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ANGPahayagan ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas

Pinapatnubayan ng Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoismo

Engl ish Edition

Vol XLIX No. 21

November 7, 2018

www.phi l ippinerevolution. info

Over the past weeks, Duterte and his fascist cabal have shame-lessly twisted facts in their vile aim to slander the Party andrevolutionary movement. This is a desperate attempt to justify

ever repressive measures to suppress the people's resistance to histyrannical and terrorist reign.

First, he ridiculoulsy accusedthe NPA of being behind the October20 massacre of nine peasants whowere fighting for their right to tillland in Sagay, Negros Occidental.This is patently absurd, especiallyconsidering that the AFP earlier ac-cused the peasants of being NPAsupporters. Duterte is washing hisbloodied hands in the face of over-whelming evidence that the brutalkillings were perpetrated by theSCAA paramilitaries attached to theAFP. The brutal massacre was thenfollowed by the killing by stateforces of the lawyer assisting thevictims’ families.

Duterte’s foul liesand cruel fascism

EDITORIAL

Recently, Duterte preposter-ously painted the CPP and NPA asanti-Lumad in a perverse villifica-tion campaign. The AFP and theirmercenary criminal traitors to theLumads and Duterte's flunkies areshameless in lying. It is the AFPthat has mounted relentless at-tacks against the Lumads to forcethem to give up their ancestralland to be plundered by big plant-ations and mining companies.

Duterte wants to demoralizethe masses in slandering the NPA,their real army which has servedthem selflessly, in an attempt to

NPA-Sultan

Kudarat attacks

Philippine MarinesTWENTY-EIGHT troopers ofthe Marine Battalion LandingTeam 2 (MBLT 2) were killed inoffensives by the New People'sArmy (NPA)-Sultan Kudaratfrom September-October.

Red fighters ambushed the3rd Marine Company Recon-naissance Group-Marine Bri-gade Special Unit in BarangayBatangbagras, Palimbang,Sultan Kudarat last October14 at 9 a.m. The firefight las-ted for 15 minutes duringwhich seven soldiers werekilled. The NPA fighters wereable to withdraw safely.

Thirty minutes later, themilitary bombed the ambushsite killing its own troops whofailed to immediately withdrawfrom the area. After twoweeks of rescue and retrieval,

"NPA...," continued on page 3"Duterte's foul...," continued on page 2

November 7 , 2018 ANG BAYAN2

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of the Communist Party of the Phi l ippines.

Issue XLIX No. 21 | November 7, 2018

Contents

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Editorial: Duterte's foul lies and cruelfascism 1

NPA attacks Philippine Marines 1

Duterte's biggest lies 4

State forces kill Sagay 9 lawyer 6

Sagay massacre suspects identified 7

Peasants resist Samar militarization 8

Anti-usury campaign in Capiz 8

15,000 march vs. martial law 9

Cultural work in a revolutionary base 10

Building the Party in Peryo 12

The Duterte regime's black budget 13

Police crimes against women escalate 14

smash their unity with the people'sarmy. He seeks to take away theirmoral right to resist armed sup-pression, oppression and exploita-tion.

At the same time, Dutertewants to push the proscription caseto declare and tag the CPP and NPAas "terrorists." He plans to use thisproscription to restrict the rights ofvarious groups which the AFP ac-cuses of conspiring with the CPP inits "Red October" tale.

Duterte aims to use the Partyas a scapegoat to extend and de-clare nationwide martial law whichhas been imposed over Mindanao.He is rushing this scheme to ensurethe outcome of the May 2019 elec-tions which will guarantee him acongressional majority for his fed-eralism project for perpetuating hispower.

Duterte's campaign of spread-ing barefaced lies against the re-volutionary movement is in line withthe relentless war of suppressionunder Oplan Kapayapaan. The AFPhas carried out a brutal all-out war

in the countryside marked withwidespread killings, torture, arrestsand detentions and other militaryabuses and violations of humanrights, and large-scale combat op-erations with artillery, helicopterand drone support aided and ad-vised by the US military.

To create the illusion of victory,thousands of peasants are beingduped or forced to parade as "NPAsurrenderees." However, contraryto the AFP's aims, many amongtheir peasant victims are ap-proaching the NPA to complainagainst military abuses, seek justiceand support the people's army.

In the past two years, Dutertehas spewed a gargantuan amountof lies. He has used his power andwasted hundreds of billions ofpesos of public funds to weave far-fetched tales.

He employs Hitler's fascistdoctrine of Big Lies: “Repeat a lieuntil it becomes the truth; the big-ger the lie, the better, because whowould imagine a man so impudentto fabricate colossal untruths.”

Such tactics are entirely incharacter for Duterte who is gar-rulous, foul-mouthed, narcissistic,and a blood-thirsty fascist. Underhis reign, the bigger and moreludicrous and vulgar the lie, thefilthier and darker the secret. Butno matter how big the illusion anddramatics Duterte whips up, hefails keep the secrets of his rottenrule from reeking.

Duterte's constant dramaticsserve to hide the decay of the rulingsystem and his moribund rule. His"war against drugs," "war againstcorruption," anti-US pretensionsand advocacy for sovereignty andpeace are pure posturing. Theseare all complete opposites of thetruth.

Duterte is insane if he believeshe can completely fool the Filipinopeople with his deceptions anddramatics. It is clear to the peoplethat he is the overlord of all drugsyndicates, mastermind of corrup-tion, a US puppet, traitor to thecountry and peddler of its sover-eignty, and number one fascist.

Duterte is demented if he thinkshe can silence or intimidate thepeople with his lies and use of stateviolence. Like a broken record, hedeclares he will crush the NPA bymid-2019, after having failed in hisearlier declaration of crushing theNPA before the end of 2018. This isnothing but a pipe dream. In fact,the armed struggle is advancingnationwide.

In the face of worsening eco-nomic and social crisis, burdensometaxes and other oppressive policies,bureaucrat capitalist corruption,imperialist intervention and op-pression, crime and narco-politicsand increasingly cruel armed sup-pression under Duterte, more andmore people are propelled to wagevarious forms of struggle.

