THE NATAL SOCIETY OFFICE BEARERS, 1984-1985 President Cr Miss P.A. Reid Vice-Presidents Dr J. Clark M.J.e. Daly H. Lundie S.N. Raberts Prof. e. de B. Webb Trustees M.l.e. Daly Cr Miss P.A. Reid S.N. Raberts Treasurers Messrs Dix. Bayes & Co. Auditors Messrs Tharnton-Dibb, Van der Leeuw & Partners Chief Librarian Mrs S.S. Wallis Secretary P.e.G. McKenzie COUNCIL Elected Members Cr Miss P.A. Reid (Chairman) S. N. Raberts (Vice-Chairman) Dr F.e. Friedlander R.Owen W.G. Andersan A.D.S. Rose R.S. Steyn M.l.e. Daly Prof. A.M. Barrett T.B. Frost Associate Members F.J.H. Martin. MEC City Council Representatives Cr N.M. Fuller Cr W.l.A. Gilsan Cr R.F. Haswell EDITORIAL COMMITTEE OF NA T ALIA Editor T.B. Frost W.H. Bizley M.H. Camrie l.M. De:me Prof. W.R. Guest Ms M.P. Maberly Mrs S.P.M. Spencer Miss l. Farrer (Hon. Sec.) Natalia 15 (1985) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010Cover Picture The tower of the Mariaman Temple, Pietermaritzburg. (Photograph: R.F. Haswell) SA ISSN 0085 3674 Printed by Kendall & Strachan (pty) Ltd., Pietermaritzburg Contents EDITORIAL 5 ORIGINAL DOCUMENT Letter from S. John 7 ORAL HISTORY Interview with Mr Sam Chetty Moray Comrie ........... . 10 PHOTOGRAPHIC ESSAY 125 Years The Arrival of Natal's Indians in Pictures Joy B. Brain ........................... 18 ARTICLE Reducing the Indian Population to a 'Manageable Compass': A Study of the South African Assisted Emigration Scheme of 1927 Uma Shashikant Mesthrie ............... 36 ARTICLE Indian Townscape Features in Pietermaritzburg Robert F. Haswell ..................... 57 ARTICLE Health and Disease in White Settlers in Colonial Natal Joy B. Brain ........................... 64 ARTICLE Brother Nivard Streicher 1884-1922 Robert Brusse Architect of Mariannhill 79 ARTICLE Architects versus Catholics: The Emmanuel Cathedral Controversy Peter Spi/ler .................... . 89 ARTICLE A Brief History of the Farm Bosch Hoek Maryna Fraser ................. . 95 OBITUARIES Mark Fiennes Prestwich George Selwyn Moberly 100 102 NOTES AND QUERIES Morav Comrie 106 BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES . 119 SELECT LIST OF RECENT NATAL PUBLICATIONS 128 REGISTER OF RESEARCH ON NATAL 129 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS 132 5 Editorial The Index of the previous ten volumes published in Natalia 11 revealed that a theme conspicuous by its absence was the history of the Indian community and its contribution to the tapestry of Natal life. 1985 marks the one hundred and twenty-fifth anniversary of the arrival of the first indentured Indian labourers and thus provides a most suitable occasion to make good a regrettable deficiency in the scope of material published in Natalia. Accordingly we reproduce a letter by a literate indentured Indian supplied by Professor Surendra Bhana of the University of Durban-Westville, to whom we are also indebted for its editorial introductory note. Accompanying it is our first venture into oral history, the reminiscences of Mr Sam Chetty of Pietermaritzburg, recorded and edited by Mr Moray Comrie of the Natalia Editorial Committee. Not inappropriately, it is other members of the staff of the Department of History of the University of Durban-Westville whom we have to thank for further contributions on the theme of Indians in Natal: Dr Joy Brain for an unusual photographic essay on Indian immigration to and settlement in Natal (and we acknowledge the assistance of her husband, Dr Peter Brain, in the reproduction of the photographs), and Ms Uma Mesthrie for a substantial article on the South African assisted emigration scheme of 1927. Dr Rajend Mesthrie reports on his study of the evolution of distinct South African varieties of the Indian languages while Mr Robert Haswell of the University of Natal completes this part of Natalia 15 with a piece on the Indian contribution to the Pietermaritzburg townscape. 1985 was ~ l s o the one hundred and twenty-fifth anniversary of the inauguration of the railway age in South Africa with the running of the first train from Durban to the Point, an event commemorated by the Railway Society of Southern Africa with an appropriate (if not precisely accurate) historical re-enactment by a special train with guests in a variety of nineteenth century costumes, hauled by the second oldest steam engine in the land. Mr Bruno Martin, also of the University of Natal, and a railway enthusiast, has contributed a substantial Note on these events. Three years ago Natalia recorded the centenary of the establishment of the Mariannhill monastery. We are now pleased to be able to carry an illustrated article on the work of its architect, Brother Nivard Streicher, both at Mariannhill and at various daughter houses. For this our thanks go to the well known Durban architect, Mr Robert Brusse, himself responsible for the recent splendid restoration of St Joseph's cathedral church at Mariannhill. For the rest, we are glad to be able to publish another offering by one of our most indefatigable contributors, Dr Peter Spiller of the School of Law at the University of Natal, Durban, this time on the controversy that erupted between the architects and their clients, the Catholic Church, over the 6 construction of Durban's Emmanuel Cathedral. The adjective 'indefatigable' is also an appropriate one to apply to Dr Joy Brain who has supplied us with an interesting article in an unusual field - health and disease in colonial Natal. Travellers on the national road through the Natal midlands pass through the farm Bosch Hoek. We are grateful to Mrs Maryna Fraser, archivist of the Barlow Rand group, for tracing its history for us. In our Book Review section we publish a short article by Professor Michael Chapman, co-editor of the facsimile reprint of Voorslag 1 - 3, on Roy Campbell and his role in the production of that iconoclastic journal. To all our contributors, to the writers of obituaries, and to the members of the Editorial Committee who have attended many meetings, made many enquiries in search of material and done much proof-reading, my grateful thanks. Without so much talent and goodwill, freely given, there could be no Natalia. May the pleasure and profit of our readers be their reward. T.B. FROST 7 "Make haste my Lord