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Title Page

Name: Rike’ Semple 

Class: Lower 6 B

Subject: Geography

School: Queen’s College 

Date: 2013/10/14

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Content Page

  Introduction

  Anti-natalist and Pro-natalist Policies

  What are Anti-natalist policies?

  What are Pro-natalist policies?

  China’s One Child Policy

  History of the policy

  Nature of the policy

  Reasons for the policy

  Benefits of the policy

  Mechanism

  Penalties

  Effects / issues

  Exceptions

  Results of the policy

  Sweden’s Pro-natalist Policy

  History, Nature and Reason of the policy

  Mechanism

  Effects /Result

  Bibliography

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 Introduction

Nativity in the Western world dropped during the interwar period. Swedish sociologists Alva and Gunnar

Myrdal published Crisis in the Population Question in 1934, suggesting an extensive welfare state withfree healthcare and childcare, to level the number of children at a reproductive level for all social

classes. Swedish fertility rose throughout World War II (as Sweden was largely unharmed by the war) 

and peaked in 1946.

Today, Sweden has generous family politics, as well as a growing population.

Nicolae Ceaușescu's Communist Romania severely repressed abortion (the most common birth

control method at the time) in 1966[11][12] and forced gynecological revisions and penalizations for

unmarried women and childless couples. The birthrate surge taxed the public services received by

the decreţei generation. The Romanian Revolution of 1989 was followed by a fall in population growth.

Some countries with population decline offer incentives to the people to have large families as a means

of national efforts to reverse declining populations. Some nations such as Japan, Singapore, South

Korea, and Taiwan have implemented, or tried to implement, interventionist natalist policies, creating

incentives for larger families among "native stock."  Immigrants are generally not part of natalist

policies.

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 Anti-natalist and Pro-natalist Policies 

 

 What are Anti-natalist policies?

Anti-Natalist Polices are sets of rules that were made by countries that are concerned about over- population. This philosophy has been propounded by Arthur Schopenhauer. Anti-natalist policy is viewed by proponents as the solution to overpopulation, depletion of resources and famine.

The aim of anti-natalist policies is to decrease the total fertility rate, as well as the crude birth rate, inorder to slow the population growth. These policies are seen in countries of rapid population growth like

China, India, or a few decades ago Singapore.

 

What are Pro-natalist policies?Pro-natalist policies, in some form or other, have existed since ancient times and were justified ongrounds of high mortality conditions; they flowed from a populationist philosophy which equated powerand prosperity with large numbers.

The expansionist motivation in population policy reached a climax in Germany, Italy and Japan duringthe period between the two World Wars.

The measures adopted for this purpose included intensive pro-natalist propaganda, cash payments andhonoring of motherhood the repression of birth control, the regulation of emigration, the enactment of"eugenic laws" and drives for larger native and racially "pure" populations.

In modern times, several developed countries provide examples of pro-natalist policies, though each hasdifferent motives and different approaches.

Pronatalist policies or practic encourages the bearing of children, especially government support of a higherbirthrate.

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 CHINA’S ONE CHILD PO LICY

  HISTORY OF THE POLICY

Birth control in the 1950s

Soon after the formation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, government officials began tograpple with the issue of population control. Faced with growing numbers and the need for morelaborers, leaders initially did little to reduce the nation’s fertility rates. Some of them believed that ifthe government told people to reduce their fertility, a stable population size could quickly beachieved. According to author Judith Banister in China’s Changing Population, Chairman Mao Zedongsaid in a 1957 speech that he wished for the population to stay at 600 million for many years.

Leaders soon realized that population control would require a long-term, proactive approach, and inthe lead-up to the Great Leap Forward in 1958, laws banning birth control, sterilization, and abortionwere repealed, and China started to mass produce and distribute contraceptives, including, condoms,diaphragms, and spermicidal jelly. Public interest was low, in part because many of the availablecontraceptives were low in quality, but also because of a general reluctance to discuss issues of sex

and family planning. According to Banister, by 1958, the nation’s supply of contraceptives wassufficient to meet the needs of only 2.2 percent of all couples of childbearing age.