The Filipino people's determin-ation to struggle to end Duterte'styranny and terrorism is unwaver-ing. They are undaunted and arefurther galvanized to take the pathof revolutionary armed struggle.

"Duterte's lies...," from page 1 "NPA...," from page 1

ANG BAYAN November 7 , 2018 3

almost 35 cadavers of soldiers wererecovered.

On top of this, the NPA-FarSouth Mindanao Region (FSMR)confirmed that 21 soldiers of MBLT2 were killed in Barangay Sangay,Kalamansig in successive attackslaunched by the Red fightersagainst the military last September16-17. (See article in Ang Bayan Oc-tober 7, 2018).

The MLBT's intensified militarycampaign is designed to clear thearea for the reentry of the DMConsunji Incorporated'smassive logging op-erations. Thecompany's oper-ations have beeninterrupted formore than twoyears due to thestrong opposition of theLumad people and theNPA's armed campaign.

According to the NPA-FSMR, the number of mil-itary casualties is possiblyhigher in the face of spon-taneous armed resistanceof the Lumad Dulangan-Manobo against DMCI and

MBLT 2.The Lumad Dulangan-Manobo

celebrated the defeat of the AFP'scampaign to protect Consunji's de-structive commercial operations.They continue to support and parti-cipate in punitive actions againstDMCI and its fascist protectors.

Quezon. The NPA-Quezon suc-cessfully foiled an attack by the92nd IB in Sitio Tiklupan, Umiray,

Gen. Nakar last October 27, at9:49 a.m. Two troopers werekilled and three were severelywounded while the NPA sus-tained no casualties. Thefirefight lasted for 20minutes.

Since May, Gen. Nakarhas been under constantattack by battalion-sizedforces of the 2nd ID tothe detriment of peas-ant and indigenous

Dumagat and Re-montado residents.

CamarinesSur. The NPA

sniped operatingforces of the Bravo Coy

83rd IB in the boundaries of

barangays Mainit and Sooc, Bato,Camarines Sur last October 22, at4:40 p.m., killing its commander,2Lt. Jayson Frederick Pasco. An-other soldier was wounded.

After the incident, an additionalcompany of the 83rd IB was de-ployed to pursue the NPA in thearea. More than a week of all-outmilitary operations were mountedin some barangays of Bato. Ac-cording to the Edmundo JacobCommand, "...because the massesacknowledge the justness of whatthe comrades are doing for them,they are provided safe haven in thearea despite focused operations ofthe mercenary army."

Negros Oriental. NPA-NegrosOriental almost simultaneously at-tacked two camps of the RegionalMobile Force Battalion (RMFP) 7 ofthe Philippine National Police inGuihulngan City last October 30.

Red fighters fired at a police de-tachment in the boundaries ofbarangays Balugo and Hinakpan at11:00 a.m. At around the same time,they attacked the headquarters ofthe RMFB 7 in Sitio Liko, BarangayBulado. A police officer was severelywounded in the operation.

"NPA...," from page 1


Duterte's biggest lies

1"War on drugs""I hate drugs" is Duterte's favorite mantra. In reality, however, Duterte

has proven himself to be the overlord of all druglords and syndicates. PeterLim, one of the biggest druglords in the country, is his compadre. Duterte'spolice officers and death squads has already murdered more than 20,000individuals, including the alleged heads of drug syndicates in Visayas (Es-pinosa) and Mindanao (Parojinog). He is using the "war on drugs" as a pre-text to threaten and strong-arm syndicates to bow to his overlordship.Duterte targeted local shabu manufacturers and controlled the smuggling ofthe drug. On May 2017, his son (Vice Mayor Pulong Duterte of Davao City)and son-in-law (Mans Carpio, Sara's husband) were implicated in the smug-gling of more than P6-billion worth of shabu from China. Last June, an es-timated 1.6 tons or P11-billion worth of shabu was smuggled into the coun-try. Instead of being dismissed, Isidro Lapeña, then chief of the Bureau ofCustoms when the smuggling case took place, was even rewarded with apromotion in the reactionary bureaucracy. Instead of being thrown inprison, Nicanor Faeldon who was the designated chief of Customs during theprevious smuggling case, was ironically appointed as head of the Bureau ofCorrections.

2 Marawi siegeDuterte bombed Marawi City for five successive months from May to

October 2017 purportedly to defeat the Maute group. He carried out thecampaign despite offers from Moro and religious leaders to mediate andhold negotiations to help resolve the armed uprising. In reality, Dutertepulverized the city to destroy residential areas, loot the people's propertiesand benefit from the city's reconstruction. Bourgeois compradors competedfor the biggest contracts. Recently, it was uncovered that included amongthose awarded with fat contracts is the family of Bong Go, Duterte's per-sonal factotum. It was only this October 31 that the "groundbreaking" ce-remony was finally held, which meant foreign and local capitalists can nowenter Marawi after almost a year of negotiations with the regime. This isdespite the fact that more than 214,000 residents are still considered dis-placed. Meanwhile, a military camp is now being constructed in the city-center, covering former commercial and residential areas.

3 Boracay "rehabilitation"Under the guise of "rehabilitation," Duterte ordered the closure of Boracay island and gave the military and police

de facto martial law powers to evict small-scale businesses and residents in order to facilitate the construction ofbusiness establishments of his favored capitalists. These include the construction of a casino owned by a Chinesebusinessman and a housing project of the Villar family. To cover-up the series of anomaly exposés, Duterte boastedthat he will "distribute" the island to indigenous peoples residing therein. On October 24, less than eight hectareswere awarded to 44 Ati families.

On October 26, Duterte "reopened" the island after six months of "rehabilitation." On October 31, the military usefor the island became apparent when the Philippine Coastguard announced the construction of a P30-million radar onMt. Luho, Barangay Balabag purportedly to prevent the entry of terrorists in the island. In reality, the said facility ispart of the radar system donated by Japan to the Philippines to guard the Sulu Sea and Pacific Ocean. This system willconnect to the radar system previously constructed by the US across Sulu Sea and Palawan to counter Chinese milit-arization of the Philippine seas and the South China Sea.