You cannot help me after my death" Editorial Note S. John was a Christian indentured Indian. He did hawking for his employer. although it is not clear whether he was originally hired for that purpo,e. or whether the Tuckers were his first employers. There must have been others who were hired as hawkers. but this class of employment among the indentured was infrequent. John is not typical of the indentured individuals in that he was able to read and write English. His letter, then, is one of a very few that provides fir;;t hand the indentured perspective. and is therefore historically valuable. The complaints agilinst his employer sound reasonable enough. although some of his charges suggest to me a paranoic mind. The picture he creates makes good social history; and the researcher studying the development of the English language among Indians may find the mannerisms of interest. Despite claiming to have 'no time to write letters', John appears to have been gifted with the pen. The Deputy Protector. who investigated John's complaints, found some of them to be valid, but was generally unsympathetic. He was inclined to believe that if John 'were to write less and try and satisfv his employer by endeavouring to do his duty. matters would go more smoothly'. Of the individuals named in John's letter C.W. Tomkins was caterer for the Railway Refreshment Rooms. He built the Inchanga Hotel where he had a large bakery and mineral water factory and from where he despatched daily consignments to the various buffets and dining rooms. A. Fricker was in charge of the Refreshment Rooms at Estcourt. Mr Tucker, however. is less easy to identify: the 1904 Natal Almanac lists an Ed Tucker as running an eating house in Durban, though whether he was the onc of whom John complained is uncertain. John's letter of 13 JulY. 1904 is addressed to the Protector of Indian Immigrants. It has been brokcn into paragraphs and some punctuation supplied. but otherwise no changes have been made. Source: II11112S, 1613/1904, Natal Archives. SURENDRA BHANA May it please your Exellency my Lord. Hoping the trouble will be excused, I with due respect and humble submission beg to submit these few lines to your generous and kind considerations. Oh my Lord, I pray your majesty to sympathize with my pitiful conditions. How long I suffer disconsolation and affliction. Make haste my Lord to help me in my distress. You cannot help me after my death my Lord. Your majesty say that I give trouble to my employers. Don't think so my Lord. I did not give any trouble to my masters and I will not give any trouble to them. I am a christian. I know it is a great sin to tell lies or to be humbug. In order to cover their curious heart they say that I am humbug and liar. Did your majesty ask them what trouble I gave to them? I did not give any trouble to them my Lord. 8 "Make haste my Lord . .. " Mr C.W. Tomkins once promised to Mr Fricker manager of Estcourt and said, 'If anyone put John into prison I will give 8 pounds to him.' Mr Fricker himself said to me, all the waiters know this. My employers try their best to kill me in any way they could, but they looks good to others. Most honoured my Lord I humbly pray your majesty to see to my fruitful conditions. On the 13th June 1904 Mr Tucker filled a large tray with sweetmeats, fruits, books and paper and gave order to me to walk along the platform when train comes to sell them, and compelled me to sell them from 7 a.m. to 11 p.m. I did not refuse it. I sold them for two days. On the 15th June I was sick by that hard working. Thinking it is best to show myself to the magistrate of the City Police I without a pass went to the Interpreter of City Police and reported about my sickness and requested him to tell to send me to hospital. But he said to me to go to your manager and ask him to send you to hospital. When I returned from the Court, Mr Tucker met me near the Court and charged me to a police man for not having a pass from him. But Interpreter declined to take me in charge and gave order to send me to hospital. My manager left me behind and returned from the Court, and then I went to a Doctor named Mr Wood and requested him to examine me. I returned from the Doctor's house with a prescription note and showed it to my manager, and requested him to send me to hospital. No, no. I shall take you to hospital for examination. Come and follow me, he said and took me to the of N.G.R. Hospital and said to him, examine this humbug feller who put his face downward so that I take him for jail. Compounder said, 'No I cannot,' send him to the medical officer. And then my manager Mr Tucker took a knife from the hand of the Compounder, which he had for his work on that time, and came to me to stab with it, crying, take away this wretched feller, and said, Why you did not die. I answered and said, Sir, the Lord God keeps me in life to protect my poor children who still expecting my hand. While I saying these words Mr Tucker was whispering something with the Compounder which I did not understand but the Compounder interrupted and said, no, no 'he is a poor man having children.' I hope Mr Compounder will not deny these what I say here. Mr Compounder sent me to the medical officer's house. While my manager was still speaking with the Compounder, I was examined by the doctor and was sent to hospital where I was 8 days on 22nd June. I was discharged from hospital with a weak state. When I was in hospital I tried very much to speak, and tell about my sickness to the Doctor but I had no chance to speak with the Doctor because he was busy. Otherwise I should have told him about my sickness. When I returned from hospital I carried a uncovered letter in which Mr Compounder stated that I was fit for work to my manager. I am sure of it that there was a speach between my manager and Compounder. Otherwise he will not certify me that I am fit for work. Most Honoured my Lord, I swear it that I felt very weak on the day of my dischargement, on the very day Mrs Tucker ordered me take fruits tray to sell. I am under this hard work suffering very much difficulty. Oh my Lord, I swear it by the greatest name in the universe that I feel still weakness. My muscles are not strong enough to walk properly. My feet, ankles