The famine of 1959–1961 temporarily derailed the nation’s family planning efforts, but once thecountry began to show signs of economic recovery, leaders implemented a new birth control campaign.Effort included the renewed production of contraceptives and massive media campaigns promoting latemarriage, low birth rates, and the use of intrauterine devices (IUDs) and vasectomies to limit fertility.After the Cultural Revolution

In 1964, the first national Family Planning Office was established to oversee China’s fertility reductionprograms, many of which focused on urban areas with modern medical facilities and access to suppliesof birth control. Government officials also had more control in cities to monitor residents, enforcepolicies, and threaten those who did not comply. Banister reports that by 1966, many cities in China

had experienced a significant decrease in their fertility rates. Rural areas remained largely untouchedby family planning efforts until after the Cultural Revolution of 1966–1969, at which time many of theurban family planning networks expanded their control into the surrounding towns and countryside.

Foundation for the One-Child Policy

Although many of the nation’s family planning programs were derailed during the Cultural Revolution,by the early 1970s, the nation was again in a position to promote fertility reduction. This time around,several factors aligned to increase the success of the programs. Since the onset of family planningefforts 15 years before: - Much of the adult population had been exposed to information aboutcontraceptives; - Factories were in place to produce the needed contraceptives; - The government hada better understanding of various contraceptive, sterilization, and abortion techniques due to severalyears of research; - Government programs had trained millions of “barefoot doctors,” health aides, and

midwives to move throughout the country promoting the use of birth control. By the late 1970s, Chinahad experienced significant success in increasing the use of birth control and reducing fertility rates

 

Attempts to slow down population growth were started in the 1970s using the slogan “Later, longer,fewer”. People were encouraged to limit families to two children. Still, government officials worriedabout the predicted 1 percent annual growth of the population, due to disproportionately largenumbers of young people. In 1978, the government set the goal of a zero population growth rate by theyear 2000. Soon, their focus turned to limiting the number of children per couple to one.

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  Nature of the Policy

The anti-natalist policy called “One Child Policy” was introduced in 1979 to solve economic, social and

environmental problems. In this policy women are restricted to having only one child else be punished

by the law unless they have a specific reason such as twins. These punishments could be fees or less

governmental support and in some cases even forced sterilization. On the other hand the government

introduced incentives to persuade adults to adhere to the rules. It is estimated that without thesefamily planning policies there would be 400 million more Chinese people today and clearly the crude

birth rate decreased a lot.

  Reasons for the policy

China’s reasons for the “One Child Policy” include: 

1. 

Combat population explosion.

  Imbalances between population and available resources. China has 7% of the world’s agricultural

land and 23% of the world’s population. 2.

 

To encourage economic development

 

Improving the standard of living for the population. 

 

 Benefits of the Policy

  Birth rate of the country is lowered  The country achieved 400 million fewer births during the past 30 years (according to government

claims)  More affordable living (since there is only one child per family to care for)  The country was lifted out of a youthful population

 

 Mechanism

  Law introduced to limit the number of births applied to the Han majority (90% of the population)

but not the ethnic minorities.   Cash bonuses, improved housing and free education/medical care if couples limit themselves to

one child.   Free birth control and family planning advice.   Age limits and certificates for marriage. Couples would have to apply for marriage certificates.   Anyone housing more than one child lost benefits and faced financial penalties (generally 3× their

salary). 

 

 Penalties

The rigorous one child policy also has penalties after the birth of a second child. These include:

  The loss of benefits such as cash bonuses and free education;

  Heavy fines generally 3x larger than their salary.

  Forced abortions and treats of sterilization.

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 Effects / Issues

Demographic Structure   Future ageing population and high dependency ratios.  Shortage of economically active age group.

Gender Structure   Ratio of 117 males for every 100 females among babies from birth through children of four years

of age. Normally, 105 males are born for every 100 females.  By 2020, an estimated 30 million men will be unable to find a wife and have a child earning them

the title “Bare branches”. 

Civil Liberties & Human Rights   Women pregnant for a second time often coerced into having an abortion or sterilization

particularly during the early years of the policy.  “Granny Police” were recruited in settlements to spy on people in their community who might be

trying to keep a pregnancy secret.

Civil Unrest   Opposition in rural areas, where stronger requirements for sons to work in fields, continue family

name and look after parents in their old age, exist.  Reports of gender selective abortions, hidden children, abandoned girls and, in rare cases,

female infanticide.

Little Emperor Syndrome   Indulged and closeted boys who are often arrogant and lacking in social skills.