4Anti-US and pro-independent foreign policy

"I will break away from theUS," Duterte proclaimed in frontof Chinese officials and busi-nessmen in 2016. Since the be-ginning, this boast was designedto squeeze more funds for theAFP and his own grandiose plans."It's all about the money," as heput it much earlier.

In reality, Duterte is anglingfor modern military equipmentfrom the US which he earlierpromised the AFP. In time,Duterte reinforced the "perman-ent friendship" of the Philippine neocolony and US imperialism whenPresident Trump, a fellow ultra-rightist, became US president.Duterte portrayed the "war in Marawi" as "counter-terrorism" tomirror the US' fake war, allow its military to intervene and facilitateaid in form of new weaponry purchased using its gargantuan fundsfor "overseas contingency operations." Eventually, the US launchedthe Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines to oversee its intensified mil-itary intervention in the country and its increasing presence innearby territories. Duterte declared the CPP and NPA "terrorist or-ganizations" in compliance with the conditions imposed by the US sothat the AFP's counter-guerilla war can qualify for aid.

Duterte was strident in declaring that he will pursue an inde-pendent foreign policy but only to conceal his complete betrayal ofthe country's sovereignty. This is a hollow declaration as he remainsobeisant to imperialist dictates. Just to actualize his ambition toraise billions of dollars, Duterte has been desperately begging forloans from China notwithstanding extremely high interest rates andat the expense of the country's victory in Arbitral Tribunal which re-cognized the Philippines' claim over islands and other land forma-tions across the South China Sea. In fact, he even contracted anagreement for Joint Exploration which surrenders the exclusive rightof the Philippines to develop the marine resources, oil and otherminerals within its own economic zone.

5 Anti-corruption gimmick"I never stole, not even a peso, from the government." Duterte

often boasted to pretend that that his regime does not perpetratecorruption. This is despite an exposé revealing the millions of pesosdeposited in his and his daughter, Sara's, bank accounts. His pre-tension that he is merely a "common man" has long been belied byhis family's luxurious lifestyle, grandiose vacation trips, shows andparties.

Moreover, his promise to dismiss thousands of government offi-cials once he "catches a whiff" of corruption is also an empty boast.He used this campaign to dismiss appointees of the former Aquinoregime and replace them with his own henchmen. His relatives,friends and allies whom he favored alternately occupied various po-sitions. Not a single official whom he dismissed was convicted, whilesome were even rewarded with promotions.

6 "Mass surrender"The reactionary state is claiming

that more 4,000 Red fighters of theNPA have already "surrendered" and"returned to the folds of law" since2017. This is a component of its psy-war tactic to make it appear that thearmed revolutionary movement isweakening. This estimate contradictseven the AFP's report that the NPAmembership has been reduced to "just3,600" in the beginning of 2018. Inreality, majority of those who wereparaded as "surrenderees" are civil-ians who were duped, threatened andharassed by the AFP. Many of themwere coerced to "surrender" so as to"clean" their names even in the ab-sence of any warrant or evidenceagainst them. In many cases, resid-ents are promised food and financialaid and are assembled in communities,only to be shocked upon discoveringlater on that their names are alreadylisted as "surrenderees."

7 Red OctoberDuterte and AFP officials also used

contradicting stories to weave theirvery own fantastic Red October talewhich was their latest attempt to justi-fy the intensification of harassmentagainst legal organizations and alli-ances and their protest actions. Be-cause of its extreme absurdity, the AFPwas compelled to declare that the pur-ported plot has already been "foiled"even before October ended. In reality,what actually failed was its attempt tocreate an anti-communist hysteria inschools, factories and communities,and moreso among the general public,which it expected to scapegoat forworse fascist plots. All malicious at-tempts to link strikes, collective cultiv-ation ("bungkalan") movements andprotests to Red October were promptlyexposed as attempts to illegalize thesaid activities and justify armed sup-pression against its participants. Theregime is also using this as a veil tocloak its accountability to its hideouscrimes, including the massacre of ninefarmers in Sagay City.


State forces kill Sagay 9 lawyer

One of the lawyers assisting in seeking justice for the recent massacre inSagay City, Negros Occidental was shot and killed at around 10:50 p.m.

last November 6.

Atty. Benjamin Ramos, secret-ary general of National Union ofPeople's Lawyers (NUPL)-Negros,sustained three bullet wounds afterbeing shot by unidentified men infront of a store in Barangay 5,Kabankalan City, Negros Occident-al. He was declared dead on arrivalat the Holy Mercy Hospital in thesaid city.

According to the NUPL, Ramosis the 34th lawyer killed under theDuterte regime. He was among thefirst to provide help to the victimsof the massacre of peasants inHacienda Nene, Sagay City.

Ramos is also a founding mem-ber of the NUPL and served as law-yer for peasants and members ofvarious progressive organizations.He was a lawyer of the "Mabinay 6,"who were implicated in an en-counter between the AFP and theNPA last March.

Prior to his murder, Ramos wasincluded in a police list of suspectedprotectors of rebels and drug push-ers. This is part of the demolitioncampaign by the state against hu-man rights defenders. Meanwhile,another Sagay 9 lawyer, Atty. Kath-erine Panguban, was charged with afabricated case of kidnapping of a14-year old massacre survivor.

Killings. A local paramilit-ary group, Dios Uno, merci-lessly killed two farmers inSitio Canggabok, BarangayNagbinlod, Sta. Catalina,Negros Oriental. ApollonioDiosana and TemestoklesSeit Jr. were aboard a mo-torcycle when they wereblocked and shot by membersof the group. Dios Uno wascreated by the PNP-Sta.Catalina to assist in its"counter-insurgency" cam-

paign.Unidentified men shot and killed

Danny Boy Bautista, 31, a memberof Nagkahiusang mga Mag-uuma saSuyapa Farms (NAMASUFA) at theCompostela Public Market in Com-postela Valley last October 31.

Bautista was an active memberof NAMASUFA and participated inthe ongoing strike of SumitomoFruits Corp. (Sumifru) Philippinesworkers demanding a stop to con-tractualization.

Strafing. At around 7 a.m. lastNovember 5, guards of a landlordshot Aboy Mandaget, a 10-year oldLumad child, in Barangay Kawayan,San Fernando, Bukidnon.