and hip are 9 "Make haste my Lord.. " very much pammg because of my infirmity. Those who go by the train sympathize with my pitiful and miserable state when I walk along the platform with that fruit tray. Did not I say that there is something about my life, my Lord. I dare to make an oath that Mr C.W. Tomkins sent me to Pietermaritzburg for the purpose of assassinate me. There is no doubt of it. From 7 a.m. to 8.30 p.m. I must do my work. Mrs Tucker treat as a slave. She says that I am humbug and in order to hide her evil design she speaks with her feigned lips good. She says your Protector you say is in my hand and he will not refuse to my words. I hope he will not hear you. Oh my Lord, I pray your majesty. Where can I go if your majesty so will pleased us to be ill-treated. Oh my Lord incline your ears and hear my voice of crying, no one is put but you to protect the destitute indentured men. Even a mule gets some rest off his work, but on my part I could not find any rest while other servants enjoy their rest. I was compelled to wait in the kitchen. I have no time to write letters. This application was written ... [words missing?] to work here, not to be humbug. I have finished 21!2 years. During these time no managers say that I don't know how to cut bread and butter. Mrs Tucker finding that there is no other way to treat me badly she ventured to say that I don't know how to cut bread and butter. Oh my Lord let it be pleased your majesty that I did not agree to come here to sell fruits, and I did not agree to work whole day. But I must do my work whole day or whole night when busy in order to make my Superior satisfied. Did not I work in the time of war. Night and day we work. I did not mind my rest, but it is unsufferable when the order proceeding out of their envious and cruel heart for the purpose of fulfil their revengeful thought. In conclusion I most humbly pray your majesty to call me to Durban, before I transferred to Zululand because my manager said that he would transfer me to Zululand, and examine my strength and sickness and be gracious to cure me of my illness and make me fit for work. Because though I looks a strong and lleshy man I swear it that I am too feeblc and weak. All my joints are very painful. I pray your majesty don't forsake me, help me. For which act of kindness I shall praise your name. I remember you in my prayer and I shall duty bound to pray your honor, welfare and prosperity. I beg to remain Most excellency my Lord I am your obedient servant S. John No. 90785. 10 Interview with Mr Sam Chetty This interview was conducted at the offices of the Natal Society, Pietermaritzburg, on Tuesday 16 July 1985. Comments which did not bear directly on the main themes of the discussion have been excised from the transcript, as have such minor hesitations and repetitions typical of colloquial usage that do not affect the sense of Mr Chetty's remarks, but in all other respects this is a verbatim transcription. We had a laundry situated at West Street, 191 West Street, which was opened by my grandfather. This must be some time just before the first World War - that would be 1910, 12: I couldn't remember dates. This was managed by him and helped by my father. I was born in '24, so I only remember things say from '30 onwards. I can remember faintly we used to do washing for the Wykeham School. And we used to do all the washing for the mounted police out at Alexandra Road, for the warders at the prison, and all the people at the top end of town. At that stage there were a lot of lawyers and judges and all living in Pine Street and West Street. This was our territory, we used to do all the washing and ironing. I mean those days, you know, one had to do starching, and we had all these four or five ironing rooms. Nothing electrical, it was all coal stoves, these flat-irons, and washing soda; none of these things you get these days, modern equipment. There were another two laundries, I think. One of them was even before us. I think it was before the start of the century, 1890-something, which was known as Verasammy's laundry in Pietermaritz Street. I think that was the oldest laundry in town. And then there was Samuel's laundry. That was just below the station. These were the three laundries at the top end of town that did all the washing and all. You know, in a laundry those days, things used to be dried out in the sun, and we had all these lines surrounding the yard. This is what I can remember. And our place used to be a meeting place for most of the Indians, because we had a big yard, and people used to come shopping in town from the outlying districts and would ... Animals, horses and things would be fed there, hay and other things. When they did their shopping there was a very big trader known as Amod Bayat. That's just below the station in Church Street, one of the oldest traders in Maritzburg, and that used to be the main shop for Indian groceries and Indian condiments. People living far out, like Ashburton and Sweetwaters, towards Edendale, used to come into town. If they came by train it wasn't far from the station, and they would come and rest at our place, or leave things there, and put up for the night and the next day go back home. So you lived on the premises? We lived on the premises. 11 Interview with Mr Sam Chetly Are the buildings still surviving? No. It was demolished in about ... We had stopped this laundry operation in '34. There was a new building that was put up there. We had leased these premises. There was quite a good Indian community at the top end of town - we just called it the top end of town - towards the Pine Street area. There were quite a few shopkeepers, and there were tobacconists. A very old resident of Maritzburg had his tobacconist's there, Mr S.R. Naidoo. And the other Chettys, Dr Chetty's family, used to live at the top end, and -. That's about all I could ... Now you mentioned that there were a lot of lawyers and other professional people living in much the same area . Much the same, yes. It was a "good" area to live? I think it was an elite area. An elite area? An elite area, because I think the Government House was where the present teachers' training college is, and then Macrorie House and all these