians to write richly textured, vivid accountsof what happened to people during events such asPartition. It is impossible to extract this kind ofinformation from government documents. Thelatter deal with policy and party matters andvarious state-sponsored schemes. In the case ofPartition, government reports and files as well asthe personal writings of its high-level functionariesthrow ample light on negotiations between theBritish and the major political parties about thefuture of India or on the rehabilitation of refugees.They tell us little, however, about the day-to-dayexperiences of those affected by the government’sdecision to divide the country.

Oral history also allows historians to broaden theboundaries of their discipline by rescuing fromoblivion the lived experiences of the poor and thepowerless: those of, say, Abdul Latif’s father; thewomen of Thoa Khalsa; the refugee who retailed

Discuss...Find out more about ways inwhich people supported oneanother and saved livesduring Partition.

401

wheat at wholesale prices, eking out a paltry living byselling the gunny bags in which the wheat came; amiddle-class Bengali widow bent double over road-layingwork in Bihar; a Peshawari trader who thought it waswonderful to land a petty job in Cuttack upon migratingto India but asked: “Where is Cuttack, is it on the upperside of Hindustan or the lower; we haven’t quite heardof it before in Peshawar?”

Thus, moving beyond the actions of the well off andthe well known, the oral history of Partition hassucceeded in exploring the experiences of those menand women whose existence has hitherto been ignored,taken for granted, or mentioned only in passing inmainstream history. This is significant because thehistories that we read often regard the life and workof the mass of the people in the past as inaccessibleor unimportant.

Yet, many historians still remain sceptical of oralhistory. They dismiss it because oral data seem to lackconcreteness and the chronology they yield may beimprecise. Historians argue that the uniqueness ofpersonal experience makes generalisation difficult: a largepicture cannot be built from such micro-evidence, andone witness is no witness. They also think oral accountsare concerned with tangential issues, and that the smallindividual experiences which remain in memory areirrelevant to the unfolding of larger processes of history.

However, with regard to events such as the Partitionin India and the Holocaust in Germany, there is no dearthof testimony about the different forms of distress thatnumerous people faced. So, there is ample evidence tofigure out trends, to point out exceptions. By comparingstatements, oral or written, by corroborating whatthey yield with findings from other sources, and by beingvigilant about internal contradictions, historians canweigh the reliability of a given piece of evidence.Furthermore, if history has to accord presence to theordinary and powerless, then the oral history of Partitionis not concerned with tangential matters. Theexperiences it relates are central to the story, so muchso that oral sources should be used to check other sourcesand vice versa. Different types of sources have to betapped for answering different types of questions.Government reports, for instance, will tell us of thenumber of “recovered” women exchanged by the Indianand Pakistani states but it is the women who will tellus about their suffering.



We must realise, however, that oral data on Partition arenot automatically or easily available. They have to beobtained through interviews that need to combine empathywith tact. In this context, one of the first difficulties isthat protagonists may not want to talk about intenselypersonal experiences. Why, for instance, would a womanwho has been raped want to disclose her tragedy to atotal stranger? Interviewees have to often avoid enquiringinto personal traumas. They have to build considerablerapport with respondents before they can obtain in-depthand meaningful data. Then, there are problems of memory.What people remember or forget about an event when theyare interviewed a few decades later will depend in parton their experiences of the intervening years and on whathas happened to their communities and nations duringthose years. The oral historian faces the daunting task ofhaving to sift the “actual” experiences of Partition from aweb of “constructed” memories.

In the final analysis, many different kinds of sourcematerials have to be used to construct a comprehensiveaccount of Partition, so that we see it not only as anevent and process, but also understand the experiencesof those who lived through those traumatic times.

Fig. 14.15Not everyone could travel bycart, not everyone could walk...

403

timeline

1930 The Urdu poet Mohammad Iqbal speaks of the need for a“North-West Indian Muslim state” as an autonomous unitwithin a single, loose Indian federation

1933 The name Pakistan or Pak-stan is coined by a Punjabi Muslimstudent at Cambridge, Choudhry Rehmat Ali

1937-39 Congress ministries come to power in seven out of 11 provincesof British India

1940 The Muslim League moves a resolution at Lahore demanding ameasure of autonomy for the Muslim-majority areas

1946 Elections are held in the provinces. The Congress wins massivelyin the general constituencies. The League’s success in the Muslimseats is equally spectacular

March to June The British Cabinet sends a three-member Cabinet Missionto Delhi

August The Muslim League decides on “Direct Action” for winning Pakistan

16 August Violence breaks out between Hindus-Sikhs and Muslims in Calcutta,lasting several days and leaving several thousand people dead

March 1947 The Congress high command votes for dividing the Punjab intoMuslim-majority and Hindu/Sikh-majority halves and asks forthe application of a similar principle to Bengal; the Britishbegin to quit India

14-15 August Pakistan is formed; India gains independence. Mahatma Gandhi1947 tours Noakhali in East Bengal to restore communal harmony

1. What did the Muslim League demand through its resolutionof 1940?

2. Why did some people think of Partition as a very suddendevelopment?

3. How did ordinary people view Partition?

4. What were Mahatma Gandhi’s arguments against Partition?

5. Why is Partition viewed as an extremely significant markerin South Asian history?




6. Why was British India partitioned?

7. How did women experience Partition?

8. How did the Congress come to change its viewson Partition?

9. Examine the strengths and limitations of oralhistory. How have oral-history techniquesfurthered our understanding of Partition?

10. On an outline map of South Asia, mark outSections A, B and C of the Cabinet Missionproposals. How is this map different from thepolitical map of present-day South Asia?

11. Find out about the ethnic violence that led tothe partition of Yugoslavia. Compare yourfindings with what you have read about Partitionin this chapter.

12. Find out whether there are any communitiesthat have migrated to your city, town, village orany near-by place. (Your area may even havepeople who migrated to it during Partition.)Interview members of such communities andsummarise your findings in a report. Ask peopleabout the place they came from, the reasons fortheir migration, and their experiences. Also findout what changes the area witnessed as a resultof this migration.


Jasodhara Bagchi andSubhoranjan Dasgupta (eds.). 2003.The Trauma and the Triumph:Gender and Partition inEastern India.Stree, Kolkata.

Alok Bhalla (ed.). 1994.Stories About the Partition of India,Vols. I, II, III.Indus (Harper Collins), New Delhi.

Urvashi Butalia. 1998.The Other Side of Silence:Voices from the Partition of India.Viking (Penguin Books),New Delhi.

Mushirul Hasan, ed. 1996India’s Partition.Oxford University Press,New Delhi.

Gyanendra Pandey. 2001.Remembering Partition:Violence, Nationalism andHistory in India.Cambridge University Press,Cambridge.

Anita Inder Singh. 2006.The Partition of India.National Book Trust, New Delhi.