According to Kalumbay RegionalLumad Organization, 20 armedguards trooped to the land beingcollectively cultivated by theLumads for palay production. Theguards started destroying thecrops, prompting the Lumads tobarricade their farm. They wereimmediately fired upon by theguards. According to witnesses, anindividual identified as "Totung"shot Mandaget in the foot. The childwas immediately brought to thehospital.

Harassment. Australi-an nun Sr. Patricia Fox

was eventually evictedfrom the country

after being tar-geted by

Rodrigo

Duterte because of her firm standfor the oppressed and exploitedunder the US-Duterte regime.

Fox, 71, left the Philippines inthe evening of November 3, afterserving the workers, peasants andurban poor for nearly three dec-ades. This came after the expira-tion of her visa, which was reclas-sified from missionary visa to travelvisa by the Bureau of Immigrationupon Duterte's orders.

Aside from Fox, the Duterteregime also prevented knownItalian critic Giacomo Filibeck fromentering the country this year,along with another Australian, GillHale Boehringer. This is part of theregime's crackdown on its critics,both Filipino or foreign.

Meanwhile, on October 25, theSalugpongan Ta' Tanu IgkanogonCommunity Learning Center, Inc. inTalaingod, Davao del Norte re-ceived a letter from the paramilit-ary group Alamara and datus onthe AFP's payroll, instructing theteachers and students from 19Lumad schools to leave. They usedDatu Guibang, who is currently be-ing held by the AFP, to terrorizethe Lumad families in the area. Themilitary also threatened to arrestknown community leader DatuDoloman Dausay.

In Calamba City, Laguna, morepolice troops were deployed at theLight Industry and Science Park(LISP) 2 in Calamba City, Laguna toharass and sow violence againstpicketing workers of SMT-Philip-pines. The workers are nearingtheir 40th day of protest in front ofthe factory.

The police and LISP 2 guardshave repeatedly blocked food

and material support forthe workers.

The workersset up theirpicket afterthe abrupt


closure of the factory in CalambaCity last October while negotiationswith the company managementwere underway. The sudden closurewas carried out to evade negoti-ations with the union and not due tothe company's bankruptcy. TheSMT-Philippines is a known supplierfor Epson and Toshiba.

Abduction. In Compostela Val-ley, elements of the 71st IB abduc-ted Imelda Hayahay, 53, last Octo-ber 15 from her home in Purok 1,Star Apple, Barangay Pindasa,Mabini. Hayahay is a member ofHugpong sa mga Mag-uuma sa Wa-log Compostela. Her family is sub-jected to constant harassment.Hayahay's daughter Jeanyrose, ateacher of the STTICLCI, is beingforced to surrender as a Red fighterin exchange for her freedom.

A few days after Hayahay's ab-duction, Leonardo Mision, 62, amember of Nagkahiusang Mag-uuma ug Lumad sa Laak, was founddead in his farm in Barangay LSSarmiento, Laak in the sameprovince.

Demolition. Demolition of SitioSan Roque in Quezon City resumedat the start of November. At theheight of the typhoon last October30, personnel of the NationalHousing Authority (NHA) destroyedthe homes of almost 100 families.

The NHA earlier promised togive P30,000 to families who willvoluntarily demolish their homes,but the agency retracted its promiseand immediately proceeded withdismantling the houses.

The land where Sitio San Roquestands is part of the Quezon CityCentral Business District, and suc-cessive demolitions have been car-ried out in the area in the pastyears. Residential lands forciblygrabbed from former residentshave been converted into con-dominums and shopping malls. Aseries of demolitions to destroy theremaining 300 houses in the areawill proceed until the second weekof December.

NDF-Negros identifies

Sagay massacre suspects

AFTER AN INTENSIVE investigation, the National Democratic Front(NDF)-Negros identified several of the paramilitaries involved in themassacre of nine peasants in Hacienda Nene, Sagay last October 20.Fr. Frank Fernandez, spokesperson of National Democratic Front-Negros, named the suspects as Vito Lotrago, Eduardo Linugon, RexiRobles, and alias Rako, former members of the Revolutionary Prolet-arian Army and now active members of the Special Civilian ActiveAuxiliary of the AFP.

At the same time, the NPA-Northern Negros (Roselyn PelleCommand) mocked the P500,000reward for the suspects providedby Alfredo Marañon Jr, governorof Negros Occidental, and hisson Alfredo Marañon III, mayorof Sagay City. This reward is asmokescreen to hide their in-volvement in the massacre. Infact, the Marañons along withother landlords employ the SCAAto sow terror in Sagay City.SCAA crimes include the murderof peasant leaders Ronald Man-lanat and Flora Jemola.

In 2003, the 90-hectareHacienda Nene was placed underland reform and the Tolentinofamily was ordered to distributeit to the peasants. On 2013, thepeasants were able to asserttheir right to till which led to theorder of the Department ofAgrarian Reform to distributethe land to 39 beneficiary-famil-ies. To evade the order, theTolentinos "gave" 70 hectares totheir drivers, housekeepers, andother "beneficiaries." These"beneficiaries" then leased thelands to other landlords to beplanted with sugarcane underthe ariendo system.

After 15 years of just asser-tion, the peasants decided tocollectively farm the land forfood to temporarily alleviatetheir families’ hunger andpoverty. They negotiated withthe ariendadors to allow them tofarm after harvesting sugarcane.

According to National Fed-eration of Sugar Workers (NS-FW) in Negros, the farmers havelong been tilling idle lands toprovide food for their familiesduring Tiempo Muerto (periodbetween harvesting and plantingof sugarcane.) “Bungkalan” orcollective farming campaignshave been actively conducted inthe island since 2009.

Last April, the AFP attemp-ted to illegalize collective farm-ing by declaring that these are"activities" of the New People'sArmy and associated it with theRed October tale. The NFSWstrongly condemned these lies,including the biggest lie that theorganization masterminded themassacre by using the peasantsas "bait." By repeatedly usingcontradictory accusations and apack of lies, the objective of theAFP to hide the crimes of itstroops is clear.