places. I think that was the elite area. And an obvious question: was thne any friction between people of colour? No. Nothing at all. Opposite us used to be Mr Salter that used to own racehorses, and we were great friends, and his children. You know, we used to go across there, and we used to pinch some of the carrots that he used to feed his horses with. As children, you see. And all our neighbours were Europeans. We used to go ... my sisters and others used to go and help at the Sanatorium that was just in Loop Street, and ... all very friendly. In fact our next door neighbour (I've forgotten the name now) was a European that my sister used to always go and help, and do a bit of baby-watching. As I said, most of our friends, even, that go down to the Umsindusi, which was just down the road, were all Europeans, children that used to play together. Wc used to go down to the river there, and spend ... WelL you know, pinch plums and other things that used to grow around the river banks, and come up ... Where did you go to school then? Well, there was a school not far from us that used to be called the ... Islam ... It used to be a school that was opened by the Muslim madressa that was known as the Mohammedan school. That was not far from us. Of course, wc had the bakery opposite us, and we had Dr Ovendale opposite us. From that time he was a doctor, right 'til about the 'fifties, almost the 'sixties. Even close to the 'seventies he was still ... and I think he retired after that. And, you know, those days, not far from our place used to ... Well, we were very well situated. We had all the facilities. We used to go down to the Cream-. We used to go down to the milk shop. You know, you didn't get milk in tea rooms as you get these days. You go up with your jug, and they pour a pint out of the big container, and you buy your butter and things like that. And we had a city meat market that is still there, still in that position, 12 Interview with Mr Sam Chetty and we had this fish shop, that used to be next door to Arnold's chemist, but that's since ... not there any more. And you said that the business was started by your grandfather. Had he come from India himself! He had come from India as an immigrant, and I think he worked for some time in Durban. We're a bit vague about that. Then he ... I think he was contracted to the railways. Before you go on: was he a free immigrant or indentured? An indentured immigrant. He came as a labourer. He had to do his time, and then, I think, he was given a job on the railways. He tells us that he helped on the railways up to Mooi River. And finally I think ... I am not too sure what he was doing on the railways, but then he became a gatewatcher at Mooi River, a sort of a foreman of the gates. My father was born in Mooi River, then from there he settled in Maritzburg. He bought himself a farm out at Edendale, which is still in our possession, but of course now it's going to be expropriated by the Department of Cooperation and Development. This is the ... the latest thing happening. While my grandfather had this laundry, my father used to operate a taxi business and started a small bus service. He was one of the first taxi operators, and he had this transport knowledge with him. And in the 'fifties, or '58, we started, which the help of my father, a bus service which grew to a very large company. And, ah . . . Unfortunately there was another expropriation there. We seem to have had [chuckle] a string of expropriations. And this bus service was finally taken over by the city council and the KwaZulu transport. This matter had to go to arbitration, and we were not very happy about it: you know, the sort of a settlement, the legal costs, and all these things involved in it. The whole family ran this business, from this laundry business into this bus business. We are seven brothers and six sisters, so a very large family, yet my grandfather had just one son. Sorry, to go back to him again: did he marry out here, or did he bring a wife? He brought a wife, from India. He had one son and the one son had thirteen children. A large family. Why was your bus service expropriated? You say by KwaZulu and the council together. Was there a clash of interests? Well. Well. We used to co-operate quite well with the city council. We knew most of the city operators. Our service grew to a very big service. When you say 'very big'. We had about fifty-odd buses, fifty or sixty. You know, for a private enterprise that was quite a large fleet. I was a sort of a mechanic. We had my sister that used to be a cashier, and my brother that used to do the finance in town, the board work. In fact, I think, six of the brothers were involved in this bus thing. What happened is that we had a sort of clash of interest with KwaZulu that ... What they call B. I. C. came in and they operated a bus service, not in direct competition but sort of around about to ... we used to meet there. They used to be always wanting to say this is an African area and they are Interview with Mr Sam Chetty 13 preparing this for Africans. It used to come to the local board. Of course one used to argue the matter, and we were successful every time. And then came Group Areas and we thought, you know, sooner or later we'd have to leave this, and we applied for a bus service in the Indian area, thinking that ... Not that we wanted ... This was not our doing that we wanted to be in the area there; we were quite happy with the African service. In fact all our neighbours . . . From European neighbours here we had African neighbours, and we had a very good relationship with the African community out at Edendale. We lived on the premises, and all the drivers, predominantly African drivers and mechanics, were trained there and we had a very good relationship. We brothers started the business in '58 and we went up to '78: twenty years in this business. And then there was a new law passed in parliament in 1978, which we weren't aware of, which had given the minister the right to have an enquiry when he deemed fit. And like a bolt from the blue came this commission of enquiry into transport in the Maritzburg area. We had our legal representatives. We wanted to know what is wrong with the present transport, what is wrong with our transport? Before that, if anything was wrong, they had given you allegations. You know, you were overloading, or you didn't keep to your timetable, or your service was not up, the commuters were complaining. We wanted to know what's wrong. And they just said, 'Look, we've just got a directive from the minister that we must look into transport. The status quo might remain, and . . .'