Map work


405FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION

Framing the ConstitutionThe Beginning of a NThe Beginning of a NThe Beginning of a NThe Beginning of a NThe Beginning of a Neeeeew Erw Erw Erw Erw Eraaaaa

The Indian Constitution, which came into effect on 26 January 1950,has the dubious distinction of being the longest in the world. Butits length and complexity are perhaps understandable when oneconsiders the country’s size and diversity. At Independence, Indiawas not merely large and diverse, but also deeply divided.A Constitution designed to keep the country together, and to take itforward, had necessarily to be an elaborate, carefully-worked-out,and painstakingly drafted document. For one thing, it sought toheal wounds of the past and the present, to make Indians of differentclasses, castes and communities come together in a shared politicalexperiment. For another, it sought to nurture democratic institutionsin what had long been a culture of hierarchy and deference.

The Constitution of India was framed between December 1946and December 1949. During this time its drafts were discussed clauseby clause in the Constituent Assembly of India. In all, the Assembly

THEME

FIFTEEN

Fig. 15.1The Constitution was signed in December 1949 after three years of debate.


1. A Tumultuous TimeThe years immediately preceding the making of theConstitution had been exceptionally tumultuous: atime of great hope, but also of abject disappointment.On 15 August 1947, India had been made free, but ithad also been divided. Fresh in popular memory werethe Quit India struggle of 1942 – perhaps the mostwidespread popular movement against the BritishRaj – as well as the bid by Subhas Chandra Bose towin freedom through armed struggle with foreign aid.An even more recent upsurge had also evoked muchpopular sympathy – this was the rising of the ratingsof the Royal Indian Navy in Bombay and other citiesin the spring of 1946. Through the late 1940s therewere periodic, if scattered, mass protests of workersand peasants in different parts of the country.

One striking feature of these popular upsurges wasthe degree of Hindu-Muslim unity they manifested.In contrast, the two leading Indian political parties, theCongress and the Muslim League, had repeatedly failedto arrive at a settlement that would bring about religiousreconciliation and social harmony. The Great CalcuttaKillings of August 1946 began a year of almostcontinuous rioting across northern and eastern India(see Chapters 13 and 14). The violence culminatedin the massacres that accompanied the transfer ofpopulations when the Partition of India was announced.

On Independence Day, 15 August 1947, there wasan outburst of joy and hope, unforgettable for thosewho lived through that time. But innumerableMuslims in India, and Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan,were now faced with a cruel choice – the threat of

Fig. 15.2Images of desolation and destructioncontinued to haunt members of theConstituent Assembly.

held eleven sessions, with sittings spread over 165 days. Inbetween the sessions, the work of revising and refining the draftswas carried out by various committees and sub-committees.

From your political science textbooks you know what theConstitution of India is, and you have seen how it has workedover the decades since Independence. This chapter will introduceyou to the history that lies behind the Constitution, and theintense debates that were part of its making. If we try and hearthe voices within the Constituent Assembly, we get an idea of theprocess through which the Constitution was framed and the visionof the new nation formulated.


sudden death or the squeezing of opportunities onthe one side, and a forcible tearing away fromtheir age-old roots on the other. Millions of refugeeswere on the move, Muslims into East and WestPakistan, Hindus and Sikhs into West Bengal andthe eastern half of the Punjab. Many perished beforethey reached their destination.

Another, and scarcely less serious, problem faced bythe new nation was that of the princely states. Duringthe period of the Raj, approximately one-third of thearea of the subcontinent was under the control ofnawabs and maharajas who owed allegiance to theBritish Crown, but were otherwise left mostly free torule – or misrule – their territory as they wished. Whenthe British left India, the constitutional status of theseprinces remained ambiguous. As one contemporaryobserver remarked, some maharajas now began “toluxuriate in wild dreams of independent power in anIndia of many partitions”.

This was the background in which theConstituent Assembly met. How could the debateswithin the Assembly remain insulated from whatwas happening outside?

1.1 The making of the Constituent AssemblyThe members of the Constituent Assembly were chosenon the basis of the provincial elections of 1946. Apartfrom the members sent by the provinces of BritishIndia, the Assembly also had representatives of theprincely states, sent as these states joined the Unionone by one. The Muslim League chose to boycott the

Fig. 15.3Jawaharlal Nehru speaking in theConstituent Assembly at midnighton14 August 1947It was on this day that Nehru gavehis famous speech that began withthe following lines:“Long years ago we made a trystwith destiny, and now the timecomes when we shall redeem ourpledge, not wholly or in fullmeasure, but very substantially.At the stroke of the midnight hour,when the world sleeps, India willawake to life and freedom.”


early sittings (i.e., those held before 15 August 1947),making it effectively a one-party show as 82 per cent ofthe members of the Assembly were members of theCongress Party.

However, since the Congress was itself a broad frontthese members held a wide range of views. Some wereatheists and secularists; others (in the words of anAnglo-Indian member, Frank Anthony) were “technicallymembers of the Congress but spiritually members of theRSS and the Hindu Mahasabha”. Some were socialistsin their economic philosophy, others defenders of therights of landlords. Aside from the diversity within it, theCongress also nominated independent members ofdifferent castes and religious groups, and tried to ensurerepresentation of women. It particularly sought out lawexperts. The intense debates that took place within theConstituent Assembly reflected the diversity of opinions.

The discussions within the Constituent Assemblywere also influenced by the opinions expressed by thepublic. As the deliberations continued, the argumentswere reported in newspapers, and the proposals werepublicly debated. Criticisms and counter-criticisms inthe press in turn shaped the nature of the consensusthat was ultimately reached on specific issues. In orderto create a sense of collective participation the publicwas also asked for submissions. There were hundredsof responses, a sampling of which gives a clue to theconflicting interests that the lawmakers had to takeaccount of. Thus the All India Varnashrama SwarajyaSangh (based in Calcutta) asked that the Constitution“be based on the principles laid down in ancient Hindu

Fig. 15.4The Constituent Assembly insessionSardar Vallabh Bhai Patel is seenseated second from right.


works”. The prohibition of cow-slaughter and the closingdown of abattoirs was particularly recommended.Low-caste groups demanded an end to “ill treatment byupper-caste people” and “reservation of separate seats onthe basis of their population, in legislatures, governmentdepartments, and local bodies, etc.” Linguistic minoritiesasked for “freedom of speech in (the) mother tongue” andthe “redistribution of provinces on linguistic basis”.Religious minorities asked for special safeguards. Andbodies as varied as the District Teachers’ Guild ofVizianagaram and the Central Jewish Board of Bombayrequested “adequate representation on all public bodiesincluding legislatures etc.”

1.2 The dominant voicesThe Constituent Assembly had 300 members in all. Ofthese, six members played particularly important roles.Three were representatives of the Congress, namely,Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabh Bhai Patel and RajendraPrasad. It was Nehru who moved the crucial “ObjectivesResolution”, as well as the resolution proposing that theNational Flag of India be a “horizontal tricolour of saffron,white and dark green in equal proportion”, with a wheelin navy blue at the centre. Patel, on the other hand,worked mostly behind the scenes, playing a key role inthe drafting of several reports, and working to reconcileopposing points of view. Rajendra Prasad’s role was asPresident of the Assembly, where he had to steer thediscussion along constructive lines while making sureall members had a chance to speak.