Meanwhile, NPA-NorthernNegros condemned another caseof human rights violation in theisland. Residents of PurokHoodam, Sitio Bideo in BarangayCodcod, San Carlos City weregravely abused and threatened byelements of the 79th IB last Oc-tober 22. Thirteen residents weremauled and forced to confess asmembers of the NPA. Five of themwere brought to the 79th IB campin Bato, Sagay City. Almost allhouses of the residents were ran-sacked by around 100 operatingtroopers.


Peasants resist Samar militarization

FROM OCTOBER 30 to November 5, more than 2,000 peasants encamped inthe plaza of Barangay San Miguel to demand the demilitarization of theircommunities in Las Navas and Catubig, Northern Samar.

Amid relentless harassment, thepeasants demonstrated their firmunity and collective determination tofight. They said that the continuousoperation of the military in theircommunities will only furtherstrengthen and broaden the resist-ance as it shall certainly rouse intoaction not only the residents of LasNavas and Catubig but also thosefrom other towns.

Since Duterte’s visit in theprovince last September, the AFPstarted to deploy more troops withinthe area. Detachments and militarycamps have long existed inbarangays San Miguel, Poponton andTaylor in Las Navas, and BarangayCarawag in Lao-ang. Meanwhile, theAFP conducts combat operations,under the guise of “peace and devel-opment,” in barangays San Miguel,San Francisco, Quirino, Perez, Mag-saysay, San Antonio, Imelda, Capo-toon, Cuenco, Avelino, Victory andLakandula in Las Navas; Tubang andGibunawan in Silvino Lobos; Rum-bang, Lanubi and Tangbo in Lao-ang;and Capacujan in Palapag.

The peasants unrelentingly op-posed the militarization of theircommunities which has further ag-gravated their poverty and hunger.

Last October 18,more or less 100 resid-ents fromeightbarriosmarchedand con-verged infront ofthe municipal hall of Las Navas andsubmitted their petition to demilit-arize their communities. Meanwhile,elements of the 20th IB roadblockedaround 30 members of NorthernSamar Small Farmers’ Association(NSSFA) who were bound to attend a

dialogue with the mayor of LasNavas. They also submitted a peti-tion and resolution to the Commis-sion of Human Rights in TaclobanCity.

The residents said that the en-campment of the AFP in their com-munities sown intense fear amongthem and even affected their liveli-hood. The troopers also continuesto harass and vilify members of Ka-tungod Sinirangang Bisayas atNSSFA.

Last November 7, elements ofthe 803rd IBde forcibly brought Al-fredo Pajanilla, a barangay official ofSan Francisco, Las Navas, to theircamp to supposedly talk to MajorGeneral Raul Farnacio, commanderof the 8th ID. Meanwhile, 20th IBtroopers roadblocked the convoy ofdelegates from Northern Samar whowere bound to join the mobilizationspearheaded by the People’s Surge inTacloban City. The delegates wereforced to go home because theirdrivers were threatened by the sol-diers.

In Bicol, the 31st IB occupied noless than nine barangays in Casigur-an, Gubat and Barcelona, Sorsogon.The residents said that the soldiersestablished a Barangay Defense

System wherein residentsare coerced to “guard”

their com-munities. Thesoldiers alsoassembled theyouth andslandered therevolutionary

movement. Meanwhile, those whothey suspect of supporting the NPAare subjected to interrogation. Theresidents also complained againstthe anti-social activities of the sol-diers in the barangay including theirdrinking-sprees and cockfighting.

Anti-usury

campaign in Capiz

CORN FARMERS FROM Capizsuccessfully reduced the loaninterest rate imposed bymerchant-usurers by half.After a series of meeting-dialogues and negotiationsheld by corn farmers in thetowns of Cuartero, Maayonand Tapaz with traders, amemorandum of agreementwas signed by representativesof both parties last October.

The agreement statesthat the compounded interestrate on seedlings, fertilizer,pesticide and herbicide loanedby farmers from merchant-usurers is reduced from 20%(P5,000) to 10% (P2,500) perplanting season (fourmonths).

Moreover, traders are nowobliged to comply with thesuggested retail price of cornin the local market and reducethe resiko (moisture content)rate. Traders are also obligedto issue official receipts tofarmers upon payment of theirdebts. To prevent swindling, itwas agreed upon that thetraders are now obliged tohave their weighing scales re-calibrated every month. On theother hand, farmers are nolonger obliged to pay loan in-terests if their farms are dev-astated by calamities.

Because of this initial vic-tory, the farmers pledged tofurther advance their cam-paign against other exploitat-ive arrangements still beingemployed by traders includingoverpricing of farm inputs.

The continuing campaignagainst usury is spearheadedby Pamanggas sang mga Man-gunguma sa Panay kagGuimaras and Kahublagan sangmga Mangunguma kag Mamu-mugon sa Uma sa Capiz.


15,000 join protests against martial law

More than 15,000 individuals carrying calls to end martial law and oustDuterte joined protest marches across Mindanao last October 23.

Dubbed as the Mindanao Day of Action Against Martial Law, mass actionswere held in Davao City, Cagayan de Oro, Butuan and General Santos.

In Cagayan de Oro, more than5,000 individuals from variousdemocratic sectors including the re-ligious participated in the mobiliza-tion. They carried an effigy ofDuterte riding a war tank as theymarched to Divisoria.

In Butuan City, about 5,000protesters paraded an effigy ofDuterte riding a train depicting theadverse effects of his TRAIN law tothe people. To culminate their pro-gram, Lumads and peasants des-troyed the effigy to signify thepeople's rage against Duterte'santi-people policies.

Simultaneously, 600 farmwork-ers from Compostela Valley man-aged to pass through AFP check-points which the military mountedto delay their contingent. The work-ers later joined the march fromDavao City to Freedom Park of morethan 3,000 delegates. Culturalworkers portraying blood-drenchedvictims were at the forefront of the

march to portray the state's fas-cism. The mass action was success-ful despite the Red-baiting and ma-licious attacks of Davao City MayorSara Duterte through social media,and the harassment of Task ForceDavao and PNP-Davao.