. So we said, 'Well, we've got nothing to go by'. At the hearing the chairman just said, 'Look, this is something the minister asked us to look into; we might just leave this matter as it is. You say your piece. Each one r.lUst say their piece'. But we said, you know, 'Wh- ...'. Then they went around on inspection in loco. They came and had a look at our depot, and looked at all the workshops and whatever we had. At the same time we even mentioned that trying to compare the city council's workshop and our workshop, which was a private enterprise, wouldn't be fair, so the judgement wouldn't be fair. One thing that we impressed upon them and said, 'Look, come and look at our routes, the area that we are running'. This was not of our own choosing. We had bought off African operators, single operators, that had gone out to the spare routes and then found themselves in great financial difficulties. They couldn't pay for these buses, and their things were being repossessed. We would, if we could, take them over so they don't lose everything, they don't lose the bus and their certificate. So in most cases - must have been five or six operators we had taken them over and made some financial arrangement so they don't lose the lot. So we almost had the monopoly. I must just come back to before we got this monopoly. There were another two Indian operators. Then the city council themselves weren't keen on running the service. I think they were looking for a buyer, and I think they had a buyer, an overseas company that was known as United Transport. They came down to Maritzburg, and they visited us also, and they said they were interested in this matter, but they weren't keen on buying the city council's bus service if we were still in competition with them. Their one condition was that they would take over the city council if Mr Chetty and the other operators are willing to sell. 14 Interview with Mr Sam Chetty We had words with Mr Schumann, I think he was the transport manager, and other officials, and we said, 'Look, we're quite willing. We think our days are numbered in the sense that it's becoming an African area where they talk about KwaZulu. It means that a new company is to take over, and we'd be quite willing to talk price'. So then there was this question that they would talk to the city council first, being the biggest operator, then come back to us. They made the necessary arrangements with the city council, and asked if we would, with the other operators, meet them in Johannesburg, which we did. We went to a boardroom in Johannesburg and had a chat and spoke about price, and ... during that ... That was in '76, and I just have this feeling that they dropped this whole matter because of the '76 riots. There were the Soweto riots that took place while we were still discussing this. There was this burning of buses. Of course, we still couldn't get the proper reason for their dropping this, but we just have a slight suspicion that it would have been these riots. Then after this came this commission of enquiry. But the irony of the whole thing is that the city council now wants to be rid of its bus business. They're running at a loss. But I was telling you about the routes that we ran, but the commission didn't want to go - they said they knew about it. We said we'd like to drive along some of the routes where we are operating, and we've made quite a few complaints to KwaZulu roads department about fixing these roads and nothing has been done. For years we used to have to mend the . . . We used to have a pick and a shovel and a barrel to fill up these potholes and ruts and things like that. But in any case, we had a very good relationship with the people. We were in the route. If there were any complaints, people used to come to the yard. Immediately we'd take hold of the matter. We didn't have an incident of stone-throwing, or burning of buses in our time. It was easy to get hold of us. People did come and complain to us. We usually just checked on this. If it was the driver that was at fault, we just said, 'Look, please, we want none of these things to happen'. Or we would go into the matter and sort it out. Of course, at the same time, we weren't the best of operators, in the sense that we also had financial difficulties. Each time we bought an operator off it meant outlaying money, and we had bought new buses. One sad part was that this was a sudden thing that was just snatched away. We had senior counsel in Durban, and the city council had. KwaZulu weren't prepared to nego-. Well, I wouldn't say not prepared to negotiate, but there was great difficulty. This matter took three years, and finally we had to settle out of arbitration. Our creditors were only prepared to accept forty cents in the rand; more or less forty cents in the rand. We paid about forty cents. But the people we had dealt with like Western Bank and Combined Motor Finance understood the position, that this wasn't of our own making. That this was something that just came about, and ... And it seems that they could provide no specific reasons why you should not run the service? No specific reasons. If they had given a reason one could bring evidence to try to fight this allegation or whatever it was. The old Transportation Act 15 Interview with Mr Sam Chetty I don't know if it was in 1952 or something - used to give the chairman of the board . . . He could give you notice and give you thirty days or sixty days in which to show cause why your certificate should not be cancelled. Here there was no question of cancelling certificates. There's just that the minister feels that they should look into transport in the Maritzburg area. And we wanted to know what's wrong or who complained so we could get into the matter. We'd know what was happening. Before that, one would give an operator a warning that your