Besides this Congress trio, a very important memberof the Assembly was the lawyer and economistB.R. Ambedkar. During the period of British rule,Ambedkar had been a political opponent of the Congress;but, on the advice of Mahatma Gandhi, he was asked atIndependence to join the Union Cabinet as law minister.In this capacity, he served as Chairman of the DraftingCommittee of the Constitution. Serving with him weretwo other lawyers, K.M. Munshi from Gujarat and AlladiKrishnaswamy Aiyar from Madras, both of whom gavecrucial inputs in the drafting of the Constitution.

These six members were given vital assistance by twocivil servants. One was B. N. Rau, Constitutional Advisorto the Government of India, who prepared a series ofbackground papers based on a close study of the politicalsystems obtaining in other countries. The other was theChief Draughtsman, S. N. Mukherjee, of whom Ambedkar


said that his “ability to put the most intricateproposals in the simplest and clearest legal form canrarely be equalled”.

Ambedkar himself had the responsibility of guidingthe Draft Constitution through the Assembly. This tookthree years in all, with the printed record of thediscussions taking up eleven bulky volumes. But whilethe process was long it was also extremely interesting.The members of the Constituent Assembly wereeloquent in expressing their sometimes very divergentpoints of view. In their presentations we can discernmany conflicting ideas of India – of what languageIndians should speak, of what political and economicsystems the nation should follow, of what moral valuesits citizens should uphold or disavow.

Discuss...Look again at Chapters 13 and 14. Discuss how thepolitical situation of the time may have shaped thenature of the debates within the Constituent Assembly.

Fig. 15.5B. R. Ambedkar presiding over adiscussion of the Hindu Code Bill


2. The Vision of the ConstitutionOn 13 December 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru introducedthe “Objectives Resolution” in the ConstituentAssembly. It was a momentous resolution that outlinedthe defining ideals of the Constitution of IndependentIndia, and provided the framework within which thework of constitution-making was to proceed. Itproclaimed India to be an “Independent SovereignRepublic”, guaranteed its citizens justice, equality andfreedom, and assured that “adequate safeguards shallbe provided for minorities, backward and tribal areas,and Depressed and Other Backward Classes … ” Afteroutlining these objectives, Nehru placed the Indianexperiment in a broad historical perspective. As hespoke, he said, his mind went back to the historicefforts in the past to produce such documents of rights.

“We are not going just to copy”

This is what Jawaharlal Nehru said in his famous speech of13 December 1946:

My mind goes back to the various Constituent Assemblies thathave gone before and of what took place at the making of thegreat American nation when the fathers of that nation met andfashioned out a Constitution which has stood the test of so manyyears, more than a century and a half, and of the great nationwhich has resulted, which has been built up on the basis of thatConstitution. My mind goes back to that mighty revolution whichtook place also over 150 years ago and to that ConstituentAssembly that met in that gracious and lovely city of Paris whichhas fought so many battles for freedom, to the difficulties thatthat Constituent Assembly had and to how the King and otherauthorities came in its way, and still it continued. The Housewill remember that when these difficulties came and even theroom for a meeting was denied to the then ConstituentAssembly, they betook themselves to an open tennis court andmet there and took the oath, which is called the Oath of theTennis Court, that they continued meeting in spite of Kings,in spite of the others, and did not disperse till they hadfinished the task they had undertaken. Well, I trust that it isin that solemn spirit that we too are meeting here and thatwe, too, whether we meet in this chamber or other chambers,or in the fields or in the market-place, will go on meetingand continue our work till we have finished it.

Source 1

contd


Then my mind goes back to a more recent revolution which gave rise to anew type of State, the revolution that took place in Russia and out of which hasarisen the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics, another mighty country whichis playing a tremendous part in the world, not only a mighty country but for usin India, a neighbouring country.

So our mind goes back to these great examples and we seek to learn from theirsuccess and to avoid their failures. Perhaps we may not be able to avoid failuresbecause some measure of failure is inherent in human effort. Nevertheless, weshall advance, I am certain, in spite of obstructions and difficulties, and achieveand realise the dream that we have dreamt so long …

We say that it is our firm and solemn resolve to have an independent sovereignrepublic. India is bound to be sovereign, it is bound to be independent and it isbound to be a republic … Now, some friends have raised the question: “Whyhave you not put in the word ‘democratic’ here.?” Well, I told them that it isconceivable, of course, that a republic may not be democratic but the whole ofour past is witness to this fact that we stand for democratic institutions. Obviouslywe are aiming at democracy and nothing less than a democracy. What form ofdemocracy, what shape it might take is another matter. The democracies of thepresent day, many of them in Europe and elsewhere, have played a great partin the world’s progress. Yet it may be doubtful if those democracies may nothave to change their shape somewhat before long if they have to remaincompletely democratic. We are not going just to copy, I hope, a certaindemocratic procedure or an institution of a so-called democratic country. Wemay improve upon it. In any event whatever system of government we mayestablish here must fit in with the temper of our people and be acceptable tothem. We stand for democracy. It will be for this House to determine what shapeto give to that democracy, the fullest democracy, I hope. The House will noticethat in this Resolution, although we have not used the word “democratic”because we thought it is obvious that the word “republic” contains that wordand we did not want to use unnecessary words and redundant words, but wehave done something much more than using the word. We have given thecontent of democracy in this Resolution and not only the content of democracybut the content, if I may say so, of economic democracy in this Resolution.Others might take objection to this Resolution on the ground that we have notsaid that it should be a Socialist State. Well, I stand for Socialism and, I hope,India will stand for Socialism and that India will go towards the constitution ofa Socialist State and I do believe that the whole world will have to go that way.

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DEBATES (CAD), VOL.I

Source 1 (contd)

Oath of the Tennis Court


Nehru’s speech (Source 1) merits careful scrutiny.What exactly was being stated here? What did Nehru’sseemingly nostalgic return to the past reflect? Whatwas he saying about the origin of the ideas embodiedin the vision of the Constitution? In returning to thepast and referring to the American and FrenchRevolutions, Nehru was locating the history ofconstitution-making in India within a longer historyof struggle for liberty and freedom. The momentousnature of the Indian project was emphasised by linkingit to revolutionary moments in the past. But Nehruwas not suggesting that those events were to provideany blueprint for the present; or that the ideas of thoserevolutions could be mechanically borrowed andapplied in India. He did not define the specific form ofdemocracy, and suggested that this had to be decidedthrough deliberations. And he stressed that theideals and provisions of the constitution introducedin India could not be just derived from elsewhere. “Weare not going just to copy”, he said. The system ofgovernment established in India, he declared, had to“fit in with the temper of our people and be acceptableto them”. It was necessary to learn from the people ofthe West, from their achievements and failures, butthe Western nations too had to learn from experimentselsewhere, they too had to change their own notions ofdemocracy. The objective of the Indian Constitutionwould be to fuse the liberal ideas of democracy withthe socialist idea of economic justice, and re-adapt andre-work all these ideas within the Indian context.Nehru’s plea was for creative thinking about what wasappropriate for India.