Various sectors also held aprotest march in General SantosCity to condemn and demand an endto militarization in their communit-ies. Some of the rallyists were fromLake Sebu, South Cotabato where 8Dulangan-Manobos were massacredby elements of the Philippine Mar-ines in December last year.

Progressive groups lambast paramilitary-led rally

Various groups condemned a rally at the University of the Philippines-Dilimanlast October 29 organized by staunch leaders of a paramilitary group. Amongthem were leaders of Magahat-Bagani which perpetrated the murder of Al-ternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development exec-utive director Emerito Samarca, and Lumad leaders Dionel Campos andAurelio Sinzo last 2015.

The paramilitary leaders trooped to UP to accuse the New People's Armyof killing and spreading fear in Lumad communities.

According to the UP Diliman University Student Council (USC), the groupled by Duterte's former communications officer, Mocha Uson, blatantly Red-tagged progressive groups and Lumad schools. According to the students,Uson's actions gravely endanger other Lumad groups. The USC also con-demned Uson's support to Rodrigo Duterte, a dictator wannabe who has con-tinuously denied the Lumad people of their rights to their ancestral lands.

Anakbayan and the League of Filipino Students staged a counter protestin the university on the same day to belie the allegations that are beingpeddled by Uson's group.

Protest caravanA protest caravan led byKilusang Mayo Uno was held bydifferent progressive groups lastOctober 30, in conjunction withthe arraignment of the "Sta.Cruz 5" who were arrested lastOctober 15. The five detainedactivists are National Demo-cratic Front of the Philippines(NDFP) consultant AdelbertoSilva, Hedda Calderon, IreneoAtadero, Ediciel Legazpi andJulio Lusania.

The groups criticized thearrest and demanded the imme-diate release of the five de-tained. They also added that thecases filed against them arefabricated, particularly that of"illegal possession of firearmsand explosives," because themilitary and police operativesonly planted guns and grenadein the victims' vehicle at thetime of their arrest.

‘Die-in protest’

Last October 25, a "die-inprotest" was conducted in frontof Iglesia Filipina IndependienteNational Cathedral in Taft Av-enue, Manila to decry the 13massacres perpetrated underthe Duterte regime.

Groups led by BagongAlyansang Makabayan-MetroManila lit candles and laid downacross the road to depict thekillings under his regime.

Based on Karapatan's docu-mentation, 13 massacres wererecorded under the Duterte ad-ministration since 2016. Amongthese are the massacre ofLumad peasants in Lake Sebulast 2017, the killing of 7 Tausugyouths in Patikul, Sulu lastSeptember and the brutalmurder of the 9 farmers inSagay last October.


Cultural work in therevolutionary base

Two militia members warmly welcomed the comradeswho visited a guerrilla front in the Bicol region last

October. After a few minute trek, they were greeted by aplatoon commander of the New People's Army with firmhandshakes.

Ka Leon, one of the militias, and the platoon com-mander Ka Bager are both former members of a culturalgroup in Barangay Lemon. The comrades formed thegroup 15 years ago. After more than a decade, scores ofyouth and their elders have become outstanding membersof the revolution moulded by revolutionary cultural workin the barrio and its nearby villages.

Sometime in 2002, the leadingParty committee in the area de-ployed a team to form culturalgroups in the barrios. This team wasintegrated within the NPA and par-ticipated in the daily task of thepeople's army. During that time, thePambansang Katipunan ng mgaMagbubukid (PKM) had just beenorganized in these barrios. A cam-paign to lower deductions imposedby compradors on coconut productswas then also recently started.

These activities coincided withthe formation of the first culturalgroup. The first piece rehearsed bythe members was specifically cre-ated for the campaign. They re-placed the lyrics of a mainstreampopular song with progressive lyricsand choreographed its dance steps.Ka Jabi, one of the organizers, said,"the cultural group's performancesin activities related to the campaignwere intended not only to entertaina tired audience, but also to high-light the people's culture."

This is the same reason why thefounders found it easy to organizetheir pioneer members. Most ofthose invited to the group wereyoung children of PKM members.The members' ages range from eightto 18. Aside from being inclined tosinging and dancing, the youngstersalso understood the struggle of theresidents of their village and otherneighboring barrios.

Alongside the victory of thestruggle of coconut farmers in thecluster of barrios, the group wasable to reach out to residents inother areas. Soon enough, theywere invited to perform in fiestasand schools. For several times, theywere also invited to perform overthe radio. Moreover, the group al-ways performs during events heldinside the guerrilla zone.

Ka Jabi clarified that thegroup's tasks are not limited toplaying music, singing ang dancing."They were organized into a chapterof Kabataang Makabayan. Meetingsare not only meant for rehearsals,but also for National DemocraticSchool educational discussions,planning and others." Included intheir main study program are theorientation on revolutionary cul-tural work, and writings of Mao andSison on culture. On the organizingaspect, the youngsters themselvesvolunteer in inviting their villagemates, classmates and peers fromneighboring barangays.

When the group was organized,two of its members were also part ofthe local Party branch, making iteasy for the group to be guided andmanaged. In recent years, adminis-tration of the group was transferredto the Party Section Committee.Even when the NPA unit and theorganizers are in the area, thegroups rehearse by themselves.

Over the past years, the membershave become equipped with theability to conceptualize creativemovements for their performancesthrough workshops.

More than ten cultural groupshave been formed in the guerrillazone of their front. Most of thoserecruited to these are the youth,with some cultural groups that arecomposed of mothers and the eld-erly. Ka Jabi shared that recently,when they printed out shirts for thegroup in the cluster of BarangayLemon, they were able to countmore than a hundred current andformer members.

Some of the groups were or-ganized after individuals ap-proached the organizers to seekassistance in forming their group.In other towns where organizerswere deployed, playing music andsongs have been effective. Ka Jabiadded, "in new areas, we onlystarted with playing the guitar andsinging. The masses know for whomthe comrades' songs are dedicated.Discussions always come afterthese." Because of the peasantmasses' inclination towards singing,they are often serenaded by com-rades with revolutionary songs.