certificate will be cancelled, and these are your offences, or these are the allegations. There might be a good reason why you didn't run a service. You know, there could be a bridge washed away. I mean we, once or twice, didn't run certain services. The bridge had washed away, so we couldn't do anything. You either had to go through the river with great danger or just had to terminate your services. But now, since we've lost our bus business, my brother has got a sort of a restaurant at the lower end of town, a sort of a take-away, and I've ... It's just fortunate for me that I could, at this age, I could fit in there. Most of the people that used to travel by our buses still come and support us, and this great relationship still exists with us. Some of them, we still call by their first names. People still come to the shop that used to be our bus commuters, and each time they want to know when are we coming back into the bus business, why did we sell? Lots of them don't understand that it wasn't a willing seller. It was just something that was just ... taken away. Going back then. The transition from the laundry to the bus service was just a development by the children, and you didn't close the laundry business for any reason? No. The laundry business, I think ... Here I'm a bit ... I wouldn't know the reasons, but I think the lease had expired or the people wanted to ... It used to belong to some Froombergs that had a bottle store round the corner. They owned the premises, and I think this laundry was a very old building, and I think they wanted to demolish it and put up a block of flats. That is what is there now. And Group Areas. Did that affect you residentially? At West Street? No. Or at any stage. Not at West Street because you had moved from there. We had moved before Group Areas came in. It didn't affect us. Except at Edendale it didn't affect us. But what happened at Edendale is the schools were moved out. You know, they had a different way of getting people to move. And then there was the threat that it was going to go KwaZulu, and lots of people, I think the whole community at ... There was a very large community at Edendale, Indian community. We had a soccer club, we had a cricket club, and we used to have annual five-a-sides quite a large number of Indians that used to be farmers predominantly. A few storekeepers, mostly farmers. Well, we even did farming while we were doing this bus operation. We had about, say, thirteen acres of land, and we used to grow nearly any vegetable that one could think about or come across. We had an orchard of 16 Interview with Mr Sam Chetty about an acre, and we used to grow almost any fruit. We had a very nice soil, nice climate out at Edendale, and most of the farmers used to bring things to the local market. Now when we got to Edendale we had built a home, and we were living at this, built for my grandfather. This was in about 1935, and there was a new national road that was being planned for Edendale. This went right through our home. We lost all the orchard, and we had to move again from there and build another house lower down the road. So we haci quite a few movements in our [chuckle] time. This wasn't very helpful. I must mention there were a few European people at Edendale too. There were storekeepers and a few farmers and the relationship was very good. We used to visit them and they used to visit us and, you know, exchange ideas. And then, during the war years we were the first people in the Maritzburg area to grow rice, and we grew rice for a very long time. The war started in '39 and you couldn't get rice at all here, but we had an ample supply. Very hard work. We used to have paddy fields just like they do in China or India, proper paddy fields. We had an ample supply of water; we had very good irrigation. When there was this shortage of rice, we used to support Carter's and we were their customers, and we used to barter rice seeds for other seeds. They used to sell our seed to other people that wanted to put in rice seed just to experiment. I remember one specific occasion, some gentleman in town, I don't know his name, he came and wanted some rice seed, and he wanted to send it to the Egyptian Sudan he says. He said they grow rice a lot there but he just thought he's going to try some Natal rice. We used to grow about five, six acres of rice. Of course the dehusking was the problem. We didn't have any machines or something, we had the old mortar method that you just stamp, stamp and clean that. That was a very difficult job. Of all the things that we grew, rice was the very difficult operation. But the land seemed very fertile and we used to have very good rice crops. We must have grown rice 'til about the 'fifties, and then South Africa started importing American rice and things like that so we stopped growing rice. There wasn't Group Areas as such but ... Mount Partridge, Plessislaer, Esinadeni, all these areas had farmers. But what happened is that these Indian schools were moved, so children had to go by bus, which was a long distance. The schools were taken away, and then, just lately, the hospital came away to Northdale. Of course, today there is a slight difference, but if there was an injury or something you had to come across town. So virtually there is hardly anybody living at Edendale. No Indian community as such living there. There might be one or two, possibly five at the most, business people that are still, not living out there, but still doing their business out there but living in town. Within KwaZuiu, does Group Areas operate? We're not too certain. We've never had any inkling towards that. You know, nobody even came and ... Except right now the property is going to be expropriated. We get a letter from Bantu Trust or something, and then it's got a minister of co-operation and development sort of a pamphlet saying that they looked into the matter and there was a ... They made us an offer, and if we didn't accept this offer it would be expropriated, then we 17 Interview with Mr Sam Chetty could go to arbitration. This is in the last month now. But before that we had no inkling whatsoever, no notice from people, no buyers that said, 'Look, you chaps are in the wrong area'. And Edendale