  Exceptions

  In rural areas if the first child is a girl, then a couple can have a second child.  If the first child is unhealthy, a couple can have a second child.  If both parents are only children, they can have two children.

 

 Results of the Policy

  Total fertility rate has declined from 6.2 in 1950 to 1.6 in 2009, which is below replacementlevel. The rate of natural increase has declined to 0.5% from 2.2% in the 1970s.

  Policy has met the most success amongst urban populations. It has been less successful in ruralareas where families have continued to have 2 or 3 children.

  It is estimate that without the policy there would have been an extra 400 million Chinesepeople born between 1970 and 2009.

  The reduction in the rate of population growth during the 1990s was accompanied by anoticeable rise in GNP.

  Greater equality for women as status is enhanced. Women are offered more opportunities for

gaining greater knowledge.

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 Sweden’s Pro-natalist Policy

  History, Nature and Reason of the policy

Swedish family policy emerged out of concern with a low birthrate and pro-natalist goals in the 1930s,this has not been an objective since World War II (Palme, et al., 2002; Greve, 1999; Palme andWennemo, 1998; Ditch et al., 1996).

Sweden experienced a major economic crisis in the early/mid 1990s. Economic growth was negative forsome years and real GDP fell. Its unemployment rate "exploded" in the early 1990s reaching a high ofmore than 8 percent, four times the rate during the 1980s. The cost of unemployment benefits rosedramatically and the budget deficit "boomed." Sweden is one of the leaders in Europe in populationaging and beginning in 1998 reformed its generous old age pensions system. During these years whenthe economy was under pressure and unemployment rose, the child poverty rate increased from 6.0percent in 1990 to 8.5 percent in 1994, using the U.S. absolute poverty measure and 2.6 percent usingthe relative poverty measure (less than 50 percent of median income). The rate rose subsequently. Thepoverty rate of lone mothers increased during the mid-1990s, declining somewhat by the end of thedecade, as well. By the end of the decade, the child poverty rate had declined to 5.3 percent and 4.2percent in 2000.

The Swedish economy has recovered beginning in the late 1990s. In 2002 Sweden’s officialunemployment rate was 5.1 percent, significantly lower than the OECD average of 6.3 percent.However, the rate climbed to 7.8 percent in 2005, higher than the OECD average of 6.7 percent.Sweden has a long-standing response to unemployment that includes a stress on "active' rather than"passive" labor market policies (education and training programs rather than unemployment benefits).The Swedes continue to link receipt of social benefits to work, or preparation for work.

During the period of "hard times" in the mid-1990s, Sweden reduced its child benefit from about $100to $80 a month, the first ever cut in the nominal value of these benefits. The supplementary benefitprovided to larger families with three or four children was eliminated. Child support (advancedmaintenance) benefits and housing allowances were more constricted. Of particular importance,

Sweden reduced the rate at which social benefits replaced wages but not the length of time recipientscould receive the benefits. The supply of childcare services was sustained but quality declinedsomewhat. Parent fees rose (from 15-20 percent of operating costs to 25 - 30 percent in somemunicipalities. About 15 percent of the services were privatized; about half of those now are for profit,operating largely through contracts with local government. Privatization (to nonprofit providers),decentralization, and an increase in user fees for social services and early childhood education andcare services characterized much of the 1990s.

Despite the cuts, school meals remained free and available to all children during these years, Sweden'suniversal health care was sustained; and expenditures on social assistance and special assistance torefugees were doubled as a share of GDP. Moreover, family benefits, which had declined from 4.6percent of GDP in 1993 to 3.7 percent in 1997, began to rise again in 1998. Nonetheless, it was stillonly 3.5 percent in 2003.

According to Swedish policy scholars Joachim Palme and Irene Wennemo, family benefits were subjectto "temporary retrenchment rather than reform", but the cuts were modest and there was norestructuring. Sweden experienced a combination of cuts in transfers (cash benefits), increases in taxes(higher social security contributions), rising unemployment, and declining wages. It is this fourfoldcombination-this quadruple whammy-that hurt children and their families most, not the cuts inbenefits and services alone, which were really quite modest. Indeed, policies and programs for childrenand their families have clearly been protected.