Once, a mother who was amember of the local parish choirassisted in arranging the voices ofthe singing group of which her child

"Cultural work...," continued on page 11

"Cultural work...," from page 10


This article is a contribution by Party members in the NationalCapital Region to Ang Bayan's (AB) series featuring outstandingexperiences on Party branch building in various fields of revolu-tionary work. AB's editors encourage all Party committees to con-tribute to this series by submitting their featured stories.

Gem has been working in Peryo for 12 years, a known food manufacturingcompany in Metro Manila, when she was dismissed from work along with

fellow workers because they asked for just wages and regularization.

is a member. "We were surprisedwhen we heard them sing the Inter-nationale with blending voices," KaJabi enthusiastically recalled. In thebarrio pertained to by Ka Jabi, ninemembers of the group joined thepeople's army together.

Cultural groups have produceda number of individuals who even-tually became fulltime NPA mem-bers and active members of thelocal Party branch. One of thefounding members, Ka Raul, is cur-rently a cadre of the Section Com-mittee and a member of the localguerrilla unit. Ka Bager's other sib-lings, who were also his batchmatesin the group, are active members ofmass organizations.

How was revolutionary fervorinstilled among its members? "Re-volutionary culture transforms ourmethods of thinking, standpoint andaction," said Ka Jabi. "The culturalgroups' decades of existence hastaught its members to be critical.Even in watching television andlistening to the radio, the youngsterscan distinguish between what is trueand not, right and wrong. Even in-side the family and the village,members handle problems correctly,for example, by criticizing a parent

Building the Party in Peryo

"Cultural work...," continued on page 11

The company where Gem wasworking has 500 employees. Major-ity are contractual workers and onlyreceive wages below the minimum.The company does not provide be-nefits such as 13th month pay, holi-day pay, service incentive leave pay,PHilHealth, PAG-IBIG and SSS.They were even deprived of meal

breaks during 12 to 14 hours ofwork.

Aside from low wage and lack ofbenefits, they also endure danger-ous working conditions. Just likeany other factory reducing costs,the company does not providesafety equipment. Everyday, work-ers inhale poisonous chemicals used

to make their products. When acci-dents or sickness befall workers,the management is quick to hide theincidents and refuse to providetreatments for the victims.

Their working conditions seemto be management's most hiddensecret. But eventually, their mal-treatment was exposed. When theworkers took steps to expose theirsituation, the management suspen-ded them and accused them of sab-otaging factory operations.

There was a workers' unionwhich, however, tolerated thecompany's inhumane treatment ofits workers. Worse, their unionleaders are in cohorts with the

"Peryo...," continued on page 12

who is into vice, or enlightening afellow youth's wrong impressions ofthe group."

Also a big factor in shaping thegroup's revolutionary stand is fre-quent integration with the people'sarmy. They are witnesses to thenature and tasks of the NPA,thereby encouraging them to enlistat the right age.

Although the members alsoappreciate bourgeois songs, theymindfully play revolutionary andprogressive songs, especially whenthey gather for rehearsals. Like-wise, performing has been very ef-fective in helping the peasantmasses' bashfulness. Because ofthe performances, members aretrained from childhood to deal withpeople. This enhances their abilityin undertaking even greater tasksin the revolution such as conduct-ing discussions, confronting land-lords, commanding the army andothers.

Launching sports competitionsis also included in the program ofthe Party committee. In recentyears, basketball tournaments havebeen held in two adjacent clustersof barrios. At one point, youngstersfrom a neighboring guerrilla fronteven visited and joined the compet-

ition.Current challenges for Ka Jabi

and the comrades, aside from sus-taining the groups, include raisingthe level of their performances. Thecomrades noted that in recentbatches, children often becometimid upon reaching adolescence.The organizers realized that theirperformance pieces must also ad-apt to the performers, and not onlythe audience. This is why their re-cent pieces now incorporate rapmusic, hip-hop dance and othercontemporary elements, like thespoken word poetry to catch theinterest of the youth. On the otherhand, performances like concertsand skits or short plays are stillpopular to the masses and are stillstaged.

Cultural work in the guerrillafront will flourish, especially sincethe groups' rich experience is set tobe summed up. The cluster, towhich Barangay Lemon belongs, hasmore than 40 members already.Many more express their interest tojoin the groups, said Ka Jabi. Thesecultural groups will remain a deepwell of members like Ka Raul, KaBager, Ka Leon and the scores ofothers who are shaping revolution-ary culture in the countryside.

"Cultural work...," from page 10


"Peryo...," from page 11management and sell off theirstruggles. In the middle of the year,more workers were laid off. Thispushed the workers to unite andlaunch protests. Eventually, theyorganized their underground re-volutionary organization tostrengthen their struggle.

Surge of strugglesAt the beginning of their fight, a

few workers become enlightenedand in contact with the revolution-ary forces. They studied theirpresent conditions in contrast tothe profits of the capitalist. Fromhere they learned of the company'shigh rate of exploitation.

Their fight for a wage increaseand regularization became muchmore justified. Based on their dis-cussions, monthly salaries of regu-lar and contractual employees dif-fer by 40%. About 60% which shouldhave be given to the contractualsend up as the company's profit. Thisgap is felt deeply by the workers es-pecially during these time of surgingprices of goods and basic services.

It is easy for the workers tocome up with the factory's profitbased on its capability to pay per-sonalities charging expensive ratesfor their advertisements and en-dorsements. "They can pay moviestars and celebrities, but they can-not pay fairly the workers who maketheir products," exclaimed Gem.

As their struggle progressed,the workers faced legal proceedingsto campaign their demand for bet-ter working conditions. Throughtheir discussions, the Party branchclarified that the legal aspect oftheir struggle only serve as comple-mentary to their struggle in thestreets, and this is why they need tointensify other forms of protests.

Carrying the lessons from therevolutionary workers' movement,they fought for their rights andconsciously utilized the opportunitynot only to benefit their work andattain their demands, but also toaggressively increase membership.

Their picket protest is the key.

From a handful of members, theirrecruitment increased by 350%during the time of their campaign.

At the same time, they enduredharassment, intimidation, surveil-lance and threats from the man-agement and police forces. Privateguards also threatened them withviolent dispersals. The workers arefully aware that their fight is notonly with the capitalist, but alsoagainst the laws and policies of thereactionary state.