2.1 The will of the peopleA Communist member, Somnath Lahiri saw the darkhand of British imperialism hanging over thedeliberations of the Constituent Assembly. He thusurged the members, and Indians in general, to fullyfree themselves from the influences of imperial rule.In the winter of 1946-47, as the Assembly deliberated,the British were still in India. An interimadministration headed by Jawaharlal Nehru was inplace, but it could only operate under the directionsof the Viceroy and the British Government in London.Lahiri exhorted his colleagues to realise that theConstituent Assembly was British-made and was“working the British plans as the British should likeit to be worked out”.

What explanation doesJawaharlal Nehru give for notusing the term “democratic”in the Objectives Resolutionin Source 1?


“That is very good, Sir – bold words, noble words”

Somnath Lahiri said:

Well, Sir, I must congratulate Pandit Nehru for the fine expression he gave to thespirit of the Indian people when he said that no imposition from the British will beaccepted by the Indian people. Imposition would be resented and objected to, hesaid, and he added that if need be we will walk the valley of struggle. That is verygood, Sir – bold words, noble words.

But the point is to see when and how are you going to apply that challenge.Well, Sir, the point is that the imposition is here right now. Not only has theBritish Plan made any future Constitution … dependent on a treaty satisfactoryto the Britisher but it suggests that for every little difference you will have to runto the Federal Court or dance attendance there in England; or to call on theBritish Prime Minister Clement Attlee or someone else. Not only is it a fact thatthis Constituent Assembly, whatever plans we may be hatching, we are underthe shadow of British guns, British Army, their economic and financial stranglehold –which means that the final power is still in the British hands and the question of powerhas not yet been finally decided, which means the future is not yet completely inour hands. Not only that, but the statements made by Attlee and others recentlyhave made it clear that if need be, they will even threaten you with divisionentirely. This means, Sir, there is no freedom in this country. As Sardar VallabhBhai Patel put it some days ago, we have freedom only to fight among ourselves.That is the only freedom we have got … Therefore, our humble suggestion is thatit is not a question of getting something by working out this Plan but to declareindependence here and now and call upon the Interim Government, call uponthe people of India, to stop fratricidal warfare and look out against its enemy,which still has the whip hand, the British Imperialism – and go together to fight itand then resolve our claims afterwards when we will be free.

CAD, VOL.I

Source 2

Fig. 15.6Members of the Interim GovernmentRajendra Prasad is at the centre, with Jawaharlal Nehru on his right and Sardar Patel on his left.Sitting on the extreme left is B. R. Ambedkar and on the extreme right is Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.


Nehru admitted that most nationalist leaders hadwanted a different kind of Constituent Assembly. Itwas also true, in a sense, that the British Governmenthad a “hand in its birth”, and it had attached certainconditions within which the Assembly had to function.“But,” emphasised Nehru, “you must not ignore thesource from which this Assembly derives its strength.”Nehru added:

Governments do not come into being by StatePapers. Governments are, in fact the expressionof the will of the people. We have met here todaybecause of the strength of the people behind usand we shall go as far as the people – not of anyparty or group but the people as a whole – shallwish us to go. We should, therefore, alwayskeep in mind the passions that lie in thehearts of the masses of the Indian people andtry to fulfil them.

The Constituent Assembly was expected to expressthe aspirations of those who had participated in themovement for independence. Democracy, equality andjustice were ideals that had become intimatelyassociated with social struggles in India since thenineteenth century. When the social reformers inthe nineteenth century opposed child marriage anddemanded that widows be allowed to remarry, theywere pleading for social justice. When SwamiVivekananda campaigned for a reform of Hinduism,he wanted religions to become more just. WhenJyotiba Phule in Maharashtra pointed to the sufferingof the depressed castes, or Communists and Socialistsorganised workers and peasants, they were demandingeconomic and social justice. The national movementagainst a government that was seen as oppressive andillegitimate was inevitably a struggle for democracyand justice, for citizens’ rights and equality.

In fact, as the demand for representation grew, theBritish had been forced to introduce a series ofconstitutional reforms. A number of Acts were passed(1909, 1919 and 1935), gradually enlarging the spacefor Indian participation in provincial governments. Theexecutive was made partly responsible to the provinciallegislature in 1919, and almost entirely so under theGovernment of India Act of 1935. When elections wereheld in 1937, under the 1935 Act, the Congress cameto power in eight out of the 11 provinces.

Fig. 15.7Edwin Montague (left) was theauthor of the Montague-ChelmsfordReforms of 1919 which allowedsome form of representation inprovincial legislative assemblies.

Why does the speaker inSource 2 think that theConstituent Assembly wasunder the shadow ofBritish guns?


Yet we should not see an unbroken continuity betweenthe earlier constitutional developments and whathappened in the three years from 1946. While the earlierconstitutional experiments were in response to thegrowing demand for a representative government, the Acts(1909, 1919 and 1935) were not directly debated andformulated by Indians. They were enacted by the colonialgovernment. The electorate that elected the provincialbodies had expanded over the years, but even in 1935 itremained limited to no more than 10 to 15 per cent of theadult population: there was no universal adult franchise.The legislatures elected under the 1935 Act operatedwithin the framework of colonial rule, and wereresponsible to the Governor appointed by the British. Thevision that Nehru was trying to outline on 13 December1946 was of the Constitution of an independent, sovereignRepublic of India.

3. Defining RightsHow were the rights of individual citizens to be defined?Were the oppressed groups to have any special rights?What rights would minorities have? Who, in fact, couldbe defined as a minority? As the debate on the floor ofthe Constituent Assembly unfolded, it was clear thatthere were no collectively shared answers to any of thesequestions. The answers were evolved through the clashof opinions and the drama of individual encounters. Inhis inaugural speech, Nehru had invoked the “will ofthe people” and declared that the makers of theConstitution had to fulfil “the passions that lie in thehearts of the masses”. This was no easy task. With theanticipation of Independence, different groups expressedtheir will in different ways, and made different demands.These would have to be debated and conflicting ideaswould have to be reconciled, before a consensus couldbe forged.

3.1 The problem with separate electoratesOn 27 August 1947, B. Pocker Bahadur from Madrasmade a powerful plea for continuing separate electorates.Minorities exist in all lands, argued Bahadur; they couldnot be wished away, they could not be “erased out ofexistence”. The need was to create a political frameworkin which minorities could live in harmony with others,and the differences between communities could beminimised. This was possible only if minorites were wellrepresented within the political system, their voices heard,

Discuss...What were the ideasoutlined by JawaharlalNehru in his speech on theObjectives Resolution?


Source 3

and their views taken into account. Only separateelectorates would ensure that Muslims had ameaningful voice in the governance of the country. Theneeds of Muslims, Bahadur felt, could not be properlyunderstood by non-Muslims; nor could a truerepresentative of Muslims be chosen by people whodid not belong to that community.

This demand for separate electorates provokedanger and dismay amongst most nationalists. In thepassionate debate that followed, a range of argumentswere offered against the demand. Most nationalistssaw separate electorates as a measure deliberatelyintroduced by the British to divide the people. “TheEnglish played their game under the cover ofsafeguards,” R.V. Dhulekar told Bahadur. “With the helpof it they allured you (the minorities) to a long lull. Giveit up now … Now there is no one to misguide you.”