was a free area. We used to go out to the grounds and walk in the streets and down the roads. Of course, running a bus service there you were at nearly every corner of the area. We ran quite an involved sort of intensive area in town, and then we had these country routes, right into the rural areas. But out at Edendale we had no problem at all. We could be repairing buses right out in the countryside, but we had no trouble at all. And do you have any idea what they're going to use this land of yours for? We just hear ... We've just heard from ... They hadn't said anything on the letter, but we hear that part of it's going to be used ... Because part of the land is low-lying, they said that they might open up a school or something. But this is something that we just hear a whisper. We've got no definite ... You have no specific reason why? No specific reason why. Yes. Recorded by MORAY COMRIE 18 125 Years - The Arrival of Natal's Indians in Pictures November 1985 marks the one hundred and twenty-fifth anniversary of the arrival of the first indentured Indians, an event that was to have far-reaching results for the Colony of Natal. The first ships arrived in November 1860 having left Madras and Calcutta the previous month. The voyage, in a sailing ship or paddle-steamer, in those days took an average of 45 days from Madras and 54 from Calcutta but a few decades later, when steamers were used, not only was the journey considerably shorter but 600 passengers could be transported in comparison with the 300 or 350 that the Truro, Belvidere, Lord George Bentinck and Spirit of Trade carried in 1860. The type of ship in general use at about this time is shown in the view of Calcutta docks. 1. Scene at Calcutta docks, about 1870. (Photograph: India Office Library and Record Office, London) Groups of Natal agriculturalists had begun to agitate for the importation of labour as early as 1855 and necessary legislation was finally passed in 1859. However, before labourers could be sent to Natal the necessary 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians 19 machinery had to be set in motion in India. William Collins, the PostmasterGeneral, was sent to India as special agent and he arranged for two Emigration Agents to represent the Colony, one in Madras and the other in Calcutta. Recruiting was carried out by licensed recruiters and their assistants or 'touts' under the supervision of these Emigration Agents. The Protector of Emigrants, appointed by the government of India, was in overall control of all indentured emigration and saw to it that regulations were complied with and investigated all complaints made by individuals. The 152 184 men and women who came to Natal as indentured labourers were from a wide area but the majority were recruited in Madras Presidency and Mysore in the south and Bengal, the Ganges valley and Bihar in the north. Intending emigrants were required to sign a contract, printed in English and the Indian language of the district, setting out all the conditions of service applicable in Natal. The conditions for all places to which Indian labourers were sent were based on the recommendations of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commission of 1842. It was stipulated that the clauses of the contract be carefully explained to the signatory before he signed or put his mark and in country areas this had to be done at the magistrates' offices. Once this was done the intending migrants were transported to the nearer of the two ports of embarkation where they were housed in the depot barracks and subjected to a full medical examination at the depot hospital. 2. Awaiting medical examination outside Depot, Calcutta. (Photograph: Author's Coll ection) ----20 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians The medical officers at the depot hospital were told exactly what to look for in the intending immigrants. Firstly they had to be fit enough to stand a voyage of two months followed by ten years of manual labour . They were to be free of contagious diseases, men were to be not more than 35 years of age and women not more than 30 unless part of a family. Height and weight were to be in proportion so that a man of 5 feet tall should weigh not less than 115 lbs with an extra 5 lbs for each additional inch. Certain physical signs such as calloused hands and well developed chest were taken as indications that the man being examined had been accustomed to manual labour and would thus be a useful immigrant in the colony where agricultural labourers were in short supply. Anyone showing signs of heart disease, varicose veins, goitre or any debilitating or contagious disease as well as venereal disease was to be rejected. Another medical examination was carried out once the ship docked in Port Natal and it was not uncommon for individuals to be declared unfit for work and sent back to India even though they had originally been passed as healthy. Once the emigrants had been cleared by the medical officer they waited in the Depot for the arrival of the ships which were chartered by the Emigration Agents. Every vessel used to transport indentured Indians had to conform to specifications laid down by the Government of India with regard to space per person, water, rations, medical attention and ventilation. The captain was required to sign a charter party and to under take to carry certain stores, medicines and equipment. Extra clothing for the passengers had also to be carried. 80J ru.orOR'I'ION or j'(t on.:itnN V"IRKWOOD, W." 'ry.H AN 1-;.: :H Hr ..-\)I: .\ ti UII' ElIIOlUNTS 1'11011 IIAl>IlAS 10 NAT.\!. h o\'! ' IONS. J101' \'\I'I'Y Slalule ;uhllt t.bc Sbill is ftl (' 01"",., I :.!J '411 ""0 f)t... 1I ..., .. .. I'M, IJII."""", ... ..!, I .. T.. nnt'no ' I .. . 1'doo,'(): . 1 1,,'1.-. . j , 110 .. I ,i."111.1, ft." "'111""" " T .... u. ri u.l .. it lv..1t .. 1. ...... I , 1,1 1.1 I... ' .... 11"'.1 .. I ', rltl l.. r (; ,;''''. .. " )J .. ".,.I, !'IPI r 110::>,1 t; lfmlo,',. ,1" .;. ...,. :-1'."\, 01 !t() \!' '\I'al,', 3. Schedule showing rations to be c.arried by ships. (Photograph: Author's Collection) 21 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians For WOUl t' fL PO" Boy 11' 1110.1 10.... ,"') .",if.. . ' "Illllll ii'_. ,') !..... '" (' nbllkd,. platea. It) P till J ... ,)- ])rill JAd: t"U. Infants. ft, Cur.