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As of mid-1998 child allowances had returned to their nominal high of a few years earlier (only slightlybelow the real high) and were worth about 7.5 percent of average manufacturing wages, thesupplementary benefit for larger families was re-instated, benefit replacement rates had beenincreased to 80 percent of prior wages, the block grants to municipalities for social services includingchild care were close to the high level of the earlier 1990s, the budget was in surplus and the surpluswas projected to be even larger for next year. By 2001, child allowances were above their earlier realhigh, 950 SEK for each of the first two children and still higher for subsequent children. The benefitwas raised again several years later.

The Swedish welfare state may be less generous today than a dozen years ago but child-relatedbenefits and services have been protected. Benefit replacement rates are generous. Child allowancesare now above their earlier real levels at 1050 SEK. Single parent families have been protected. In acomparative sense, the Scandinavian model remains extraordinarily generous, indeed the mostgenerous of all countries in the OECD, especially to children and their families. Nonetheless, in its 2006national report on social conditions in Sweden, the National Board of Health and Welfare highlightedtwo current challenges affecting young people and their families. They first is the increasing difficultyfor youth of establishing themselves in the labor market, particularly for those with a foreignbackground. The second is the increase in ethnic segregation in the metropolitan areas and thepolarization of social environment between native-born persons and persons perceived as foreign bythe majority of the population.

According to data provided by the Swedish Ministry of Health and Social Affairs (2003), Swedish familypolicy continues to be based on the principles of universality and individual rights. It comprises: childand family cash benefits, parent insurance, high quality child care, and advance maintenance. Familybenefits are aimed at reducing the income disparities between those with children and those without.

 

 Mechanism  Social Protection

The Population Commission of 1935 recommend a flat rate of family allowance beginning with the firstchild, and supplementary aids in the form of marriage loans, maternal and child health centres, housingand fuel grants, free school meals, home-help services, holiday travel for mothers and children and tax

relief to couples with children.

The Sickness and Maternity Insurance Schemes cover all the residents. Maternity leave is compulsory andthe cost of confinement is borne by the State.

Voluntary parenthood is encouraged, abortion laws have been relaxed and sex education in schools formsan important part of the educational program.

  Child, Youth and Family Policy Regimes Maternity, Paternity, Parental, and Family Leaves:Paid, job-protected maternity, paternity, and parental, leaves

 

Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC)   Family Allowances   Child and Family Tax Benefits 

  Child Support   Other Child Conditioned Income Transfers   Child and Adolescent Health   School-Aged Children: Policies and Programs three-quarters of six- to nine-year-olds are enrolled in

after-school programs, which consist of "leisure time centers",, family day-care homes, and open out-

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of-school services. Most attend the centers, which are often linked with preschool programs, andinvolve income-related fees.

  Housing Benefits Housing allowance is a means-tested benefit, the only such benefit apart from socialassistance. Families with children as well as spouses and single persons are entitled to housingallowance, if they are Swedish residents. It exists in two main forms:

The income tested housing allowance that varies according to age, income, housing cost, and the number

of children;Rent payments, which are fully covered for social assistance claimants with a supplement to the housingallowance.

  Reconciliation of Work and Family LifeThe general culture in Sweden stresses the importance of maintaining a balance between work and familylife. Government policies support this, in particular the extensive system of subsidized early childhoodeducation and care, and the extensive and generous parental leave policies including post childbirth, postadoption, and sick-child policies   YouthFull-time upper secondary pupils are eligible for financial support through the first half of the calendaryear in which they turn 20. Universal monthly student grants are given to all pupils without application,and means-tested extra grants and, under certain conditions, grants for boarders, are also available.

  Effects /Results

Sweden has a population of about 9 million, and is the largest of the Nordic countries. Childrenconstituted about 17 percent of its population, slightly below the OECD average (about 19 percent) butslightly above the EU 15 average (16 percent) in 2005. The elderly constituted about 17 percent of itspopulation, well above the OECD average of about 14 percent, but about the same as that of the EU15. Its total fertility rate in 2004 was 1.75, slightly above the EU average. About 55 percent of birthsoccur outside of marriage, but most are to two cohabiting parents living in consensual relationshipswith their biological children. Its teen birth rate is very low. Seventy-three percent of children underthe age of 18 live in a two-parent family, with their biological parents, regardless of whether or not

the parents are legally married. About one-third of Swedish children are likely to experience a parentaldivorce or separation. Homosexual partners have the right to qualify as adoptive parents. Thus Swedenhas reversed its fertility decline it experienced in the 1970s.

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