Partition had made nationalists fervently opposedto the idea of separate electorates. They were hauntedby the fear of continued civil war, riots and violence.Separate electorates was a “poison that has enteredthe body politic of our country”, declared Sardar Patel.It was a demand that had turned one communityagainst another, divided the nation, caused bloodshed,and led to the tragic partition of the country. “Do youwant peace in this land? If so do away with it (separateelectorates),” urged Patel.

Fig. 15.8In the winter of 1946 Indian leaderswent to London for what turned outto be a fruitless round of talks withBritish Prime Minister Attlee. (Left toright: Liaquat Ali, Mohammad AliJinnah, Baldev Singh and Pethick-Lawrence)

“The British element is gone, but theyhave left the mischief behind”

Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel said:

It is no use saying that we ask for separate electorates, because it is good for us.We have heard it long enough. We have heard it for years, and as a result of thisagitation we are now a separate nation … Can you show me one free countrywhere there are separate electorates? If so, I shall be prepared to accept it. But inthis unfortunate country if this separate electorate is going to be persisted in,even after the division of the country, woe betide the country; it is not worthliving in. Therefore, I say, it is not for my good alone, it is for your own good thatI say it, forget the past. One day, we may be united … The British element is gone,but they have left the mischief behind. We do not want to perpetuate that mischief.(Hear, hear). When the British introduced this element they had not expectedthat they will have to go so soon. They wanted it for their easy administration.That is all right. But they have left the legacy behind. Are we to get out of it or not?

CAD, VOL.V


Countering the demand for separate electorates,Govind Ballabh Pant declared that it was not onlyharmful for the nation but also for the minorities. Heagreed with Bahadur that the success of a democracywas to be judged by the confidence it generatedamongst different sections of people. He agreed toothat every citizen in a free state should be treated ina manner that satisfied “not only his material wantsbut also his spiritual sense of self-respect”, and thatthe majority community had an obligation to try andunderstand the problems of minorities, and empathisewith their aspirations. Yet Pant opposed the idea ofseparate electorates. It was a suicidal demand, heargued, that would permanently isolate the minorities,make them vulnerable, and deprive them of anyeffective say within the government.

“I believe separate electorates willbe suicidal to the minorities”

During the debate on 27 August 1947, Govind BallabhPant said:

I believe separate electorates will be suicidal tothe minorities and will do them tremendous harm. Ifthey are isolated for ever, they can never convertthemselves into a majority and the feeling offrustration will cripple them even from the verybeginning. What is it that you desire and what is ourultimate objective? Do the minorities always want toremain as minorities or do they ever expect to forman integral part of a great nation and as such to guideand control its destinies? If they do, can they everachieve that aspiration and that ideal if they areisolated from the rest of the community? I think itwould be extremely dangerous for them if they weresegregated from the rest of the community and keptaloof in an air-tight compartment where they wouldhave to rely on others even for the air they breath …The minorities if they are returned by separateelectorates can never have any effective voice.

CAD, VOL.II

Behind all these arguments was the concern withthe making of a unified nation state. In order to buildpolitical unity and forge a nation, every individual hadto be moulded into a citizen of the State, each group

Source 4

Read Sources 3 and 4.What are the differentarguments being put forwardagainst separate electorates?


had to be assimilated within the nation. TheConstitution would grant to citizens rights, but citizenshad to offer their loyalty to the State. Communitiescould be recognised as cultural entities and assuredcultural rights. Politically, however, members of allcommunities had to act as equal members of one State,or else there would be divided loyalties. “There is theunwholesome and to some extent degrading habitof thinking always in terms of communities and neverin terms of citizens,” said Pant. And he added: “Let usremember that it is the citizen that must count. It isthe citizen that forms the base as well as the summitof the social pyramid.” Even as the importance ofcommunity rights was being recognised, there was alurking fear among many nationalists that this maylead to divided loyalties, and make it difficult to forgea strong nation and a strong State.

Not all Muslims supported the demand forseparate electorates. Begum Aizaas Rasul, forinstance, felt that separate electorates were self-destructive since they isolated the minorities fromthe majority. By 1949, most Muslim members of theConstituent Assembly were agreed that separateelectorates were against the interests of theminorities. Instead Muslims needed to take an activepart in the democratic process to ensure that theyhad a decisive voice in the political system.

3.2 “We will need much more than this Resolution”While welcoming the Objectives Resolution,N.G. Ranga, a socialist who had been a leader of thepeasant movement, urged that the term minorities beinterpreted in economic terms. The real minoritiesfor Ranga were the poor and the downtrodden. Hewelcomed the legal rights the Constitution was grantingto each individual but pointed to its limits. In hisopinion it was meaningless for the poor people in thevillages to know that they now had the fundamentalright to live, and to have full employment, or thatthey could have their meetings, their conferences,their associations and various other civil liberties. Itwas essential to create conditions where theseconstitutionally enshrined rights could be effectivelyenjoyed. For this they needed protection. “They needprops. They need a ladder,” said Ranga.

“There cannot be anydivided loyalty”

Govind Ballabh Pant arguedthat in order to become loyalcit izens people had tostop focusing only on thecommunity and the self:

For the success ofdemocracy one musttrain himself in theart of self-discipline. Indemocracies one shouldcare less for himself andmore for others. Therecannot be any dividedloyalty. All loyalties mustexclusively be centredround the State. If in ademocracy, you createrival loyalties, or youcreate a system in whichany individual or group,instead of suppressinghis extravagance, caresnought for larger or otherinterests, then democracyis doomed.

CAD, VOL.II

Source 5

How does G.B. Pantdefine the attributes of aloyal citizen?


“The real minorities are themasses of this country”

Welcoming the Objectives Resolution introduced byJawaharlal Nehru, N.G. Ranga said:

Sir, there is a lot of talk about minorities. Who arethe real minorities? Not the Hindus in the so-calledPakistan provinces, not the Sikhs, not even theMuslims. No, the real minorities are the masses ofthis country. These people are so depressed andoppressed and suppressed till now that they are notable to take advantage of the ordinary civil rights.What is the position? You go to the tribal areas.According to law, their own traditional law, theirtribal law, their lands cannot be alienated. Yet ourmerchants go there, and in the so-called freemarket they are able to snatch their lands. Thus,even though the law goes against this snatchingaway of their lands, still the merchants are able toturn the tribal people into veritable slaves byvarious kinds of bonds, and make them hereditarybond-slaves. Let us go to the ordinary villagers.There goes the money-lender with his money andhe is able to get the villagers in his pocket. Thereis the landlord himself, the zamindar, and themalguzar and there are the various other peoplewho are able to exploit these poor villagers. Thereis no elementary education even among thesepeople. These are the real minorities that needprotection and assurances of protection. In orderto give them the necessary protection, we will needmuch more than this Resolution ...

CAD, VOL.II

Ranga also drew attention to the gulf that separatedthe broad masses of Indians and those claiming tospeak on their behalf in the Constituent Assembly:

Whom are we supposed to represent? Theordinary masses of our country. And yet most ofus do not belong to the masses themselves. Weare of them, we wish to stand for them, but themasses themselves are not able to come up tothe Constituent Assembly. It may take some time;in the meanwhile, we are here as their trustees,as their champions, and we are trying our bestto speak for them.