-i C"IUf. .-f' n allian., 1(\ I'I:lUlj,- 1 Ca1"'4. Memorandum showing extra clothing that each ship was obliged to carry. (Photograph: Author's Collection) 5. Embarking at Calcutta. (Photograph: Author's Collection) 22 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians Finally the ship was provisioned and ready to depart. In place of a passport each emigrant was provided with an emigrant certificate. This information was also entered on the ship's list , a copy of which was handed to the officials in Natal when the ship docked there and at this point a colonial number was allocated to each individual, including babies born during the voyage. This colonial number was used to identify Indian immigrants throughout their stay in the Colony. A section taken from a ship's list is shown opposite. The name of the first employer was added by the clerks at this time. jI:\;\'S I. 1 G r: .\ T J U eEL T] F] CAT E. JI.. 71 Shir ..:1 . .1' 1:':.\("11, CAUT1TA. Ik< .! :9.ct!/_ I 77' f: .. .. . ... iJ '4#' 1'"4'l! /02.2.2. . 1 f." - nnml?, .. ......... . _ ,' , 1.: }; ' . I, . .......... ...... ..... ... ... /' Jp. '0 .\ Ij! .. ] " r l " . ... J'.L' \ .i .>! &11 Emih'Tant accord I ' ; '''I .. ' ,.f lI,JI:m Lwi"n.I.iOb A"" \ JI. or 1. I . "j" M . I ....: (I " ',.:t.: . 6. Emigrant certificate issued in 1874. (Photograph: Author's Collection) 23 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians 7. Extract from ship's list showing colonial number in first column and employer in last. (Photograph: Author's Collection) Ships bringing immigrants from India were granted pratique in the usual way unless there had been cases during the voyage of infectious disease, particularly cholera, smallpox and measles. In such cases the ship was placed in quarantine and forced to fly the yellow jack and to wait in the roadstead. The Belvidere, which arrived ten days after the Truro, reported an outbreak of cholera on board in which twenty-four people had died. When this news reached Durban there was an outcry, especially among those who had been 8. Coming ashore. Port Natal. (Photograph: Local History Museum) 24 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians opposed to the importation of Indian labour from the beginning. However when no further cases were reported the panic died down and the immigrants were allowed to land after their possessions had been burnt and they had been supplied with new clothing. In the nearly 51 years during which indentured Indian labourers continued to arrive there were only a handful of ships that had to be quarantined on arrival. Usually the passengers were brought ashore in small boats and then transferred to the Depot on the Bluff. 9. Landing. Port Natal. (Photograph: Author's Collection) 10. Crossing the railway line on the way to the Bluff. (Photograph: Natal Museum) 25 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians Shortly before the arrival of the Truro and the Belvidere an official post of Coolie Agent was created with Edmund Tatham as the first incumbent. His main task was to see to the accommodation of the immigrants and then to allocate them to the colonists who had applied for them. Added to these duties was the financial responsibility for collecting the money due from employers. This was originally set at 7 but later increased to 12.10.0 and then 15 for each immigrant landed. This was to cause endless problems until eventually the Colonial Secretary agreed, very reluctantly, to allow employers to pay by instalments. Throughout his years in office Tatham had difficulty in satisfying the colonial officials about his accounting methods and in the end this was to lead to his dismissal. His successors were more fortunate in being able to concentrate on the immigrants and their needs, leaving the financial side to the Indian Immigration Trust Board. The policy in allocating immigrants was to keep families together and also, whenever possible, to send people from the same village to the same employer. Employers had to accept the immigrants sent to them and only in cases of bankruptcy or proven ill-treatment by the employer or his agent could transfers be made before the indenture period was completed. The majority of the immigrants in the 1860-1866 period were allocated to employers along the coastal belt, from Verulam to Umzinto, where they were in demand as agricultural labourers on estates which, at that time, were growing a variety of crops while experimenting with growing various types of sugar-cane. Some of the Indians, however, were indentured to residents of Durban as domestic servants or to the Corporation as labourers. After 1874, when immigration was started again after a break of eight years, there was a demand for their labour in the inland districts and by the end of the century Indians, indentured and free, were working in almost every part of the Colony as well as across the borders on the diamond and gold fields. 11. F.ree Indians at the Diamond Fields in the l870s. (Photograph: Kimberley Public Library) 26 125 Years - the Arrival of Natal's Indians The conditions under which Indian indentured workers were employed laid down nine hours of work per day, from sunrise to sunset , rations as quoted below, wages of 12 shillings per month during the first year, increasing to 13 shillings during the second year. Medical attention and treatment was to be provided free of charge, letters could be posted to India free of charge and there was freedom to practise their religion without interference. The original indenture period was five years, after which it could be renewed for another five years with the same employer or could be terminated and a new employer found . At the end of ten years immigrants were to be provided with a free passage to India or they could remain in Natal as ' free' Indians. Rations were to be supplied by the employer , consisting of one and a half pounds of rice per day and each month 2 lbs of dhal , 2 lbs of salt fi sh, 1 lb of ghee or oil and 1 lb of salt. Despite the strict application of these conditions some of the immigrants had cause to complain, as the following letter shows. 1.. Cl ... '1 ". ",I f 4