Being aware of revolutionarystruggle

For Gem, her illegal dismissal isa small sacrifice for bigger victoriesthat the workers and the peoplewanted to attain. Since the first daythat she and her co-workers wereretrenched, she offered her entiretime in arousing and explaining theneed for revolution.

She is not alone. In fact, 30% ofthe workers in Peryo are now fulltime activists.

Their association was organizedduring the first quarter of 2018 asa result of workers' party sectionexpansion work in the nearby fact-ory. Along with the growing clamorfor regularization, the workerswere able to swiftly expand andlaunch campaigns. Party recruit-ment was also conducted at thesame time.

Even though the Party branchwas still fledgling, members areactively recommending new tar-gets. They gather their target re-cruits and ensure they complete astudy program.

The workers realized the cor-rectness of their struggle evenmore as the campout movementadvanced under the guidance ofthe regional Party organ. Theymet and were able to relate withother workers from other unionswhich have the same conditions asthem.

Carrying the lessons of rectific-ation and the actual difficultiesthey experience as workers, theywere able to make fellow workers

promptly complete the basiccourses and key documents. Forthem, these lessons serve asbeacons of truth.

Since factories are near theirhomes, the newly-honed revolu-tionary workers join other workers'struggles in nearby factories. Theyalso attend demonstrations in citycenters.

Since the establishment of theirParty branch, they were also able toexpand to neighboring factories. Thisis one of Gem's primary task now.

"I am very happy and the intro-duction of the Party to me is verypositive. I regret the years thatpassed that I was not able to knowthe organization, but right now I be-lieve that the workers need to join therevolution to push for a society whichserves the opressed," said Gem.

At the moment, the workers areintensively planning on how tospeed up and efficiently deepentheir proficiency in ideology, be-cause they understand fully thatstudying theory is key and an ac-companiment to strong and tri-umphant practice.

The workers acknowledge theneed for a firm grasp of correctanalyses of all aspects of society. Infact, discussions are held almost ona daily basis regarding the state'soppression of workers and they al-ways keep on finding ways on how topractice the lessons they learned.


Where does the intelligence funds of the regime go?

Based on the recently released yearly report for 2017 of the Commissionon Audit (COA) of the reactionary government, the funds allotted in the

"confidential, intelligence, and extraordinary and miscellaneous expenses"more than double in 2017 from 2016,

This allocation is also called"black budget" because despite be-ing public funds, the offices andagencies using the money are notobliged to submit reports of itsspending.

According to the report,the budget ballooned toP8.98 billion in 2017 fromP4.44 billion in 2016, a101.78% increase, andwas used in "confiden-tial and intelligenceexpenses."

Almost three-fourths (3/4) of thefund was used by thethree primary institu-tions of the reactionarygovernment—the Office of thePresident (OP), which spent P2.515billion; the Department of NationalDefense (DND), spending P2.22 bil-lion; and the Congress using P1.797billion.

On paper, the funds are usedfor intelligence operations but morethan this, it serves as personal kittyfor the president and military offi-cials to spend it on their discretion.

Ballooning secretBased on data from the Depart-

ment of Budget and Management

from 2016-2018, Duterte has spentP16.45 billion of the secret and in-telligence funds. This is 92% morethan the entire expenses of theAquino regime from 2010-2015.

This 2018, the budget for intel-ligence has reached P8.08

billion, four times morecompared to the P1.58billion allocationstarting 2016. In2019, the budget is at

P6.28 billion.The Office of the

President's black budgetis the largest. At the be-

ginning of Duterte's term, ithad a P500 million blackbudget. This 2018, it bal-

looned to P2.5 billion. The funds’use are directly approved by thepresident and he is the only one whoreceives a report on how the moneyis spent.

Because of the secretive natureof the budget, this multi-billionfunding is open for abuse. In fact,one of the cases filed against formerpresident and current House SpeakerGloria Arroyo is the misuse of P325million black budget under the Phil-ippine Charity Sweepstakes Office inthe last three years of her term.

Several reports have shown that

funding for internet trolls and fakenews fabricators are from this hid-den part of the regime's budget.

In a report by Oxford InternetInstitute, there are 400-500 per-sonnel of the regime who are full-time manufacturers of fake socialaccounts and fake news and theindividual contracts they acquirefrom the reactionary governmentcosts not less than P10.5 millioneach. Several experts are claimingthat its funding comes from theblack budget.

Cla$$ifiedThe use and existence of the

black budget is a direct influence ofthe imperialist US. In the US, al-lotment of billions of funds forsecret spending is always underdebate.

Included in the known usage ofUS' black budget are espionage,and other activities against othercountries, manufacturing of newarmaments and bombs, and re-cently, "astroturfing" or funding oftroll accounts in social media andother ways to control public opin-ion, which they consider as part of"offensive cyberoperations." Inreality, the US is spreading thesecyberoperations by training expertsunder its military exercises insemicolonies including the Philip-pines. The black budget is also thesource of funds for developingvarious forms of torture.

"Pondo...," mula sa pahina 12

Police crimes against women escalate

UNDER THE DUTERTE regime, police crimes against the people, particularly women, are escalating. Police personnelare emboldened to exploit and oppress women further due to Duterte’s misogyny.

In a study by the Center for Women's Resources(CWR) last October, 56 police personnel are involved in33 cases of exploiting women and children since thestart of Duterte's term. Half of these are rape cases,while 13 are crimes committed under the "war ondrugs." Most recently, the rape of the 15-year olddaughter of a suspected drug user by a police officerwas exposed. Another 11-year old girl was sexually har-assed by four policemen during an anti-drug operation.

The police commit unabated abuses, according toCWR, because they are assured of immunity. In fact, the

state has acted on only one case. Majority of the com-plaints are junked or do not proceed to the filing of cases.

Duterte is directly responsible for these crimes. Heoutrightly encourages the police, including the military,not only to violate the rights of the people, but to killthem. In several instances, he ordered them to shootsuspected drug users and dealers and plant evidenceagainst them. Duterte grants his protection to the policeand military, including rapists and murderers of chil-dren. He even awards some of them with money andpromotions.

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