Source 6

How is the notion ofminority defined by Ranga?


One of the groups mentioned by Ranga, the tribals,had among its representatives to the Assembly thegifted orator Jaipal Singh. In welcoming the ObjectivesResolution, Singh said:

... as an Adibasi, I am not expected tounderstand the legal intricacies of theResolution. But my common sense tells methat every one of us should march in thatroad to freedom and fight together. Sir, if thereis any group of Indian people that has beenshabbily treated it is my people. They havebeen disgracefully treated, neglected for thelast 6,000 years. … The whole history of mypeople is one of continuous exploitation anddispossession by the non-aboriginals of Indiapunctuated by rebellions and disorder, andyet I take Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru at hisword. I take you all at your word that now weare going to start a new chapter, a newchapter of independent India where there isequality of opportunity, where no one wouldbe neglected.

Singh spoke eloquently on the need to protect thetribes, and ensure conditions that could help themcome up to the level of the general population. Tribeswere not a numerical minority, he argued, but theyneeded protection. They had been dispossessed of theland they had settled, deprived of their forests andpastures, and forced to move in search of new homes.Perceiving them as primitive and backward, the restof society had turned away from them, spurned them.He made a moving plea for breaking the emotional andphysical distance that separated the tribals from therest of society: “Our point is that you have got to mixwith us. We are willing to mix with you … ”. Singhwas not asking for separate electorates, but he felt thatreservation of seats in the legislature was essential toallow tribals to represent themselves. It would be away, he said, of compelling others to hear the voice oftribals, and come near them.

3.3 “We were suppressed for thousands of years”How were the rights of the Depressed Castes to bedefined by the Constitution? During the nationalmovement Ambedkar had demanded separateelectorates for the Depressed Castes, and MahatmaGandhi had opposed it, arguing that this would


Source 8

permanently segregate them from the rest of society.How could the Constituent Assembly resolve thisopposition? What kinds of protection were theDepressed Castes to be provided?

Some members of the Depressed Castesemphasised that the problem of the “Untouchables”could not be resolved through protection andsafeguards alone. Their disabilities were causedby the social norms and the moral values of castesociety. Society had used their services and labourbut kept them at a social distance, refusing tomix with them or dine with them or allow thementry into temples. “We have been suffering, but weare prepared to suffer no more,” said J. Nagappafrom Madras. “We have realised our responsibilities.We know how to assert ourselves.”

Nagappa pointed out that numerically the DepressedCastes were not a minority: they formed between20 and 25 per cent of the total population. Their sufferingwas due to their systematic marginalisation, nottheir numerical insignificance. They had no accessto education, no share in the administration.Addressing the assembly, K.J. Khanderkar of theCentral Provinces said:

We were suppressed for thousands of years. ...suppressed... to such an extent that neither ourminds nor our bodies and now even our heartswork, nor are we able to march forward. This isthe position.

After the Partition violence, Ambedkar too nolonger argued for separate electorates. The ConstituentAssembly finally recommended that untouchabilitybe abolished, Hindu temples be thrown open to allcastes, and seats in legislatures and jobs ingovernment offices be reserved for the lowest castes.Many recognised that this could not solve allproblems: social discrimination could not be erasedonly through constitutional legislation, there had tobe a change in the attitudes within society. But themeasures were welcomed by the democratic public.

Discuss...What were the different arguments that JaipalSingh put forward in demanding protectivemeasures for the tribals?

Dakshayani Velayudhan fromMadras, argued:

What we want is not allkinds of safeguards. It isthe moral safeguard whichgives protection to theunderdogs of this country ...I refuse to bel ieve thatseventy mill ion Harijansare to be considered as aminority ... what we want isthe ... immediate removalof our social disabilities.’

CAD, VOL.I

Source 7

“We want removal of oursocial disabilities”

We have never askedfor privileges

Hansa Mehta of Bombaydemanded justice for women,not reserved seats, or separateelectorates.

We have never asked forprivileges. What we haveasked for is social justice,economic just ice, andpolitical justice. We haveasked for that equali tywhich alone can be thebasis of mutual respect andunderstanding, withoutwhich real cooperation isnot possible between manand woman.


4. The Powers of the StateOne of the topics most vigorously debated in theConstituent Assembly was the respective rights of theCentral Government and the states. Among thosearguing for a strong Centre was Jawaharlal Nehru. Ashe put it in a letter to the President of the ConstituentAssembly, “Now that partition is a settled fact, … itwould be injurious to the interests of the country toprovide for a weak central authority which wouldbe incapable of ensuring peace, of coordinating vitalmatters of common concern and of speaking effectivelyfor the whole country in the international sphere”.

The Draft Constitution provided for three lists ofsubjects: Union, State, and Concurrent. The subjectsin the first list were to be the preserve of the CentralGovernment, while those in the second list werevested with the states. As for the third list, hereCentre and state shared responsibility. However,many more items were placed under exclusive Unioncontrol than in other federations, and more placedon the Concurrent list too than desired by theprovinces. The Union also had control of mineralsand key industries. Besides, Article 356 gave theCentre the powers to take over a state administrationon the recommendation of the Governor.

The Constitution also mandated for a complexsystem of fiscal federalism. In the case of some taxes(for instance, customs duties and Company taxes) theCentre retained all the proceeds; in other cases (suchas income tax and excise duties) it shared them withthe states; in still other cases (for instance, estate duties)it assigned them wholly to the states. The states,meanwhile, could levy and collect certain taxes on theirown: these included land and property taxes, sales tax,and the hugely profitable tax on bottled liquor.

4.1 “The centre is likely to break”The rights of the states were most eloquently defendedby K. Santhanam from Madras. A reallocation of powerswas necessary, he felt, to strengthen not only the statesbut also the Centre. “There is almost an obsession thatby adding all kinds of powers to the Centre we can makeit strong.” This was a misconception, said Santhanam.If the Centre was overburdened with responsibilities,it could not function effectively. By relieving it ofsome of its functions, and transferring them to thestates, the Centre could, in fact, be made stronger.


Source 9 As for the states, Santhanam felt that the proposedallocation of powers would cripple them. The fiscalprovisions would impoverish the provinces sincemost taxes, except land revenue, had been made thepreserve of the Centre. Without finances how couldthe states undertake any project of development?“I do not want any constitution in which the Unit hasto come to the Centre and say ‘I cannot educate mypeople. I cannot give sanitation, give me a dole for theimprovement of roads, of industries.’ Let us rather wipeout the federal system and let us have Unitary system.”Santhanam predicted a dark future if the proposeddistribution of powers was adopted without furtherscrutiny. In a few years, he said, all the provinces wouldrise in “revolt against the Centre”.

Many others from the provinces echoed the samefears. They fought hard for fewer items to be puton the Concurrent and Union lists. A member fromOrissa warned that “the Centre is likely to break”since powers had been excessively centralised underthe Constitution.

4.2 “What we want today is a strong Government”The argument for greater power to the provincesprovoked a strong reaction in the Assembly. The needfor a strong centre had been underlined on numerousoccasions since the Constituent Assembly had begunits sessions. Ambedkar had declared that he wanted“a strong and united Centre (hear, hear) much strongerthan the Centre we had created under the Governmentof India Act of 1935”. Reminding the members of theriots and violence that was ripping the nation apart,many members had repeatedly stated that the powersof the Centre had to be greatly strengthened toenable it to stop the communal frenzy. Reacting to thedemands for giving power to the provinces,Gopalaswami Ayyangar declared that “the Centreshould be made as strong as possible”. One memberfrom the United Provinces, Balakrishna Sharma,reasoned at length that only a strong centre could planfor the well-being of the country, mobilise the availableeconomic resources, establish a proper administration,and defend the country against foreign aggression.

Before Partition the Congress had agreed to grantconsiderable autonomy to the provinces. This had beenpart of an effort to assure the Muslim League thatwithin the provinces where the Muslim League came

Sir A. Ramaswamy Mudaliarfrom Mysore said during thedebate on 21 August 1947:

Let us not lay the flatteringunction to our soul that weare better patriots if wepropose a strong Centre andthat those who advocate amore vigorous examinationof these resources arepeople with not enough ofnational spirit or patriotism.

Who is a better patriot?


to power the Centre would not interfere. After Partitionmost nationalists changed their position becausethey felt that the earlier political pressures for adecentralised structure were no longer there.

There was already a unitary system in place,imposed by the colonial government. The violence ofthe times gave a further push to centralisation, nowseen as necessary both to forestall chaos and toplan for the country’s economic development. TheConstitution thus showed a distinct bias towardsthe rights of the Union of India over those of itsconstituent states.

5. The Language of the NationHow could the nation be forged when people in differentregions spoke different languages, each associatedwith its own cultural heritage? How could people listento each other, or connect with each other, if they did notknow each other’s language? Within the ConstituentAssembly, the language issue was debated over manymonths, and often generated intense arguments.

By the 1930s, the Congress had accepted thatHindustani ought to be the national language.Mahatma Gandhi felt that everyone should speak in alanguage that common people could easily understand.Hindustani – a blend of Hindi and Urdu – was a popularlanguage of a large section of the people of India, andit was a composite language enriched by the interactionof diverse cultures. Over the years it had incorporatedwords and terms from very many different sources,and was therefore understood by people from variousregions. This multi-cultural language, MahatmaGandhi thought, would be the ideal language ofcommunication between diverse communities: it couldunify Hindus and Muslims, and people of the northand the south.

From the end of the nineteenth century, however,Hindustani as a language had been graduallychanging. As communal conflicts deepened, Hindi andUrdu also started growing apart. On the one hand,there was a move to Sanskritise Hindi, purging it ofall words of Persian and Arabic origin. On the otherhand, Urdu was being increasingly Persianised. Asa consequence, language became associated with thepolitics of religious identities. Mahatma Gandhi,however, retained his faith in the composite characterof Hindustani.

Discuss...What different argumentswere put forward by thoseadvocating a strong Centre?

A few months before his deathMahatma Gandhi reiteratedhis views on the languagequestion:

This Hindustani should beneither Sanskritised Hindinor Persianised Urdu buta happy combination ofboth. It should also freelyadmit words wherevernecessary from the differentregional languages andalso assimilate words fromforeign languages, providedthat they can mix well andeasily with our nationallanguage. Thus our nationallanguage must developinto a rich and powerfulinstrument capable ofexpressing the whole gamutof human thought andfeelings. To confine oneselfto Hindi or Urdu would bea crime against intelligenceand the spirit of patriotism.

HARIJANSEVAK, 12 OCTOBER 1947

Source 10

What should thequalities of a national

language be ?


5.1 A plea for HindiIn one of the earliest sessions of the ConstituentAssembly, R. V. Dhulekar, a Congressman from theUnited Provinces, made an aggressive plea that Hindibe used as the language of constitution-making. Whentold that not everyone in the Assembly knew thelanguage, Dhulekar retorted: “People who are presentin this House to fashion a constitution for India anddo not know Hindustani are not worthy to be membersof this Assembly. They better leave.” As the House brokeup in commotion over these remarks, Dhulekarproceeded with his speech in Hindi. On this occasionpeace in the House was restored through JawaharlalNehru’s intervention, but the language issue continuedto disrupt proceedings and agitate members over thesubsequent three years.

Almost three years later, on 12 September 1947,Dhulekar’s speech on the language of the nation onceagain sparked off a huge storm. By now the LanguageCommittee of the Constituent Assembly had producedits report and had thought of a compromise formulato resolve the deadlock between those who advocatedHindi as the national language and those who opposedit. It had decided, but not yet formally declared, thatHindi in the Devanagari script would be the officiallanguage, but the transition to Hindi would be gradual.For the first fifteen years, English would continue tobe used for all official purposes. Each province was tobe allowed to choose one of the regional languages forofficial work within the province. By referring to Hindias the official rather that the national language,the Language Committee of the Constituent Assemblyhoped to placate ruffled emotions and arrive at asolution that would be acceptable to all.

Dhulekar was not one who liked such an attitude ofreconciliation. He wanted Hindi to be declared notan Official Language, but a National Language. Heattacked those who protested that Hindi was beingforced on the nation, and mocked at those who said,in the name of Mahatma Gandhi, that Hindustanirather than Hindi ought to be the national language.

Sir, nobody can be more happy than myself thatHindi has become the official language of thecountry … Some say that it is a concession toHindi language. I say “no”. It is a consummationof a historic process.


What particularly perturbed many members wasthe tone in which Dhulekar was arguing his case.Several times during his speech, the President of theAssembly interrupted Dhulekar and told him: “I donot think you are advancing your case by speakinglike this.” But Dhulekar continued nonetheless.

5.2 The fear of dominationA day after Dhulekar spoke, Shrimati G. Durgabaifrom Madras explained her worries about the waythe discussion was developing:

Mr President, the question of national languagefor India which was an almost agreedproposition until recently has suddenly becomea highly controversial issue. Whether rightlyor wrongly, the people of non-Hindi-speakingareas have been made to feel that this fight, orthis attitude on behalf of the Hindi-speakingareas, is a fight for effectively preventing thenatural influence of other powerful languagesof India on the composite culture of this nation.

Durgabai informed the House that the oppositionin the south against Hindi was very strong: “Theopponents feel perhaps justly that this propagandafor Hindi cuts at the very root of the provinciallanguages ...” Yet, she along with many others hadobeyed the call of Mahatma Gandhi and carried onHindi propaganda in the south, braved resistance,started schools and conducted classes in Hindi.“Now what is the result of it all?” asked Durgabai.“I am shocked to see this agitation against theenthusiasm with which we took to Hindi in the earlyyears of the century.” She had accepted Hindustanias the language of the people, but now that languagewas being changed, words from Urdu and otherregional languages were being taken out. Any movethat eroded the inclusive and composite character ofHindustani, she felt, was bound to create anxietiesand fears amongst different language groups.

As the discussion became acrimonious, manymembers appealed for a spirit of accommodation.A member from Bombay, Shri Shankarrao Deo statedthat as a Congressman and a follower of MahatmaGandhi he had accepted Hindustani as a language ofthe nation, but he warned: “if you want my whole-hearted support (for Hindi) you must not do nowanything which may raise my suspicions and which


will strengthen my fears.” T. A. Ramalingam Chettiarfrom Madras emphasised that whatever was done hadto be done with caution; the cause of Hindi would notbe helped if it was pushed too aggressively. The fearsof the people, even if they were unjustified, had to beallayed, or else “there will be bitter feelings left behind”.“When we want to live together and form a unitednation,” he said, “there should be mutual adjustmentand no question of forcing things on people ...”

The Constitution of India thus emerged through aprocess of intense debate and discussion. Many ofits provisions were arrived at through a processof give-and-take, by forging a middle ground betweentwo opposed positions.

However, on one central feature of theConstitution there was substantial agreement. Thiswas on the granting of the vote to every adult Indian.This was an unprecedented act of faith, for in otherdemocracies the vote had been granted slowly, andin stages. In countries such as the United Statesand the United Kingdom, only men of property werefirst granted the vote; then, men with education werealso allowed into the charmed circle. After a longand bitter struggle, men of working-class or peasantbackground were also given the right to vote. Aneven longer struggle was required to grant this rightto women.

A second important feature of the Constitutionwas its emphasis on secularism. There was no ringingpronouncement of secularism in the Preamble, butoperationally, its key features as understood inIndian contexts were spelled out in an exemplarymanner. This was done through the carefully draftedseries of Fundamental Rights to “freedom of religion”(Articles 25-28), “cultural and educational rights”(Articles 29, 30), and “rights to equality” (Articles14, 16, 17). All religions were guaranteed equaltreatment by the State and given the right to maintaincharitable institutions. The State also sought todistance itself from religious communities, banningcompulsory religious instructions in State-run


Fig. 15. 9B. R. Ambedkar and RajendraPrasad greeting each other at thetime of the handing over of theConstitution

schools and colleges, and declaring religiousdiscrimination in employment to be illegal. However,a certain legal space was created for social reformwithin communities, a space that was used to banuntouchability and introduce changes in personaland family laws. In the Indian variant of politicalsecularism, then, there has been no absoluteseparation of State from religion, but a kind ofjudicious distance between the two.

The Constituent Assembly debates help usunderstand the many conflicting voices that had tobe negotiated in framing the Constitution, and themany demands that were articulated. They tell usabout the ideals that were invoked and the principlesthat the makers of the Constitution operated with.But in reading these debates we need to be awarethat the ideals invoked were very often re-workedaccording to what seemed appropriate within acontext. At times the members of the Assembly alsochanged their ideas as the debate unfolded overthree years. Hearing others argue, some membersrethought their positions, opening their minds tocontrary views, while others changed their views inreaction to the events around.


Timeline


1945

26 July Labour Government comes into power in Britain

December-January General Elections in India

1946

16 May Cabinet Mission announces its constitutional scheme

6 June Muslim League accepts Cabinet Mission’s constitutional scheme

16 June Cabinet Mission presents scheme for the formation of anInterim Government at the Centre

2 September Congress forms Interim Government with Nehru as theVice-President

13 October Muslim League decides to join the Interim Government

3-6 December British Prime Minister, Attlee, meets some Indian leaders; talks fail

9 December Constituent Assembly begins its sessions

1947

29 January Muslim League demands dissolution of Constituent Assembly

16 July Last meeting of the Interim Government

11 August Jinnah elected President of the Constituent Assembly ofPakistan

14 August Pakistan Independence; celebrations in Karachi

14-15 August At midnight India celebrates Independence

1949

December Constitution is signed

1. What were the ideals expressed in the ObjectivesResolution?

2. How was the term minority defined by differentgroups?

3. What were the arguments in favour of greater powerto the provinces?

4. Why did Mahatma Gandhi think Hindustani shouldbe the national language?



Granville Austin. 1972.The Indian Constitution:The Cornerstone of a Nation.Oxford University Press,New Delhi.

Rajeev Bhargava. 2000.“Democratic Vision of aNew Republic”in F. R. Frankelet al. eds, Transforming India:Social and Political Dynamicsof Democracy.Oxford University Press,New Delhi.

Sumit Sarkar. 1983.“Indian Democracy:The Historical Inheritance”in Atul Kohli ed.,The Success of India’sDemocracy.Cambridge University Press,Cambridge.

Sumit Sarkar. 1983.Modern India: 1885-1947.Macmillan, New Delhi.

Project

You could visit:parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/debates/debates.htm(for a digitalised version of theConstituent Assembly Debates)


5. What historical forces shaped the vision of theConstitution?

6. Discuss the different arguments made in favourof protection of the oppressed groups.

7. What connection did some of the members of theConstituent Assembly make between the politicalsituation of the time and the need for a strongCentre?

8. How did the Constituent Assembly seek to resolvethe language controversy?

9. Choose any one important constitutional changethat has happened in recent years. Find out whythe change was made, what different argumentswere put forward for the change, and the historicalbackground to the change. If you can, try and lookat the Constitutional Assembly Debates (http://parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/debates/debates.htm)to see how the issue was discussed at that time.Write about your findings.

Credits for Illustrations

InstitutionsAlkazi Foundation for the Arts, New Delhi

(Figs. 11.6; 11.8; 12.12; 12.13)Collection Jyotindra and Juta Jain, CIVIC Archives,

New Delhi (Fig. 13.15)Photo Division, Government of India, New Delhi

(Figs. 14.3; 14.10; 15.3; 15.4; 15.5; 15.6; 15.9)The Osian’s Archive and Library Collection, Mumbai

(Figs. 11.9; 11.18; 13.17)Victoria Memorial Museum and Library, Kolkata

(Fig. 10.6, 10.7)

JournalsBuilder (Figs. 12.26)Punch (Figs. 11.13; 11.14; 11.17)The Illustrated London News (Figs. 10.1; 10.10;

10.11; 10.12; 10.13; 10.14; 10.16; 10.17; 10.18;10.19; 11.15; 11.16 )

BooksBayly, C.A., The Raj: India and the British 1600-1947

(Figs. 10.4; 11.10; 11.11; 12.27)Dalrymple, William, The Last Mughal (Fig. 11.1)Daniell, Thomas and William, Views of Calcutta

(Figs. 12.7; 12.8; 12.9; 12.19)Evenson, Norma, The Indian Metropolis: A View

Toward the West (Figs. 12.14; 12.16; 12.20;12.22; 12.23; 12.25; 12.29; 12.30)

Metcalf, T.R., An Imperial Vision: Indian Architectureand British Raj (Fig. 12.28)

Publications Division, Mahatma Gandhi (many of theFigs. in Ch.14)

Ruhe, Peter, Gandhi (Figs. 13.7; 13.11; 13.12 )Singh, Khushwant, Train to Pakistan (Figs. 15.1;

15.4; 15.12; 15.13; 15.15)


ncert book themes in indian history part iii class xii

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